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Category: Scandinavia

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rescuing Nigeria: how to break the cycle of decline and bring progress

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Omano Edigheji, Associate Professor of Practice, University of Johannesburg

    Nigeria has abundant human and natural resources but remains mired in underdevelopment. There are high levels of poverty, corruption, unemployment and inequality. The country is currently witnessing a rise in ethnic militias and terrorism, adding to the threats posed by armed herdsmen’s deadly clashes with rural communities over land.

    The nation suffers from poor economic management and a political leadership that has failed to promote structural transformation of the economy and politics.

    I am a political scientist with research specialisation in the political economy of development. In my view, Nigeria’s social, economic and political crises stem from the absence of a grouping of people who put the country’s interests first. I call this grouping a developmentalist coalition.

    I argue that for Nigeria to realise its potential and forge a prosperous shared future, like-minded individuals motivated by the ideology of development nationalism must come together in a coalition.

    Development nationalism refers to the commitment to advancing one’s country and ensuring its prosperity. This includes enhancing the capabilities of its people so they can reach their potential and contribute to national progress. Individuals like this put loyalty to their country above other identities or considerations.

    This coalition must focus on enhancing the nation’s productive capacity and uplifting the well-being of its citizens. Together, they can break the cycle of underdevelopment and achieve lasting progress.

    And this can be measured through the creation of a predictable governance structure characterised by the rule of law and the provision of essential public goods to citizens.




    Read more:
    Book review: Nigeria has democracy but not development. How to fix it


    Developmental nationalism

    Developmentalist coalitions shape political and economic affairs in most developed nations. In China, Malaysia, Mauritius, South Korea, Singapore and other countries that have tried to catch up with advanced nations, developmental nationalism has played a significant role.

    In some cases, a developmentalist elite creates its own political party. An example of this is the People’s Action Party founded by Singapore’s first prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, and his colleagues. The Labour Party in Norway, a coalition mostly of workers and farmers, is another example.

    In other instances, members of this elite join different political parties. When developmentalists are the dominant political elite, any party in power ensures that it upholds standards that reflect the core principles upon which the country is founded.

    Developmental elites articulate values that define and bind their nations. They provide moral and political leadership, as Nelson Mandela did in South Africa.

    Most of these elites want to have inclusive economic and political institutions that help them achieve their development objectives.




    Read more:
    Calls to restructure Nigeria’s federal system are missing the point: the country needs good governance, not reform


    Why Nigeria needs developmentalist coalitions

    Since Nigeria became independent from Britain in 1960, most of those who have overseen the country’s political and economic landscape have not acted in a nationalistic or patriotic manner.

    Instead, they have followed their self-interest and exploited the Nigerian state for personal gain.

    As a result, the economy remains undiversified, with a small and declining manufacturing sector, thereby missing out on the potential for job creation.

    Successive administrations in the last 26 years have allocated less funding to the education sector than the 26% of the national budget recommended by Unesco.

    The political elite have not built an economy that will create decent jobs for the youth. Also, they have fostered an education system that produces graduates who do not have the skills to start enterprises.

    Most young Nigerians are engaged in the informal sector, with its associated problems: unstable jobs, hazardous working conditions, and a lack of decent wages. Most youths are underemployed and in low value-added economic activities. This means Nigeria is missing out on the potential benefits of its youthful population.

    About 70% of Nigeria’s population of over 200 million are under 30 years old, and 41% are younger than 15.

    Political leaders have failed to create an environment that allows them to achieve their full potential.

    In Nigeria, the issue is not the lack of individuals focused on development. These people exist across all segments of the Nigerian society, including government. The real problem is that they haven’t formed a coalition.

    As a result, they cannot act collectively and cohesively to invest in Nigeria’s greatest asset: its people; and to promote industrialisation.

    Now is the time to form the developmentalist coalition to change the governance and development trajectory of the country.




    Read more:
    Is Nigeria in danger of a coup? What the country should do to avoid one – political analyst


    What to do

    In Nigeria, a broad-based coalition of developmentalist elites needs to be led by individuals with a clear vision for development and national cohesion.

    Members of this coalition could establish a political party to contest elections, gain political power, and use their positions in government to develop the nation.

    Party members must be disciplined and subordinate their personal ambitions to those of the party and the national interests. The party must not become an empire of powerful individuals: instead, its organs must be allowed to function.

    Establishing this coalition is the way to end Nigeria’s endemic corruption and build a robust manufacturing sector and a thriving digital economy.

    It also needs to promote agro-allied industry, investment in infrastructure, job creation and poverty reduction.

    This coalition should aim to transform Nigeria’s democracy into a system where political parties and elected representatives genuinely serve the people.

    Omano Edigheji receives funding from organisation

    Research Grant from The Ford Foundation

    – ref. Rescuing Nigeria: how to break the cycle of decline and bring progress – https://theconversation.com/rescuing-nigeria-how-to-break-the-cycle-of-decline-and-bring-progress-251639

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: The US military has cared about climate change since the dawn of the Cold War – for good reason

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Paul Bierman, Fellow of the Gund Institute for Environment, Professor of Natural Resources and Environmental Science, University of Vermont

    Military engineers managing supply routes in Greenland in the 1950s paid attention to the weather and climate.
    US Army/Pictorial Parade/Archive Photos/Getty Images

    In 1957, Hollywood released “The Deadly Mantis,” a B-grade monster movie starring a praying mantis of nightmare proportions. Its premise: Melting Arctic ice has released a very hungry, million-year-old megabug, and scientists and the U.S. military will have to stop it.

    The rampaging insect menaces America’s Arctic military outposts, part of a critical line of national defense, before heading south and meeting its end in New York City.

    Yes, it’s over-the-top fiction, but the movie holds some truth about the U.S. military’s concerns then and now about the Arctic’s stability and its role in national security.

    A poster advertises ‘The Deadly Mantis,’ a movie released in 1957, a time when Americans worried about a Russian invasion. The film used military footage to promote the nation’s radar defenses along the Distant Early Warning line in the Arctic.
    LMPC via Getty Images

    In the late 1940s, Arctic temperatures were warming and the Cold War was heating up. The U.S. military had grown increasingly nervous about a Soviet invasion across the Arctic. It built bases and a line of radar stations. The movie used actual military footage of these polar outposts.

    But officials wondered: What if sodden snow and vanishing ice stalled American men and machines and weakened these northern defenses?

    In response to those concerns, the military created the Snow, Ice and Permafrost Research Establishment, a research center dedicated to the science and engineering of all things frozen: glacier runways, the behavior of ice, the physics of snow and the climates of the past.

    It was the beginning of the military’s understanding that climate change couldn’t be ignored.

    Army engineers test the properties of snow on Greenland’s ice sheet in 1955, a critical determinant of mobility on the ice and one that changes rapidly with temperature and climate.
    U.S. Army

    As I was writing “When the Ice is Gone,” my recent book about Greenland, climate science and the U.S. military, I read government documents from the 1950s and 1960s showing how the Pentagon poured support into climate and cold-region research to boost the national defense.

    Initially, military planners recognized threats to their own ability to protect the nation. Over time, the U.S. military would come to see climate change as both a threat in itself and a threat multiplier for national security.

    Ice roads, ice cores and bases inside the ice sheet

    The military’s snow and ice engineering in the 1950s made it possible for convoys of tracked vehicles to routinely cross Greenland’s ice sheet, while planes landed and took off from ice and snow runways.

    In 1953, the Army even built a pair of secret surveillance sites inside the ice sheet, both equipped with Air Force radar units looking 24/7 for Soviet missiles and aircraft, but also with weather stations to understand the Arctic climate system.

    The public reveal of U.S. military bases somewhere – that remained classified – inside Greenland’s ice sheet, in the February 1955 edition of REAL.
    Paul Bierman collection.

    The Army drilled the world’s first deep ice core from a base it built within the Greenland ice sheet, Camp Century. Its goal: to understand how climate had changed in the past so they would know how it might change in the future.

    The military wasn’t shy about its climate change research successes. The Army’s chief ice scientist, Dr. Henri Bader, spoke on the Voice of America. He promoted ice coring as a way to investigate climates of the past, provide a new understanding of weather, and understand past climatic patterns to gauge and predict the one we are living in today – all strategically important.

    Henri Bader describes drilling high on Greenland’s ice sheet in 1956 or 1957 in a Voice of America recording (National Archives), “The Snows of Yesteryear,” and a movie (U.S. Army). Created by Quincy Massey-Bierman.

    In the 1970s, painstaking laboratory work on the Camp Century ice core extracted minuscule amounts of ancient air trapped in tiny bubbles in the ice. Analyses of that gas revealed that levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere were lower for tens of thousands of years before the industrial revolution. After 1850, carbon dioxide levels crept up slowly at first and then rapidly accelerated. It was direct evidence that people’s actions, including burning coal and oil, were changing the composition of the atmosphere.

    Since 1850, carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere have spiked and global temperatures have warmed by more than 2.5 degrees Fahrenheit (1.3 Celsius). The past 10 years have been the hottest since recordkeeping began, with 2024 now holding the record. Climate change is now affecting the entire Earth – but most especially the Arctic, which is warming several times faster than the rest of the planet.

    Since 1850, global average temperature and carbon dioxide concentrations in the atmosphere have risen together, reflecting human emissions of greenhouse gases. Red bars indicate warmer years; blue bars indicate colder years.
    NOAA

    Seeing climate change as a threat multiplier

    For decades, military leaders have been discussing climate change as a threat and a threat multiplier that could worsen instability and mass migration in already fragile regions of the world.

    Climate change can fuel storms, wildfires and rising seas that threaten important military bases. It puts personnel at risk in rising heat and melts sea ice, creating new national security concerns in the Arctic. Climate change can also contribute to instability and conflict when water and food shortages trigger increasing competition for resources, internal and cross-border tensions, or mass migrations.

    The military understands that these threats can’t be ignored. As Secretary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro told a conference in September 2024: “Climate resilience is force resilience.”

    A view of aircraft carriers docked at the sprawling Naval Station Norfolk show how much of the region is within a few feet of sea level.
    Stocktrek Images via Getty Images

    Consider Naval Station Norfolk. It’s the largest military port facility in the world and sits just above sea level on Virginia’s Atlantic coast. Sea level there rose more than 1.5 feet in the last century, and it’s on track to rise that much again by 2050 as glaciers around the world melt and warming ocean water expands.

    High tides already cause delays in repair work, and major storms and their storm surges have damaged expensive equipment. The Navy has built sea walls and worked to restore coastal dunes and marshlands to protect its Virginia properties, but the risks continue to increase.

    Planning for the future, the Navy incorporates scientists’ projections of sea level rise and increasing hurricane strength to design more resilient facilities. By adapting to climate change, the U.S. Navy will avoid the fate of another famous marine power: the Norse, forced to abandon their flooded Greenland settlements when sea level there rose about 600 years ago.

    Norse ruins in Igaliku in southern Greenland, illustrated in the late 1800s while flooded at spring tide by sea level, which had risen since the settlement was abandoned around 1400.
    Steenstrup, K.J.V., and A. Kornerup. 1881. Expeditionen til Julianehaabs distrikt i 1876. MeddelelseromGrønland

    Climate change is costly to ignore

    As the impacts of climate change grow in both frequency and magnitude, the costs of inaction are increasing. Most economists agree that it’s cheaper to act now than deal with the consequences. Yet, in the past 20 years, the political discourse around addressing the cause and effects of climate change has become increasingly politicized and partisan, stymieing effective action.

    In my view, the military’s approach to problem-solving and threat reduction provides a model for civil society to address climate change in two ways: reducing carbon emissions and adapting to inevitable climate change impacts.

    The U.S. military emits more planet warming carbon than Sweden and spent more than US$2 billion on energy in 2021. It accounts for more than 70% of energy used by the federal government.

    In that context, its embrace of alternative energy, including solar generation, microgrids and wind power, makes economic and environmental sense. The U.S. military is moving away from fossil fuels, not because of any political agenda, but because of the cost-savings, increased reliability and energy independence the alternatives provide.

    Solar panels generate power on many U.S. military bases. This array at Joint Forces Training Base in Los Alamitos, Calif., generates enough power for more than 15,000 homes and has a backup battery system to provide power when the sun isn’t shining.
    Frederic J . Brown/AFP via Getty Images

    As sea ice melts and Arctic temperatures rise, the polar region has again become a strategic priority. Russia and China are expanding Arctic shipping routes and eyeing critical mineral deposits as they become accessible. The military knows climate change affects national security, which is why it continues to take steps to address the threats a changing climate presents.

    Paul Bierman receives funding from the US National Science Foundation, this work in part supported by grant EAR-2114629.

    – ref. The US military has cared about climate change since the dawn of the Cold War – for good reason – https://theconversation.com/the-us-military-has-cared-about-climate-change-since-the-dawn-of-the-cold-war-for-good-reason-246333

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Free and independent media are vital for strong democracies and our common security, OSCE leaders say

    Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – OSCE

    Headline: Free and independent media are vital for strong democracies and our common security, OSCE leaders say

    VIENNA, 17 March 2025 – Independent media are essential in providing factual, unbiased reporting that counters propaganda, promotes informed public debate and ensures accountability, OSCE leaders said at the opening of a two-day conference to discuss the role of media in conflict and humanitarian crises against the background of international law today.
    Organized by the 2025 Finnish OSCE Chairpersonship, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media (RFoM) and the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), the event brings together OSCE participating States, international organizations, civil society, and the media. Almost 250 participants from across the OSCE region will focus on the importance of free and independent media for strengthening democracy as well as achieving sustainable and collective security. 
    Ambassador Vesa Häkkinen, Finland’s Permanent Representative to the OSCE and Chair of the Permanent Council, emphasized that the media and journalists not only documents possible violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law but also contributes to accountability, often at great personal risk. “We must also be ready to respond to the challenges in this fast-evolving media and information landscape. Building societal resilience through media and digital literacy is essential for strengthening security and providing an effective response to disinformation.”
    During humanitarian crises and armed conflict, journalists are at the forefront, delivering essential information directly from the ground and contributing to accountability efforts. By upholding journalistic integrity and amplifying diverse perspectives, they act as a safeguard against information disorder, contribute to conflict resolution and peacebuilding. However, despite legal safeguards designed to protect them, journalists continue to be harassed, tortured, imprisoned and even killed for doing their jobs.
    “I urge all participating States to follow up on their commitments to uphold international humanitarian and human rights law and OSCE commitments, so as to ensure that no journalist is targeted, silenced or killed for doing their job, also in war zones,” said OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Jan Braathu. “The safety of journalists is the safety of our democratic values, and I will continue to stand firm in defence of both.”
    The OSCE has long recognised that free media and the protection of journalists are integral elements of comprehensive security. International humanitarian law, or the law of war, stipulates that journalists covering armed conflicts are recognised as civilians, and this protects them from deliberate attacks as they are not combatants.
    “As we witness violations of international law continuing to take place in the heart of our region, the work of free and independent media is more important than ever,” said ODIHR Deputy Director Tea Jaliashvilli. “By keeping the public informed of developments on the ground, the media supports the documentation of violations of international humanitarian and international human rights law and therefore makes a vital contribution to ensuring perpetrators are held accountable for their crimes.”
    The fundamental role of the free flow of information has been emphasised by the OSCE participating States since the organisation’s inception, and states have affirmed their commitment to create an environment in which journalists can work freely and without fear. States have also committed to “respect and ensure respect for general international humanitarian law” and stated that “those who violate international humanitarian law are held personally accountable.”
    Supplementary Human Dimension Meetings are a platform for the OSCE’s participating States and OSCE institutions, as well as international organizations and civil society, to exchange views and good practices in order to find common solutions for the challenges facing societies across the OSCE region. Today’s discussion is the first SHDM of 2025, with two more planned for this year.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Banking: AGNICO EAGLE ANNOUNCES INVESTMENT IN COLLECTIVE MINING LTD.

    Source: Agnico Eagle Mines

    Stock Symbol:  AEM (NYSE and TSX)

    TORONTO, March 17, 2025 /CNW/ – Agnico Eagle Mines Limited (NYSE: AEM) (TSX: AEM) (“Agnico Eagle”) announced today that it has agreed to subscribe for 4,741,984 common shares (“Common Shares”) of Collective Mining Ltd. (“Collective”) in a non-brokered private placement at a price of C$11.00 per Common Share for aggregate consideration of C$52,161,824 (the “Private Placement”). Concurrently with the closing of the Private Placement, Agnico Eagle will exercise all of the common share purchase warrants of Collective (each, a “Warrant”) it currently holds to acquire an additional 2,250,000 Common Shares at a price of C$5.01 per Common Share for aggregate consideration of C$11,272,500. Closing of the Private Placement is expected to occur on or about March 20, 2025 and is subject to certain conditions.

    Agnico Eagle continues to focus on its portfolio of high-quality internal growth projects, and complements its pipeline of projects with a strategy of acquiring strategic toehold positions in projects with high geological potential. The investment in Collective provides Agnico Eagle with exposure to an early stage gold exploration project in Colombia, led by a team with a proven track record, in a region with a long history of mining. With this investment, Agnico Eagle continues to assess the project’s strong geological potential, as well as the jurisdiction.

    Agnico Eagle currently owns 5,726,235 Common Shares and 2,250,000 Warrants. On closing of the Private Placement and following the exercise of the Warrants held by Agnico Eagle, Agnico Eagle will own 12,718,219 Common Shares and nil Warrants, representing approximately 14.99% of the issued and outstanding Common Shares on a non-diluted basis.

    In connection with its initial investment in Collective on February 24, 2024, Agnico Eagle and Collective entered into an investor rights agreement (the “Investor Rights Agreement”), pursuant to which Agnico Eagle was granted certain rights, provided Agnico Eagle maintains certain ownership thresholds in Collective, including: (a) the right to participate in equity financings and top-up its holdings in relation to dilutive issuances in order to maintain its pro rata ownership in Collective at the time of such financing or acquire up to a 9.99% ownership interest, on a partially-diluted basis, in Collective; and (b) the right (which Agnico Eagle has no present intention of exercising) to nominate one person (and in the case of an increase in the size of the board of directors of Collective to eight or more directors, two persons) to the board of directors of Collective. On closing of the Private Placement, the Investor Rights Agreement will be amended to increase the ownership interest ceiling in the participation right and top-up right described in (a) above from 9.99% to 14.99% on a partially-diluted basis to match Agnico Eagle’s ownership level at closing.

    Agnico Eagle is acquiring the Common Shares for investment purposes. Depending on market conditions and other factors, Agnico Eagle may, from time to time, acquire additional Common Shares or other securities of Collective or dispose of some or all of the Common Shares or other securities of Collective that it owns at such time.

    An early warning report will be filed by Agnico Eagle in accordance with applicable securities laws. To obtain a copy of the early warning report, please contact:

    Agnico Eagle Mines Limited
    c/o Investor Relations
    145 King Street East, Suite 400
    Toronto, Ontario M5C 2Y7
    Telephone: 416-947-1212
    Email: investor.relations@agnicoeagle.com

    Agnico Eagle’s head office is located at 145 King Street East, Suite 400, Toronto, Ontario M5C 2Y7. Collective’s head office is located at 82 Richmond Street East, 4th Floor, Toronto, Ontario  M5C 1P1.

    About Agnico Eagle

    Agnico Eagle is a Canadian based and led senior gold mining company and the third largest gold producer in the world, producing precious metals from operations in Canada, Australia, Finland and Mexico, with a pipeline of high-quality exploration and development projects. Agnico Eagle is a partner of choice within the mining industry, recognized globally for its leading sustainability practices. Agnico Eagle was founded in 1957 and has consistently created value for its shareholders, declaring a cash dividend every year since 1983.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    The information in this news release has been prepared as at March 17, 2025. Certain statements in this news release, referred to herein as “forward-looking statements”, constitute “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the United States Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995 and “forward-looking information” under the provisions of Canadian provincial securities laws. These statements can be identified by the use of words such as “may”, “will” or similar terms.

    Forward-looking statements in this news release include, without limitation, statements relating to the expected closing of the Private Placement, the exercise of the Warrants held by Agnico Eagle, Agnico Eagle’s ownership interest in Collective upon closing of the Private Placement and the exercise of the Warrants and Agnico Eagle’s acquisition or disposition of securities of Collective in the future.

    Forward-looking statements are necessarily based upon a number of factors and assumptions that, while considered reasonable by Agnico Eagle as of the date of such statements, are inherently subject to significant business, economic and competitive uncertainties and contingencies. Many factors, known and unknown, could cause actual results to be materially different from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date made. Other than as required by law, Agnico Eagle does not intend, and does not assume any obligation, to update these forward-looking statements.

    View original content to download multimedia:https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/agnico-eagle-announces-investment-in-collective-mining-ltd-302402611.html

    SOURCE Agnico Eagle Mines Limited

    MIL OSI Global Banks –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s potential embrace of ‘continentalist geopolitics’ poses grave risks to Canada

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Michael Williams, Professor of International Politics, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

    In the few weeks since United States President Donald Trump returned to the White House, world leaders and commentators have struggled to make sense of his approach to foreign policy, including tariffs, alliance renegotiations and threats of territorial appropriation.

    No one is sure how much is bluff or negotiating tactics, nor how much is deadly serious.

    For some, Trump’s foreign policy is simply incoherent, but most try to fit his approach into the familiar choice between isolationism and internationalism.

    But there’s a third possibility: Trump’s second presidency marks a contemporary twist on an older form of continentalist geopolitics with important implications for Canada and the world.

    ‘Great Powers’

    Although it has been largely missing from foreign policy debates in the post-Second World War era, continentalist geopolitics has a long and often controversial history.

    In the 19th century and the first half of the 20th, it envisioned a world divided into “great spaces,” each dominated by a different “Great Power.” According to this perspective, not all regions are equally important, and continentalist geopolitics does not require a choice between internationalism and isolationism.

    Instead, continentalism recommends that Great Powers like the U.S. — with its massive financial, natural and industrial resources — concentrate on controlling territory, the regions surrounding it and the crucial transportation routes on its continental fringes.

    Pressure is placed on countries whose importance is determined by their geopolitical proximity, and those that are least able to resist due to their dense connections and relative dependence on the U.S.

    The objective is not just to gain specific advantages; it’s to force neighbours into even tighter economic and infrastructural connections and dependence. The obvious countries in this scenario are Canada and Mexico, and it’s therefore unsurprising that both have been the targets of Trump’s significant tariff threats and other coercive measures.

    When Ontario Premier Doug Ford talks about the need for tighter continental ties through a continental AmCan arrangement, he provides exactly the desired reaction.

    Pressuring neighbours

    Beyond geographically contiguous states, continentalist geopolitics also focuses on areas that command key strategic passages and trade routes, especially those currently controlled by weaker powers.

    For the U.S., Panama, with its canal, fits the bill. Danish-administered Greenland, with its natural resources and geographic importance in a rapidly thawing Arctic region, is another. It’s unsurprising that these countries, along with Canada, were a Trump focus in the first weeks of his second administration.

    Today, continentalist geopolitics recognizes the multi-polarity and “multi-alignment” in world politics.

    It’s not isolationist, but it recognizes that waning American power in an inter-connected world gives more distant states the ability to resist U.S. pressure by making deals with a wide range of other countries. In this setting, an interventionist global role is neither possible nor desirable, and the U.S. should refrain from global commitments.

    As U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated in one of his first interviews after taking office:

    “It’s not normal for the world to simply have a unipolar power… that was an anomaly. It was a product of the end of the Cold War, but eventually you were going to reach back to a point where you had a multi-polar world, multi-great powers in different parts of the planet. We face that now with China and to some extent Russia.”

    No commitment to global stability

    The continentalist perspective does not require a complete separation from the world economic or security order. Trade, financial and technology flows can be encouraged, but their basis would be a re-industrialized and more self-sufficient core, well-insulated from economic and security threats.

    Extended interests, such as European stability, could be minimized by increasing the cost burden to allies and minimizing fixed commitments. A powerful global capacity with a “light” geographic footprint is the preferred posture.

    Calls for increased defence spending by NATO allies and for European responsibility in enforcing a post-war settlement in Ukraine logically follow.

    The continentalist playbook is content to leave the management of distant regions to other powers, each pre-eminent in their part of the world. That means participation in international organizations is minimized.

    Foreign aid should reflect American interests, with involvement depending on the costs and benefits, not any automatic commitment to global stability. Feeding the world’s most extensive development agency, USAID, “into the wood-chipper” — to quote Elon Musk — is a page taken straight from this kind of geopolitician’s handbook.

    Unsavoury history

    The possibility that a continentalist geopolitics underpins recent U.S. foreign policy initiatives has received too little attention in Canada.

    It’s not yet clear that the actions of America’s new administration represent the rise, much less the triumph, of Trumpian geopolitics. Nor is there any guarantee that such a vision would or will succeed.

    But there is enough evidence to suggest we should take the possibility seriously. Since 1945, America’s foreign policy options have resided somewhere between internationalism and isolationism. But a geopolitical vision of world politics as a diverse canvas of large territory dominated by different Great Powers have a long, if often unsavoury, history in foreign policy.

    A southern neighbour pursuing a such a geopolitical approach would mark a radical transformation in world order and pose huge challenges for Canada. Canadians should at least be prepared for the possibility.

    Michael Williams receives funding from the Social Science Research Council of Canada

    – ref. Trump’s potential embrace of ‘continentalist geopolitics’ poses grave risks to Canada – https://theconversation.com/trumps-potential-embrace-of-continentalist-geopolitics-poses-grave-risks-to-canada-251545

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Bitdeer Launches SEALMINER A2 Pro Bitcoin Mining Machines

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SINGAPORE, March 17, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Bitdeer Technologies Group (NASDAQ: BTDR), a world-leading technology company for blockchain and high performance computing, today announced the launch of its latest self-developed Bitcoin mining machines, the SEALMINER A2 Pro series.

    As the updated version of the SEALMINER A2, the A2 Pro series includes two models: the air-cooling SEALMINER A2 Pro Air and the hydro-cooling SEALMINER A2 Pro Hyd. Both deliver a record-breaking power efficiency ratio of 14.9 J/TH, offering higher efficiency ratios, advanced technologies, and enhanced stability.

    Key specifications for both models:

    • SEALMINER A2 Pro Air: Power Efficiency Ratio of 14.9J/TH ±5%, Hashrate of 255TH/s to 270TH/s ±10%, Power Consumption of 3,790W to 4,050W ±10%.
    • SEALMINER A2 Pro Hyd: Power Efficiency Ratio of 14.9J/TH ±5%, Hashrate of 500TH/s to 530TH/s ±10%, Power Consumption of 7,450W to 7,900W ±10%.

    The SEALMINER A2 Pro series marks a breakthrough in power supply efficiency, achieving up to 97%. The A2 Pro Hyd features enhanced high-temperature performance, operating efficiently with inlet water temperatures up to 60°C and outlet temperatures up to 70°C. Both models retain the series’ signature low-noise design, minimizing operational noise disturbances.

    Bitdeer remains committed to enhancing transparency and efficiency in the mining industry through research and development investments and technological innovations, providing the industry with efficient and reliable mining solutions. Bitdeer will continue to uphold the principles of “Innovation, Efficiency, and Stability”, offering global miners higher-quality and more reliable products and services.

    About Bitdeer Technologies Group
    Bitdeer is a world-leading technology company for blockchain and high-performance computing. Bitdeer is committed to providing comprehensive computing solutions for its customers. The Company handles complex processes involved in computing such as equipment procurement, transport logistics, datacenter design and construction, equipment management, and daily operations. The Company also offers advanced cloud capabilities to customers with high demand for artificial intelligence. Headquartered in Singapore, Bitdeer has deployed datacenters in the United States, Norway, and Bhutan.

    About SEALMINER
    SEALMINER, a pioneering brand of Bitcoin mining machines under Bitdeer Technologies Group (NASDAQ: BTDR), specializes in offering efficient and sustainable mining solutions. SEALMINER integrates Bitdeer’s self-developed SEAL series of mining chips manufactured using advanced process nodes. By continuously improving power efficiency ratios, SEALMINER is dedicated to providing innovative, efficient, and reliable products and services to customers worldwide. To learn more, visit https://www.bitdeer.com/ or follow Bitdeer on X @ BitdeerOfficial and LinkedIn @ Bitdeer Group.

    Investors and others should note that Bitdeer may announce material information using its website and/or on its accounts on social media platforms, including X, formerly known as Twitter, Facebook, and LinkedIn. Therefore, Bitdeer encourages investors and others to review the information it posts on social media and other communication channels listed on its website.

    Forward-Looking Statements
    Statements in this press release about future expectations, plans, and prospects, as well as any other statements regarding matters that are not historical facts, may constitute “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of The Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. The words “anticipate,” “look forward to,” “believe,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “intend,” “may,” “plan,” “potential,” “predict,” “project,” “should,” “target,” “will,” “would” and similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. Actual results may differ materially from those indicated by such forward-looking statements as a result of various important factors, including factors discussed in the section entitled “Risk Factors” in Bitdeer’s annual report on Form 20-F, as well as discussions of potential risks, uncertainties, and other important factors in Bitdeer’s subsequent filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. Any forward-looking statements contained in this press release speak only as of the date hereof. Bitdeer specifically disclaims any obligation to update any forward-looking statement, whether due to new information, future events, or otherwise. Readers should not rely upon the information on this page as current or accurate after its publication date.

    Contacts:
    Promotional Partnerships:
    marketing@bitdeer.com

    Sales Consultations:
    sales@bitdeer.com

    Public Relations
    BlocksBridge Consulting
    Nishant Sharma
    bitdeer@blocksbridge.com

    Investor Relations
    Orange Group
    Yujia Zhai
    bitdeerIR@orangegroupadvisors.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/2290e360-2026-44e3-ad19-926633309d5f

    The MIL Network –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Enhancing Ammunition Safety: OSCE Fosters Regional Co-operation in Central Asia

    Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – OSCE

    Headline: Enhancing Ammunition Safety: OSCE Fosters Regional Co-operation in Central Asia

    Participants of the regional seminar on methods for testing ammunition propellants, Bishkek, 12 March 2025. (OSCE) Photo details

    On 12 March 2025, a regional seminar on methods for testing ammunition propellants, aimed at enhancing ammunition safety and strengthening regional co-operation, took place in Bishkek. Organized by the OSCE Programme Office in Bishkek in partnership with the Ministry of Defence of the Kyrgyz Republic and with support from the Ministry of Defence of Austria, the event brought together officers from the Ministries of Defence of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
    Participants discussed best practices for conducting stability testing of ammunition using the Qualitative Propellant Analysis Kit (QPAK), a Level 1 mobile laboratory. Experts from the Ministry of Defence of Austria shared their expertise on assessing propellant stability and mitigating the risks of accidental explosions at ammunition storage sites. 
    Konstantin Bedarev, Head of the Politico-Military Department of the OSCE Programme Office in Bishkek, highlighted the importance of regional co-operation: “Strengthening co-operation between our countries will help develop effective solutions that contribute to increased security and sustainable ammunition management in the region.”
    This initiative is part of an ongoing series of activities within the extra-budgetary project “Improvement of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and Conventional Ammunition (CA) Life-Cycle Management Capacity of the Ministry of Defence of the Kyrgyz Republic,” supported by Austria, France, Germany, Norway, and Switzerland.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Descartes Study: 39% of High-growth Companies Leverage Trade Compliance as Competitive Advantage

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    ATLANTA and LONDON, March 17, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Descartes Systems Group (Nasdaq:DSGX) (TSX:DSG), the global leader in uniting logistics-intensive businesses in commerce, released findings from its study Top Three Traits of Companies with a Successful Approach to Trade Compliance. The study showed that 39% of fast-growing companies (those expecting greater than 15% growth over the next two years) consider trade compliance to be a competitive advantage and not only a regulatory requirement, compared to 22% of slower-growing companies (those with less than 5% growth expectations).

    Furthermore, 57% of companies surveyed believe technology is also very or extremely important for competitive advantage in trade compliance strategies (see Figure 1). This view is even more pronounced in growth businesses versus non-growth companies: 72%, or almost three quarters, of fast-growing companies believe technology is a valuable competitive differentiator, compared to just 41% of businesses predicting shrinking, limited, or no growth.

    Figure 1: Importance of technology for competitive advantage in trade compliance strategies

    Source: Descartes/SAPIO

    The study also revealed that 86% of fast-growing companies indicated technology is fundamental or highly important to growth strategies. Underscoring a strong link between technology, business expansion and trade compliance, 47% of fast-growing companies confirm investing in technology is the top approach to tackling international trade challenges—compared to just 18% of those expecting shrinking, limited, or no growth.

    In addition to gaining competitive advantage by leveraging trade compliance and investing in technology, higher-growth companies are focused on building a well-resourced compliance team. The study found that companies with greater than 15% expected growth in the next two years allocate an average of eight people to trade compliance activities, compared to six people in companies anticipating shrinking, limited, or no growth.

    “Given the volatility of the current trade landscape, rife with evolving tariffs, trade barriers, sanctions and regulations, effective and efficient global trade compliance is a distinct competitive differentiator,” said Jackson Wood, Director, Industry Strategy at Descartes. “Companies that invest in building their compliance teams view compliance as a strategic advantage. They leverage leading technologies to turn compliance into an engine for growth while creating more resilient supply chain operations.”

    Descartes and SAPIO Research surveyed 887 corporate decision makers in international trade compliance and/or supply chain intelligence across Argentina, Benelux, Brazil, Canada, China, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, India, Japan, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, UK and USA. The goal was to understand the strategies, tactics and technologies used by companies involved in international trade to help gain a competitive advantage and ensure continued business growth, and to identify if these varied by factors such as country, industry, company size and business growth. Respondents are members of company leadership teams, from management level to Chief Executive Officer or Owner. To learn more, read the study Top Three Traits of Companies with a Successful Approach to Trade Compliance.

    Learn more about Descartes’ global trade intelligence solutions.

    About Descartes

    Descartes (Nasdaq:DSGX) (TSX:DSG) is the global leader in providing on-demand, software-as-a-service solutions focused on improving the productivity, security and sustainability of logistics-intensive businesses. Customers use our modular, software-as-a-service solutions to route, track and help improve the safety, performance and compliance of delivery resources; plan, allocate and execute shipments; rate, audit and pay transportation invoices; access global trade data; file customs and security documents for imports and exports; and complete numerous other logistics processes by participating in the world’s largest, collaborative multimodal logistics community. Our headquarters are in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada and we have offices and partners around the world. Learn more at www.descartes.com, and connect with us on LinkedIn and Twitter.

    Global Media Contact
    Cara Strohack                                                                     
    cstrohack@descartes.com  

    Cautionary Statement Regarding Forward-Looking Statements

    This release contains forward-looking information within the meaning of applicable securities laws (“forward-looking statements”) that relate to Descartes’ global trade intelligence solution offerings and potential benefits derived therefrom; and other matters. Such forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties, assumptions and other factors that may cause the actual results, performance or achievements to differ materially from the anticipated results, performance or achievements or developments expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. Such factors include, but are not limited to, the factors and assumptions discussed in the section entitled, “Certain Factors That May Affect Future Results” in documents filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Ontario Securities Commission and other securities commissions across Canada including Descartes’ most recently filed management’s discussion and analysis. If any such risks actually occur, they could materially adversely affect our business, financial condition or results of operations. In that case, the trading price of our common shares could decline, perhaps materially. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance upon any such forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date made. Forward-looking statements are provided for the purposes of providing information about management’s current expectations and plans relating to the future. Readers are cautioned that such information may not be appropriate for other purposes. We do not undertake or accept any obligation or undertaking to release publicly any updates or revisions to any forward-looking statements to reflect any change in our expectations or any change in events, conditions or circumstances on which any such statement is based, except as required by law.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/2458abe4-87e5-4a31-8a58-b127eacde619

    The MIL Network –

    March 18, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Sydbank share buyback programme: transactions in week 11

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Company Announcement No 10/2025

    Peberlyk 4
    6200 Aabenraa
    Denmark

    Tel +45 74 37 37 37
    Fax +45 74 37 35 36

    Sydbank A/S
    CVR No DK 12626509, Aabenraa
    sydbank.dk

    17 March 2025  

    Dear Sirs

    Sydbank share buyback programme: transactions in week 11
    On 26 February 2025 Sydbank announced a share buyback programme of DKK 1,350m. The share buyback programme commenced on 3 March 2025 and will be completed by 31 January 2026.

    The purpose of the share buyback programme is to reduce the share capital of Sydbank and the programme is executed in compliance with the provisions of Regulation (EU) No 596/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 April 2014 and Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2016/1052 of 8 March 2016, collectively referred to as the Safe Harbour rules.

    The following transactions have been made under the share buyback programme:

      Number of shares VWAP Gross value (DKK)
    Accumulated, most recent
    Announcement

    63,000

     

    27,961,010.00

    10 March 2025
    11 March 2025
    12 March 2025
    13 March 2025
    14 March 2025
    14,000
    12,000
    12,000
    10,000
    8,000
    434.86
    438.80
    443.98
    444.05
    448.31
    6,088,040.00
    5,265,600.00
    5,327,760.00
    4,440,500.00
    3,586,480.00
    Total over week 11 56,000   24,708,380.00
    Total accumulated during the
    share buyback programme

    119,000

     

    52,669,390.00

    All transactions were made under ISIN DK 0010311471 and effected by Danske Bank A/S on behalf of Sydbank A/S.

    Further information about the transactions, cf Article 5 of Regulation (EU) No 596/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council on market abuse and Commission delegated regulation, is available in the attachment.

    Following the above transactions, Sydbank holds a total of 3,503,048 own shares, equal to 6.41% of the Bank’s share capital.

    Yours sincerely
            
    Mark Luscombe        Jørn Adam Møller
    CEO        Deputy Group Chief Executive

    Attachment

    • SM 10 UK incl. enc

    The MIL Network –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Nokia and Hetzner enhance hosting infrastructure for scalable, automated, and sustainable services across Europe

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press Release
    Nokia and Hetzner enhance hosting infrastructure for scalable, automated, and sustainable services across Europe

    • Companies to future-proof data center and core network infrastructure to support growing digital demands
    • Deployment now live in Germany and Finland and will expand across Europe
    • Future-ready architecture supports 400G and 800G interconnectivity, equipping Hetzner’s network for long-term growth

    17 March 2025
    Espoo, Finland – Nokia has been selected by Hetzner, a leading European hosting provider, to upgrade its data center and core network infrastructure. With growing demand for high-performance hosting services, this deployment enables Hetzner to scale efficiently, improve automation, and maintain industry-leading uptime, ensuring seamless digital experiences for businesses and end users.

    By deploying Nokia’s carrier-grade routing solutions, Hetzner is optimizing its network with ultra-reliable, high-performance connectivity while reducing operational complexity. The deployment, now live in Germany and Finland, will expand across Europe to meet increasing digital infrastructure demands. Nokia’s energy-efficient routers, combined with advanced automation and real-time telemetry, provide Hetzner with the visibility and resilience needed to support next-generation workloads.

    “Through close collaboration with Nokia, we have been able to integrate new technology effectively into our system. This has ensured we remain flexible and agile whilst improving our data centers to meet our customer’s needs. Whether it is higher bandwidth, improved network availability, or optimized energy efficiency — we always find the best solutions by working with Nokia and further receive the responsive support we have grown to rely on,” said Martin Fritzsche, Head of Network at Hetzner.

    “Empowering one of Europe’s largest hosting providers with state-of-the-art reliability and performance is key to driving the next generation of digital services. With our leading routing technology, Hetzner gains the scalability, automation, and energy efficiency needed to meet growing demands while optimizing operational efficiency. This deployment shows our shared commitment to innovation, resilience, and sustainability in data center networking,” said Matthieu Bourguignon, Senior Vice President for Network Infrastructure Europe, Nokia.

    The solution includes Nokia 7750 SR-1x routers, designed for carrier-grade reliability, power efficiency, and scalability. Hetzner benefits from single-lambda 100G transceivers, enhancing density and energy efficiency while reducing infrastructure costs. Nokia’s gNMI-based telemetry provides real-time network visibility, allowing Hetzner to automate and optimize operations with minimal intervention. With a future-ready architecture supporting 400G and 800G interconnectivity, Hetzner’s network is equipped for long-term growth.

    This win highlights Nokia’s ability to deliver robust, scalable, and sustainable networking solutions that power the next generation of digital services across Europe.

    Multimedia, technical information and related news
    Product Page: Coherent Routing

    About Nokia
    At Nokia, we create technology that helps the world act together.

    As a B2B technology innovation leader, we are pioneering networks that sense, think and act by leveraging our work across mobile, fixed and cloud networks. In addition, we create value with intellectual property and long-term research, led by the award-winning Nokia Bell Labs, which is celebrating 100 years of innovation.

    With truly open architectures that seamlessly integrate into any ecosystem, our high-performance networks create new opportunities for monetization and scale. Service providers, enterprises and partners worldwide trust Nokia to deliver secure, reliable and sustainable networks today – and work with us to create the digital services and applications of the future.

    About Hetzner
    Hetzner is a German IT company and one of Europe’s largest and most trusted internet service providers, founded in 1997. It operates several thousand servers in state-of-the-art, energy-efficient data center parks in Nuremberg and Falkenstein (Germany) and Helsinki (Finland). Additionally, it has expanded its infrastructure to Singapore and the US.

    Hetzner is best known for its dedicated servers and virtualized server infrastructure, optimized for performance, reliability, and efficiency. It stands out through its high technological quality and strong customer focus. With competitive pricing and professional customer support, Hetzner is the ideal hosting partner for businesses and internet projects of all sizes. Thanks to its strong market presence and constant drive for innovation, Hetzner has taken on a leading role not only in Europe but also internationally.

    Media inquiries
    Nokia Press Office
    Email: Press.Services@nokia.com

    Follow us on social media
    LinkedIn X Instagram Facebook YouTube

    The MIL Network –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Nokia strengthens Worldstream’s hosting security with advanced DDoS Protection in the Netherlands

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press Release
    Nokia strengthens Worldstream’s hosting security with advanced DDoS Protection in the Netherlands

    • Enterprise customers using hosting services will benefit from fast network-based mitigation of most complex and high-volume cyberattacks and AI-driven threats.
    • Real-time, automated, next-generation DDoS protection to keep businesses running and unaffected during an attack.
    • Enhanced network resilience with Nokia Deepfield Defender and 7750 SR routers.

    17 March 2025
    Espoo, Finland – Nokia today announced that Worldstream, a leading cloud infrastructure provider, will use Nokia’s network security technology to protect businesses in the Netherlands and globally against large-scale DDoS attacks. Nokia Deepfield Defender and 7750 SR routers have been deployed across Worldstream’s network to offer an eightfold increase in DDoS mitigation capacity. With this network security upgrade, Worldstream customers can now rely on fast network-based mitigation of even the most complex and high-volume cyberattacks and AI-driven threats.

    “Cybercrime is evolving, and with the rise of AI in particular, security solutions need to evolve faster than ever before. We see that for hosting providers, traditional DDoS mitigation methods are no longer sufficient. With the Nokia Deepfield solution, Worldstream is now equipped with high-capacity, network-based protection that reacts instantly, rapidly detecting and eliminating threats before they impact businesses,” commented Matthieu Bourguignon, Senior Vice President for Network Infrastructure, Europe at Nokia.

    Prior to the deployment, Worldstream was limited in its defense against large-scale carpet-bombing attacks – which target multiple IP addresses – that could disrupt entire customer networks. With Nokia Deepfield Defender and 7750 SR routers, Worldstream now provides real-time, automated, next-generation DDoS protection that scales with the network, ensuring that businesses stay unaffected and without costly traffic diversion or latency introduced by legacy protection.

    “Security has become just as critical as performance in hosting services. Businesses expect resilience, and they need to trust that their infrastructure won’t be taken down by a single attack. With Nokia DDoS technology, we’ve made a major leap in protection. Our customers now benefit from ultra-fast mitigation, ensuring that their digital services remain available no matter what’s thrown at them,” said Ruben van der Zwan, CEO of Worldstream.

    Nokia Deepfield Defender, combined with the 7750 SR routers, ensures that Worldstream’s hosting customers benefit from real-time threat detection and mitigation in seconds. The solution offers line-rate protection across all peering interfaces, eliminating restrictions associated with single-server DDoS mitigation. Ultra-fast DDoS also provides protection for all DDoS types, including complex TCP-based application floods and botnet and proxy-based attack types, defending several customers against large-scale attacks at once.

    Multimedia, technical information and related news
    Product Page: Nokia Deepfield Defender
    Product Page: Nokia 7750 Service Router

    About Nokia
    At Nokia, we create technology that helps the world act together.

    As a B2B technology innovation leader, we are pioneering networks that sense, think and act by leveraging our work across mobile, fixed and cloud networks. In addition, we create value with intellectual property and long-term research, led by the award-winning Nokia Bell Labs, which is celebrating 100 years of innovation.

    With truly open architectures that seamlessly integrate into any ecosystem, our high-performance networks create new opportunities for monetization and scale. Service providers, enterprises and partners worldwide trust Nokia to deliver secure, reliable and sustainable networks today – and work with us to create the digital services and applications of the future.

    About Worldstream
    Founded in 2006 by childhood friends who shared a passion for gaming, Worldstream has evolved into an international cloud infrastructure provider. Since its founding, its mission has been to keep basic infrastructure predictable and transparent.

    It offers affordable cloud infrastructure, with transparent and predictable pricing, to help IT business leaders confidently grow their IT maturity. Through its commitment to high-quality infrastructure, down-to-earth support, and straightforward pricing models, it empowers IT leaders with the ability to regain control over the security and costs of their digital workloads.

    Media inquiries
    Nokia Press Office
    Email: Press.Services@nokia.com

    Follow us on social media
    LinkedIn X Instagram Facebook YouTube

    The MIL Network –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Australia: Safety switch: Date set for Average Speed Camera trial

    Source: New South Wales Premiere

    Published: 16 March 2025

    Released by: Minister for Regional Transport and Roads, Minister for Roads


    Average speed cameras will be switched on to warning mode for light vehicles in two key regional locations from 1 May.

    The trial, a recommendation from the 2024 NSW Road Safety Forum, will see the NSW Government flick the switch on cameras which measure a 15km stretch of the Pacific Highway between Kew and Lake Innes and cameras on the Hume Highway which measure a 16km stretch between Coolac and Gundagai to capture speeding light vehicles.

    These two stretches have been chosen based on several factors, including known crash history. There were a combined total of six fatalities and 33 serious injuries between 2018 and 2022 at these locations.

    In NSW average speed cameras only enforce speeding offences for heavy vehicles, however data shows that in the past five years (2018-2022) almost 80% of all fatalities and serious injuries across all existing 31 average speed camera lengths in NSW did not involve a heavy vehicle.

    NSW is unique in that it’s the only place known to use these cameras for just a subset of vehicles. Most other Australian jurisdictions either use Average Speed Cameras for all vehicles or plan to do so in the future. Studies from around the world have shown that average speed enforcement for all vehicles leads to significant reductions in crash-related injuries and fatalities.

    The trial will have a two-month warning letter period for light vehicle drivers caught speeding on both lengths of road before it is switched to full enforcement mode. From 1 July, those detected speeding will face fines and demerit point penalties. Existing enforcement of heavy vehicle offences at these sites will be unaffected by the trial.

    A comprehensive communications campaign will begin to roll out before the warning letter period to help alert motorists to the trial.

    Road signs will notify all drivers that their speed is being monitored by the cameras on the trial stretches, giving them the opportunity to adjust their speed as needed.

    The average speed camera trial builds on other road safety initiatives introduced by the Minns Labor Government, including:

    • seatbelt enforcement by the existing mobile phone camera detection network
    • removing a loophole to force all motorists driving on a foreign licence to convert to a NSW licence within six months
    • the demerit return trial that rewarded more than 1 million drivers for maintaining a demerit-offence-free driving record during the second year of the trial
    • doubling roadside enforcement sites used for mobile speed cameras, with the addition of 2,700 new locations where a camera can be deployed. Enforcement hours will remain the same
    • hosting the state’s first Road Safety Forum with international and local experts
    • signed National Road Safety Data Agreement with the Commonwealth

    Minister for Roads, John Graham said:

    “We know that speed remains our biggest killer on the road, contributing to 41 per cent of all fatalities over the past decade.

    “Studies from around the world show that using average speed enforcement cameras for all vehicles reduces the road toll, and road trauma.

    “We know the trial will be a change for motorists in New South Wales, so it will be supported by community and stakeholder communications. All average speed camera locations have warning signs installed.

    Minister for Regional Transport and Roads, Jenny Aitchison said:

    “Regional NSW is home to a third of the population but is where two-thirds of all road deaths happen.

    “With the majority of road trauma occurring in our regions we have chosen two regional locations to test the impact these cameras could have on road safety for all road users.

    “I know this trial will be a change, particularly for regional people who travel through the areas where these two camera lengths are in place, which is why we are committed to ensuring that the community is aware of what we are doing.

    “We will have a communications strategy in place including the use of print, radio and social media as well as variable messaging signs and mobile billboards to help communicate the trial details to drivers and riders.

    “We will also have clear warning signs installed before the enforcement sites, but most importantly we will have a 60 day warning period in place so that people have an opportunity to adjust their driving behaviour before they receive a penalty.”

    Background

    • Enforcement of average speed is generally considered a fair form of enforcement as drivers demonstrate intentional and consistent speeding behaviour over a long length of road and/or time, not only at a single point.
    • Research conducted in New South Wales in 2024 found that 68 per cent of respondents thought that average speed cameras were important in making New South Wales roads safer.
    • A 2015 study in Norway found that average speed cameras cut deaths and serious injuries by 49%. Similarly, a 2016 study in the United Kingdom showed a 36% reduction in fatal and serious injury crashes with the use of average speed cameras.
    • Average speed cameras in NSW have cut fatalities and serious injuries from crashes involving heavy vehicles. There was a reduction on fatalities and serious injuries from crashes involving heavy vehicles at average speed camera locations of about 50%, when data from the five years before they were installed is compared to the five years after installation.
    • The Road Transport Act 2013 (the Act) was amended in October 2024 so that average speed cameras can enforce speeding by all vehicle types.
    • The trial will run for 14 months in total. (2 months in warning mode, 12 months in enforcement)
    • Warning mode will begin on 1 May, enforcement mode will begin on 1 July.
    • The NSW Government will report back to Parliament on the outcomes of the trial in 2026, consistent with legislative changes made in late 2024.

    MIL OSI News –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Prime Minister hosts Join Sweden Summit

    Source: Government of Sweden

    On Wednesday 19 February, Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson is hosting the Join Sweden Summit 2025, bringing together more than 600 international and Swedish companies, investors and decision makers. HRH Prince Daniel will open the conference and a number of Government ministers are also participating.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Education delegation departs for Europe & UK

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Education Minister Erica Stanford is leading a New Zealand delegation to Iceland to participate in the 2025 International Summit on the Teaching Profession (ISTP). 

    “The summit will be attended by Education Ministers, union leaders, and teacher leaders from high performing OECD countries. It provides an excellent opportunity for sharing best practice and gaining an international perspective on common challenges,” Ms Stanford says.

    The New Zealand delegation includes representatives from the Ministry of Education, the Post Primary Teachers’ Association (PPTA) Te Wehengarua and the New Zealand Educational Institute (NZEI) Te Riu Roa. 

    This year’s summit theme is ‘Quality Education: The Key to Prosperity and Well-being’. The discussion topics include building a foundation for equitable and inclusive education, supporting educators to foster equity and wellbeing, and the educator’s role in child-centred education systems.

    “Everything we’re doing is aimed at lifting achievement and closing the equity gap so all Kiwi kids can succeed. I look forward to continuing to share our education journey with my ministerial counterparts and strengthening New Zealand’s education ties with the world,” Ms Stanford says.

    Minister Stanford will also travel to the United Kingdom, Sweden and Germany.

    While in the UK, she will meet with the Secretary of State for Education, Department for Education officials, the Office for Standards in Education, and the Education Endowment Foundation. She will also visit local schools and have meetings with Oxford University Press and the Cambridge Assessment.

    In Stockholm, Sweden, Minister Stanford will give a keynote speech and participate in the 2025 Knowledge Rich Curriculum Forum. In Hamburg, Germany, Minister Stanford will participate in a German New Zealand Chamber of Commerce networking event to promote overseas investment in New Zealand. 

    Minister Stanford travelled to the UK and Europe on 16 March and returns to New Zealand on 29 March. 

    MIL OSI New Zealand News –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-Evening Report: Cyclone Alfred to cost budget $1.2 billion, hit growth and push up inflation: Chalmers

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Cyclone Alfred will cost the March 25 budget at least A$1.2 billion, hit growth and put pressure on inflation, Treasurer Jim Chalmers says.

    In a Tuesday speech previewing the budget, Chalmers will also say that on preliminary estimates, the cyclone’s immediate hit to GDP is expected to be up to $1.2 billion, which could wipe a quarter of a percentage point off quarterly growth.

    “It could also lead to upward pressure on inflation. From building costs to damaged crops raising prices for staples like fruit and vegetables,” Chalmers says in the speech, an extract of which has been released ahead of delivery.

    The treasurer says the temporary shutting of businesses due to the cyclone lost about 12 million work hours.

    By last Thursday, 44,000 insurance claims had been lodged. Early modelling indicated losses covered by the Cyclone Reinsurance Pool were about $1.7 billion.

    The estimated costs to the budget, which are over the forward estimates period, are preliminary.

    The government has already co-sponsored with the states $30 million in support for immediate recovery costs, Chalmers says. Millions of dollars are being provided in hardship payments.

    “The budget will reflect some of those immediate costs and we’ll make sensible provisions for more to come,” he says.

    “I expect that these costs and these new provisions will be in the order of at least $1.2 billion […] and that means a big new pressure on the budget.”

    This is in addition to the already budgeted for disaster relief.

    “At MYEFO, we’d already booked $11.6 billion for disaster support nationally over the forward estimates.

    “With all of this extra funding we expect that to rise to at least $13.5 billion when accounting for our provisioning, social security costs and other disaster related support.”

    Chalmers will again argue in the speech his recent theme – that the economy has turned a corner. This is despite the global uncertainty that includes the Trump tariff policies, the full extent of which is yet to be spelled out.

    Australia is bracing for the possibility our beef export trade could be caught in a new tariff round to be unveiled early next month.

    Despite last week’s rebuff to its efforts to get an exemption from the aluminium and steel 25% tariffs, the government has vowed to fight on for a carve out from that, as well as trying to head off any further imposts on exports to the US.

    In seeking the exemption, Australia was unsuccessful in trying to leverage its abundance of critical minerals, which are much sought after by the US.

    Trade Minister Don Farrell told Sky on Sunday:

    What we need to do is find out what it is that the Americans want in terms of this relationship between Australia and the United States and then make President Trump an offer he can’t refuse.

    In Tuesday’s speech, Chalmers is expected to say the budget will contain fewer surprises than might be the case with other budgets.

    This is because this budget – which would have been avoided if the cyclone had not ruled out an April 12 election – comes after the flurry of announcements already made this year and before further announcements in the campaign for the May election.

    Those announcements already made include:

    • $8.5 billion to boost Medicare

    • $644 million for new Urgent Care Clinics

    • a multi-billion dollar package to save Whyalla Steelworks

    • $7.2 billion for the Bruce Highway and other infrastructure

    • funds for enhanced childcare and to provide some
      student debt relief

    • new and amended listings for contraception, endometriosis and IVF on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.




    Read more:
    Labor and the Coalition have pledged to raise GP bulk billing. Here’s what the Medicare boost means for patients


    Deloitte Access Economics in its budget monitor predicts the budget will have a deficit of $26.1 billion for 2024-25.

    Deloitte’s Stephen Smith said that although a $26.1 billion deficit was slightly smaller than forecast in the December budget update, the longer-term structural deterioration should be “a reality check for politicians wanting to announce election sweeteners in the weeks ahead”.

    Deloitte projects a deficit of nearly $50 billion in 2025-26.

    Open to a ‘small’ Ukraine peacekeeping role

    Over the weekend, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese took part in the “coalition of the willing” virtual meeting convened by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in support of Ukraine.

    The meeting also included Ukraine, France, Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Greece, Italy, Poland, Bulgaria, the Scandinavian countries, Canada and New Zealand. The United States did not participate. President Donald Trump is trying to force an agreement between Ukraine and Russia to end the conflict.

    Albanese reiterated after the meeting: “Australia is open to considering any requests to contribute to a future peacekeeping effort in support of the just and lasting peace we all want to Ukraine”.

    He added the obvious point: “Of course, peacekeeping missions by definition require a precondition of peace”.

    Albanese said that any Australian contribution to a Ukraine peacekeeping force would be “small”.

    Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has opposed sending Australians to a peacekeeping force.




    Read more:
    Politics with Michelle Grattan: Peter Dutton on why he’s not Australia’s Trump – ‘I’m my own person’


    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cyclone Alfred to cost budget $1.2 billion, hit growth and push up inflation: Chalmers – https://theconversation.com/cyclone-alfred-to-cost-budget-1-2billion-hit-growth-and-push-up-inflation-chalmers-252171

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

    March 17, 2025
  • MIL-Evening Report: Guam at decolonisation ‘crossroads’ with resolution on US statehood

    By Mar-Vic Cagurangan in Hagatna, Guam

    Debate on Guam’s future as a US territory has intensified with its legislature due to vote on a non-binding resolution to become a US state amid mounting Pacific geostrategic tensions and expansionist declarations by the Trump administration.

    Located closer to Beijing than Hawai’i, Guam serves as a key US strategic asset, known as the “tip of the spear,” with 10,000 military personnel, an air base for F-35 fighters and B-2 bombers and home port for Virginia-class nuclear submarines.

    The small US territory of 166,000 people is also listed by the UN for decolonisation and last year became an associate member at the Pacific Islands Forum.

    Local Senator William A. Parkinson introduced the resolution to the legislature last Wednesday and called for Guam to be fully integrated into the American union, possibly as the 51st state.

    “We are standing in a moment of history where two great empires are standing face-to-face with each other, about to go to war,” Parkinson said at a press conference on Thursday.

    “We have to be real about what’s going on in this part of the world. We are a tiny island but we are too strategically important to be left alone. Stay with America or do we let ourselves be absorbed by China?”

    His resolution states the decision “must be built upon the informed consent of the people of Guam through a referendum”.

    Trump’s expansionist policies
    Parkinson’s resolution comes as US President Donald Trump advocates territorially expansionist policies, particularly towards the strategically located Danish-ruled autonomous territory of Greenland and America’s northern neighbour, Canada.

    “This one moment in time, this one moment in history, the stars are aligning so that the geopolitics of the United States favour statehood for Guam,” Parkinson said. “This is an opportunity we cannot pass up.”

    Guam Legislature Senator William A. Parkinson holds a press conference after introducing his resolution. BenarNews screenshot APR

    As a territory, Guam residents are American citizens but they cannot vote for the US president and their lone delegate to the Congress has no voting power on the floor.

    The US acquired Guam, along with Puerto Rico, in 1898 after winning the Spanish-American War, and both remain unincorporated territories to this day.

    Independence advocates and representatives from the Guam Commission on Decolonisation regularly testify at the UN’s Decolonisation Committee, where the island has been listed as a Non-Self-Governing Territory since 1946.

    Commission on Decolonisation executive director Melvin Won Pat-Borja said he was not opposed to statehood but is concerned if any decision on Guam’s status was left to the US.

    “Decolonisation is the right of the colonised,” he said while attending Parkinson’s press conference, the Pacific Daily News reported.

    ‘Hands of our coloniser’
    “It’s counterintuitive to say that, ‘we’re seeking a path forward, a path out of this inequity,’ and then turn around and put it right back in the hands of our coloniser.

    “No matter what status any of us prefer, ultimately that is not for any one of us to decide, but it is up to a collective decision that we have to come to, and the only way to do it is via referendum,” he said, reports Kuam News.

    With the geostrategic competition between the US and China in the Pacific, Guam has become increasingly significant in supporting American naval and air operations, especially in the event of a conflict over Taiwan or in the South China Sea.

    The two US bases have seen Guam’s economy become heavily reliant on military investments and tourism.

    The Defence Department holds about 25 percent of Guam’s land and is preparing to spend billions to upgrade the island’s military infrastructure as another 5000 American marines relocate there from Japan’s Okinawa islands.

    Guam is also within range of Chinese and North Korean ballistic missiles and the US has trialed a defence system, with the first tests held in December.

    Governor Lou Leon Guerrero delivers her “State of the Island” address in Guam on Tuesday . . . “Guam cannot be the linchpin of American security in the Asian-Pacific if nearly 14,000 of our residents are without shelter . . .” Image: Office of the Governor of Guam/Benar News

    The “moment in history” for statehood may also be defined by the Trump administration spending cuts, Guam Governor Lou Leon Guerrero warned in her “state of the island” address on Wednesday.

    Military presence leveraged
    The island has in recent years leveraged the increased military presence to demand federal assistance and the territory’s treasury relies on at least US$0.5 billion in annual funding.

    “Let us be clear about this: Guam cannot be the linchpin of American security in the Asian-Pacific if nearly 14,000 of our residents are without shelter, because housing aid to Guam is cut, or if 36,000 of our people lose access to Medicaid and Medicare coverage keeping them healthy, alive and out of poverty,” Guerrero said.

    Parkinson’s proposed legislative resolution calls for an end to 125-plus years of US colonial uncertainty.

    “The people of Guam, as the rightful stewards of their homeland, must assert their inalienable right to self-determination,” states the resolution, including that there be a “full examination of statehood or enhanced autonomous status for Guam.”

    “Granting Guam equal political status would signal unequivocally that Guam is an integral part of the United States, deterring adversaries who might otherwise perceive Guam as a mere expendable outpost.”

    If adopted by the Guam legislature, the non-binding resolution would be transmitted to the White House.

    A local statute enacted in 2000 for a political status plebiscite on statehood, independence or free association has become bogged down in US courts.

    ‘Reject colonial status quo’
    Neil Weare, a former Guam resident and co-director of Right to Democracy, said the self-determination process must be centred on what the people of Guam want, “not just what’s best for US national security”.

    “Right to Democracy does not take a position on political status, other than to reject the undemocratic and colonial status quo,” Weare said on behalf of the nonprofit organisation that advocates for rights and self-determination in US territories.

    “People can have different views on what is the best solution to this problem, but we should all be in agreement that the continued undemocratic rule of millions of people in US territories is wrong and needs to end.”

    He said the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence next year can open a new venue for a conversation about key concepts — such as the “consent of the governed” — involving Guam and other US territories.

    Republished from BenarNews with permission.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

    March 16, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Nokia Corporation: Repurchase of own shares on 14.03.2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Nokia Corporation
    Stock Exchange Release
    14 March 2025 at 22:30 EET

    Nokia Corporation: Repurchase of own shares on 14.03.2025

    Espoo, Finland – On 14 March 2025 Nokia Corporation (LEI: 549300A0JPRWG1KI7U06) has acquired its own shares (ISIN FI0009000681) as follows:

    Trading venue (MIC Code) Number of shares Weighted average price / share, EUR*
    XHEL 2,431,999 4.87
    CEUX 1,376,481 4.87
    BATE – –
    AQEU 169,328 4.88
    TQEX – –
    Total 3,977,808 4.87

    * Rounded to two decimals

    On 22 November 2024, Nokia announced that its Board of Directors is initiating a share buyback program to offset the dilutive effect of new Nokia shares issued to the shareholders of Infinera Corporation and certain Infinera Corporation share-based incentives. The repurchases in compliance with the Market Abuse Regulation (EU) 596/2014 (MAR), the Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2016/1052 and under the authorization granted by Nokia’s Annual General Meeting on 3 April 2024 started on 25 November 2024 and end by 31 December 2025 and target to repurchase 150 million shares for a maximum aggregate purchase price of EUR 900 million.

    Total cost of transactions executed on 14 March 2025 was EUR 19 391 018. After the disclosed transactions, Nokia Corporation holds 172 084 787 treasury shares.

    Details of transactions are included as an appendix to this announcement.

    On behalf of Nokia Corporation

    BofA Securities Europe SA

    About Nokia
    At Nokia, we create technology that helps the world act together.

    As a B2B technology innovation leader, we are pioneering networks that sense, think and act by leveraging our work across mobile, fixed and cloud networks. In addition, we create value with intellectual property and long-term research, led by the award-winning Nokia Bell Labs which is celebrating 100 years of innovation.

    With truly open architectures that seamlessly integrate into any ecosystem, our high-performance networks create new opportunities for monetization and scale. Service providers, enterprises and partners worldwide trust Nokia to deliver secure, reliable and sustainable networks today – and work with us to create the digital services and applications of the future.

    Inquiries:

    Nokia Communications
    Phone: +358 10 448 4900
    Email: press.services@nokia.com
    Maria Vaismaa, Global Head of External Communications

    Nokia Investor Relations
    Phone: +358 931 580 507
    Email: investor.relations@nokia.com

    Attachment

    • Daily Report 2025-03-14

    The MIL Network –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Africa: SA’s narrative therapist nominated for Women Changing the World Awards

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    South Africa’s world-renowned Narrative Therapist and Psychosocial Specialist, Ncazelo Mlilo, has been nominated in the prestigious Women Changing the World Awards.

    The awards, according to a statement by psychosocial organisation, Phola, are like the Grammy Awards for recognising women across the world who are doing incredible work, making a positive difference in various industries and areas, including business, sustainability, leadership, health, education, product development, innovation, and technology.

    Mlilo, who is based in Johannesburg, has been selected for two categories, the People’s Choice Award for Non-Profit and Social Enterprise, and the Women in Therapy and Counselling Services Award.

    This recognition celebrates the groundbreaking work in mental health, her development of Afrocentric, culturally sensitive narrative-based methodologies, and her dedication to empowering communities worldwide.

    The awards ceremony will take place during a summit in London, in the United Kingdom on 2-3 April 2025.

    Mlilo has over 25 years’ experience in trauma counselling.

    She has worked with children, youth, women, families, and communities to address the effects of HIV/AIDS, gender-based violence (GBV), poverty, conflict, and other hardships.

    Mlilo co-created the Tree of Life (ToL) Methodology, currently used in over 60 countries including the USA, Brazil, Australia, Canada, Iran, India, Germany, Japan, Sweden, and across Africa.

    She has developed other methodologies like COURRAGE, the Narratives in the Suitcase Project, O.U.T.R.R.A.G.E.D. for GBV prevention.

    Mlilo trains over 1 000 mental health practitioners worldwide every year, with her work reaching an estimated 100 000 people, annually.

    She is also a prominent keynote speaker at international conferences, including the Trust’s Collective Narrative Practices Conference, held in 2024 in Australia, the Narrative Therapy Centre Conference, where she spoke about the Narratives in the Suitcase, held in Australia in 2023, among others.

    As a result, her work is the intervention of choice in these global institutions, like the Dulwich Centre Foundation in Australia and NHS Foundation Trust in the UK. – SAnews.gov.za
     

    MIL OSI Africa –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Security Council Press Statement on Terrorist Attack in Pakistan

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Christina Markus Lassen (Denmark):

    The members of the Security Council condemned in the strongest terms the heinous and cowardly terrorist attack on a Jaffar Express Passenger Train travelling from Quetta to Peshawar near the city of Sibi, Balochistan province, Pakistan, on 11 March 2025 and the taking of passengers as hostages.  This reprehensible act of terrorism resulted in the grievous loss of at least 25 Pakistani nationals.  The Balochistan Liberation Army claimed that the attack was carried out by its Majeed Brigade.

    The members of the Security Council expressed their deepest sympathy and condolences to the families of the victims and to the Government and the people of Pakistan, and they wished a speedy and full recovery to those who were injured.

    The members of the Security Council reaffirmed that terrorism in all its forms and manifestations constitutes one of the most serious threats to international peace and security.

    The members of the Security Council underlined the need to hold perpetrators, organizers, financiers and sponsors of these reprehensible acts of terrorism accountable and bring them to justice.  They urged all States, in accordance with their obligations under international law and relevant Security Council resolutions, to cooperate actively with the Government of Pakistan in this regard.

    The members of the Security Council reiterated that any acts of terrorism are criminal and unjustifiable, regardless of their motivation, wherever, whenever and by whomsoever committed.  They reaffirmed the need for all States to combat by all means, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and other obligations under international law, including international human rights law, international refugee law and international humanitarian law, threats to international peace and security caused by terrorist acts.

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – EU-Norway Agreement: modification of concessions on all the tariff-rate quotas included in the EU Schedule CLXXV as a consequence of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union – P10_TA(2025)0029 – Wednesday, 12 March 2025 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    (Consent)

    The European Parliament,

    –  having regard to the draft Council decision (13817/2023),

    –  having regard to draft Agreement in the form of an Exchange of Letters between the European Union and the Kingdom of Norway amending the Agreement of the European Union and the Kingdom of Norway pursuant to Article XXVIII of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 relating to the modification of concessions on all the tariff rate quotas included in the EU Schedule CLXXV as a consequence of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (13818/2023),

    –  having regard to the request for consent submitted by the Council in accordance with Article 207(4), first subparagraph, and Article 218(6), second subparagraph, point (a)(v), of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (C10-0189/2024),

    –  having regard to Rule 107(1) and (4), and Rule 117(7) of its Rules of Procedure,

    –  having regard to the letter from the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development,

    –  having regard to the recommendation of the Committee on International Trade (A10-0017/2025),

    1.  Gives its consent to the conclusion of the agreement;

    2.  Instructs its President to forward its position to the Council, the Commission and the governments and parliaments of the Member States and of the Kingdom of Norway.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Thursday, 13 March 2025 – Strasbourg – Revised edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     428k  792k
    Thursday, 13 March 2025 – Strasbourg
    1. Opening of the sitting
      2. A Vision for Agriculture and Food (debate)
      3. Action Plan for Affordable Energy (debate)
      4. Resumption of the sitting
      5. Announcement by the President
      6. Request for an urgent decision (Rule 170)
      7. Voting time
        7.1. European Defence Industry Programme and a framework of measures to ensure the timely availability and supply of defence products (EDIP) (vote)
        7.2. Democracy and human rights in Thailand, notably the lese-majesty law and the deportation of Uyghur refugees (RC-B10-0174/2025, B10-0174/2025, B10-0176/2025, B10-0191/2025, B10-0192/2025, B10-0193/2025, B10-0194/2025) (vote)
        7.3. Severe political, humanitarian and human rights crisis in Sudan, in particular the sexual violence and child rape (RC-B10-0175/2025, B10-0175/2025, B10-0185/2025, B10-0186/2025, B10-0187/2025, B10-0188/2025, B10-0189/2025, B10-0190/2025) (vote)
        7.4. Unlawful detention and sham trials of Armenian hostages, including high-ranking political representatives from Nagorno-Karabakh, by Azerbaijan (RC-B10-0177/2025, B10-0177/2025, B10-0178/2025, B10-0179/2025, B10-0180/2025, B10-0181/2025, B10-0182/2025, B10-0183/2025, B10-0184/2025) (vote)
        7.5. Social and employment aspects of restructuring processes: the need to protect jobs and workers’ rights (B10-0143/2025, B10-0152/2025) (vote)
      8. Resumption of the sitting
      9. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting
      10. European Schools Alliance: potential to achieve the European education area by driving innovation, enhancing mobility and championing inclusivity (debate)
      11. Explanations of votes
        11.1. Social and employment aspects of restructuring processes: the need to protect jobs and workers’ rights (B10-0143/2025)
      12. Approval of the minutes of the sitting and forwarding of texts adopted
      13. Calendar of part-sessions
      14. Closure of the sitting
      15. Adjournment of the session

       

    PREDSEDÁ: MARTIN HOJSÍK
    Podpredseda

     
    1. Opening of the sitting

       

    (Rokovanie sa začalo o 9:00 h.)

     

    2. A Vision for Agriculture and Food (debate)


     

      Christophe Hansen, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, dear colleagues, the first 100 days of our mandate were dedicated to delivering on what we promised and doing this in close cooperation with those who are most concerned: the farming and the food sector.

    Since I became Commissioner, my ‘boots on the ground’ promise has taken me already to eight Member States, and when I speak to farmers, I hear a strong call for stability and predictability, and also for the recognition of the crucial role that farming and rural areas play in Europe’s economy, security and strategic autonomy. Many of you recognise those calls as well.

    In these changing and challenging times, we need a clear perspective and a coherent policy response for everyone involved in guaranteeing our food security and food sovereignty. They need to see that their future will be prosperous.

    The vision for agriculture and food recently adopted by the Commission aims to provide the direction and response to these needs. It is the Commission’s policy roadmap to engage and take action with you and all stakeholders of the agri-food system on the future of food and farming in Europe.

    Our messages, dear colleagues, are very clear: farming, fishing and food are strategic sectors and a critical asset for Europe. They must be preserved across the continent, and the vision identifies European food sovereignty as an integral part of the EU security agenda. Our policies will continue supporting farmers and the agri-food sector in producing safe foods, protecting rural landscapes, traditions and livelihoods. In Europe, farming is highly diverse and so our policies must be tailored to the local needs.

    While facing many challenges, farmers, fishers and the food industry are part of the solution for achieving a future-proof agri-food sector. We will design the solutions pragmatically and in consultation with them. Consultation and dialogue, dear colleagues, are not just words. The vision is the result of close engagement and consultation with many different stakeholders from the agri-food sector and all relevant institutions, including the European Parliament.

    The work does not stop here. The vision is only the beginning of further cooperation and dialogue to develop the initiatives together. This College is committed to overcoming the polarisation that we have lived too much in the past, and that is why I am very glad to be with you today to present the vision and hear your ideas for the way forward.

    We started from a very simple and guiding question: how to build and support and agri-food system that is attractive for current and future generations – today, tomorrow and in 2040. We want a new agriculture and food sector to be – and I quote from the vision itself – ‘attractive, competitive, future-proof and fair’ and built on dialogue and partnership between the players of the food chain and powered by innovation, knowledge and research.

    The vision contains four priority areas to provide direction and stability. For each one, it identifies specific policy responses that focus on all three dimensions of sustainability.

    First, an attractive and predictable agri-food sector that ensures a fair standard of living and leverages new income opportunities. For this, we must help the sector draw on all sources of income. We will help farmers to get a better return from the market by addressing the principle that they should not be forced to systematically sell their products below the production cost. The coming UTP review will be instrumental for achieving this.

    Secondly, public support from the Common Agricultural Policy remains essential to support farmers’ income. The Commission will make future CAP support simpler and more targeted towards those farmers who need it most, creating better incentives for ecosystem services and giving further responsibility and accountability to Member States.

    We will also help the sector to leverage new income opportunities, such as from the bio-economy or carbon-farming, agri-tourism can also provide farmers with a complementary income.

    Furthermore, in 2025, I will present a strategy for generational renewal. As you know, currently only 12 % of the EU farmers are below the age of 40. This is a huge challenge and we need to address it if we are serious about food security and food sovereignty. Therefore, we will have to bundle not only our European efforts, but as well the national efforts to get there.

    Secondly, a competitive and resilient agri-food sector in the face of global challenges. Our farmers insist on fair global competition, and the vision clearly states that we will push for a fairer, global level playing field by better aligning – and in line with international rules – our domestic production standards with those applied to imports, notably for pesticides and animal welfare.

    To advance in this area, we will start work on implementing the principle that hazardous pesticides banned in the EU should not be allowed back into the EU via imports. I always say, ‘if a product is a threat to human health or pollinators in the EU, it is as well outside’. If we still import those products, neither the consumers nor the farmers understand this. Therefore, I believe it is very important that our standards also need to be better controlled because it is good to have high standards, but without checks this is of course inefficient.

    Then, the agri-food sector is strongly affected by different crises. I think that is not a secret and we will develop a more comprehensive approach to risk and crisis management. We enforce incentives for farmers to boost farm-level adaptation and improve access to affordable insurance and de-risking tools for primary producers.

    Lastly, I want to present two simplification packages in 2025 to reduce the administrative burden for farmers and the entire agri-food value chain. The first focus will be on the CAP, while the second will look at the broader EU legislation package.

    Another important initiative will be the work that we will carry out for the livestock sector. As the vision says clearly, livestock remains an essential element of EU agriculture and we will work on making it more competitive, resilient and sustainable.

    Thirdly, we need a future-proof agri-food sector that works hand in hand with nature. To guarantee the sector’s long-term resilience and competitiveness, we need to preserve healthy soils, clean water and air, and the EU’s biodiversity. To support this, we must continue to implement and enforce the legislation that we already have.

    In the future, we must also create better incentives for farmers and agri-food actors who are delivering ecosystem services, and make sure that climate and biodiversity action go hand in hand with competitiveness. For this, there will be some key drivers, such as a more advanced toolbox under the Common Agricultural Policy, a voluntary on-farm sustainability compass, certified carbon farming, as well as measures to accelerate the access to biopesticides to the EU market.

    The fourth priority area is about strengthening the link between food and consumers and promoting fair living and working conditions in vibrant and well-connected coastal and rural areas. Addressing the gap in the availability and affordability of services for citizens in rural and coastal areas, including in the outermost regions, is key to address the need for an effective right to stay for all European citizens.

    To boost the vitality of these areas and to tackle these issues, we will strengthen synergies between EU funds and present and updated EU rural action plan and rural pact. At the same time, annual food dialogues with everyone involved in the food system will help to reconnect people with the food they eat and address many of the most pressing issues, including food reformulation and affordability.

    And finally, we will bring knowledge and innovation, research, skills and digital solutions closer to the farmers. They will play a key role in supporting the agri-food sector to carry out this initiative. And I know that many of you have as well good ideas, this is, of course, the beginning of a path towards a more sustainable agri-food system – more sustainable economically, socially and as well as environmentally – and I’m looking forward to having a good discussion with you on the different workstreams that we have identified in this vision.

     
       

     

      Herbert Dorfmann, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geschätzter Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Bäuerinnen und Bauern sind Essensbringer, das sind die, die uns tagtäglich ernähren. Das ist eigentlich logisch – nur vergessen haben wir das vielleicht etwas in den Jahrzehnten des Überflusses. Ziel einer vernünftigen Agrarpolitik muss es doch sein, dass Bäuerinnen und Bauern tagtäglich gemeinsam mit unserer Nahrungsmittelindustrie versuchen, nachhaltig hochwertige Lebensmittel für uns, für diese 450 Millionen Europäerinnen und Europäer, zu erzeugen.

    Ich bin Ihnen, Herr Kommissar, dankbar, dass Sie dieses Thema wieder einmal ganz klar in den Mittelpunkt Ihrer Vision gestellt haben. Wir verwalten in diesem Haus jährlich rund 60 Milliarden Euro, die an die europäische Landwirtschaft gehen. Das ist viel Geld, und ich denke, wenn wir diese 60 Milliarden Euro, die an 9 Millionen Betriebe in Europa gehen, vernünftig einsetzen, dann können sie wirklich ein Treiber für eine zukunftsorientierte, produzierende, nachhaltige Landwirtschaft sein.

    Die können es sein: indem wir Betrieben – Sie haben es gesagt, Herr Kommissar – in jenen Gebieten weiterhelfen, wo es schwieriger ist zu produzieren. Wenn man die nämlich nicht berücksichtigt, dann steigen sie aus der Produktion aus, und wir verlieren diese Gebiete, wie es leider in vielen Regionen Europas, vor allem auch in den Bergen, passiert ist.

    Indem wir Bäuerinnen und Bauern weiter helfen, ihre Ideen zu verwirklichen. Wir haben viele innovative Menschen in der Landwirtschaft, aber unsere Agrarpolitik hilft manchmal nicht unbedingt weiter, diese innovativen Ideen wirklich auf den Grund zu bringen.

    Indem wir Bäuerinnen und Bauern helfen, die auf Nachhaltigkeit setzen. Auch hier haben wir viele Menschen in der Landwirtschaft, die sehr gute Ideen haben, die Nachhaltigkeit in ihrem Betrieb umsetzen. Ich glaube, wir sollten ihnen helfen, und natürlich auch jenen jungen Menschen, die in der Landwirtschaft anfangen wollen, und auch jenen Betrieben, die sich gegen den Klimawandel stemmen, indem sie aktiv oder passiv versuchen, mit dem Klimawandel umzugehen.

    Ich glaube, Herr Kommissar, das ist nun eine Vision; diese Vision müssen wir nun umsetzen. Meine Fraktion ist dazu bereit. Dazu brauchen wir Geld, und das, glaube ich, ist die größte Herausforderung, die uns in den nächsten Jahren erwartet, dass wir hier alle gemeinsam dafür einstehen, einen ordentlichen, vernünftigen Agrarhaushalt für die nächsten Jahre zu bekommen.

     
       

     

      Dario Nardella, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghe e colleghi, in questi vent’anni abbiamo perso il 37% degli agricoltori e il 12% dei profitti.

    Signor Commissario, il lavoro della visione è un ottimo punto di partenza. Ci sono, però, molti nodi che dobbiamo affrontare, a cominciare dalle risorse: senza risorse adeguate non avremo una visione e non avremo neanche una politica agricola comune. Per questo diciamo “no” a qualunque taglio alle risorse per l’agricoltura. Diciamo “no” a qualunque accentramento dei fondi o a forme di decentramento agli Stati nazionali.

    Vogliamo, invece, risorse sufficienti per aumentare produttività e reddito, senza creare disparità di trattamento, promuovendo filiere alimentari sostenibili, di qualità e innovative.

    I nostri agricoltori hanno bisogno di regole chiare e semplici. Non vogliamo deregulation, ma una buona semplificazione, perché la legge del più forte non è la legge giusta. Ma i nostri agricoltori subiscono il peso di una burocrazia spesso asfissiante.

    Per questo vogliamo un’agricoltura più sostenibile, con i giovani e le donne protagoniste e con i lavoratori che siano il vero motore, perché senza coinvolgere agricoltori e lavoratori non avremo un’agricoltura nel futuro dell’Europa forte, unita e sostenibile.

     
       


     

      Veronika Vrecionová, za skupinu ECR. – Pane předsedající, Evropa dnes čelí zásadním výzvám. Válka, hrozící celní spory a nejistá ekonomika mění pravidla hry. To všechno se promítá i do zemědělství. Je čas říci si otevřeně – našimi prioritami musí být bezpečnost a konkurenceschopnost Evropy, a to i potravinová bezpečnost a konkurenceschopnost zemědělství. V zemědělství musíme maximálně zefektivnit využití stávajících prostředků. Chci, aby společná zemědělská politika byla jednoduchá, předvídatelná a zaměřená na výsledky. Méně byrokracie, více stability. Farmáři potřebují jasná pravidla a ne další papírování. Podporu musíme směřovat tam, kde má největší smysl – k zemědělcům, kteří pečují o půdu a krajinu a především zajišťují kvalitní potraviny.

    Proto budu podporovat zastropování a degresivitu přímých plateb. Nemůžeme dále dotovat velké agroholdingy na úkor malých a středních farem, které drží venkov při životě.

     
       

     

      Valérie Hayer, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, nos agriculteurs en avaient besoin. Alors, merci, Monsieur le Commissaire, pour la vision que vous nous proposez ce matin sur l’agriculture et l’alimentation. Je vous le dis d’emblée: je vais pleinement la saluer. Les défis du monde agricole sont immenses: gestion du dérèglement climatique, instabilité géopolitique, renouvellement des générations et, ce que nous réclament nos agriculteurs depuis longtemps, des prix justes et des règles claires et faciles à appliquer.

    L’agriculture est l’un des plus grands enjeux stratégiques de notre Europe. On attendait donc de vous une ambition en matière de souveraineté alimentaire; elle y est. On attendait une volonté de développer la résilience de nos fermes; elle est là. On attendait la prise en compte du défi démographique; il y est. On attendait l’enjeu de réciprocité; c’est le cas. On attendait que la rémunération des agriculteurs figure en bonne place; je lis «attractivité», je lis «innovation», je lis «accès au foncier», et je ne peux que le saluer.

    Ce travail, nous le savons tous, n’est que le coup d’envoi d’un chantier aussi colossal qu’indispensable. Il demande maintenant qu’ensemble, en responsabilité, on se relève les manches. J’y veillerai avec mes collègues, dans mes priorités de présidente du groupe Renew. C’est un enjeu que notre groupe porte haut pour avancer concrètement, en commençant notamment par renforcer le poids des agriculteurs dans la chaîne de valeur, y compris en renforçant la directive sur les pratiques commerciales déloyales. Le plus dur reste à faire: mettre tout cela en musique, le décliner dans nos textes de loi et veiller à la cohérence de nos politiques et de nos choix, sans oublier, bien sûr, d’y consacrer les moyens de nos ambitions; le nerf de la guerre, c’est l’argent.

     
       

     

      Thomas Waitz, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, you expect us farmers to produce cheap for the global markets. You expect us farmers to produce affordable food for our citizens. You expect us farmers to produce extra cheap raw material for the food processing industry and for the retailers in the European Union. That’s why farmers need income support from taxpayers’ pockets.

    This income support should be based on the amount of jobs farmers are offering: you have winemakers with direct marketing who can supply two full-time jobs with five hectares, while sometimes crop farmers with 50 or 80 hectares are not even able to supply one full-time job. So I definitely welcome the slight indications in your vision that we need to allocate some of the basic income support budget based on the amount of jobs a farm is actually supplying.

    But before we can actually supply income support, we need to have a budget. And you all know here in the room that the CAP budget is not secured. It’s clearly not secured, even if farmers have the potential to help us with climate mitigation, with climate adaptation. They help us with biodiversity, with rural areas, with animal welfare – a lot of important roles in society.

    So let’s build this partnership between farming, environment, climate and rural areas. Because if you ask me, this will be the only way that we can secure a reasonable budget for our farmers.

     
       


     

      Arno Bausemer, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Rund 300 Milliarden Euro erhalten die Landwirte in der Europäischen Union in der laufenden Förderperiode – das klingt zunächst nach viel Geld. Allerdings kam in den vergangenen Jahren immer weniger Geld bei den Landwirten an, und gleichzeitig wird der Frust der Empfänger aufgrund neuer widersinniger Vorschriften immer größer und führt bei vielen Betrieben irgendwann zur Aufgabe. Dort, wo jahrelang Raps geblüht hat, da wächst heute noch maximal Unkraut. Dort, wo früher Gänse schnatternd über die Weide gelaufen sind, da ist jetzt kein Tier mehr zu sehen. Und dort, wo früher Milchkühe in den Ställen standen, da herrscht jetzt gespenstische Stille.

    In meinem Heimatbundesland Sachsen-Anhalt in Deutschland gab es im Jahr 2013 noch 560 Milchviehbetriebe – mittlerweile sind mehr als die Hälfte der Betriebe verschwunden. Seien Sie sich eines gewiss: Kein Landwirt trennt sich gerne von seinen Tieren, von seinem Hof und von seinem Betrieb – ganz im Gegenteil. Die Zahl der Betriebsschließungen wäre noch deutlich größer, wenn in den klein- und mittelständischen Familienbetrieben nicht bis zur Selbstausbeutung jeder Euro dreimal umgedreht werden würde, um den Betrieb am Leben zu halten. Und glauben Sie mir, ich weiß da auch gut, wovon ich spreche.

    Die harte Arbeit in der Landwirtschaft darf aber nicht dazu führen, dass es körperliche, seelische und auch finanzielle Selbstausbeutung gibt. Diese harte Arbeit muss sich für die Beteiligten endlich wieder lohnen. Und deshalb sollten wir uns auf die gemeinsamen Ziele besinnen, die 1962 die Grundlage der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik definiert haben, nämlich die Steigerung der Produktivität, die Sicherstellung eines angemessenen Lebensstandards für Landwirte und die Sicherstellung der Versorgung.

    Lassen Sie uns den Landwirten Respekt entgegenbringen, lassen Sie uns die Zukunft der Landwirtschaft sichern!

     
       


     

      Norbert Lins (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine lieben Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Endlich wurde begriffen, dass unsere europäischen Landwirte eine zentrale Säule in der EU darstellen und wir daher mit ihnen und nicht gegen sie arbeiten müssen. Der Vorschlag der Kommission mit dieser Vision sendet ein wichtiges Signal an die Landwirtschaft und an die ländlichen Räume in Europa, dass die Nachricht in Brüssel wirklich angekommen ist und wir nun die Möglichkeit haben, an den wichtigen akuten Aspekten zu arbeiten.

    Die Vision bekennt sich klar zur Lebensmittelproduktion und insbesondere zur Tierhaltung in Europa. Es ist gut, dass wir weggehen von der Konditionalität und dass wir zu mehr Anreizen in der Landwirtschaft kommen. Zu Recht hebt die Kommission hervor, dass die Anpassung an den Klimawandel einen hohen Stellenwert hat und Zukunftsthemen wie die Bioökonomie eine entscheidende Rolle spielen.

    Ich begrüße außerordentlich, dass es ein weiteres GAP‑Vereinfachungspaket gibt. Ich glaube aber, dass wir mehr Tempo brauchen bei den sektorübergreifenden Rechtsvorschriften – es ist gut, dass dort ein Omnibus geplant ist. Vereinfachung der Düngevorschriften und beim Pflanzenschutz ist dringend notwendig; da brauchen wir mehr Tempo, je schneller, desto besser.

    Die Landwirtschaft ist das Rückgrat unserer Gesellschaft und insbesondere der ländlichen Räume. Die offene Frage ist: Bekommen wir (Ton aus). Das ist die entscheidende Frage in den nächsten Monaten. Dafür lassen Sie uns gemeinsam kämpfen!

     
       

     

      Cristina Maestre (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la visión que aquí presenta es buena: recoge el sentir del campo, sus necesidades y sus demandas. ¿La podríamos suscribir? Si, por supuesto. La podemos suscribir. Pero le falta lo más importante. Le falta el cómo y le falta el cuánto. Ya lo estamos diciendo aquí todos esta mañana.

    Por lo tanto, la pregunta es: ¿vamos a tener una PAC con fondos suficientes para hacer esto o va a haber recortes como ya deja intuir la Comisión Europea? Con recortes en la PAC esto sería un quiero y no puedo. Y si me dice que los Estados miembros aporten más, en este caso estaríamos hablando de un my treat, your bill: yo invito pero tú pagas.

    Y también nos tiene que aclarar si van en serio con eso de ir al modelo de sobre único para cada Estado miembro.

    Mire, señor comisario, eso de dejar al albur de cada país el uso de los fondos de la PAC es una bomba en la línea de flotación de la política agrícola y del mercado único. Por favor, quítenle de la cabeza eso a la señora Von der Leyen porque usted ha hecho un buen trabajo y corre el riesgo de quedarse en papel mojado. Que no sea esto una quimera.

     
       

     

      Mireia Borrás Pabón (PfE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, gracias por su presentación, pero he de decirle que hoy nos presentan aquí otro informe lleno de buenas intenciones pero vacío de soluciones.

    Se cambia el envoltorio, pero el veneno sigue dentro. Permanecen las mismas políticas y objetivos del Pacto Verde y de la política agrícola común. Nos hablan en su informe de hacer el sector atractivo, pero continúan con la asfixia regulatoria. Nos hablan de una preocupación por la competencia desleal, cuando son ustedes los primeros que la promueven pretendiendo inundar Europa con importaciones del Mercosur en unas condiciones tan desiguales y tan injustas que la palabra traición se me queda corta. Nos hablan de soberanía alimentaria mientras ustedes no paran de pisotearla con acuerdos que entregan nuestro mercado a terceros países. En España, pero también en Francia, en Italia, los agricultores ven cómo los precios de sus productos caen y los supermercados se llenan de frutas y verduras marroquíes, porque ustedes nos hacen depender cada vez más de países extranjeros.

    Señor comisario, ¿quiere de verdad soluciones reales o solo otra fantasía legislativa para los agricultores? Porque si quiere soluciones reales lo que hay que hacer es derogar el Pacto Verde Europeo y su burocracia asfixiante y acabar de una vez por todas con acuerdos comerciales injustos. Mismas normas, mismas reglas, o fuera de nuestro mercado.

     
       

     

      Sergio Berlato (ECR). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, troppe persone, anche in questo Parlamento, ritengono che le risorse finanziarie di cui è dotata la PAC siano eccessive se rapportate al numero dei potenziali beneficiari. Probabilmente coloro che hanno questa errata opinione non sanno che ai nostri imprenditori agricoli è affidato il compito di garantire la sicurezza alimentare per tutti i consumatori ma anche la tutela e la manutenzione dei 3/4 del territorio europeo.

    La Commissione europea dichiara di voler rendere l’agricoltura più attraente, più resiliente e più sostenibile. Attualmente l’agricoltura non risulta attraente perché sempre un maggior numero di imprese agricole chiudono le loro attività.

    L’agricoltura non può risultare competitiva e resiliente se l’Unione europea e continua a sottoscrivere accordi di libero scambio che costringono i nostri imprenditori agricoli a subire la concorrenza sleale da parte di altri produttori extraeuropei che possono portare i loro prodotti sui nostri mercati senza dover rispettare le stesse costose regole imposte agli imprenditori agricoli europei.

    A forza di parlare di agricoltura sostenibile, avete costretto i nostri imprenditori agricoli ad abbandonare le loro campagne e le loro attività, esasperati dall’imposizione delle vostre ideologie animal-ambientaliste.

    Vedremo se coloro che sono pervasi di ideologia animal-ambientalista saranno in grado di sostituire i nostri imprenditori agricoli nella manutenzione del territorio.

    (L’oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda “cartellino blu”)

     
       

     

      Christophe Clergeau (S&D), question «carton bleu». – Cher collègue, j’ai une question très simple à vous poser. Vous avez dit, à juste titre, qu’il y avait besoin d’un budget important pour la politique agricole commune. Je voulais donc vous demander si vous souhaitiez, vous et votre groupe, un budget plus important pour l’Union européenne et des ressources propres pour ce budget, qui permettraient à la fois de continuer et de renforcer la politique agricole commune, de maintenir la politique de cohésion et de financer les autres priorités. Plus d’argent pour la PAC, d’accord; moi aussi, je suis pour un budget plus important et des ressources propres; mais vous, comment faites-vous pour garder une part importante du budget pour la PAC?

     
       



     

      Cristina Guarda (Verts/ALE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è davvero un grande “wow”, perché torna al centro la competitività in agricoltura. Temo, però, che in questa sua visione, Commissario, la competitività dipenda, per lo più, dal peso dell’agricoltura nel commercio globale che dalla capacità di garantire cibo sano per gli europei.

    Quindi, cari colleghi, noi insieme dobbiamo guidare l’agricoltura europea a ritrovare la propria autonomia, a non essere più ostaggio degli oligopoli delle multinazionali che controllano i mercati, la genetica dei nostri semi, la chimica e ora anche la transizione verso il biologico e l’agroecologia, volendoli sempre più controllare e snaturare.

    Ad esempio, in questa sua visione, Commissario, i centrali servizi ecosistemici, generati dagli agricoltori che lavorano in simbiosi con l’agricoltura, li vuole consegnare in mano al mercato senza tutele. Così, anche questa volta, invece di essere un’opportunità di reddito per gli agricoltori, il controllo lo avrà il mercato. Lo stesso mercato che oggi lascia nelle tasche degli agricoltori solo il 7% del prezzo pagato dai consumatori.

    Commissario, lavorare per un salario giusto è un diritto anche per noi agricoltori. Ci restituisca il controllo di tutto questo.

     
       


     

      Carmen Crespo Díaz (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, señorías, es el momento de la defensa europea y, por tanto, lo primero que tenemos que hacer es reivindicar el papel de la alimentación como arma de defensa europea fundamental para los intereses de la alimentación y la soberanía alimentaria. Para ello, blindar los fondos de la PAC en el nuevo marco financiero plurianual es fundamental: sin mezcla de fondos, donde saldríamos perdiendo. Los acuerdos comerciales tienen que venir con reciprocidad y siempre respetando a nuestros agricultores y también a nuestros consumidores.

    Nos gusta la propuesta de la oficina de control de importaciones en Mercosur, es el camino de ayudar a los agricultores con esos acuerdos. Y apostar por la ciencia: las nuevas prácticas genómicas hay que desbloquearlas en el Consejo. Bajar la huella hídrica. Apostar por la economía circular, nuevo nicho de negocio en las zonas rurales. Desde luego, simplificar la vida de los agricultores —hombres y mujeres— y buscar una fórmula, además, que permita la integración de los mayores, que no los penalice y que no salgan perdiendo. Y que los jóvenes tengan una oportunidad real.

    No demonicemos la ganadería, intentemos que los aranceles en este momento, no involucren al sector agroalimentario, ni al bourbon estadounidense ni al vino europeo. Tenemos que dejarlos fuera porque es un sector muy vulnerable que durante todo este tiempo ha sufrido los altos costes y las dificultades y este es el momento de ampararlo.

    Enhorabuena por la visión, querido comisario.

     
       

     

      André Rodrigues (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, a necessidade de garantir um rendimento justo e estável aos agricultores de hoje e construir um setor que seja suficientemente apelativo para atrair os agricultores de amanhã são prioridades com as quais, estou certo, estamos todos de acordo.

    Contudo, só serão concretizáveis com um orçamento robusto, capaz de enfrentar os complexos desafios que o setor enfrenta. Neste contexto, é fundamental manter a coerência e a interligação entre os fundos ligados à agricultura, assim como defender e reforçar o papel das parcerias com as autoridades regionais e locais na sua implementação.

    Registo, por isso, com satisfação o reconhecimento, na Visão para a Agricultura e Alimentação, das especificidades das regiões ultraperiféricas e da importância do regime POSEI. Contudo, Senhor Comissário, este programa precisa de ser atualizado — o que não acontece há mais de uma década —, para que possa ter verbas que verdadeiramente correspondam às reais necessidades do setor agrícola nestas regiões, fazendo assim justiça a quem nele trabalha.

    (O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       


     

      André Rodrigues (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Caro colega, muito obrigado pelas suas perguntas, à primeira das quais devo dizer que nós temos vindo a defender já há muito tempo a necessidade de termos um equilíbrio verdadeiro na fileira da cadeia alimentar, de forma que os produtores não sejam, de facto, o parente pobre desta mesma fileira, garantindo, assim, maior igualdade na distribuição do rendimento.

    Quanto à questão que coloca acerca das quotas (que, como sabe, já tem muitos anos), a verdade é que nós não podemos ter uma posição que vá contra aquilo que é uma inevitabilidade. E, como todos sabemos, na altura, o regime das quotas terminou. Era uma inevitabilidade. Apesar de todos os constrangimentos que possa ter criado, a verdade é que o setor soube ultrapassar de forma positiva este mesmo constrangimento.

     
       

     

      Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, une fois de plus, la Commission européenne présente une vision d’avenir pour l’agriculture qui ne répond pas aux attentes des agriculteurs européens. Les agriculteurs veulent vivre de leur travail, grâce à un revenu décent; mais l’essentiel de vos propositions se concentrent sur les aides et la diversification des activités, sans leur offrir la moindre garantie. Les agriculteurs veulent moins de bureaucratie; vous préférez multiplier les normes environnementales et les obligations administratives. Les agriculteurs veulent un secteur fort et souverain; on constate que vous restez soumis au dogme du libre-échange et de la mondialisation, pourtant néfaste à notre agriculture.

    Quant à votre réponse au besoin d’attirer les jeunes et les femmes, elle se résume à la mise en place de plans, de plateformes et d’observatoires, bref, à une usine à gaz. Ce n’est pas avec des documents de trente pages que l’on remplit les assiettes. Quand allez-vous sortir des promesses creuses et proposer du concret? Monsieur le Commissaire, l’avenir de l’agriculture dans les prochaines années me paraît bien sombre.

     
       

     

      Waldemar Buda (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Miesiąc temu przewodnicząca Ursula von der Leyen oświadczyła, że wspólna polityka rolna będzie zlikwidowana. Będzie połączona z innymi programami. Podpisała porozumienie, negocjacje z Mercosurem i mamy wyraźną tendencję do ograniczenia środków na rolnictwo. I ja bym oczekiwał, żeby komisarz, który się zajmuje rolnictwem, powinien wyjść dzisiaj i powiedzieć o tych trzech sprawach. Powiedzieć jestem przeciwko Mercosurowi, jestem za utrzymaniem wspólnej polityki rolnej i jestem za utrzymaniem albo zwiększeniem środków. Czy usłyszeliśmy jakiekolwiek słowo i zapewnienie w tych trzech podstawowych sprawach?

    Czy Pan chce być grabarzem rolnictwa? Czy Pan chce być zapamiętany jako ktoś, kto rozwijał rolnictwo? Poprzedni komisarz walczył o rolnictwo, był atakowany z każdej strony. Timmermans go atakował, Dombrowskis go atakował, a on mówił swoje: będę bronił rolnictwa. Chcielibyśmy podobnej postawy wobec Pana, żeby Pan był dobrze zapamiętany w historii polskiego, ale i europejskiego rolnictwa również. Nie ma żadnego zapewnienia w tej sprawie. Ja się obawiam, że najbliższa perspektywa finansowa to będzie degradacja europejskiego rolnictwa. Co nam się w Unii Europejskiej udało? Przemysł pogrzebany, konkurencyjność pogrzebana, tylko rolnictwo. I jesteśmy na dobrej drodze, żeby rolnictwo również zlikwidować.

     
       



     

      Arash Saeidi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, je suis heureux d’entendre votre volonté, que je crois sincère, d’assurer des prix de vente supérieurs aux coûts de production, d’empêcher l’importation de produits élaborés avec des pesticides interdits dans l’Union européenne et, surtout, d’instaurer des contrôles effectifs pour assurer l’application de nos règles. Vous nous trouverez toujours en soutien pour aller dans cette direction.

    Cependant, est-ce bien la volonté de tout le collège des commissaires? Je vois a minima une contradiction flagrante entre vos propos et la signature d’un accord avec le Mercosur, alors que – et ce n’est malheureusement qu’un exemple – les études démontrent la très grande difficulté du Brésil à rendre effectifs les contrôles sur ses productions agricoles. Vous voulez protéger les agriculteurs contre une concurrence déloyale, mais la Commission ouvre les portes de l’Union européenne à un dumping chimique et social.

    Ma question est donc simple: comment allez-vous répondre à cette contradiction, Monsieur le Commissaire?

     
       

     

      Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! W debacie o wizji przyszłości rolnictwa powinien wybrzmieć głos rolników. Wczoraj wieczorem jednego z nich zapytałem o to, jaka ta przyszłość rolnictwa powinna być, i wymienił mi to w 5 punktach. 1. Skrócenie łańcuchów dostaw i wzmocnienie pozycji producenta. 2. Rolnicy muszą mieć łatwe i proste przepisy do przetwarzania swojej produkcji. 3. Należy obniżyć koszty produkcji, między innymi poprzez rewizję Zielonego Ładu. 4. Chronić wewnętrzny rynek rolny przed takimi umowami, jak Mercosur, i nadmierną liberalizacją handlu z Ukrainą i przed kolejnymi tego typu umowami. 5. Uprościć i doregulować przepisy w obszarze prowadzenia działalności rolniczej, bo rolnicy powinni pracować w polu, a nie siedzieć za biurkiem i wypełniać stosy dokumentów. I ode mnie, Panie Komisarzu: uważam, że w tej wizji, którą Pan przedstawił, brakuje ewentualnego rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej o inne państwa i wpływu tego rozszerzenia na rynek rolny, europejski, a także polski. Bez tego elementu ta wizja, moim zdaniem, będzie niepełna.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, dezbaterea de astăzi trebuie să fie urmată imediat de măsuri, domnule comisar. Asta așteaptă fermierii. Este nevoie să avem mai multă echitate economică și socială în piața internă dacă vrem să avem o agricultură durabilă, pentru că despre asta vorbim. Trebuie să avem reglementări care să combată inflația și să se stabilizeze prețurile. Inflația mănâncă din buget. Nu putem să lăsăm fermierii să-și vândă produsele sub prețul de cost. Aici avem nevoie de măsuri. Trebuie să intensificăm eforturile pentru combaterea practicilor comerciale neloiale. Știm bine că în fiecare stat membru avem practici neloiale. De ce? Pentru că intră în piața internă produse necontrolate.

    Fermierii și muncitorii agricoli au nevoie de o viață decentă, merită condiții de viață mai bune. Trebuie să încurajăm – dacă nu vom rezolva acest lucru, generația tânără nu va merge, generația despre care dumneavoastră vorbeați că trebuie să o avem pentru înlocuire. Politica agricolă comună? Politica agricolă comună trebuie reformată, dar subvențiile directe trebuie să rămână. Domnule comisar, ați vorbit de polarizare. Cum veți face să nu mai fie polarizare? Cum veți face ca subvențiile să fie etice și echitabile pentru toți fermierii? Și da, fermierii susțin o simplificare, fără să afecteze competența și competiția loială în piața internă.

     
       

     

      Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Elnök Úr! Érdemes őszintén beszélnünk, a Vision nevű anyagban, a hangzatos célok mögött olyan tervek vonulnak, amelyeknek az európai gazdák nem fognak örülni. Alapos a gyanúnk arra, hogy lefaragnák az agrártámogatásokat, külső körülményekre való hivatkozással, mint például Ukrajna EU-tagsága, és ezt a szándékot tompa kifejezésekbe burkolják. Így amikor célzott támogatásokról beszélnek, az valójában azt jelenti, hogy nem kapna minden gazda támogatást, nem kapnának annyian, mint most. Amikor rászorultsági elvről beszélnek, akkor az megint azt jelenti, hogy nem mindenki kapna támogatást, aki most egyébként kap.

    Ráadásul, hogyha jól értjük a terveket, akkor más forrásokkal is összevonnák az agrárpénzeket, ami elfedné azt, hogy csökkenteni akarják a támogatási összegeket. Elgondolkodtatónak tartom, hogy az előterjesztésben szereplő terveket leginkább azok a civilnek mondott szervezetek üdvözlik, amelyeket az Európai Bizottság finanszíroz. A gazdák nagyon nem. Magyarországon közel 250 ezer ember állt ki aláírásával a területalapú támogatások mellett. Kérem, hallják meg az ő hangjukat is!

     
       


     

      Barry Cowen (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner Hansen, thank you for your presentation earlier. As I mentioned when we met yesterday morning, I welcome much of what is contained in the vision, particularly the Commission’s intention to shift the future CAP from a system of conditions to that of incentives. That, of course, is a step in the right direction.

    However, the vision falls short in addressing one critical issue: the need for a strong CAP in the next multiannual financial framework. This vision is worryingly vague, and there are persistent rumours that the CAP budget could be merged into a broader funding pot. It says nothing concrete specifically about the budgetary needs of the next CAP, failing to acknowledge the need for new funds to pay for the transition towards sustainable food systems and productions.

    So, Commissioner Hansen, I’d like to ask you at this stage, have you identified the level of funding needed to sustain the CAP in the next MFF? And crucially, what steps are you taking within the College to secure this funding?

    (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

     
       


     

      Barry Cowen (Renew), blue-card answer. – Thank you, MEP Flanagan. And you’re quite correct, of course. I’m well aware of the impact, and the fears and concerns that exist in many farmers, many landowners, whose soil is designated as peaty, and the worries that they would have for the implications of what’s contained.

    However, I’m convinced that the Commission, in its efforts to have this addressed, primarily is committed to nature restoration laws and rewetting programmes, which Ireland and the region has committed strongly to. It has been funded by this Commission to the tune of EUR 100 million – to Bord na Móna, for example, a state body that has responsibility in this regard, that will meet much of the demands that are contained within that.

    I think farmers will continue to be in a position to carry out farm practices in relation to ploughing, in relation to reseeding, in relation to maintenance of drains …

    (The President interrupted the speaker)

     
       

     

      Anna Strolenberg (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Commissioner, the Netherlands is a country of food innovation and also a country of yoghurt‑lovers for breakfast. And I want to talk about both, because I visited a farm a while ago of two young farmers coming from a long line of dairy farmers, and they saw the inefficiency of giving soy to cows, and they radically changed their business model. By now, they are producing their own soy and creating their own yoghurt. Since recently, you can find their products in one of the biggest supermarkets in the Netherlands. This is the innovation that we need in Europe. This is a success story.

    Commissioner, in your vision, you highlight our dependency on importing proteins. If you want to change this, we have to stimulate the creation of alternative proteins. And I think we can do it. It can create more options for consumers, more new opportunities for income for farmers, and more climate resilience. If your proposed plan has concrete goals and concrete policy proposals, your plan can become a success story as well.

     
       

     

      Sebastian Everding (The Left). – Herr Präsident! „Was wir heute tun, entscheidet darüber, wie die Welt morgen aussieht“, sagte schon die österreichische Schriftstellerin Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach. Herr Kommissar, ich habe eine Vision, in der Lebensmittel nicht mehr in Verbindung mit Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gebracht werden. In dieser Vision haben Landwirte ein gesichertes Einkommen, und wir erleben eine Partnerschaft auf Augenhöhe; auf der anderen Seite Verbraucher, die bereit sind, regionale und saisonale Produkte zu kaufen, frei von Pestiziden und Gentechnik.

    In meiner Vision werden diese gesunden pflanzlichen Nahrungsmittel mit nur minimalsten Steuern belegt, während tierische Produkte mit den Steuern belastet werden, die der Umweltzerstörung, der Gefährdung menschlicher Gesundheit und dem unermesslichen Tierleid gerecht werden. Massentierhaltung und Tiertransporte kommen in meiner Vision zu einem Ende. Der Bürgerinitiative „End the Cage Age“ wird Rechnung getragen, und kein Tier wird mehr in Käfige gesperrt. Sowohl Landwirtschaft als auch Industrie sind dabei, sich vollständig auf pflanzliche Fleischalternativen und lab-grown meat umzustellen. Und ja, es wird auch niemand mehr Milch als ein gesundes Getränk bezeichnen.

    (Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

     
       



     

      Daniel Buda (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, vă felicit pentru documentul prezentat. Stimați colegi, astăzi trebuie să hrănim 450 de milioane de europeni, în timp ce la nivel mondial peste 700 de milioane de oameni suferă de foamete. Cifrele din sector sunt însă îngrijorătoare. Veniturile din agricultură sunt cu 40 % mai mici decât în orice alt sector, în timp ce doar 12 % dintre fermieri au sub 40 de ani. Fără măsuri ferme, Europa riscă să devină dependentă de importuri, pierzând controlul asupra propriei securități alimentare, iar dependența creează vulnerabilități, așa cum spunea, de altfel, Mario Draghi.

    Timpul nu mai este de partea noastră, iar mâine este deja prea târziu pentru fermieri. Domnule comisar, azi avem nevoie de politici care să protejeze producția europeană, de reducerea birocrației, dar mai ales – și subliniez, mai ales – de o finanțare adecvată. Banii pentru agricultură nu sunt banii fermierilor, ci reprezintă investițiile indispensabile pentru ca foametea să nu fie folosită ca armă de război. Dacă vrem o Europă puternică, trebuie să ne asigurăm că este și hrănită, iar acest lucru începe cu sprijinirea fermierilor noștri.

     
       

     

      Σάκης Αρναούτογλου (S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, η γεωργία δε μπορεί να είναι ένας τομέας που απλώς επιβιώνει. Πρέπει να ευημερεί, να στηρίζει τις τοπικές κοινωνίες και να εγγυάται τη διατροφική ασφάλεια της Ευρώπης. Για να πετύχει αυτό όμως, δεν αρκούν τα μεγάλα λόγια τα οποία ακούμε τα τελευταία χρόνια. Χρειάζονται δίκαιες τιμές, αξιοπρεπείς αμοιβές και ένα πλαίσιο θεμιτού ανταγωνισμού. Σήμερα οι αγρότες μας —όλοι το ξέρουμε αυτό— αναγκάζονται να πουλούν κάτω του κόστους παραγωγής, ενώ οι μεγάλες αλυσίδες λιανικής και οι μεσάζοντες αποκομίζουν τα μεγαλύτερα κέρδη. Πώς είναι δυνατό να έχουμε μια βιώσιμη γεωργία, όταν ο παραγωγός είναι ο μόνος που δεν μπορεί να ζήσει από τη δουλειά του; Πότε θα εφαρμόσει η Επιτροπή μηχανισμούς που θα διασφαλίζουν ότι κανένας αγρότης δεν θα αναγκάζεται να πουλάει κάτω από την αξία του κόπου του; Μιλάμε συνεχώς για την ανάγκη ανανέωσης των γενεών στον αγροτικό τομέα, όμως ποιος νέος θα επιλέξει να γίνει αγρότης, όταν η πρόσβαση στη γη και στη χρηματοδότηση είναι όλο και πιο δύσκολη;

    Χρειάζεται, λοιπόν, ένα φιλόδοξο πρόγραμμα για τη γενιά αγροτών με σαφή χρηματοδότηση και πραγματικά κίνητρα. Αν η Ευρώπη θέλει γεωργία με μέλλον, πρέπει να επενδύσει σε αυτήν σήμερα. Oι αγρότες δεν ζουν με ευχολόγια· υποσχέσεις δεν γεμίζουν το σιλό, δεν ποτίζουν τα χωράφια, δεν κρατούν τους νέους στη γη.

     
       

     

      Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, en hémicycle, tout le monde s’intéresse à l’agriculture. On a même vu, tout à l’heure, la présidente du groupe Renew nous parler d’agriculture, alors qu’elle n’a jamais mis les pieds, en tant que membre titulaire, dans la commission AGRI.

    Monsieur le Commissaire, vous avez rencontré énormément d’agriculteurs et d’acteurs au Salon de l’agriculture. Ils vous ont tous dit la même chose: ils vous ont dit qu’ils ne voulaient pas du Mercosur, qu’ils ne voulaient pas de l’adhésion de l’Ukraine, qui serait une catastrophe, et qu’ils ne voulaient pas du pacte vert. D’ailleurs, ce nom de «pacte vert» a disparu de votre vocabulaire et de votre feuille de route. Pourtant, il est toujours là, puisque vous affichez pour l’agriculture la neutralité climatique en 2050 avec ses conséquences: la baisse des rendements, la décroissance, la baisse de la production, l’écologie punitive totalement incompatible avec le maintien du revenu des agriculteurs.

    Vous êtes volontairement ambigu, Monsieur le Commissaire. Moi, je vous le dis très clairement: les agriculteurs dans toute l’Union européenne, dans la quasi-unanimité, vous demandent une chose: arrêtez ce pacte vert pour sauver l’agriculture européenne.

     
       


     

      Emma Wiesner (Renew). – Herr talman! Kära jordbrukskommissionär! Var är vinsten? Visionen för Europas jordbruk pratar om inkomst, inkomst och inkomst. Men vad Europas lantbrukare behöver är vinst, vinst, vinst. Jag är besviken över att vi lägger ribban så lågt, för om lantbruket är samhällets ryggrad är maten dess hjärta. I en tid när lantbrukare runtom i Europa larmar om att ekonomin inte går ihop, samtidigt som konsumenter lägger en historiskt låg andel av sin inkomst på mat, vågar vi inte säga som det är: Lantbrukare måste kunna göra vinst!

    Utan vinst, inga investeringar i omställning eller effektiviseringar. Utan vinst, ingen konkurrenskraft eller generationsskiften. Utan vinst, ingen trygghet för våra lantbrukare. Vi har en tydlig uppgift framför oss att öka lantbrukets intäkter och sänka dess kostnader för vi behöver både ryggrad och hjärta.

    Så stirra er inte blinda på inkomsterna, våga prata om vinsten och lönsamheten! För pengar kanske inte växer på träd, men kapital ska växa på varje gård, och det är min vision för Europas lantbruk.

     
       

     

      Martin Häusling (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar, ich bin ehrlich: Ich hätte mir eigentlich mehr erwartet von der Vision; die Strategie-Kommission hat ja vorgelegt. Wir haben ja Ziele in der Strategie-Kommission benannt: Klimawandel bekämpfen, biologische Vielfalt stärken und nicht schwächen, Stärkung der Landwirte in der Kette. Wo ist eigentlich die Förderung der nachhaltigen Produktion geblieben? Wo sind die 25 % Öko-Landbau, die ja mal in der Farm to Fork benannt wurden? Das alles vermisse ich. Ich glaube, wir müssen auch klar über Pestizide reden, weil es steht komischerweise in der Strategie: Pestizide werden nur vom Markt genommen, wenn andere da sind. Was heißt das konkret? Wenden wir uns jetzt von der Wissenschaft ab?

    Leider ist mir die Vision viel zu wenig konkret. Farm to Fork wird nicht benannt, der Green Deal wird nicht benannt, und stattdessen wird auf Freiwilligkeit gesetzt, statt klare Ziele zu formulieren, und natürlich wieder der Fokus auf Export. Wir müssen die Stärkung der regionalen Lebensmittelketten in den Vordergrund stellen. Wir müssen auch nicht Gentechnik jetzt als Lösung für viele Probleme im Klimawandel verstehen.

    Gute Ansätze haben Sie ja, und da finde ich die Stärkung der Rechte der Landwirte in der Kette; da sind wir uns – glaube ich – völlig einig. Aber einen Punkt muss die Kommission noch erklären: Ihr Haushalt bedeutet ja am Ende, dass auch die zweite Säule der Entwicklung gefährdet ist.

     
       

     

      Paulo Do Nascimento Cabral (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, esta visão colocou por escrito o que nós, no PSD, e os agricultores lá fora tanto têm defendido. Finalmente fomos ouvidos, e obrigado por isto, Senhor Comissário.

    É necessário reforçar a PAC, porque a agricultura é também coesão, segurança e defesa. De que vale termos territórios se não os desenvolvermos, ou exércitos se não os conseguirmos alimentar e dependermos de países terceiros?

    Saúdo a estratégia para a renovação geracional, e os números são impressionantes: a idade média de um agricultor na União Europeia é de 57 anos e em Portugal, de 64. Daqui a cinco ou dez anos, quem irá produzir o que nós comermos?

    É crucial preservar os dois pilares da PAC, reforçar a transparência na formação dos preços e uma repartição justa do valor na cadeia de abastecimento alimentar. O preço nas prateleiras dos supermercados está demasiado distante daquilo que os agricultores recebem.

    A resiliência hídrica, e Portugal com o plano de ação «Água que une», é um excelente exemplo: a simplificação, a substituição das obrigações por incentivos, a digitalização e a inovação, a promoção e a reciprocidade, e a saúde mental, entre outros, representam uma nova esperança para os agricultores.

    E termino reconhecendo a defesa que faz da agricultura das regiões ultraperiféricas e do POSEI, que precisa de ser reforçado e atualizado. As regiões ultraperiféricas enfrentam desafios únicos e contam com o seu apoio.

     
       


     

      Eric Sargiacomo (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, la vision pour l’agriculture et l’alimentation est un panorama très complet des enjeux que nous devons affronter pour assurer la sécurité alimentaire des Européens. Pour cela, il faut refermer la parenthèse libérale ouverte en 1992. Sans régulation, pas de sécurité alimentaire ni de souveraineté. Notre monde change vite et nous devons y adapter notre politique.

    Nous devons répondre au moins à deux défis majeurs qui tiennent les deux bouts de la chaîne: assurer un revenu à nos agriculteurs et lutter contre la précarité alimentaire, qui touche 20 % des Européens et qui n’a fait qu’augmenter sous la pression de l’inflation alimentaire. Pour cela, il nous faut retrouver des instruments pour la régulation et la stabilisation des prix. Je pense en particulier aux stocks stratégiques et à la révision des prix d’intervention. L’Europe s’est créée sur une double promesse: celle de la paix et de la prospérité. Ne pas assurer la sécurité alimentaire, c’est trahir cette promesse. Monsieur le Commissaire, donnons-nous les moyens de cette vision, afin qu’elle ne soit pas un mirage, une simple illusion de plus.

     
       

     

      Gerald Hauser (PfE). – Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar, glauben Sie wirklich, dass mit dieser Vision die Bauernproteste zurückgehen und dass Sie den Bauern mit Ihrer Vision die Zukunftsängste nehmen? Ich bin mir sicher: nicht, weil das Hauptproblem, das viele Bauern haben, ist schon einmal der Beitritt oder die Übernahme von Mercosur. Wir sollten und wir müssen Mercosur verhindern, weil Mercosur der Todesstoß für viele landwirtschaftliche Betriebe ist.

    Um Ihnen das zu beweisen, zitiere ich aus einer parlamentarischen Anfrage von mir an den ÖVP-Landwirtschaftsminister Totschnig – nicht von unserer Partei, ich bin Mitglied der Freiheitlichen Partei und der stärksten Partei in Österreich. Diese Anfragebeantwortung habe ich am 13. Februar 2024 Mercosur betreffend bekommen – ist im Netz abrufbar. Ich zitiere Ihnen daraus, was Ihr Kollege zu dem möglichen Beitritt zu Mercosur und den Auswirkungen für die Landwirte zu sagen hat: Das im Jahr 2019 ausverhandelte Mercosur-Abkommen ist jedoch kein Abkommen, das den Agrarsektor stärkt. Studien zeigen, dass es zu erheblichen Wettbewerbsnachteilen für die Agrarproduktion in sensiblen Sektoren kommt …

    (Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

    (Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

     
       



     

      Francesco Ventola (ECR). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, l’agricoltura europea è di fronte ad una svolta fondamentale: è il momento di riconoscere il vero valore degli agricoltori non come inquinatori ma come custodi della terra, i difensori della natura e garanti della nostra sicurezza alimentare.

    Questa è la visione che dobbiamo abbracciare: un’agricoltura che produce cibo sano, rispettando l’ambiente. Gli agricoltori meritano una politica agricola comune che premi chi lavora la terra, garantendo un reddito giusto, scevro da forme di sfruttamento e di logiche speculative.

    I cittadini hanno diritto di alimentarsi di pietanze che fanno bene alla salute. Quindi anche i prodotti importati devono rispettare i nostri stessi standard qualitativi. Pretendiamo l’applicazione del concetto di reciprocità: in questo modo contribuiremo a determinare un mercato più equo.

    Dobbiamo incentivare tutte le forme di innovazione che la scienza ci mette a disposizione per migliorare la produttività dell’agricoltura europea. La nostra priorità deve essere l’autonomia strategica alimentare, che ne garantisce la sicurezza e l’indipendenza.

    Commissario Hansen, è questa la strada che proponiamo al fine di garantire un prospero futuro al comparto agricolo e soprattutto sana alimentazione.

     
       

     

      Céline Imart (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, merci d’avoir évité l’écueil d’un «De la ferme à la table» bis. Le ton est volontariste, vous parlez de souveraineté alimentaire et vous remettez la production au cœur de la vision et la vache au milieu du champ. Toutefois, des intentions, il faut passer aux actes.

    Sur le terrain, les agriculteurs transpirent et il est temps que les administrations fassent transpirer dans les textes ce vrai changement de cap, qu’elles comprennent que nous avons changé de mandat et qu’elles-mêmes ont changé de commissaire, et non pas qu’elles fassent semblant d’être un peu sourdes pour ne pas abolir les textes dangereux issus du mandat antérieur: le règlement sur le transport des animaux, qui ne ferait qu’imposer aux éleveurs des contraintes insurmontables, sans aucun bénéfice économique, social ni environnemental; le cadre sur l’évaluation des forêts, qui propose une usine à gaz pour accabler nos forestiers, sans aucune garantie de résultat; le programme LIFE, qui doit cesser de financer des ONG écologistes extrémistes, qui s’acharnent à fragiliser notre agriculture sous couvert d’altruisme opaque et militant. Voilà une piste d’économie à reflécher vers les budgets agricoles.

    Monsieur le Commissaire, cette vision est la première pierre pour enrayer la machine infernale. Il faut maintenant remettre du bon sens au cœur des textes européens et au cœur des administrations de la Commission.

     
       

     

      Camilla Laureti (S&D). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, bene, la visione per quello che riguarda il reddito – ce lo ha detto anche lei il salario medio degli agricoltori e del 40% più basso rispetto ad altri settori – bene, le aree interne rurali che sono l’ossatura della nostra Europa, le filiere corte e i giovani e le donne.

    Mi raccomando attenzione anche alle donne giovani: sono gestite da donne solo il 3% del 12% delle aziende under 40. Mettiamo al centro, però, una politica agricola comune nuova e che arrivi davvero ovunque – in Italia, per esempio, 3/4 dei fondi PAC vanno alle aziende agricole più grandi – e che sia una PAC attenta alla sostenibilità – ha parlato anche lei della centralità dei nostri suoli – e che aiuti tutti gli agricoltori ad innovare. Oltre alla condizionalità ambientale, non dimentichiamo la condizionalità sociale.

    Abbiamo di fronte a noi anni cruciali per il mondo agricolo, in cui sarà essenziale il dialogo e il confronto tra posizioni che spesso sono diverse. Questo è quello che dobbiamo a chi, oggi, con fatica e cura, continua a dedicarsi all’agricoltura e al nostro cibo.

     
       



     

      Ton Diepeveen (PfE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega’s, na jarenlang regel op regel op te leggen — de ene strenger dan de andere — na jaren waarin de landbouwsector onder druk is gezet met groene doelstellingen, vaak gepusht door groene lobbygroepen, spreekt de Europese Commissie eindelijk over vereenvoudiging.

    Het gemeenschappelijk landbouwbeleid is compleet ontspoord en staat inmiddels ver van de realiteit van onze boeren af. Hoog tijd om terug te keren naar de kern, naar boeren die voedsel produceren en niet papieren produceren. Minder regels, minder bemoeienis vanuit Brussel is wat onze boeren echt nodig hebben.

    Investeren in technologische vooruitgang en slimme innovaties, daar zit de echte duurzaamheid. Maar het duurt allemaal veel te lang. De innovatie in landbouw en visserij loopt vast in procedures, regels, vergunningen. Nieuwe technieken blijven daardoor te lang op de plank liggen. Dit moet en kan anders. Brussel moet niet op de rem staan, maar juist op het gaspedaal drukken om onze boeren en vissers snelle toegang te geven tot innovatie. Alleen dan blijft onze landbouw- en visserijsector concurrerend. Alleen dan zijn we toekomstbestendig. En alleen dan kunnen we het hebben over handelsakkoorden waarin onze boeren een gelijk speelveld hebben.

     
       

     

      Gabriel Mato (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la agricultura es un sector fundamental, no solo por su impacto económico, sino por su peso en la forma de vida de millones de europeos. Y, si esto es importante en la Europa continental, créanme que lo es mucho más en las regiones ultraperiféricas como Canarias. Al fin y al cabo, nosotros estamos muy lejos, aunque nos sintamos muy cerca. Por eso es fundamental que la agricultura prospere en las regiones ultraperiférica, usted lo ha mencionado, y que quienes se dedican a ello puedan seguir haciéndolo. Para ello es necesaria la ayuda de la Unión Europea.

    Hemos de entender que el valor añadido de la agricultura no viene solo de su aportación al PIB, sino también de su aportación a nuestra seguridad alimentaria, de su papel para mantener nuestras comunidades tradicionales y dar oportunidades de vida a la población en áreas rurales, permitiéndoles quedarse junto a los suyos. Por ello, es fundamental que, de cara a la revisión del programa de opciones específicas por la lejanía y la insularidad (POSEI), se actualice la ficha financiera ―que, le recuerdo, lleva estancada trece años― para poder responder a la inflación y a los aumentos de costes de producción.

    Si tenemos un sistema que está dando buenos resultados, apostemos por él y démosle el respaldo económico que necesita para seguir cumpliendo con sus objetivos.

     
       

     

      France Jamet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, nourrir l’humanité est l’enjeu majeur de ce XXIᵉ siècle. C’est pourquoi nous devons non seulement repenser, mais soutenir le modèle de production. La mer fait partie intégrante de ce défi, avec une filière pêche puissante, durable et associée à une aquaculture raisonnée. Pour cela, nous devons créer toutes les conditions pour favoriser une synergie entre les nourriciers de la mer et les nourriciers de la terre. À l’instar de l’algoculture, dont le développement offre déjà des avancées décisives dans le domaine des engrais durables et recyclés pour notre agriculture, notre indépendance vis-à-vis des intrants chimiques, dont une grande partie vient de Russie, serait ainsi assurée.

    Alors que les accords de libre-échange que vous signez et l’obsession de verdissement imposée par Bruxelles, normative et punitive, contribuent tout simplement à fragiliser notre souveraineté alimentaire, en s’acharnant sur nos agriculteurs et nos pêcheurs. Nourrir l’humanité sera l’enjeu majeur de ce XXIᵉ siècle. C’est avec eux, et non pas contre eux, que nous relèverons ce défi.

     
       

     

      Alexander Bernhuber (PPE). – Sehr geehrter Herr Präsident, lieber Herr Kommissar! Die vergangenen fünf Jahre waren für die Landwirtschaft eher fünf magere Jahre: ein Kommissar, der sich wenig für die Landwirtschaft interessiert hat, eine Gesetzgebung, die sich mehr auf Flächenstilllegung und Außernutzungstellung konzentriert hat, als auf Ernährungssicherheit zu setzen, und politische Mehrheiten im Europäischen Parlament, die absolut nicht die Interessen unserer Bäuerinnen und Bauern vertreten haben.

    Umso mehr freue ich mich jetzt auf die nächsten fünf Jahre mit Ihnen, Herr Kommissar. Ihre Vision ist ein erster wichtiger Schritt: weniger Bürokratie auf unseren Höfen, faire Wettbewerbsbedingungen dann, wenn es um Lebensmittelimporte geht, und ein klares Bekenntnis zur Versorgungssicherheit sind richtige, wichtige Schritte.

    Doch jetzt geht es darum, aus dieser Vision auch wirklich in der praktischen Umsetzung etwas zu erreichen. Wir haben noch sehr vieles auf dem Tisch liegen, das mehr Bürokratie bedeutet: Industrieemissionsrichtlinie, Entwaldungsverordnung und, und, und, wo wir hier Lösungen finden müssen und gleichzeitig auch konkrete neue Schritte setzen – da können wir auf Sie zählen, da bin ich überzeugt; Sie können auf unsere Unterstützung zählen. Lassen Sie uns gemeinsam daran arbeiten!

     
       

     

      Marta Wcisło (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Największym wyzwaniem, przed którym stoją dziś rolnicy, jest niska opłacalność, a nawet jej brak. Rolnicy w Europie, zwłaszcza Wschodniej, borykają się z rygorystycznymi regulacjami oraz nieuczciwą konkurencją produktów spoza Unii Europejskiej. Przedstawiona przez Komisję wizja dla rolnictwa i żywności zawiera między innymi dialog z rolnikami, o czym często zapominają instytucje europejskie, jak to miało miejsce w przypadku umowy z Mercosurem.

    Dziś jednak najważniejszym problemem dla rolników jest biurokracja, nadmierna sprawozdawczość, przesadne wymogi formalne. Rolnicy oczekują uproszczenia zasad dostępu do wsparcia finansowego i grantów, zwłaszcza dla mikro-, małych i rodzinnych przedsiębiorstw rolnych, a także rewizji Zielonego Ładu i zatrzymania umowy z Mercosurem. Propozycja Komisji idzie w dobrym kierunku, ale to zaledwie mały plaster, Panie Komisarzu, na wielką ranę europejskiego rolnictwa.

     
       

     

      Maria Walsh (PPE). – Mr President, the Commissioner mentioned two words: stability and predictability. Commissioner, if you ask young men and women in Ireland right now whether they would consider going into farming, sadly most would say ‘no’. You heard this no doubt, when you visited Ireland in January, because land is expensive, credit is hard to get, succession is complex to navigate and incomes and markets are volatile. We all know this. But what is incredibly important now is what we go forth with. We cannot ignore the fact that only 7 % of our farmers are under 35, and they need that stability and predictability, now more than ever. We need to make agriculture, the whole sector, more attractive and support young people in a practical manner now. Not later on, but now. It’s a matter of food security – you mentioned that – and the survival of our sector across the EU.

    And with all eyes being on how we’re going to fund everything that’s in this vision, Commissioner, I’m asking you in your strategy that you will put forward, that you think of the young men and women, which I know you do, but it’s incredibly important that we have those practical steps in place so that they can develop a stronger food security for us all.

     
       

       

    Vystúpenia na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky

     
       

     

      Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, los agricultores y los pescadores desempeñan un papel crucial en nuestra seguridad alimentaria. Sin embargo, conocemos todos el malestar imperante en el sector agrícola, también en el pesquero, que se queja de la excesiva burocracia, de muchas restricciones, de la dificultad de conseguir, comisario, el llamado level playing field. Este malestar se ha exteriorizado recientemente respecto del Acuerdo de Mercosur, pero en el fondo refleja el descontento con la política agrícola desequilibrada que la Comisión llevó a cabo especialmente en la legislatura pasada.

    Yo creo que usted, señor comisario, representa, desde luego, un cambio muy positivo. Y lo primero que debemos hacer es flexibilizar la normativa europea y también reducir la burocracia y eliminar determinadas restricciones. Pero quiero insistir en otro punto. La seguridad alimentaria no es un tema solo agrícola. Usted ha mencionado los pescadores, y lo celebro. La pesca y acuicultura son vitales: aportan una fuente de proteína muy nutritiva y con baja huella de carbono. Lamento que este sector haya ocupado un lugar un tanto marginal en la llamada «visión para la agricultura y la alimentación» y me gustaría que estuviera plenamente representado…

    (el presidente retira la palabra al orador)

     
       

     

      Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Posėdžio pirmininke, gerbiamas komisare. Norėčiau atkreipti dėmesį vizijoje į tuos du sektorius: į sektorių Competitive and resilient sector ir į sektorių Future-proof sector. Jiedu abudu be galo susiję vienu ypatingai svarbiu aspektu. Tai dalykais, kurie vizijoje turi būti aptarti kompleksiškai, kai yra baisūs iššūkiai, kurie nepriklauso nuo žemės ūkio, nuo fermerių, nuo ūkininkų situacijos – karas, klimato kaitos katastrofos, baisūs sutrikimai grandinėse. Ir tada reikia ieškoti, kad vizijoje būtų kompleksinės priemonės harmonizuotos tarp abiejų šitų sektorių, kad mes galėtume užtikrinti ir kompetentingumą, ir ištvermę. Ir aš noriu pasakyti, kad kalbant apie viską, labai svarbu atkreipti dėmesį, kad tiesioginių išmokų suvienodinimas šiandien visiems ūkininkams yra tiesiog būtinybė.

     
       

     

      Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Myślę, że rolnicy zasługują na to, żeby powiedzieć im prawdę. Komisja Europejska mówi wprost. Unia Europejska jest zadłużona na ponad 500 mld euro, a jeszcze nie zaczęła spłacać odsetek od funduszu odbudowy. Komisarz von der Leyen mówi jednoznacznie i wielokrotnie: nie będzie odrębnego funduszu dla rolnictwa. Będzie jeden dla jednego państwa. Jednocześnie Komisja jest zdecydowana, zachęca. Pan komisarz też wije się, nie odpowiadając na pytania. Zapadła decyzja o podpisaniu umowy z Merkosurem. Jednocześnie odbyło się spotkanie w komisji AGRI, gdzie usłyszeliśmy, że od czerwca pełnym strumieniem, otwartą granicą będą płynąć produkty rolne z Ukrainy. Tak bardzo się boicie, że nie pokazujecie nawet rozporządzenia. Mówię to po to, żeby zderzyć Pana i Państwa z rzeczywistością. Ta wizja do niej nie przystaje.

     
       

     

      Benoit Cassart (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, la vision pour l’agriculture marque un tournant décisif pour notre agriculture. Enfin, nous mettons les agriculteurs au cœur de la transition. C’est un changement de paradigme essentiel pour garantir une agriculture durable, compétitive et résiliente. Merci.

    Permettez-moi cependant d’insister sur un point crucial, l’élevage. Nos éleveurs font face à des défis majeurs, et trop de jeunes renoncent à reprendre les exploitations. Or, sans eux, notre souveraineté alimentaire est en péril. Monsieur le Commissaire, serait-il envisageable de mettre en place un groupe de haut niveau sur l’élevage, comme c’est le cas pour le vin? Nous devons trouver des solutions d’urgence. Notre bétail disparaît chaque jour un peu plus de nos prairies.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, o que a Comissão Europeia propõe é o acentuar de um caminho errado de concentração e intensificação da produção.

    O caminho devia ser outro. Devia ser o do apoio à pequena e média produção, à agricultura familiar, promovendo um modelo de produção de qualidade — e sustentável —, que assegure a coesão social e territorial.

    O caminho devia ser o da defesa da soberania e segurança alimentar no quadro de cada país, aplicando um princípio de preferência nacional, criando e utilizando um sistema de obrigatoriedade de quotas de comercialização de produção nacional, para combater dependências externas e défices produtivos.

    Devia ser o do encurtamento das cadeias de produção, distribuição e consumo, e de uma política agrícola que intervenha nos mercados agrícolas, garantindo o escoamento das produções e preços justos aos produtores, enfrentando os interesses da grande distribuição comercial que esmagam esses rendimentos.

    O caminho devia ser o de uma política agrícola comum que vincule os apoios à produção, pondo fim ao vergonhoso princípio de pagamentos sem obrigação de produzir. Esse caminho é recusado pela União Europeia, mas vamos continuar a bater-nos por ele, que é ele que serve os agricultores e o desenvolvimento.

     
       

     

      Milan Mazurek (ESN). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, keď človek v tomto pléne počúva názory niektorých extrémnych ľavicových vegánskych aktivistov, tak musí byť skutočne zdesený o budúcnosť a slobodu ľudí v Európskej únii. Normálne tu chcete ľuďom hovoriť, aby prestali jesť mäso, že majú prestať piť mlieko, že majú jesť nejakú sóju a že majú jesť len v laboratóriu vypestované mäso? Stále chcete niekomu prikazovať, čo má či nemá robiť?

    Ja vám teraz niečo poviem, vegáni, počúvajte ma dobre: Ja som mäsožravec. Jem mäso na kilá, pijem pol litra zdravého, čerstvého nepasterizovaného mlieka každý deň a v živote som nebol zdravší, ako som teraz. Preto ma vaša propaganda nezaujíma. A keď chcete žiť podľa vlastných pravidiel, robte to, ako chcete, ale nevnucujte to všetkým ľuďom v celej Európskej únii len preto, že ste presvedčení, že vaša agenda je pravdivá. Nie mäso, nie mlieko sú nezdravé, ale vaša nebezpečná propaganda, ktorá berie ľuďom slobodu a mení Európsku úniu na progresivistický nezmysel. To je skutočná hrozba pre ľudské zdravie.

     
       

     

      Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, pán komisár, veľmi ma zaujíma, ako sa Európska komisia vysporiada s predĺžením dohody s Ukrajinou o dovoze ukrajinských produktov na naše územie, pretože vieme, že my vo východnej Európe sme mali s tým veľký problém, a už sa blíži ten čas a je okolo toho veľmi ticho. Takže bola by som veľmi rada, keby ste možno mohli odpovedať.

    Slovenskí poľnohospodári aj poľnohospodári v Európskej únii si zaslúžia, samozrejme, rešpekt a úctu. A videli sme, že sme tu mali veľmi veľa protestov a veľa tých požiadaviek bolo, samozrejme, veľmi relevantných. V poľnohospodárstve by sme sa mali snažiť o zníženie byrokracie, o zníženie kontrol pre poľnohospodárov a som rada, že aj vďaka ich tlaku sa nám to čiastočne podarilo, pre tých menších v poslednom období.

    Môžeme hovoriť o potravinárstve. Ja som si všimla, že vo vašom predstavení takisto sa zaoberáte potravinárstvom. Je to druhý najväčší sektor v európskej ekonomike a myslím si, že by sme sa mali zameriavať aj na to, ako ochrániť potravinárov, ktorí vyrábajú veľmi veľa veľmi dôležitých a zdravých potravín v Európskej únii, ale aj v súvislosti s vývozom do krajín, ako sú Spojené štáty, kde nám hrozia momentálne takisto niektoré clá alebo dane na takýto dovoz. Samozrejme, diverzifikácia poľnohospodárstva je dôležitá aj v súvislosti s klimatickými zmenami a takisto by sme ju mali podporovať, ale hlavne zachovať peniaze v poľnohospodárstve pre ďalšie obdobie.

     
       


     

      Stefan Köhler (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, vielen Dank für Ihre Vision, die sehr gute Ansätze liefert für die Zukunft und endlich die Wertschätzung, die die Landwirtschaft benötigt, entgegenbringt. Aber eine Vision, das sind nur Ideen für die Zukunft. Wenn ich mit Landwirten rede – und Sie haben gesagt, Sie haben schon viele Länder besucht –, die wollen jetzt einfach Aktion sehen, die wollen an die Umsetzung rangehen: Da möchte ich Sie ermuntern.

    Und was brauchen wir für eine starke Umsetzung? Wir brauchen ein starkes Budget, ist heute öfters gesagt worden, wir brauchen aber auch Innovation und Forschung und vor allen Dingen Erleichterung – die bringen Sie ja jetzt demnächst auf den Weg; und ich bin auch dankbar, dass wir dafür auch einen starken Kommissar haben.

    Lassen Sie uns gemeinsam die Vision schnell angehen und umsetzen! Dazu sichere ich Ihnen meine persönliche Unterstützung, aber auch die unserer Fraktion zu.

     
       

       

    (Koniec vystúpení na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky)

     
       

     

      Christophe Hansen, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this open and frank first exchange of views on the vision on the future of agriculture and food. I have the feeling that most of you are quite positive about this new direction – a new Commission that is going and putting farmers back in the centre and is also not afraid to speak about productivity in the farming and food‑producing sector. I believe this is very important due to the geopolitical challenges that we are going through.

    You all remember one year ago that the farmers took to the streets and they had three main concerns they expressed. One was reciprocity in standards. We are addressing this reciprocity, and we are taking the first steps now, and it is clearly stated in the vision. They ask for fairer prices.

    In the first ten days of the new mandate of this Commission, we presented a targeted amendment of the Common Market Organisation Regulation and the Unfair Trading Practices Directive. And we will deliver as well on the third part, which was clearly the administrative burden that was too heavy for the agriculture and food‑producing sectors. So I’m very keen to present, already in the month of April, a first simplification package based on the common agricultural policy, but more needs to follow.

    I have travelled to several Member States, and most of the concerns I got were not related to the common agricultural policy; it was the overlap of several European laws, but as well of national laws. So we have to work and deliver by the end of the year – and I clearly stated this and it is also part of the vision – a cross-cutting simplification package that will really touch to the farms and that is well needed.

    So on the three main concerns, we are delivering concretely now as well. But, of course, you are right when you say you are lacking some details on one part or the other. And, of course, you are right that the proof of the pudding will be in the tasting afterwards. And there I believe it is very important that we take up now the workstreams that are identified in this vision together, not only with the European Parliament, but as well with the newly created European Board on Agriculture and Food, which brings together not only the farming community, but also the entire food value chain and other citizens and NGOs. This is very important to depolarise the debate and find common solutions, and I think this will deliver.

    Of course, we have to be very aware as well, as some have stated, of concerns about the ‘common’ or the ‘c’ in ‘common agricultural policy’, which will remain very important as well to have a fair level playing field between the Member States and our different farming communities.

    I believe it is also important that we speak about the next steps, and there are very many workstreams on livestock, generation renewal. Those need to be addressed together, and I think that will bring us all together forward.

    Then, of course, we have several other initiatives. I haven’t yet mentioned the wine package, although some of you have mentioned the High‑Level Group on Wine. There as well we intend to deliver the proposal already in the month of April to be able to get relief to that sector too which is very much under pressure. I am looking very much forward to doing this work together with you.

    I think it is very important that we keep up the depolarising debate and put the farmers in the centre of the discussion, not only here, but I think it’s very important that, in general, the policies are meant not in opposition here from one side to another. That is not being helpful. Let’s work in the interest of the farmers. A lot has been delivered, and I’m looking forward to future exchanges.

    For those who are members of the AGRI Committee, we will see each other on 19 March. I’m ready to discuss further in detail with a little bit more extended time, and I’m very much looking forward to that good cooperation.

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: VICTOR NEGRESCU
    Vice-President

    Written Statements (Rule 178)

     
       


     

     

      Christine Schneider (PPE), schriftlich. – Die heute debattierte Vision der EU-Kommission setzt die richtigen Schwerpunkte: mehr „Farm“ statt „Fork“. Eine anreizbasierte GAP ist der richtige Weg, um die Landwirtschaft zukunftsfähig und attraktiv zu halten. Es ist alarmierend, dass nur 12 % der Landwirte unter 40 Jahren sind. Ohne gezielte Einkommensunterstützung wird der Generationswechsel nicht möglich sein.

    Bürokratieabbau ist dringend notwendig. Die angekündigte „Simplification“-Initiative im zweiten Quartal ist ein wichtiger Schritt. Sie muss aber direkt auf den Höfen ankommen wie auch in der Verwaltung. Auch beim Pflanzenschutz braucht es eine bessere Balance: Verbote dürfen erst erfolgen, wenn praxistaugliche Alternativen verfügbar sind.

    Besonders positiv ist der Ansatz der nature credits. Statt auf weitere Verbote setzt dieser Mechanismus auf Anreize für nachhaltiges Wirtschaften – ein zukunftsweisender Ansatz.

    Diese Vision bietet Landwirten Planungssicherheit, stärkt ihre Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und ermöglicht Verbrauchern eine informierte Wahl. Europa braucht eine starke Landwirtschaft – mit weniger Bürokratie, fairen Einkommen und innovativen Lösungen. Hansen setzt hier die richtigen Impulse.

     

    3. Action Plan for Affordable Energy (debate)


     

      Dan Jørgensen, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, according to Google, in my home country, the name most searched for last year was actually Taylor Swift. I don’t know what it was in Strasbourg and Brussels, but I’m pretty sure I can guess. It was probably Mario Draghi.

    Indeed, the Draghi Report is extremely important. I’m sure you’ve also all read it and will know that it mentions energy quite a lot – 700 times actually. Why? Because European industries pay two to three times more for energy than their competitors in the US and China. Because last year almost 47 million Europeans were unable to adequately heat their homes due to the high prices. Because since the war began, Europe has imported fossil fuels from Russia for an amount equal to the cost price of 2 400 F-35 fighter jets.

    For our solidarity of Ukraine and for the security of Europe, this cannot continue. And because we need to fight even harder to decarbonise our economies, when the US steps out of the Paris Agreement, it means that the EU has to step up.

    For these reasons and more, the Commission has presented the European action plan for affordable energy: an ambitious strategy to reduce energy costs for households and businesses now, while building a clean, competitive and secure energy union for future generations.

    The first pillar of our plan is focused on immediate steps to lower energy costs. We set out how Member States can tackle inefficiencies in network tariffs and taxation to achieve a more rational energy system with significantly lower prices.

    We also push for the faster deployment of clean, affordable energy. There will be no backtracking. Instead, we will fast track. We will reduce permitting times for clean energy projects significantly. For simpler projects, it should take no longer than six months to get a permit – not years, not decades as is sometimes the case today. Six months.

    We also respond to Professor Draghi’s recommendation to decouple electricity prices from gas prices by boosting longer-term contracts for renewable energy, like power purchase agreements. We will work with the EIB to create new facilities to promote and de-risk these contracts.

    Additionally, as we decarbonise our economy, demand for gas declines, but it will remain a significant part of our energy mix for some time. Our action plan therefore targets fairer gas markets. To this end, we have set up a gas market taskforce to scrutinise the operation of EU gas markets and intervene when necessary.

    So, while the first pillar sets out immediate actions to lower energy bills, the second pillar responds to structural drivers of higher costs that require long-term solutions. We accelerate our paths towards an energy union that delivers competitiveness, security, decarbonisation and a just transition, passing the benefits of clean, affordable energy on to our citizens and businesses.

    This means massive investments in grids and interconnectors. According to the Commission estimates, the EU will need investments of over EUR 570 billion annually to boost renewables, energy efficiency and grids over the course of this decade. That is why later this year, we will introduce a clean energy investment strategy to streamline the use of financial instruments such as grants, loans and blended finance to maximise impact.

    We also need to modernise our systems through electrification and digitalisation. Upcoming initiatives announced in the action plan, such as the electrification action plan, heating and cooling strategy and strategic roadmap on digitalisation in AI, can yield remarkable cost savings and benefits for Europeans. For example, increased electrification could cut energy system costs by EUR 32 billion annually by 2030. Widespread heat pump adoption could slash fossil fuel import spending by EUR 60 billion until 2030.

    The third pillar of our action plan ensures scale and certainty for investments by establishing a tripartite contract for affordable energy. This contract brings together the public sector, clean energy developers and producers, and the energy consuming industry. Our goal is to enable shared commitments and coordinated planning, providing stability in the face of market uncertainties that would otherwise hold back investments in clean transition.

    The final pillar of our plan recognises that the energy crisis exposed critical vulnerabilities in our energy system. We need to learn from this experience and be better equipped. We will therefore revise the EU energy security framework to strengthen our resilience against emerging threats and prepare for future shocks.

    At the same time, we will enhance our crisis response to better prepare for situations such as the one faced by southeast Europe last summer. We will leverage smarter demand management and better cross-border cooperation to mitigate price peaks and ensure electricity flows where it is needed the most.

    What do all of these actions mean for homes and businesses in Europe? Well, taken together, we have the potential to deliver EUR 45 billion in savings just in 2025, growing to at least EUR 130 billion in annual savings by 2030 and to EUR 260 billion annually as of 2040. Overall, between now and 2040, we can save up to EUR 2.5 trillion on fossil fuel imports. Let me just repeat that number – that is huge. EUR 2.5 trillion we can save by deploying faster our renewable energy, by becoming more energy efficient, by controlling the gas markets better, by implementing legislation that’s already been made and by interconnecting our energy systems much better than is the case today.

    If and when we do all these things, we will become much more independent of Russian fuels, our competitiveness will be much better than it is today and we will have decarbonised our economy.

     
       

     

      Peter Liese, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Energiekosten runterzubringen, ist eine absolute Notwendigkeit: Unsere Wirtschaft und auch die Bürgerinnen und Bürger leiden unter den hohen Energiekosten. Und für die Ziele, die wir politisch haben – Klimaschutz, Unabhängigkeit von Importen – ist es absolut notwendig, vor allen Dingen die Stromkosten runter zu bekommen. Strom ist die Energie der Transformation zur Klimaneutralität. Ob beim Heizen, bei der Mobilität oder bei industriellen Prozessen: Nicht immer, aber meistens liegt die Antwort in der Elektrifizierung, und deswegen ist es irre, dass wir so hohe Strompreise haben.

    Ich kenne Leute, die sind im Jahr 2022 jeden Morgen klimaneutral mit einem Hybrid zur Arbeit gefahren, und dann haben sie ihre Stromrechnung gesehen und haben den Hybrid verkauft, weil wir die Strompreise nicht im Griff hatten. Und es gibt Menschen, die sagen – gerade in Ihrer Fraktion, Herr Kommissar: Das ETS 1 kann gar nicht ambitioniert genug sein, aber ETS 2 wollen wir nicht. Das ist genau das Gegenteil, was wir für die Transformation brauchen – wir brauchen niedrige Strompreise. Und Strom ist eben auch die Energie, um uns unabhängig von Russland, Aserbaidschan, Katar und anderen problematischen Lieferanten zu machen; deswegen müssen die Stromkosten runter.

    Aber Kosten sind immer das Produkt von Preis und Verbrauch; das heißt, wenn wir den Verbrauch senken durch Energieeffizienz, dann gehen die Kosten eben auch runter. Und deswegen ist es so wichtig, was Sie gesagt haben, Herr Kommissar: Wir brauchen eben auch die Energieeffizienz. Und ich bitte Sie, da noch intensiver mit der Europäischen Investitionsbank zu arbeiten, um z. B. ein Frontloading der ETS 2-Einnahmen zu haben, damit wir gerade Menschen mit niedrigen und mittleren Einkommen bei der Energieeffizienz so schnell wie möglich helfen können.

     
       

     

      Dan Nica, în numele grupului S&D. – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar Jørgensen, sunteți comisarul pentru energie al Uniunii Europene și aveți în fața dumneavoastră un mandat cu extrem de multe provocări. Piața energiei electrice a Uniunii Europene este într-o situație extrem de îngrijorătoare. În țara mea, România, luna trecută, prețul energiei electrice a ajuns la 160 de euro/megawatt‑oră, de mai mult de două ori mai mare decât în aceeași lună a anului trecut și mai mare decât în Franța, Germania, unde prețurile au fost mici, mult mai mici decât în România. Această situație trebuie să fie rezolvată de urgență, pentru că ea a condus la o situație extrem de îngrijorătoare pentru economia, de exemplu, a României. 70 de mari companii sunt în pericol de delocalizare pentru că aceste costuri ale energiei electrice și ale gazelor naturale fac imposibilă desfășurarea unor activități economice.

    Peste 300 de mii de oameni pot să-și piardă locurile de muncă. Una din cinci familii din România are probleme să își plătească în același timp, în aceeași lună, factura la energie și gaze naturale și să își cumpere mâncare sau haine. Acest lucru necesită o abordare imediată și o schimbare rapidă. Pe de o parte, trebuie să știm ce s-a întâmplat și ce se întâmplă cu cei care au recurs la practici înșelătoare, care au mințit și au încălcat legea. Sunt peste 300 de cazuri în investigații și vreau ca aceste soluții să apară, domnule comisar. În plus, vrem o piață, o piață bursieră a energiei și a gazelor, să știm și noi, să avem transparență totală: cine vinde, cât vinde, cine sunt acționarii, de ce apar aceste venituri excepționale, profituri excepționale care au devenit o regulă în Uniunea Europeană. Aceste lucruri necesită o abordare și știu că puteți face acest lucru. Aveți sprijinul meu și al Parlamentului European. Luați măsuri rapide și fără niciun fel de ezitare.

     
       

     

      András Gyürk, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök Úr! A magas energiaárak az uniós polgárok mindennapjainak fájdalmas részévé váltak. Európában tavaly átlagosan minden negyedik családnak okozott nehézséget, rezsiszámlájának időben történő befizetése. Ez az eredménye az elhibázott brüsszeli energiapolitikának. A valósággal szembesülve immár a Bizottság is elismeri, hogy a jelenlegi energiaárszint tarthatatlan. Azonban ez a dokumentum nem jelent valódi megoldást a problémára.

    Először is, nem vizsgálja felül az energiaárakat magasba lökő szankciós politikát. Másodszor, nem vállalkozik az árdrágító hatású klímacélok módosítására. Harmadszor, Brüsszel újfent az európai árampiaci szabályozás azonnali bevezetését követeli. Ez ellehetetlenítené a lakosságot védő hatósági árak, mint például a magyar rezsicsökkentés alkalmazását, ami elfogadhatatlan. Tisztelt Ház, az energiaárak letöréséhez nem ehhez hasonlóan sajnos hatástalan bizottsági akciótervekre, hanem bátor intézkedésekre, ha úgy tetszik, a józan ész lázadás ára van szükség, mi, patrióták ezt képviseljük.

     
       

     

      Daniel Obajtek, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowny Panie Komisarzu! Przedstawienie przez panią przewodniczącą Ursulę von der Leyen planu obniżenia cen energii jest niczym innym jak skandalem. Nie zawiera żadnych realnych, szybkich mechanizmów, byśmy mogli jak najszybciej obniżyć ceny energii. Zaproponowane kontrakty różnicowe i kontrakty długoterminowe już były i te kontrakty nie pozwoliły na obniżenie tak naprawdę cen energii ani w Polsce, ani gdzie indziej.

    Propozycja obniżenia podatków to jest nic innego jak generalnie coś, co mogą zrobić państwa członkowskie. Wcale nie muszą o to prosić Komisji. Rozbudowa sieci. Macie rację, rozbudowa sieci, ale to potrwa tak naprawdę dekady i pochłonie miliardy euro. Nie jesteśmy w stanie szybko tego zrobić.

    Rozwiązania są następujące, proszę Państwa, żeby tu i teraz ratować przemysł, obniżyć cenę energii. Zawiesić kwestię ETS-u. Błyskawicznie ETS zreformować z jednej prostej przyczyny: nie mogą w systemie ETS-u być instytucje finansowe, które podnoszą ceny tak naprawdę ETS-u, i zamienić ETS na inwestycje, jeżeli chodzi o emitentów.

     
       

     

      Christophe Grudler, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, le plan pour une énergie abordable doit répondre à une urgence: réduire la facture énergétique de nos industries et de nos concitoyens, car sans une énergie stable et compétitive, il n’y a ni industrie ni prospérité. Aujourd’hui, les coûts de l’énergie pèsent jusqu’à 40 % des coûts de production des industries les plus énergivores. Nos entreprises paient leur électricité deux à trois fois plus cher que leurs concurrents chinois ou américains. Comment être compétitif dans ces conditions? Il faut agir dans trois directions.

    Tout d’abord, l’électrification, vous l’avez souligné. L’objectif de 32 % d’électrification d’ici 2030 est un bon cap; mais sans réseau modernisé, procédures accélérées, stockage et flexibilité, ce chiffre ne sera pas atteignable.

    Ensuite, les financements. 584 milliards d’euros seront nécessaires d’ici 2030, rien que pour renforcer les réseaux électriques. Il faut mobiliser tous les leviers publics et privés, sans alourdir la facture des entreprises et des citoyens.

    Enfin, la stabilité. Il est clair que les contrats de long terme offriront des prix plus stables et de la visibilité aux industriels. Ils doivent concerner, Monsieur le Commissaire, toutes les énergies propres, qu’elles soient renouvelables ou nucléaires.

    Une énergie abordable est une énergie que nous n’importons plus. Je terminerai donc par une question: où est passée la feuille de route pour sortir des énergies russes?

     
       

     

      Kira Marie Peter-Hansen, for Verts/ALE-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Kære Dan. Tillykke med planen. Den har været spændende at læse, for vi står i en afgørende tid. Vores kommissionsformand beskrev os denne uge som Europas øjeblik. Jeg er enig. Jeg tror, at borgerne mere end nogensinde før, ser mod EU for at løse de store udfordringer, og derfor skal vi minde hinanden om, at den mest effektive vej til et sikkert, et uafhængigt og et bæredygtigt Europa, det går gennem en ambitiøs grøn omstilling. Det kræver, at vi gør Europa fri for fossile brændsler. Det kræver også, at vi modstår fristelsen til at jagte kortsigtede gevinster gennem investeringer i nye gasprojekter, som der ellers lægges op til.

    Vejen til lavere energipriser går gennem massive investeringer i grøn energi, ikke gennem fossile kontrakter. Mere sol og mere vind er den billigste og hurtigste måde at reducere vores CO2-aftryk på og undgå de katastrofale konsekvenser af klimakrisen. Mere sol og vind er også den billigste og hurtigste måde at opnå uafhængighed fra gamle mænd med imperialistiske ambitioner, og det er vores stærkeste kort til at sikre en konkurrencedygtig europæisk industri. Så derfor skal vi sikre mere grøn energi. Vi skal investere massivt i vedvarende grøn energi. Det er godt for kloden, det er godt for mennesker, og det er godt for økonomien. Vi skal drastisk reducere vores udledninger, derfor skal vi vedtage et ambitiøst 2040-mål for vores CO2-reduktioner og sætte gang i handling, der sørger for, at vi når Parisaftalen. Vi kan ikke blive ved med at forurene og forvente, at fremtidige generationer rydder op efter os.

    Med grøn energi kan vi samtidig skabe konkrete forandringer for helt almindelige mennesker i hverdagen. I dag kæmper over 41 millioner europæere med at betale deres energiregning. Det er et politisk svigt, for ingen børn skal gå rundt og fryse. Derfor skal vi energirenovere vores boliger. Vi skal investere i energieffektivitet, og vi skal holde hånden under dem, der har svært ved at få enderne til at mødes. Billig, grøn energi er ikke bare godt for klimaet. Det er socialpolitik, der sikrer, at alle kan leve et værdigt liv.

    Billig og grøn energi er også den bedste hjælp, vi kan give de virksomheder, der skal ud at konkurrere med Kina og USA. Derfor skal vi fjerne de barrierer, der gør det svært at tilslutte grøn strøm til elnettet. Alt, der kan elektrificeres, skal elektrificeres. Det er vejen til et stærkt og konkurrencedygtigt europæisk erhvervsliv. Det kræver mod at træffe de beslutninger, men som Van der Leyen sagde, så er det her Europas øjeblik, og vi kan godt!

     
       

     

      Dario Tamburrano, a nome del gruppo The Left. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, venerdì un rapporto di Bloomberg – che noto non essere un collettivo di un centro sociale – stimava che con l’ETS2 i prezzi del gas per le famiglie saliranno del 20% già dal 2027 e del 43% nel 2030.

    L’ETS2 è stato proposto e negoziato per aumentare artificialmente i prezzi del gas, per orientare le scelte energetico-impiantistiche e ridurre le emissioni. Io e il mio gruppo siamo fortemente a favore della decarbonizzazione di trasporti e riscaldamento, ma essa va raggiunta senza renderla insostenibile a famiglie, imprese e pubbliche amministrazioni, già gravate dai costi energetici, dalla stagnazione economica industriale e dal ridotto gettito fiscale.

    Oggi che il gas è già molto costoso per motivi esogeni, questo meccanismo va rivisto urgentemente. Il Fondo sociale per il clima non è probabilmente sufficiente. Mi sarei aspettato delle proposte di modifica in un piano d’azione chiamato per l’energia accessibile: non c’è nulla, ma siamo ancora in tempo per correggere il tiro.

    Va disaccoppiato il costo dell’elettricità dal gas e non aumentato il prezzo del gas.

     
       

     

      Станислав Стоянов, от името на групата ESN. – Г-н Председател, достъпната енергия означава евтина енергия, а най-евтините и надеждни източници днес са ядрената и въглищна енергия. Вместо да ги отхвърляме под натиска на идеологически догми, трябва да ги разглеждаме като ключови за стабилността на нашата енергийна система.

    Ние подкрепяме напредъка и опазването на околната среда, но това не означава, че трябва с лека ръка да се откажем от работещи и достъпни технологии, особено в такива несигурни времена. Индустриите ни се нуждаят от предвидима енергия, а гражданите от сметки, които могат да си позволят. Достъпната енергия означава и сигурни доставки на ресурси. Отказът от енергийни източници заради налагане на санкции означава по-скъпа и съответно по-недостъпна енергия. За да гарантираме достъпност и икономическа стабилност, се нуждаем от всички възможни енергийни източници. Всяко необмислено ограничаване на тези възможности води до по-високи цени, по-слаба индустрия и обедняване на европейските граждани.

     
       

     

      Raúl de la Hoz Quintano (PPE). – Señor presidente, la Comisión señala en su comunicación que la energía nuclear es clave para la descarbonización, también para la seguridad del suministro y, por supuesto, para el abaratamiento del coste de la energía. En línea con esto, la mayoría de los Estados de la Unión se están planteando nuevas inversiones en el ámbito de la energía nuclear o, al menos, la prolongación de la vida útil de sus plantas. Solo hay un país cuyo Gobierno va a la contra y se está planteando el cierre de las centrales nucleares que existen en su territorio: España. Y no lo hace por cuestiones técnicas o de seguridad. Lo hace única y exclusivamente por sectarismo, por radicalismo ideológico.

    Es el legado de la señora Ribera, el legado que nos deja en España, y tiene como consecuencia inmediata el cierre, en el año 2027, de la central nuclear de Almaraz, una central nuclear que genera el 7 % de la electricidad que se consume en nuestro país. Ni que decir tiene cuál va a ser la repercusión en términos económicos, de empleo y, por supuesto, también en el precio de la factura eléctrica que pagamos en nuestro país. Así que mientras en Europa se plantea el debate en torno al abaratamiento del coste de la energía, en nuestro país seguimos anclados en el debate de «renovables sí, nucleares no». Entiendan ustedes que así es imposible avanzar.

    No es en absoluto el momento de los dogmatismos energéticos e ideológicos. Es el momento del pragmatismo económico. Si no entendemos esto, es imposible que asumamos el concepto de competitividad.

     
       

     

      Γιάννης Μανιάτης (S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ Επίτροπε, οι τιμές ηλεκτρισμού και φυσικού αερίου αυξήθηκαν δραστικά στην Ευρώπη, σε αντίθεση με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, που τελικά είναι ο μόνος ωφελημένος από την εισβολή της Ρωσίας στην Ουκρανία. Ασφαλώς η φορολογία της ενέργειας, όπου η Ελλάδα είναι δυστυχώς αρνητικός πρωταθλητής, τα τέλη δικτύου, οι χρόνοι αδειοδότησης κλπ., όλα αυτά, αυξάνουν το κόστος ενέργειας, και ορθά ζητάτε να αντιμετωπιστούν. Όμως το βασικό πρόβλημα είναι ότι, ενώ οι ανανεώσιμες πηγές, που όλοι σωστά προωθούμε, έχουν μικρότερο κόστος παραγωγής σε σχέση με τα ορυκτά, αυτό δεν αντανακλάται ακόμα στις τιμές για τους καταναλωτές. Χρειαζόμαστε, λοιπόν, επενδύσεις σε δίκτυα, διασυνδέσεις, αποθήκευση, με τουλάχιστον υπερδιπλασιασμό των κονδυλίων ενέργειας του Connecting Europe Facility.

    Όμως δεν είμαστε ευχαριστημένοι ούτε με την ανύπαρκτη διαφάνεια, ούτε με την αναποτελεσματική λειτουργία, ούτε με τη μηδενική εποπτεία πολλών αγορών ενέργειας στα κράτη μέλη. Τέλος, θα ήθελα να σας ρωτήσω πώς θα αντιμετωπιστούν οι διαχρονικά αυξημένες τιμές ενέργειας σε Ελλάδα, Βουλγαρία, Ρουμανία σε σχέση με την υπόλοιπη Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

     
       

     

      Ondřej Knotek (PfE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, I naively thought that the aim of the affordable energy action plan was to provide affordable energy. But I tell you something: this plan will achieve no substantial energy cost reductions, because you, the European Commission, repeat the same failures as in the past.

    You are obsessed by an energy mix based on renewables. You blindly push forward the electricity market integration. You have disrespect for the existing reliable coal industry. You are failing to place nuclear on the forefront of the energy transition in parallel to renewables. You egotistically insist on maintaining unsustainable EU climate goals. You completely ignore what’s going on in the US and in the BRICS countries. And you naively believe that you will mobilise private capital through your bad plan.

    You will not, and your plan will fail. So if you really want to help, Commissioner, cap immediately the ETS price at EUR 30, and instead of bringing new climate targets for 2040, please cancel the existing targets for 2030 and 2050.

    (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

     
       



     

      Francesco Torselli (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è impossibile non condividere un piano d’azione che si prefigge di arginare la povertà energetica e di arginare l’aumento dei prezzi.

    I dubbi, semmai, ci arrivano sulle modalità che vogliamo mettere in campo per raggiungere questi obiettivi: nei prossimi 25 anni, ci dicono i dati, il consumo energetico in UE raddoppierà e le reti elettriche nazionali dovranno essere estese di almeno il 70%.

    E noi con quali mezzi economici ci possiamo prefissare il raggiungimento di questi obiettivi? Basterà la contrattazione a lungo termine? Basterà dire agli Stati membri: “Diminuite le tasse?”. Basterà dire: “Miglioriamo il mercato del gas?”. Ad oggi per noi la risposta è “no”.

    Servono investimenti concreti e azioni concrete; servono per mantenere, Commissario, quelle promesse che lei ha fatto per risolvere il tema della povertà energetica. Ad oggi mancano le ricette: io non ho sentito da lei una parola su biofuel e biogas, per esempio, che sono ricette assolutamente valide per conseguire i nostri obiettivi.

     
       

     

      Martin Hojsík (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, pán komisár, vysoké ceny energie škodia ľuďom aj firmám. Ohrozujú prosperitu, konkurencieschopnosť. Energetická chudoba špeciálne na Slovensku ohrozuje štvrtinu domácností. Kde je príčina? Povedzme si to rovno: z veľkej časti v našej závislosti na dovážanom fosílnom plyne. Najdrahšie plynové elektrárne určujú cenu všetkej elektriny, kolega Knotek.

    Preto vítam plán pre cenovo dostupnú energiu Európskej komisie. Obsahuje opatrenia pre zníženie platieb ako domácnostiam, tak priemyslu. Zlepšuje našu pripravenosť na krízy. Verím, že zníži účty pre domácnosti a firmy a hlavne posilní našu odolnosť voči krízam. A rieši aj hlavnú príčinu problému: závislosť od dovážaných fosílnych palív. Do roku 2030 môže pomôcť ušetriť 130 miliárd eur. Môže.

    A tu je to kľúčové. Bude závisieť od toho, či ten plán premeníme na skutky, či členské štáty vrátane Slovenska naozaj začnú robiť kroky, alebo budú niektoré ďalej hádzať polená pod nohy rozvoju zelenej energie a energetickým úsporám. Pretože bez nich budeme mať naďalej vysoké ceny a budeme závislí.

    (Rečník súhlasil, že odpovie na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty)

     
       

     

      Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Bardzo uważnie słuchałem Pana wystąpienia i wiem, że Pan się na tym zna. I mam prośbę, nie tylko pytanie, ale prośbę, dlatego, że poszukuję bardzo detalicznych informacji na temat kosztu budowy średniej farmy wiatrowej w Europie. Ile trzeba żwiru, cementu, wody, metalu, metali szlachetnych? Ile to wszystko kosztuje? I nigdzie nie mogę tego znaleźć. Czy Pan może mi wskazać źródło, bo chciałbym porównać. Gdyż Pan mówił o wielkich kosztach i cenach gazu, a ja nie mogę znaleźć, jak rozmawiam z wyborcami, jakie są koszty budowy farmy wiatrowej? Proszę o taką informację.

     
       


     

      Marina Mesure (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous le savons tous ici: le prix de l’électricité est déterminant pour notre compétitivité. Or, l’électricité est trois fois plus chère en Europe que chez nos concurrents. Malheureusement, votre plan d’action pour l’énergie abordable ne règle rien. Vous affichez une ambition de découpler le prix de l’électricité de celui du gaz. C’est un objectif louable et d’ailleurs, Ursula von der Leyen le promettait, elle aussi, dans son discours sur l’état de l’Union en 2022. Pourtant, trois ans plus tard, le prix du gaz augmente de nouveau et rien ne change.

    Par ailleurs, rien ne nous protège du président américain, qui pourrait menacer d’augmenter les prix du GNL, que nous importons massivement des États-Unis. Nous n’avons plus les moyens de payer encore une fois le prix de notre dépendance, que ce soit à la Russie ou aux États-Unis.

    De nombreux secteurs industriels stratégiques pour notre souveraineté sont aux abois. La précarité énergétique touche 10 % des foyers européens. La solution est pourtant simple, et nous le répétons en commission comme ici dans l’hémicycle: proposez une réforme du marché de l’électricité, cette fois-ci ambitieuse; ayez le courage de sortir du dogme du marché et de privilégier l’intérêt général, plutôt que ceux des énergéticiens.

     
       

     

      Milan Mazurek (ESN). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, máme trojnásobne vyššiu cenu elektriny než v Spojených štátoch amerických, päťnásobne vyššiu cenu plynu než v Spojených štátoch a to ani nehovorme o tom, ako vysoko sa líšia ceny nafty alebo benzínu. A prečo je tomu tak? No jednoducho preto, že máme Európsku komisiu, ktorá zaviedla politiky, ktoré k tomuto cieľu neskôr viedli. Je to kvôli tomu, že počúvame ľavicových marxistických extrémistov s ich zeleným podvodom, ktorý planétu nezachráni, nič nezmení, ale ľuďom predraží ich život.

    Dnes, keď sa pozrieme na to, čo sa deje v USA, ktorí odstupujú od týchto nezmyslov, alebo na Čínu, ktorá otvára skoro dve uhoľné elektrárne za týždeň, tak vidíme, že celý svet nám uniká. A kým ľudia v Európe si už ani len nemôžu zakladať rodiny, pretože nedokážu platiť svoje mesačné účty, tak príde Komisia a povie, že ona má riešenie. Tá Komisia, ktorá to spôsobila, nám povie, že musíme investovať ešte viac do zeleného podvodu, ešte viac do zelených nezmyslov a že sa to nakoniec rieši. Je šialenstvom robiť to isté stále dookola a očakávať odlišný výsledok.

    (Rečník odmietol otázku, ktorú zdvihnutím modrej karty položila Jadwiga Wiśniewska)

     
       

     

      Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, říká se, že starého psa novým trikům nenaučíš. Myslím, že Komise pod vedením předsedkyně von der Leyenové tímto starým psem je. Akční plán pro dostupné ceny energií je totiž opakováním toho samého, co slyšíme od vypuknutí krize s cenami energií, i když vidíme, že dosud plány Komise na jejich zlevnění nefungovaly. Přesto je podpora obnovitelných zdrojů jediné, s čím Komise neustále přichází.

    Energie určitě nebudou dostupnější a levnější, pokud jádro zůstane opomenuto. Naopak jádro musí být podporováno alespoň tak jako obnovitelné zdroje. Nemusíte hledat nový zdroj levného plynu ze zahraničí, protože ten již existuje, jen jste na něj z politických důvodů uvalili sankce a ruský plyn teď dráže překupujete. Zrušte proto sankce! Podpořte členské státy v úplném zestátnění energetických firem, protože pokud bude s elektřinou zacházeno jako se zbožím, tak se také nikam nepohneme. Nic z toho v plánu Komise není, a pokud Komise není schopna se z minulosti poučit, pak je načase se zamyslet, zda ji není čas vyměnit.

     
       

     

      Angelika Winzig (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Die hohen Energiepreise gefährden die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit Europas. Jetzt ist schnelles Handeln gefordert, um den Kostendruck vor allem für unsere Betriebe zu reduzieren. Herr Kommissar, Sie haben gute Ansätze vorgelegt, aber eines hat mir gefehlt, und zwar, wenn ich an den Netzausbau denke. Immer mehr Bürgerinnen und Bürger verhindern wichtige Leitungsprojekte. Auch wenn ich heute heimfahre, komme ich an einem tollen Infrastrukturprojekt vorbei, das wahrscheinlich nicht umgesetzt werden kann. Vermehrt kommt es jetzt auch dazu, dass die Bürgerinnen und Bürger Erdkabel fordern, die natürlich wesentlich teurer sind; das führt natürlich dazu, dass auch Investoren häufig abspringen.

    Herr Kommissar, ich glaube, wir brauchen einen ganzheitlichen Ansatz, um Mitgliedstaaten, Gemeinden, vor allem auch die Bürgermeister, aber auch die Bürgerinnen und Bürger einzubeziehen, wie wir das schaffen, damit grenzüberschreitende Stromverbindungen wirklich möglich sind.

     
       

     

      Nicolás González Casares (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, no nos engañemos, la energía en Europa siempre ha sido más cara que en otros lugares como los Estados Unidos. ¿Por qué? Porque estaba basada en los combustibles fósiles. Está muy claro.

    Además, hemos visto cómo los amigos de Putin o los aliados de Trump, esos caballos de Troya, defienden consumir combustibles fósiles y apostar por más y más gas. Nosotros debemos ir en la dirección contraria: seguir con el Pacto Verde Europeo, confiar en fuentes de energías renovables que no emiten gases y, además, nos ayudan a luchar contra el cambio climático. Esa es nuestra garantía de éxito, esa es nuestra seguridad energética. Y es cierto que seguimos teniendo riesgos. Por lo tanto, reducir nuestro consumo de energías fósiles es el camino.

    Pero, además, siempre hemos defendido desde este grupo desacoplar los precios de la electricidad de los precios del gas. Creo que debemos avanzar en todas las oportunidades que nos permite la reforma del mercado eléctrico. Por lo tanto, señor Jørgensen, ¿por qué no adelantar la revisión de los mercados a corto plazo prevista en esta reforma? Se puede y se debe hacer, manteniendo la seguridad regulatoria.

    (El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul»)

     
       




     

      Kateřina Konečná (NI), otázka položená zvednutím modré karty. – Pane kolego, já bych s vámi v podstatě, kromě té obrany, úplně souhlasila. Podepsala bych všechno, co jste řekl, ale vy jste členem vládní strany a já se vás ptám: Kdy česká vláda pod vedením vašeho premiéra Fialy přijde na Evropskou radu a navrhne tam, aby se zrušila nebo změnila taxonomie a aby se zrušil nebo změnil systém emisních povolenek tak, aby opravdu došlo ke snížení ceny elektrické energie? Já vám děkuju za to, co tady říkáte. Česká vláda zatím nemá odvahu cokoliv z toho udělat, nejen v České republice, ale ani to přenést na evropskou úroveň.

     
       

     

      Ondřej Krutílek (ECR), odpověď na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty. – Paní kolegyně, pokud víte, tak česká vláda pracuje na jiných věcech týkajících se Green Deal, když už se bavíme o automobilovém průmyslu. Co se týče ETS, tak rozvíjíme iniciativy, které povedou minimálně k odložení ETS2 o rok až dva. A co se týče těch dalších věcí, o kterých jsem tady hovořil, tak jsem v kontaktu s lidmi, kteří k tomu mají co říct v Radě, naslouchají mi a je to běh na trošičku delší trať. Ale nebojte, pracujeme na tom.

     
       

     

      Isabel Serra Sánchez (The Left). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, cuando se inició la guerra de Ucrania ustedes dijeron que, con la escalada bélica, aumentando el gasto militar íbamos a ser más independientes y más soberanos; hoy se ve que eso es una gran mentira. Tras tres años somos más dependientes —sobre todo energéticamente— de los Estados Unidos, que desde el año 2018 ha aumentado su exportación de gas licuado un 1 749 %. Quien se ha forrado con la guerra, aparte de las grandes empresas armamentísticas, son las empresas energéticas. Y ahora, frente a su fracaso, proponen más gasto militar y recortes de los derechos sociales, lo que aumenta también la pobreza energética.

    Este Plan que proponen hoy es papel mojado, lo saben perfectamente, en una Unión Europea donde hay nada menos que 42 millones de personas que sufren pobreza energética y donde, desde sus inicios, el mercado energético es un oligopolio, un robo y una estafa a la ciudadanía. Para bajar la factura de la luz, para que seamos realmente soberanos, hacen falta más impuestos a las grandes energéticas, una intervención decidida del mercado energético, control público y paz.

     
       

     

      Siegbert Frank Droese (ESN). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Kollegen! Das einzig Richtige im Aktionsplan für erschwingliche Energie ist die Feststellung der Tatsache, dass es zu hohe Energiepreise gibt. Falsch im Plan sind dagegen die Ursachen, die genannt werden, z. B. Verbrauch der Konsumenten oder gar das Wetter – was für ein Unfug steht da drin!

    Richtig ist: Die ganze Energiepolitik der EU ist falsch. Falsch ist besonders die Abkopplung von günstigen Gas- und Ölimporten aus Russland. Daher sagen wir: Wettbewerbskompass – weg damit! Aktionspläne – weg damit! Flaggschiffprojekte oder Pilotprogramme – weg damit!

    Die EU muss einfach ökonomisch denken, profitorientiert und nicht grün-ideologisch. Wir brauchen Marktwirtschaft statt Planwirtschaft, weg mit dem grünen Energiesozialismus. Die Lösung in der Energiefrage ist nicht clean energy, sondern cheap energy. Solange das die Kommission nicht begreift, wäre es bei den Aktivitäten der Kommission für die Menschen besser, Sie würden gar nichts tun. Die fossilen Brennstoffe sind nicht das Problem, sondern die Fossile in der Kommission sind das Problem – da darf sich der Herr Kommissar ruhig angesprochen fühlen. Und man kann daher nur hoffen, dass die aussterben wie die Dinosaurier.

    (Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

     
       


     

      Siegbert Frank Droese (ESN), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege, ich weiß nicht, wie alt Sie sind, aber es ist Ihnen sicherlich entgangen, dass wir in Zeiten des Kalten Krieges mit der früheren Sowjetunion – die ja durchaus deutlich aggressiver gegenüber dem Westen auftrat als das heutige Russland das eigentlich tut – sehr, sehr gute Verträge gehabt haben. Ich weiß nicht, wo hier das Problem ist.

    Also, für uns ist wichtig, dass wir unseren Verbrauchern günstige Energie zur Verfügung stellen. Die Administration in den USA hat das erkannt. Wir hoffen sehr als deutsche Volksvertreter, dass Nordstream 2 repariert wird und dass wir dann dort gemeinsam als amerikanisch‑russisches Projekt Nordstream 2 wieder günstige Energie beziehen können. Das ist eine absolute Frage der Souveränität; günstige Energie ist auch eine Form von Souveränität.

     
       


     

      Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, kolegovia, dostupná energia je právo, nie privilégium pre ľudí a mali by sme sa snažiť, aby ceny energií boli celkovo dostupné pre občanov, nielen pre firmy, ale aj pre občanov. Viacerí kolegovia tu hovorili o tom, že ako môžeme porovnávať ceny v Spojených štátoch amerických a Európskej únii, koľkonásobne vyššie sú ceny v Európskej únii oproti Spojeným štátom, čo znižuje našu konkurencieschopnosť a zvyšuje cenu našich produktov. Toto je jedna z vecí, na ktoré by sme sa mali viacej pozrieť.

    Takisto si myslím, že odstrihávanie sa od lacných zdrojov a fosílnych palív je nesprávnym krokom, ktorý Európska únia robí, a mali by sme ho prehodnotiť. Takisto si myslím, že keď hovoríme o kúrení a teple, zákaz kotlov na fosílne palivá bolo zlé riešenie. A keď budeme všetko iba elektrifikovať, tej elektriny nemáme momentálne dostatok a musíme tým pádom viac budovať aj siete. A oceňujem, že Komisia to takisto chce robiť.

    Takisto by som chcela povedať, pán komisár Jørgensen, že veľmi oceňujem váš príspevok do debaty, ktorú má Slovenská republika s Ukrajinou, kde sa snažíme obnoviť tranzit plynu cez ukrajinské územie pre Slovenskú republiku, aby sme mali lepšiu bezpečnosť energetickú aj pre Slovákov, ale aj pre celú východnú a strednú Európu.

     
       

     

      Aura Salla (PPE). – Mr President, the affordable energy action plan has a market-based approach, but execution is the key. We must accelerate investment, cut red tape and ensure that competition – not subsidies – drives our transition. Europe cannot afford to slip into state-driven energy markets. Overreliance on government planning will drive investment elsewhere and hidden subsidies would distort price signals.

    As the Nordic model shows, a market-based, diverse and clean energy mix lowers energy costs. And yes, nuclear power is one of the key elements in this mix. Europe can do the same: scale renewables, strengthen our grids and develop long-term contract models.

    We must invest in grids. But this is not a cost; it is a down payment on lower energy bills, cheaper transport and industrial competitiveness.

    So, let’s be clear: free markets, competition and private investments must lead our energy transition.

     
       

     

      Bruno Gonçalves (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, colegas, investir na produção de energia renovável não é uma questão ideológica: é a aposta certa para uma Europa que quer mais autonomia estratégica, uma trajetória favorável de preços e menos emissões poluentes.

    Sabemos que, no curto prazo, será muito difícil competir com os preços de energia, seja dos competidores americanos, seja dos competidores chineses. Temos falta de recursos naturais endógenos e a dependência do gás barato da Rússia, que agora se extingue, inibiu durante muito tempo o investimento em alternativas. Mas o caminho é este — e o caminho é certo.

    Comissário Jørgensen, terá todo o meu apoio para o seu plano para a energia acessível. Mas, como diz o relatório Draghi, há uma forma de a Europa aliviar já, hoje, os preços da eletricidade. E isso é caminhar para acabar com a indexação do preço do gás. Contamos consigo para essa batalha.

    A política energética e a transição climática precisam de entregar resultados para as pessoas e para as pequenas e médias empresas, não para grandes empresas do setor energético, nem para especuladores do sistema financeiro, cujos interesses não são os interesses europeus.

    (O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhor Deputado Bruno Gonçalves, este plano de ação para preços de energia acessíveis anuncia a intenção de desacoplar o preço da energia do preço do gás, como, de resto, referiu na sua intervenção, mas faz esse anúncio de forma muito tímida e não introduz nenhuma alteração de fundo ao mecanismo de formação de preços.

    E, portanto, o que isso significa é que a energia produzida a partir de fontes renováveis — e mais barata — continua a ser paga aos preços, mais altos e voláteis, do gás.

    E a pergunta que lhe faço, por isso, é se é possível, nestas condições, esperar mesmo que os preços da energia baixem para as famílias e para as empresas ou se, pelo contrário, vão continuar elevados, a alimentar os lucros dos grupos económicos do setor energético.

     
       

     

      Bruno Gonçalves (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Caro Deputado, como mencionei na minha intervenção — e menciona também bem —, o mais importante neste momento é reduzir o preço para as famílias, para as pequenas e médias empresas, para quem precisa.

    Isso significa, obviamente, olhar para o mecanismo de formação de preços, entendê-lo e reformulá-lo. E é por isso que eu vejo com muito agrado que esta Comissão, pela primeira vez, encara este desafio e diz, desde logo, não só para o futuro, como para o presente, que os Estados‑Membros têm também a responsabilidade de desenhar mecanismos que possam prever já isso.

    Olhe o nosso caso em Portugal: é responsabilidade do Governo português começar já a desenhar esses mecanismos, esse mecanismo de desacoplamento. Não é aceitável que, num país onde a produção renovável é tão alta, os preços continuem como estão.

    E, portanto, essa é uma boa medida, essa é uma boa proposta.

     
       

     

      Kris Van Dijck (ECR). – Voorzitter, commissaris, de energiekosten in de EU zijn te hoog en daar lijden dus de burgers en onze ondernemingen onder. De vraag is dus: “hoe maken we die energie goedkoper, terwijl we ook steeds meer elektriciteit nodig hebben?” Ik volg de Commissie als het gaat om de realisatie van de energie-unie en onder andere het beter connecteren van het Europese net.

    Maar wat mis ik toch wel in deze nota? Dat is de plaats van, ook op korte termijn, kernenergie, die zeker betaalbaar, efficiënt en schoon is. De elektriciteitsprijs wordt bepaald door de duurste productie. Die moet vervangen worden en dat doe je dus niet door het sluiten van kerncentrales. Ik geef een voorbeeld: in februari betaalden een Belgisch gezin en een Belgische kmo 50 % meer voor elektriciteit dan een Frans gezin of een Franse kmo. En ja, waar zit het verschil, denk je? Ik vraag dus, mijnheer de commissaris, met aandrang om de ideologische vooringenomenheid die de Europeanen veel geld kost, te stoppen en naar de volledige systeemkosten van elke technologie te kijken.

     
       

     

      Gabriella Gerzsenyi (PPE). – Elnök úr! Magyar családok százezrei fáznak a saját otthonukban, és vannak, akik télen megfagynak. Orbán Viktor a versenyképesség élharcosának mutatja magát, miközben elhanyagolják az infrastruktúra fejlesztését. Magyarország több áramot importál, mint Németország. Az ipari fogyasztók pedig az Európai Unió ötödik legmagasabb áramszámláját fizetik. Hatalmas energiaigényű kínai akkumulátorgyárakat építenek az országban, és nem csökkentik az orosz fosszilis forrásoktól való függőséget.

    Megjegyzem, lehet, hogy ezentúl az amerikai forrásokra fognak áttérni, hiszen tudjuk, hogy Orbánnak nem csak Putyin, hanem Trump is a barátja. Mi a Tisza Pártnál azon dolgozunk, hogy a diverzifikálás, az energiahatékonyság és a megújulók, például a geotermikus energia jobb kihasználása révén minden magyar számára biztosítsuk az otthon melegét.

     
       


     

      Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il piano proposto dalla Commissione europea va nella direzione corretta per molti motivi, individuando strumenti di carattere finanziario o interventi di carattere infrastrutturale che certamente aiuteranno a ridurre l’impatto del costo dell’energia.

    Il problema è che la gran parte dei provvedimenti individuati all’interno di questo piano sono lenti, cioè genereranno nel lungo termine gli effetti auspicati. Noi abbiamo bisogno di interventi anche, che, però, consentano oggi a chi consuma energia, in particolare la nostra industria energivora, di avere effetti positivi.

    Il Commissario ha fatto correttamente riferimento alla necessità di disaccoppiare in forme particolari il calcolo del prezzo dell’energia, distinguendo l’energia prodotta da fonti fossili da quella da fonti rinnovabili.

    Ma non viene messo in discussione la possibilità, almeno, della revisione del disegno del mercato elettrico. Valutiamo di fare una vera valutazione dell’impatto di questo disegno, perché è stato costruito in tempi troppo diversi da quelli attuali.

     
       

     

      Thomas Pellerin-Carlin (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour rester maîtres de notre destin, maîtrisons nos prix de l’électricité. Mon pays, la France, produit déjà de l’électricité décarbonée en abondance, grâce au nucléaire et aux renouvelables. Pour rester maîtres de notre destin, nous devons investir massivement dans toutes les énergies renouvelables, y compris l’éolien terrestre, les énergies marines et le solaire sur toiture. Cela nous permettra de continuer à produire de l’électricité à un prix abordable, tout en respectant les objectifs européens fixés dans les plans nationaux en matière d’énergie et de climat. Pour rester maître de notre destin, le gouvernement français doit écouter la Commission européenne et arrêter d’augmenter les taxes sur l’électricité.

    Chers collègues, nous disposons aujourd’hui de tous les outils pour mieux maîtriser les prix de l’électricité. À nous d’en faire bon usage. C’est ainsi que nous restaurerons la confiance dans les prix de l’électricité pour aider nos industriels, nos collectivités locales et nos citoyens à pouvoir faire sereinement le choix de l’électrique.

     
       

     

      Bruno Tobback (S&D). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega’s, nog erger dan een half miljard Europeanen te laten gijzelen door Vladimir Poetin is om een half miljard Europeanen laten gijzelen door Donald Trump én Vladimir Poetin. De beste manier om daaraan te ontkomen, is aan onze welvaart te bouwen met de energie die we zelf produceren en controleren. Dat is ook de basis van uw actieplan. Laat ons nu zorgen voor actie.

    De Europese energie-unie moet meer zijn dan een verzameling van 27 aparte energiemarkten met te hoge prijzen, waar burgers niet alleen moeten betalen voor dure stroom omdat we die met gas moeten produceren, maar zelfs moeten betalen wanneer ze zelf groene stroom produceren en gratis leveren, omdat onze netten niet in staat zijn om die te brengen naar de bedrijven die erom smeken. In een markt die schreeuwt om goedkope energie is het absurd dat honderden projecten waarmee goedkope stroom kan worden geproduceerd, vandaag wachten op een aansluiting.

    Commissaris, iedere politicus droomt ervan om te verbinden. Enfin, misschien niet iedereen in dit halfrond, maar toch velen. Verbindingen vermenigvuldigen is vandaag de beste garantie voor lagere energieprijzen voor onze gezinnen en voor onze bedrijven. Laat die kans niet liggen.

     
       

     

      Elena Sancho Murillo (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario Jørgensen, con la publicación del Plan de Acción para una Energía Asequible, la Comisión reconoce que los obstáculos fundamentales para la competitividad europea siguen siendo los precios de la energía y la dependencia de la energía fósil externa. Este es un gran paso en la dirección correcta.

    Sí, tenemos que reducir las tarifas de red y tenemos que aportar más oferta y flexibilidad al sistema acortando los plazos de autorización, aumentando la velocidad a la que incorporamos las energías renovables y desacoplando los precios de las renovables de los precios de los combustibles fósiles. La Comisión también señala de manera correcta en este Plan algunos de los principales cuellos de botella que siguen obstaculizando nuestros objetivos, como la capacidad de red y, especialmente, las interconexiones.

    Además, este Plan debe ir más allá y poner el foco en un aspecto realmente decisivo: el de la inversión pública. Debemos ser capaces de reducir los precios de las tarifas e invertir para mejorar y ampliar nuestras redes e interconexiones. Debemos tomar ejemplo del trabajo que lleva haciendo el Gobierno de España estos últimos años, optando por las energías renovables y consiguiendo una bajada histórica de los precios.

    Trabajemos por una Unión Europea limpia, conectada y competitiva que no deje a nadie atrás.

     
       

     

      Michael McNamara (Renew). – Mr President, I’m not here very long, but already I have the impression that this place operates like a bubble. I’ve listened to numerous speeches this week saying that the only thing that our citizens care about is defence. Colleagues, I do not believe for a moment that this Parliament will be judged on whether or not there are soldiers wearing the European Union insignia on their shoulder in five years’ time. The success or failure of this Parliament will be judged on whether or not we bring down energy prices in Europe, and whether or not we provide energy stability and security across Europe. And the same is true, Commissioner, of your Commission, in my view.

    I do very much welcome the action plan that has been announced, though. Clearly, we need a huge investment in our infrastructure. Clearly, we need to break the link between gas‑pricing and energy‑pricing, because that has resulted in energy prices remaining artificially high across Europe. But we can’t wait for grid infrastructure. We do need to look at innovative solutions.

    Everybody across Europe is talking about the benefits of AI. At the same time, the same people are saying that we can’t have data centres. Well, we can’t have it both ways. We do need to look at whether data centres can be used to stabilise our grid in the short term, while we wait for our grid to be enhanced.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       

     

      Elena Nevado del Campo (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario de Energía, en su propósito tiene usted al enemigo en casa: la señora Ribera. Nos enfrentamos en Europa a un reto crucial: garantizar a las familias, y a las empresas que dan trabajo, una energía asequible sostenible y segura. La ciencia es clara: la combinación de las energías renovables y la energía nuclear es clave para reducir las emisiones y proteger nuestro planeta.

    Mientras los Estados Unidos prolongan hasta ochenta años la vida útil de las centrales nucleares, Sánchez las cierra en España sin importarle las familias ni de Extremadura ni de Cataluña. Por lo tanto, el desmantelamiento de la central nuclear de Almaraz, en mi tierra, que abastece a más de 4 millones de hogares en España y evita la emisión de 7,2 millones de toneladas de CO2 al año, es un sacrificio que no podemos permitir.

    Por eso les pido a todos ustedes que apoyen el no al cierre de la central nuclear de Almaraz.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, discutăm despre prețuri accesibile, însă mi-aș fi dorit să dați o definiție: ce înțelegeți dumneavoastră prin prețuri accesibile la energie? Pentru că alt preț este accesibil pentru cetățenii din Luxemburg, alt preț este accesibil pentru cei din România sau din țările din est. Ați fost foarte sigur pe dumneavoastră, ca și cum aveți asul în buzunar. Puteți să rezolvați făcând o uniune a energiei, reducând prețurile, energie curată – toate acestea înseamnă investiție și mai ales timp. Cetățeanul are nevoie astăzi, pentru că de trei ani Europa este mereu în criză.

    Unde se duce criza? La buzunarul cetățeanului. Aș vrea să ne spuneți în răspunsurile pe care le dați acum, când? Un termen, un timp. Eu așa am înțeles, ca om de afaceri: să spun măsura și timpul. Când avem prețuri accesibile pentru toți cetățenii, în funcție de veniturile pe care le au? În plus, mai cred ceva, domnule comisar. E o speculă în prețul energiei, necercetată, necăutată și lăsată așa, să trăiască bine producătorii de energie necontrolați și furnizorii de energie, iar costurile din nou să meargă la buzunarul cetățeanului.

     
       

     

      Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Pan zdaje sobie sprawę, że Pana plan to wzrost cen energii. Czas uwolnić się od algorytmów, szantażystów, zielonych, którym płacicie, lobbystów. Czas usiąść z inżynierami, energetykami, chemikami i fizykami. Czas wrócić do ETS-u sprzed 2014 roku, bo w tej chwili stał się bańką, piramidą finansową, która spekuluje i manipuluje. Jednocześnie czas wyrzucić ETS 2 do kosza. Obywatele nie mogą ponosić odpowiedzialności za Wasze beztroskie pomysły, za Waszą ideologię i za to, że jesteście zakładnikami wielkich biznesów.

    ECR w ciągu najbliższych tygodni przygotuje projekt rezolucji i debatę na temat wyrzucenia ETS 2 do kosza.

     
       

     

      Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President, I welcome the publication of the Action Plan for Affordable Energy. Of course, affordable energy and energy in the context of security is vital for the development of the European economy, to give certainty in terms of investment, but equally – and importantly – we have to address a very fundamental issue around our competitiveness, the cost to businesses and the cost to families and households right across Europe.

    Reference has been made to affordability and, of course, affordability varies greatly across the European Union itself. I would like to see greater investment in generation capacities and in harnessing capacities, particularly in the area of solar and wind, and we do need a Eurogrid, Commissioner, whereby we can transport electricity from where it is produced to where it is needed, and there will be significant challenges.

    From an Irish perspective, of course, we are an island nation. We have great potential in terms of wind energy, but we need to have the capacity to export it through interconnectors, via France directly, and also via the UK as well. There would be significant costs and challenges, but this needs to be done to advance our wind energy capacity.

     
       

     

      Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, como eurodeputada galega, quero advertir que, para ter energia acessível, há que travar os benefícios escandalosos do lobby elétrico.

    No meu país, somos produtores de energia elétrica e estamos penalizados por produzir sem que se favoreça o nosso povo. O preço da energia disparou nos últimos anos em 300 %. Os benefícios das empresas elétricas também.

    O lobby elétrico é apoiado no meu país pelo Governo do Partido Popular, que permite que se espolie energia, com benefícios que emigram. Por isso, defendemos uma tarifa elétrica pública.

    Advirto também, Senhor Comissário, que, perante esse espólio, há muitos lares afetados pela pobreza energética e pelo preço iníquo, sem poderem aquecer mais a casa e passando frio. A pobreza energética na Galiza é o dobro da média europeia — 20 % dos nossos habitantes não podem pagar a conta da luz.

    Advirto também, Senhor Comissário, que acelerar o licenciamento nos projetos eólicos tem um perigo: o PP no Governo galego acelera projetos, violando normativas ambientais. Energia acessível…

    (o Presidente retira a palavra à oradora)

     
       


     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, liebe Menschen Europas, liebe Schülerinnen und Schüler des DBG, Felix! Bezahlbare Energie ist nicht nur eine wirtschaftliche Frage; es ist die große politische Frontlinie unserer Zeit. Denn Energie bedeutet nicht nur, die urmenschlichen Bedürfnisse wie Wärme im Winter zu erfüllen, sondern auch Arbeit und industrielle Zukunft.

    Nach wie vor beziehen wir unsere Energie maßgeblich von Autokraten; es sind nun andere, aber immer noch Autokraten. Und das müssen wir ändern: Wir brauchen echte europäische Energieunabhängigkeit. Wir brauchen ein massives Solarprogramm, mit dem wir bis 2035 auf jedem öffentlichen Gebäude in Europa Solarzellen haben. Wir brauchen ein 100 Milliarden Euro‑Sondervermögen für den Ausbau der Infrastruktur, insbesondere der Ladeinfrastruktur. Wir brauchen einen europaweiten Windkraftausbau mit weniger Bürokratie, schnelleren Genehmigungen und Mindestkapazitäten für jeden Mitgliedstaat.

    Bezahlbare Energie ist kein Luxus, sie ist Grundlage sozialen Friedens, wirtschaftlicher Stärke und geopolitischer Unabhängigkeit.

     
       

       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

     
       

     

      Dan Jørgensen, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, we are now in a situation where we are still, in Europe, dependent on Russian gas. Every day we use gas bought in Russia and thereby indirectly help fill up Putin’s war chest. This is, of course, unacceptable.

    At the same time, last year was the year with the highest temperatures ever measured. So, climate change is not going away. Actually, it’s probably even more serious than we thought.

    These two huge fundamental problems need to be solved. But the good news is that the tools that we need to solve these problems, to make us independent of fossil fuels, to decarbonise our economies, are also the tools that will make us more competitive. If we look at the deployment of renewable energy from 2021 to 2023, it saved us more than EUR 100 billion – more than EUR 100 billion!

    If we then also look at how connected we are, how connected our grids are, that rationality saves us more than EUR 30 billion a year on top of that.

    So yes, our energy prices are too high, but they would have been even higher had we not had the green transition that we are in the middle of going through in Europe. And we can do even better: we will deploy renewable energy faster, we will become much more energy efficient, and we will connect our energy systems in Europe much better. Thank you so much for a very good debate today.

     
       


       

    (The sitting was suspended at 11:58)

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: MARTIN HOJSÍK
    Vice-President

     

    4. Resumption of the sitting

       

    (The sitting resumed at 12:03)

     

    5. Announcement by the President

     

      President. – Yesterday, the President made an announcement about the name of Péter Magyar having been added to the names of the signatories of the joint motion for a resolution on the future of European defence due to a clerical error. After a thorough investigation into the matter was launched, it can be confirmed, as already said yesterday, that the name should not have been on the list of signatories since it was not in the names transmitted by the EPP Group to the services.

    The President has asked the services to put measures in place to prevent similar errors in the future. However, I would also like to invite the Members of this House not to escalate such a regrettable situation and to stick to the facts.

     

    6. Request for an urgent decision (Rule 170)



     

      President. – As important as this situation is, this is not a point of order. Thank you for understanding.

     

    7. Voting time

     

      President. – The next item is the vote.

     

    7.1. European Defence Industry Programme and a framework of measures to ensure the timely availability and supply of defence products (EDIP) (vote)


     

      François-Xavier Bellamy, rapporteur. – Mr President, the time for having the floor will be longer than the time for taking the floor.

    I just wanted to say that with our EPP Group, we are asking our Parliament to go for an urgent procedure on the European Defence Industry Programme.

    This will allow us to work, of course, in a very inclusive manner. With the rapporteur of the SEDE Committee, we are very much looking forward to working with all of you on the proposals you will make, but it will allow us to deliver fast. In this very important geopolitical moment, our Parliament has to show that we are ready to be efficient, precise and to work fast on this absolutely decisive programme for the defence of our Europe.

     

     

      President. – The next vote is on the joint motion for a resolution on democracy and human rights in Thailand, notably the lese-majesty law and the deportation of Uyghur refugees (see minutes, item 7.2).

     

     

      President. – The next vote is on the joint motion for a resolution on the severe political, humanitarian and human rights crisis in Sudan, in particular the sexual violence and child rape (see minutes, item 7.3).

     

    7.4. Unlawful detention and sham trials of Armenian hostages, including high-ranking political representatives from Nagorno-Karabakh, by Azerbaijan (RC-B10-0177/2025, B10-0177/2025, B10-0178/2025, B10-0179/2025, B10-0180/2025, B10-0181/2025, B10-0182/2025, B10-0183/2025, B10-0184/2025) (vote)


       

    – After the vote on paragraph 7:

     
       


       

    (Parliament did not agree to put the oral amendment to the vote)

     

    8. Resumption of the sitting

       

    (Rokovanie pokračovalo od 15.02 h.)

     

    9. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

     

      Predsedajúci . – Zápisnica zo včerajšieho rokovania a prijaté texty sú k dispozícii. Má niekto pripomienky? Nie. Ďakujem. Zápisnica je týmto schválená.

     

    10. European Schools Alliance: potential to achieve the European education area by driving innovation, enhancing mobility and championing inclusivity (debate)


     

      Christophe Hansen, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, last week, Executive Vice-President Roxana Mînzatu delivered the Union of Skills package, and she presented it to you yesterday.

    The Union of Skills is a bold and ambitious package which strives to equip people with the right skills, starting with basic skills, and to support balanced cross-border mobility and free movement of knowledge and skills. The Union of Skills, with the European Education Area as a key enabler, will help to lay strong foundations for learning.

    A key objective of these efforts is ensuring that everyone has the basic skills they need to thrive in life. Currently, one third of 15-year-olds struggle with real life mathematics, one quarter fail to understand basic texts, and 43 % of eighth-graders lack basic digital skills. Most countries have either declined or shown no improvement. This concerning trend demands immediate action.

    One of the first deliverables of the Union of Skills is the action plan on basic skills. The first objective of this action plan is to set an ambitious target by complementing the existing target on basic skills as follows. By 2030, the share of underachievement in literacy, mathematics, science and digital skills should be less than 15 %, whereas the share of top performance in literacy, mathematics and science should be at least 15 %. For this, we will pilot a basic skills support scheme as from next year.

    In addition, we will pilot in 2026 the first European school alliances with the support of the Erasmus+ programme. The European school alliances aim to foster better cooperation and mobility among schools across Europe, acting as a catalyst to enhance the learning and teaching of basic skills. These alliances will test innovative teaching methods, curricula and competence frameworks, including in collaboration with local authorities.

    To support this, we will work to make mobility a standard in schools. Indeed, what better way to learn citizenship than by exchanging with learners from another country and culture. This is what opens the mind. The alliances will lead the way towards structural, strategic and sustainable cooperation between schools across Europe. They will provide a new format of cooperation both for schools and for school authorities, and they will serve as a springboard, enabling the transfer of knowledge and of innovative best practices at all levels.

    Erasmus+ has highlighted the benefits of learning, mobility and cross-border cooperation. However, national school systems often face obstacles that prevent them from fully reaping these benefits, lacking the legal autonomy needed. Schools rely heavily on local, regional and national authorities. The European school alliances will help address these barriers, ensuring all schools have equal access to opportunities. They will support teachers’ professional development and contribute to the future EU teachers and trainers agenda.

    To conclude, let me say that we are glad to see your interest in this initiative and we look forward to hearing your views and ideas on how together we can shape the European school alliances to offer Europe’s children the best possible start in life.

     
       

     

      Tomislav Sokol, u ime kluba PPE. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, obrazovni sustav je institucionalni stup društva, temelj društvenog poretka i ključni instrument nacionalne suverenosti i identiteta.

    Dok promišljamo o jačanju obrazovne suradnje unutar Europske unije moramo osigurati da se svaka inicijativa odvija u okviru načela supsidijarnosti i proporcionalnosti kako bi nacionalne vlade zadržale primarnu regulatornu nadležnost nad svojim obrazovnim politikama. Europska unija je ovlaštena podupirati, koordinirati i dopunjavati djelovanja država članica u području obrazovanja. U tom kontekstu Europski savez škola može poslužiti kao mehanizam za unapređenje obrazovne mobilnosti, znanstvene izvrsnosti, institucionalne kohezije i općenito za unaprjeđenje vještina, kao što rekao i povjerenik, ali ne može dovesti do harmonizacije nacionalnih obrazovnih sustava. To se posebno odnosi na obrazovne programe, odnosno kurikulume, gdje države članice zadržavaju punu autonomiju njihovog definiranja, a Europska unija im, naravno, pri tome može pomoći.

    Drugim riječima, pravo na obrazovanje mora se prvenstveno ostvarivati u nacionalnim okvirima koji najbolje reflektiraju kulturne, gospodarske i društvene prioritete svake države članice. Mobilnost unutar europskog obrazovnog prostora može biti koristan instrument akademskog razvoja, no moramo osigurati da se ona ne koristi kao instrument društvenog inženjeringa ili prisilne homogenizacije obrazovnih standarda. Inkluzivnost obrazovnog sustava važan je društveni cilj, no treba biti oprezan da nas ovaj put ne vodi k normativnim rješenjima koja favoriziraju političku korektnost na štetu meritokracije.

    Europska unija može djelovati u onim područjima gdje dodana vrijednost nadilazi ono što se može postići na nacionalnoj razini. Bilo kakva tendencija prema unifikaciji obrazovnih sustava putem sekundarnog zakonodavstva ili financijskih uvjetovanja predstavljalo bi korak u krivom smjeru koji bi ugrozio stabilnost europske integracije i dao argumente onima koji žele njenu propast.

    No, svakako, na kraju bih istaknuo da ovakvi programi jesu dobri, da suradnja i razmjena su ono što jača europsku integraciju, što stvara nove generacije koje su odgojene na europskim vrijednostima, ali isto tako moramo biti oprezni da, dok to radimo, postupamo isključivo u okviru nadležnosti koje Europska unija ima.

     
       

     

      Sabrina Repp, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Stellen Sie sich vor: eine junge Schülerin aus einer Kleinstadt in einer ländlichen Region. Ihre Eltern haben nie die Möglichkeit gehabt, im Ausland Urlaub zu machen, und finanzielle Sorgen stehen an der Tagesordnung. Für diese junge Frau scheint Europa weit weg – eine Idee auf dem Papier, aber nicht Teil ihres Alltags. Doch sie ist nicht alleine. Viele junge Menschen haben nicht die Chance, mit Gleichaltrigen aus anderen Ländern in Kontakt zu kommen. Ihnen fehlt die Möglichkeit, Europa wirklich zu erleben, weil es zu teuer ist, weil die Schule es nicht anbietet oder weil sich niemand um sie kümmert. Genau hier setzt die Europäische Schulallianz an.

    Sie bietet jungen Menschen die Chance, über Grenzen hinweg zusammenzuarbeiten, neue Perspektiven zu entdecken und Freundschaften zu schließen. Programme wie Erasmus+ und eTraining ermöglichen es Schülerinnen und Schülern, andere Kulturen kennenzulernen, Sprachen zu üben und zu verstehen, was europäische Zusammenarbeit bedeutet.

    Aber diese Chancen müssen für alle gelten. Der europäische Austausch darf nicht nur für junge Menschen da sein, deren Eltern es sich leisten können. Er muss auch diejenigen erreichen, die es schwerer haben – junge Menschen aus Familien mit wenig Geld, aus kleinen Dörfern, aus schwierigen Lebensverhältnissen.

    Schule ist dabei der Schlüssel. Sie können dafür sorgen, dass alle jungen Menschen an Austauschprogrammen teilnehmen können, unabhängig vom Einkommen oder Bildungsstand der Eltern. Doch das funktioniert nur, wenn wir Hürden abbauen und mehr Möglichkeiten schaffen. Daher brauchen wir mehr finanzielle Unterstützung für benachteiligte Schülerinnen und Schüler, digitale und lokale Austauschformate, mehr Informationen in Schulen, damit alle erfahren, welche Chancen es gibt, und mehr Geld für Programme wie Erasmus+ und eTraining.

    Der europäische Austausch ist mehr als nur ein Vorteil für den Arbeitsmarkt. Er verändert Menschen; er macht sie offener, neugieriger und selbstbewusster. Und vor allem zeigt er, dass Europa für alle da ist, nicht nur für einige. Er ist das Versprechen, dass nicht Herkunft über Zukunft entscheidet, sondern Bildung.

    Ich wünsche mir, dass die Schülerin vom Anfang meiner Rede diese Chance bekommt. Und wer weiß, vielleicht steht sie irgendwann hier vor Ihnen im Europäischen Parlament und ist eine der jüngsten Abgeordneten und setzt sich dafür ein, dass noch mehr junge Menschen Europa entdecken möchten.

     
       

     

      Annamária Vicsek, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök Úr! Az európai oktatási térség megteremtése egy ambiciózus célkitűzés, ugyanakkor egy kiváló lehetőség, amely hosszú távon meghatározza Európa versenyképességét, társadalmi kohézióját és kulturális sokszínűségét. Az Európai Iskolák Szövetsége kezdeményezés tényleges megoldásokat kínál ehhez, hiszen az innováció, a mobilitás és az inkluzivitás hármas pillérére épít. Támogatnunk kell az ilyen projekteket, de egyúttal biztosítanunk kell azt is, hogy az európai oktatási térség építése tiszteletben tartsa a nemzeti identitásokat, a tagállamok oktatási hagyományait és szuverenitását.

    Az egységes Európa nem az uniformizálásról kell, hogy szóljon, hanem a sokszínűség és az együttműködés erejéről. A tagállamok jó gyakorlatainak és esettanulmányainak egymás közötti megosztása hozzájárulhat ahhoz, hogy uniós szinten még jobb eredményeket érjünk el e téren. Az európai oktatási térség megvalósítását jelentősen segíti az Erasmus+ program, a diákok és pedagógusok mobilitásának lehetővé tételével. Örömmel vehetjük tudomásul, hogy az EU-n kívüli, csatlakozni kívánó országok is részt vehetnek az Erasmus+ programokban, de követeljük, hogy az EU-s tagállamok minden diákja és oktatója megkülönböztetés nélkül férjen hozzá a mobilitási programokhoz. Nem engedhet meg magának az EU olyan negatív példákat, mint egyes magyar és osztrák egyetemisták kizárása az Erasmus+ programokból. Ugyanis ez teljesen összeegyeztethetetlen a sokszor emlegetett európai értékekkel és az európai oktatási térség vállalt céljaival.

    Végezetül szeretném hangsúlyozni, mennyire fontos az EU-s tagjelölt államok minél szorosabb bekapcsolása a térség kínálta programokba és lehetőségekbe. Különösen fontos az ott élő fiatalok számára, hiszen ők azok, akik egy nap remélhetőleg uniós állampolgárok lehetnek. A tagjelöltek bekapcsolásával elérhetjük azt, hogy a csatlakozás pillanatában az oktatási rendszereik jobban össze legyenek hangolva az uniós elvárásokkal.

     
       

     

      Христо Петров, от името на групата Renew. – Г-н Председател, знаете ли кое е най-важното нещо, което научих през последните години, докато помагах на деца и младежи, много от които в неравностойно положение. Те могат, те имат талантите и желанието. Това, което им липсва, е възможност. Просто трябва да им се даде шанс. Те имат всички качества, за да успеят, и потенциалът и желанието им надминават нашия ритъм. За да отговорим на техния потенциал, ние трябва да осигурим не само повече, но и по-разнообразни и качествени възможности за развитие.

    “European Schools Alliance” е точно този шанс, който те заслужават. За да бъде успешен този Съюз на училищата, той не трябва просто да повтаря стари практики в нов формат. Аз призовавам Европейската комисия да отвори Съюза на училищата към широк спектър от дейности по мобилността, включително неформални форми на образование като летни лагери с фокус върху изкуство, спорт и езикови умения. Една от причините да имам възможността да бъда днес тук сред вас е, че аз съм обещал на хората в моята страна да се боря за тази идея, защото тя е онова, което може да накара децата и младежите в България, Румъния, Гърция, но също и във Франция, Германия и Испания, да могат да приемат дълбоко в себе си истината, че Европа, това сме всички ние. Има нужда да заложим гражданското образование като приоритет на Съюза на училищата, за да бъде този съюз успешен, той трябва да достигне до най уязвимите деца и младежи. От личен опит знам, че успехът зависи от способността на училищата да участват в подобни проекти. Ето защо трябва да направим всичко, за да бъдат подготвени учителите и да гарантираме, че процедурите за кандидатстване и участие са опростени и насочени към децата с най-малко възможности. Колкото повече подкрепяме учителите, толкова по-добре ще се развиват учениците.

    Що се отнася до структурата на Съюза, нека се поучим от опита на европейските университети, които от самосебеси се организират тематично. Мисля, че ще е подходящо да окуражим училищата също да сформират съюзи тематично на тема спорт, изкуство, а също и по професионални сектори. Така ще може от самото начало да стимулираме задълбочаване на техните учебни методи и по-дълбокото профилиране на учителите като специалисти. “European Schools Alliance”, Съюза на училищата една уникална възможност за нашите деца в цяла Европа. Аз призовавам както Комисията, така и всички мои колеги тук, които се вълнуват от съдбата и бъдещето на децата, да работим заедно, за да направим така, че този съюз да бъде успешен и за да могат и нашите деца един ден да покажат на техните деца, че най-хубавото място на света е Европа.

     
       

     

      Marc Jongen, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Überall, wo die EU ihre Hände im Spiel hat, folgen Bürokratie, Zentralisierung, Gleichmacherei und regelmäßige Berichtspflichten für die Betroffenen sowie eine schleichende Infiltrierung mit den EU-Ideologien wie Klimarettung, Genderismus, diversity usw. Die unter den EU-Auflagen ächzende Wirtschaft kann ein Lied davon singen, und in der Bildungspolitik ist es nicht anders. Wir trauen daher den schönen Worten nicht, mit denen jetzt eine europäische Schulallianz etabliert werden soll.

    Mobilität von Schülern – ähnlich wie bereits von Studenten durch Erasmus+ – Fortbildung und Karrieremöglichkeiten von Lehrkräften, lebenslanges Lernen: klingt alles wunderbar, wird aber teuer erkauft, nämlich durch den Abbau der nationalen Bildungstraditionen, auch den Abbau der Qualität und den schleichenden Verlust nationaler Souveränität im Sinne der ever closer union.

    Dabei zeigt sich besonders deutlich der Grundwiderspruch dieses Ansatzes: Man feiert einerseits die europäische Vielfalt und tut zugleich alles dafür, diese zu eliminieren und überall gleiche Standards, gleiches Denken, gleiche Ergebnisse einzuführen. Und sobald die EU hier durch Subventionen einen Fuß in der Tür hat, wird sie auch jeden bestrafen, der ihre Vorgaben nicht erfüllt – davon ist mit Sicherheit auszugehen.

    Dabei sind die schulischen Ergebnisse zunehmend katastrophal. In Deutschland können nach der Grundschule ein Viertel der Kinder nicht richtig lesen und schreiben. Trotzdem dürfen immer mehr aufs Gymnasium, und 30 % erhalten dann ein Einserabitur – nicht nur der Euro inflationiert, sondern auch die Schulnoten. Die Rezepte der EU wie mehr Inklusion und sogenannte Geschlechtergerechtigkeit werden diese Misere nicht beheben. Sie verstärken nur nationale Fehlentwicklungen, die etwa das deutsche Schulsystem zu einer leistungsfeindlichen Komfortzone und einer Spielwiese für Bildungsideologen gemacht haben.

    Was wir brauchen, ist eine Rückkehr zum Leistungsprinzip und zu einer differenzierten Schulbildung, je nach den Talenten der Kinder, die ja auch sehr unterschiedlich sind. Dann wird es auch etwas mit der vielbeschworenen europäischen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, und zwar ganz ohne EU-Zentralismus.

     
       

     

      Giusi Princi (PPE). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, l’Europa deve costruire con determinazione un sistema educativo interconnesso e globale, un sistema in cui l’innovazione, la mobilità e l’inclusività siano i pilastri fondamentali.

    In questo contesto, il modello di riconoscimento automatico dei titoli sta trovando efficace applicazione nell’istruzione accademica attraverso il diploma europeo. Ma sorge spontanea una domanda: perché fermarsi all’università e non estendere l’iniziativa anche ai licei? Se l’obiettivo è realizzare lo spazio europeo dell’istruzione, è necessario partire dalle fondamenta, ovvero dalla scuola secondaria.

    Da donna di scuola, lo so bene perché conosco a perfezione queste dinamiche. Immaginiamo l’impatto trasformativo che un’iniziativa del genere potrebbe avere nelle aree periferiche delle nostre regioni.

    Penso alla mia Calabria: un’integrazione effettiva delle scuole in un sistema educativo europeo interconnesso porterebbe non solo al riconoscimento universale dei titoli ma anche alla creazione di uno standard educativo europeo, non solo una garanzia di qualità per i nostri studenti, ma un’opportunità concreta di accesso a percorsi formativi e professionali in tutti gli Stati membri.

    Semplificherebbe maggiormente la mobilità studentesca eliminando barriere burocratiche e linguistiche, rafforzando un’identità europea condivisa. L’Alleanza delle scuole europee, dunque, non deve essere solo una proposta ma un imperativo categorico per realizzare pienamente lo spazio europeo dell’istruzione.

    Attraverso la promozione di una mobilità attiva e strutturale, l’innovazione dei metodi didattici e la garanzia di un’istruzione inclusiva creerebbe una comunità educativa che non solo forma, ma prepara i giovani a essere cittadini europei consapevoli e pronti a rispondere alle sfide globali di oggi.

     
       

     

      Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, education is a foundation of a united, competitive and inclusive Europe. To shape the future, we must invest in education, skills, knowledge, values and mobility. The European Schools Alliance has the potential to become a game changer in achieving the European Education Area, bringing together innovation, mobility and inclusivity to create a truly borderless learning experience.

    As Vice-President of the European Parliament and a strong advocate for education, I work alongside colleagues in the EPP Intergroup on the Future of Education and Skills to push for ambitious and transformative policies supported by adequate funding. One of our key demands is to allocate at least 20 % of the next multiannual financial framework to education and skills. If we want Europe to remain a global leader, we must treat education as a strategic investment, not just another policy or a cost.

    We need a new European framework for education and skills – a comprehensive plan that ensures every child and young person, regardless of their background, has access to quality education, modern learning environments and future-proof skills. This can and must be Europe’s vision of the future.

    This means also fostering greater synergies between them and avoiding fragmentation. At the heart of this vision is a need for a real Erasmus 2.0. It should be not just a mobility programme, but a pillar for quality education and training across Europe. We must move towards a common curriculum, share learning objectives and truly European diplomas that are recognised across borders. Our students should not only gain knowledge in different European countries, but also learn about what it means to be together in Europe, strengthening their sense of belonging and shared responsibility.

    The European Schools Alliance can be a driving force behind these ambitions. By fostering collaboration between schools, educators and policymakers, we can create a system that transcends national borders, ensures fair access to opportunities and equips the next generation with the skills they need to thrive in an increasingly complex world.

    The time to act is now. The European Education Area must be more than just a concept; it must become a reality. If we speak more and more about defence, we should also speak more and more about education and working together. Investing in education means investing in a better future for our citizens.

     
       

     

      Virginie Joron (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, parler de stratégie et d’alliances, c’est aussi parler de bilan. L’éducation en Europe s’effondre. C’est le crash des écoles en France: les examens PISA de 2022 le prouvent. Les résultats s’écroulent, alors que les pays d’Asie progressent. Singapour culmine à 575 points, tandis que la France traîne à 474; c’est un écart gigantesque. L’OCDE nous dit que les enfants issus de l’immigration ont encore plus de difficultés. Cela, on s’en doutait un peu; mais, même parmi les enfants les plus favorisés, nous sommes désormais très loin des pays asiatiques en maths. Dans les écoles américaines, les plus pauvres ont de meilleurs scores en maths qu’en France.

    Voici les pays devant la France en mathématiques: Singapour, Macao, Taïwan, Hong Kong, Japon, Corée du Sud, Estonie, Suisse, Canada, Pays-Bas, Irlande, Belgique, Danemark, Pologne, Royaume-Uni, Australie, Autriche, Tchéquie, Slovénie, Finlande, Lettonie, Suède, Nouvelle-Zélande, Lituanie et Allemagne. En lecture, nous sommes très loin derrière les États-Unis.

    Un autre chiffre est effrayant: 13 % des enfants ont peur pour leur sécurité en allant à l’école, soit plus d’un million d’enfants et d’adolescents qui ont peur. Moi, j’ai envie de vous dire d’arrêter avec ces slogans creux. Votre inclusion ne s’adresse pas aux enfants handicapés, autistes ou hospitalisés; c’est pour les toilettes neutres sans urinoir et les livres LGBT obligatoires à la bibliothèque; ne pas dire «père» ou «mère», mais «parent 1» et «parent 2». Voilà les priorités de la caste de Bruxelles.

    L’exemple à suivre est pourtant simple. Regardez Singapour; c’est notre programme: rigueur académique, autorité des enseignants, priorité aux matières essentielles, fin des dérives idéologiques et soutien aux élèves en difficulté. Finalement, et c’est tragique, nous avons le résultat de cette idéologie mortifère, qui tire les écoles vers le bas.

    (L’oratrice refuse de répondre aux questions carton bleu de Sieper et Repp.)

     
       

     

      Seán Kelly (PPE). – As a former teacher, I am particularly pleased to see the European Schools Alliance being proposed by President von der Leyen. Education is the foundation of our future, and this initiative represents a crucial step in ensuring that young people across Europe have access to high-quality, innovative and inclusive learning opportunities.

    The success of the European University Alliance has demonstrated the power of cross-border collaboration in higher education. The European Schools Alliance should take inspiration from this model. The University Alliance has proven that overcoming fragmentation and enhancing cooperation leads to real benefits, such as joint degrees in research, collaboration and mobility programmes.

    At the school level, we must aim for similarly tangible outcomes, ensuring that students and teachers alike can benefit from a truly European approach to education. To be effective, the European Schools Alliance must focus on delivering measurable outcomes, much like the University Alliance has done with research, innovation and joint degree programmes.

    This is particularly important from my own country, Ireland, an island nation. Strengthening ties between our schools will help bridge the physical gap, ensuring Irish students and teachers have the same opportunities for collaboration and exchange as their counterparts across the continent. By building these connections, the European Schools Alliance will not only benefit students and teachers, but also contribute to a more unified and competitive Europe.

    Now to conclude, next Monday is our national holiday, Saint Patrick’s Day. Isn’t that right, Billy?

    Lá Fhéile Pádraig sona daoibh uilig agus caith an tseamróg.

     
       

       

    Vystúpenia na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky

     
       

     

      Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Mamy fatalne wyniki szkolnictwa podstawowego. Mamy fatalne wyniki działalności uniwersytetów. W pierwszych 30 uniwersytetach świata jest tylko jeden uniwersytet, jedna politechnika, monachijska, z Europy, z Unii Europejskiej. Przegrywamy. Ale tak jest dlatego, że lewicowo-liberalne trendy powodują, że w przedszkolach i w szkołach przebiera się chłopców za dziewczynki i dziewczynki za chłopców. To jest pierwsze zadanie niektórych nauczycieli. Dalej przekazuje się dzieciom książki z gołymi kobietami i mężczyznami. Uczy się je po prostu hedonistycznych zachowań, do których dzieci nie dorosły, burzy się ich intelekt. Trzeba więc po prostu wrócić do normalnej psychologii rozwojowej. Wielu psychologów doskonale wie, jak uczyć dzieci. I wielu doskonałych nauczycieli wie, jak uczyć dzieci. Trzeba im tylko dać szansę, dać lepsze płace. I wara, i z daleka odsuńmy eksperymentatorów i eksperymenty od natury dziecięcej.

     
       

     

      Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President, I am very excited about this European Schools Alliance, and I really do welcome it, and I hope that it is supported across the entirety of the European Union. This is not about integration. It’s about a celebration of diversity, broadening horizons and deepening understanding, learning about each other and learning from each other. And if we can get to that principle in terms of education, I think we will have done an awful lot for the generations of children to come.

    If you look at the Erasmus+ programme, it has has been really beneficial to third‑level students right across the European Union. To learn to live, to love in another country and another culture is a beautiful experience and something that stays with people for evermore.

    So I hope that this particular programme will be supported and encouraged at Member State level, facilitated by local authorities. But we need to ensure that in areas of deprivation, they are not forgotten, and that they’re as entitled to access this programme as any other child across the continent. There must be no barriers to children being able to access this programme and facilitated by the educators that support them. I commend it and support it.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Mr President, all students in Europe will hate this idea, but we need new school subjects in all of the European schools. Before I elaborate, let me educate some colleagues like Mr Jongen, who struggles to read Article 1 of the Treaty on European Union or, for example, Article 23 of the German Constitution, which in fact set the aim of ‘ever closer union’.

    But a Europe-wide school policy makes sense. What difference is there in teaching English, art, music or maths. And in the same way, all our European children need to understand these topics.

    All of our European children today need to be educated in two new subjects. The first one is digitalisation. All the possibilities and dangers of the digital realm need to be taught to them. And the second thing – and this is ever more important – is democracy. How does this Parliament work? How does the European Union work? Those are things that children need to learn all over Europe. So let’s go forward and enact these ideas.

     
       

       

    (Koniec vystúpení na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky)

     
       

     

      Christophe Hansen, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, the design and development of the European Schools Alliance is still in its very early days. That is why a debate like the one today is so useful, and the outcomes will feed into the design of the pilot.

    After the pilot, the success of the European Schools Alliance will depend on the next Erasmus+ programme and, of course, the future multiannual financial framework. This is why we believe we must give priority to investment in people, in pupils and their skills. We have to invest where it matters the most.

    You will be part of the debates, and we hope that the budget for the next Erasmus+ programme will match the expectations that some of you – like Mr Negrescu and Mr Petrov have mentioned – including for future European school alliances. To build a true Union of Skills, to make the European Schools Alliance a success, we need your support and we know we can count on you to make a difference.

     
       

     

      Predsedajúci . – Rozprava k tomuto bodu sa týmto skončila.

     

    11. Explanations of votes

     

      Predsedajúci . – Ďalším bodom programu sú vysvetlenia hlasovania.

     

    11.1. Social and employment aspects of restructuring processes: the need to protect jobs and workers’ rights (B10-0143/2025)



     

      Predsedajúci . – Tento bod programu je ukončený.

     

    12. Approval of the minutes of the sitting and forwarding of texts adopted

     

      Predsedajúci . – Zápisnica z tohto rokovania bude predložená na schválenie na začiatku nasledujúceho rokovania. Pokiaľ nie sú žiadne námietky, uznesenia prijaté na dnešnom rokovaní budú ihneď postúpené osobám a orgánom, ktoré sú v nich uvedené.

     

    13. Calendar of part-sessions

     

      Predsedajúci . – Nasledujúca schôdza sa uskutoční od 31. marca do 3. apríla 2025 v Štrasburgu.

     

    14. Closure of the sitting

       

    (Rokovanie sa skončilo o 15.37 h.)

     

    15. Adjournment of the session

     

      Predsedajúci . – Schôdza Európskeho parlamentu je týmto prerušená. Rokovanie sa skončilo.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – White paper on the future of European defence – P10_TA(2025)0034 – Wednesday, 12 March 2025 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Parliament,

    –  having regard to Rules 136(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A.  whereas over the last decade, major geopolitical shifts, amplified by the return of large-scale war to our neighbourhood, have been threatening the security of the EU, its Member States, the candidate countries and their respective citizens; whereas the EU is currently under attack, with hybrid incidents inside its borders, a large-scale war in its neighbourhood and a realignment of global powers, all presenting real risks to the security of the EU and its citizens and requiring immediate, ambitious and decisive action; whereas Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a watershed moment in European history; whereas Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine is widely recognised as an attack on the European peace order established after the Second World War and the global order as a whole;

    B.  whereas the global order is fragmenting and increasingly characterised by complex and entrenched instabilities;

    C.  whereas there cannot be any European security without security in its immediate neighbourhood, starting with Ukraine’s capacity to resist Russia’s war of aggression;

    D.  whereas recent statements by members of the US administration, accompanied by the heavy pressure exerted on Ukraine by the US leadership, reflect a shift in US foreign policy as the Trump administration is proposing the normalisation of ties with Russia and it is becoming increasingly clear that Europe needs to strengthen its security and defence to be able to help Ukraine to defend itself;

    E.  whereas the quickest and most extensive expansion of Russia’s capabilities is taking place near its borders with the West, while the EU is taking its time to enhance its defence capacity;

    F.  whereas China, driven by the ambition to become a global superpower, is eroding the rules-based international order by increasingly pursuing assertive foreign and hostile economic and competition policies and exporting dual-use goods deployed by Russia on the battlefield against Ukraine, thereby threatening European security and interests; whereas China is also investing tremendously in its armed forces, using its economic power to quash criticism worldwide and is striving to assert itself as the dominant power in the Indo-Pacific region; whereas China, by intensifying its confrontational, aggressive and intimidating actions against some of its neighbours, particularly in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, poses a risk to regional and global security as well as to the EU’s economic interests;

    G.  whereas the impact of wars, terrorism, instability, insecurity, poverty and climate change in the Sahel region, north-eastern Africa and Libya poses serious risks to EU security; whereas the instability and insecurity in the southern neighbourhood and the Sahel region are closely interlinked with, and remain an ongoing challenge for, the EU’s management of its external borders;

    H.  whereas European security is linked to stability on the African continent, and the growing presence of non-European actors is testament to the lack of sufficient security and diplomatic engagement in the region to effectively counter these challenges and protect the EU’s strategic interests;

    I.  whereas, in the light of the worsening external environment and despite the efforts made in recent years to enhance the EU’s crisis preparedness through new legislation, mechanisms and tools across various policy areas, the EU and its Member States remain vulnerable to multiple crisis scenarios;

    J.  whereas there is an urgent need to further reform and strengthen the EU’s defence policy in the light of Ukraine’s recent war experience and the use of new war technologies;

    K.  whereas the Member States have different military and security policies, including policies of neutrality, and such policies should be respected;

    L.  whereas it is in the EU’s interest to see Ukraine as an integral part of a genuine European security system;

    M.  whereas the Black Sea has shifted from a secondary to a primary military theatre for the EU and NATO, and alongside the Baltic Sea, it has become a pivotal strategic region for European security in countering the Russian threat;

    N.  whereas the Arctic region is becoming increasingly important in terms of economic development and transport, while, at the same time, facing challenges linked to climate change and militarisation, as well as those resulting from increasing geopolitical competition and migration;

    O.  whereas as a result of investment in military equipment and ammunition, numerous reports, notably the Defence Investment Gaps Analysis(1) of May 2022, have analysed a worrying capability gap in European defence;

    P.  whereas the Strategic Compass(2) was mainly drafted and negotiated before 24 February 2022; whereas the Strategic Compass is a very broad strategy that provides little guidance with regards to the urgent need to accomplish defence readiness and provide deterrence and defence capabilities to prepare for the most urgent military contingencies;

    Q.  whereas the 2024 Draghi report on the future of European competitiveness(3) highlighted a funding need of EUR 500 billion in European defence for the next decade, and underlines a combination of structural weaknesses affecting the competitiveness of the EU’s Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB), and identifies fragmentation, insufficient public defence investment and limited access to financing as obstacles to a capable EDTIB;

    R.  whereas the Niinistö report(4) underlines the fact that the EU and its Member States are not yet fully prepared for the most severe cross-sectoral or multidimensional crisis scenarios;

    S.  whereas building defence capabilities and adapting them to military needs requires a common strategic culture and shared threat perception and assessment, as well as the development of solutions to be combined in doctrine and concepts;

    T.  whereas the EU’s ability to take decisive action in response to external threats has been repeatedly hampered by the requirement for unanimity, with certain Member States and candidate countries blocking or delaying critical military aid to Ukraine and hence undermining European security;

    U.  whereas, in the light of the above challenges and analyses, the President of the European Commission tasked the Commissioner for Defence and Space and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with presenting a white paper on the future of European defence within the first 100 days of their term of office;

    V.  whereas Parliament and experts have been calling for a white paper on defence for more than a decade;

    A historic time for European defence: ‘become a genuine security provider’

    1.  Considers that the EU must act urgently to ensure its own autonomous security, strengthening its partnerships with like-minded partners and significantly reducing its dependencies on non-EU countries; stresses, therefore, that the EU is now at a turning point in its history and construction; insists that a ‘business as usual’ approach is no longer an option as it would lead to the end of a safe and secure Europe; considers that the EU and its Member States must choose between joining forces and working in unison to overcome the threats and attacks on EU security, and standing alone at the mercy of aggressive adversaries and unpredictable partners;

    2.  Recalls that the EU is a peace project and should strive towards peace and stability, while condemning aggression; underlines that in order to achieve peace and stability, we must support Ukraine and become more resilient ourselves;

    3.  Stresses that Europe continues to stand firmly on the side of Ukraine as it courageously fights for our European values, and recalls its conviction that it is on the Ukrainian battlefields that the future of Europe will be decided; strongly believes that Europe is today facing the most profound military threat to its territorial integrity since the end of the Cold War;

    4.  Strongly believes that strengthening Europe’s security and defence requires not just a simple increase in ambition and action, but a complete overhaul of the way we act and invest in our security and defence, such that from now on we plan, innovate, develop, purchase, maintain and deploy capabilities together, in a coordinated and integrated fashion, and making full use of the complementary competences of all actors in Europe, including NATO, to achieve a common European defence;

    5.  Believes that Russia, supported by its allies including Belarus, China, North Korea and Iran, is the most significant direct and indirect threat to the EU and its security, as well as that of EU candidate countries and partners; reiterates its condemnation, in the strongest possible terms, of Russia’s unprovoked, illegal and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine; notes, however, the need to consider fully the instability in our southern neighbourhood, the rise in Chinese military power and the increased aggressiveness of the middle powers, which appear ready to jeopardise transatlantic cooperation on common security and make a deal with the Russian aggressor at the expense of Ukrainian and European security, which are one and the same; notes that the recent actions and statements of the US administration have further increased concerns about the future stance of the US vis-à-vis Russia, NATO and the security of Europe; regrets, in this regard, the votes of the US Government, aligned with the Russian Government, in the UN General Assembly and the UN Security Council on resolutions about the third anniversary of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; strongly condemns US threats against Greenland;

    6.  Insists that Europe must take on greater responsibilities within NATO, especially when it comes to ensuring security on the European continent;

    7.  Believes that diplomacy should remain a cornerstone of EU foreign policy;

    8.  Reiterates its call on Türkiye, a NATO member state and EU candidate country, to abide by international law, recognise the Republic of Cyprus and immediately end the occupation and withdraw its troops from the island;

    9.  Underlines that the EU must now adopt a holistic and horizontal approach that integrates a defence and security dimension into most EU policies, supported by both regulatory and financial instruments and identified capability needs and gaps;

    10.  Believes, therefore, that the time has come for a renewed political ambition to act and turn the EU into a genuine security provider, increase the EU’s defence readiness and build a true European Defence Union; recalls that the adoption of the Strategic Compass was a good starting point, but notes that its timely implementation remains necessary; welcomes the recently introduced EU defence instruments and insists on the urgent need to scale up as EU defence efforts cannot remain limited in size, fragmented in scope and lengthy in delivery; calls for a quantum leap and a new approach to defence, including strong decisions, an action plan and both short- to long-term defence investment plans; underlines that this requires vision, concreteness and shared commitments, both in the strictly military field and in the industrial, technological and intelligence sectors;

    11.  Deplores the reluctance of the Council and the EU Member States when it comes to addressing deep structural challenges of the European defence industrial landscape and the lack of ambition as regards cooperation at EU level between the Member States’ armed forces; calls on the Member States to join forces and support a major step towards a very ambitious and comprehensive framework on defence;

    12.  Urges the EU to adopt a coherent and robust comprehensive framework to strengthen its security and that of its partners, better identify potential future breaking points and prevent further crises, and coordinate joint responses with its Member States similar to those used in wartime;

    13.  Believes that the white paper on the future of European defence should put forward concrete measures and options to the European Council so that truly groundbreaking and necessary efforts can be undertaken, differentiating between short- and long-term plans and objectives, addressing defence sector capability issues, industrial competitiveness and investment needs, and framing the overall approach to EU defence integration; urges both the Council and the Commission to identify clear and concrete priorities for the short, medium and long term, with a corresponding timeline of actions;

    14.  Considers that common security and defence policy (CSDP) missions and operations need to be reassessed and reviewed from this perspective; insists that the CSDP must be strengthened and made more agile, including by becoming the EU’s main instrument to fight hybrid warfare, in order to fulfil its role as an insurance policy for Europe’s security, as well as a power and security provider;

    15.  Expects the white paper on the future of European defence to identify the most pressing threats, structural risks and competitors, and define the extent to which the EU can develop contingency plans to ensure mutual support in the event of large-scale security crises, and help Europe anticipate, prepare for and deter potential aggressors and defend itself in the short and long term, in order to become a credible power and European pillar within NATO; underlines that the protection of EU land, air and maritime borders contributes to the security of the entire EU, in particular the EU’s eastern border, and thus stresses that the East Shield and Baltic Defence Line should be the flagship EU projects for fostering deterrence and overcoming potential threats from the East;

    16.  Calls for immediate measures to enhance the security and defence of the EU’s north-eastern border with Russia and Belarus by establishing a comprehensive and resilient defence line across land, air and maritime domains to counter military and hybrid threats including energy weaponisation, infrastructure sabotage and the instrumentalisation of migration; emphasises the need to coordinate and integrate national efforts through EU regulatory and financial instruments to accelerate implementation;

    17.  Stresses the need to enhance capabilities and resources, while overcoming the fragmentation of the defence market; fully agrees with the Draghi report’s view that the EU and its Member States must urgently decide on incentives for the EU defence industry and find creative solutions for large-scale public and private investments in security and defence;

    Short-term: defending Ukraine against an existential threat to Europe’s security

    18.  Urges the EU and its Member States to stand firmly on the side of Ukraine; recalls its conviction that it is on the Ukrainian battlefields that the future of Europe will be decided and that the trajectory of Russia’s war against Ukraine will be decisively shifted; underlines that such a shift now depends almost entirely on Europe; urges the Member States, therefore, to provide more arms and ammunition to Ukraine before negotiations are concluded; warns that, if the EU were to fail in its support and Ukraine were forced to surrender, Russia would then turn against other countries, including possibly the EU Member States; calls on the EU Member States, international partners and NATO allies to lift all restrictions on the use of Western weapons systems delivered to Ukraine against military targets in Russian territory; calls for the EU and its Member States to actively work towards maintaining and achieving the broadest possible international support for Ukraine and identifying a peaceful solution to the war that must be based on full respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, the principles of international law, accountability for war crimes and the crime of aggression, and Russian payments for the massive damage caused in Ukraine; urges the EU and its Member States to participate in establishing robust future security guarantees for Ukraine;

    19.  Strongly believes that the EU must further expand and improve its tailor-made training operations to respond to the needs of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, and, in return, create conditions for European armed forces to learn lessons and strategic practices from them; calls on the Member States to further expand training operations for the Ukrainian Armed Forces, including in Ukrainian territory;

    20.  Emphasises the importance of ensuring a geographically balanced distribution of defence financing in the next multiannual financial framework (MFF);

    21.  Urges the EU to develop a ‘Ukraine strategy’, outlining clear objectives for supporting Ukraine’s defence capabilities and the integration of the Ukrainian DTIB into the EDTIB, and to find the necessary resources to implement such a strategy, while supporting European defence industry activities in Ukraine; proposes the allocation of a specific multi-billion euro budget to the European Defence Industry Programme’s (EDIP) Ukraine Support Instrument reserved exactly for this purpose; underscores that such a Ukraine strategy must be an integral part of a ‘European defence’ strategy;

    22.  Calls for urgent financial support to ensure the timely supply of defence products through joint procurement, industrial coordination, stockpiling, access to finance for manufacturers and the expansion and modernisation of production capacities;

    23.  Praises the ‘Danish model’ for support for Ukraine, which consists of procuring defence capabilities produced directly in Ukraine; urges the EU and its Member States to strongly support this model and to make full use of its potential, as there is an underutilisation of Ukraine’s defence industrial capacity, estimated at around 50 %, and it brings many advantages to both sides, such as cheaper equipment, speedier and safer logistics, and greater ease of training and maintenance;

    24.  Calls for a significant increase in the financing of military support for Ukraine; calls, in this regard, for the swift adoption of the next military aid package, which should be the largest to date and reflect the level of ambition this juncture calls for; calls on the EU Member States to commit at least 0,25 % of their GDP to military aid for Ukraine; condemns the veto imposed by one Member State on the functioning of the European Peace Facility; calls on the EU Member States, together with their G7 partners, to immediately seize all frozen Russian assets to serve as a foundation for a substantial grant and loan to Ukraine, as a legally sound and financially significant way to maintain and increase our support for Ukraine’s military needs;

    25.  Urges the Council and the Member States to review and strengthen the enforcement of existing sanctions and to adopt and strictly implement restrictive measures against all entities and non-EU states facilitating the circumvention of sanctions, providing Russia’s military complex with military and dual-use technologies and equipment; urges the Member States to pay special attention to the Russian shadow fleet and the security and environmental risks this poses;

    26.  Insists on the paramount importance of cooperation with, and the integration of, the Ukrainian defence industry into the EDTIB, which offers clear advantages for both sides, and calls for its speedier integration; highlights the urgency of properly financing EDIP’s Ukraine Support Instrument, which is currently not budgeted; further proposes the provision of war insurance for critical EDTIB projects inside Ukraine; proposes the regular inclusion of Ukrainian Defence Ministry officials with observer status at meetings of relevant Council configurations;

    27.  Urges the Commission and the Member States to make full use of the lessons learnt from Ukraine’s advanced modern warfare capabilities, including drones and electronic warfare;

    28.  Calls on the Commission to propose an EU drones package, focusing on drone and anti-drone systems and auxiliary capabilities, containing plans and funds to stimulate research and development, which should draw on lessons learnt from the Ukrainian experience and be open to the participation of Ukraine’s highly innovative companies, as well as an industrial programme dedicated to the joint development, production and procurement of drone and anti-drone systems, and a regulation on the use of drones in civilian and military contexts;

    ‘Ready for the most extreme military contingencies’– a new long-term approach

    Preparedness

    29.  Stresses that preparedness for hybrid and grey zone attacks must become part of the EU’s strategic culture, with permanent exercises, joint threat assessments and pre-planned, coordinated responses among Member States, particularly in regions bordering hostile powers;

    30.  Calls for the EU to develop a comprehensive EU risk assessment to help identify the major cross-sectoral threats and hazards, as well as the concrete risks facing the EU as a whole, building on current sector-specific risk assessment procedures;

    31.  Insists on the importance of using the upcoming ‘Preparedness Union Strategy’ to put the EU on track for comprehensive preparedness;

    32.  Supports a ‘Preparedness by Design’ principle being embedded horizontally and consistently across the EU institutions, bodies and agencies; insists on the need to develop a mandatory ‘security and preparedness check’ for future impact assessments and ‘stress-tests’ for existing legislation; stresses the need to reduce the obstacles in current national and EU legislation that undermine the efficiency of European defence and security;

    33.  Recommends, in particular, the Niinistö report recommendations aimed at empowering citizens to make societal resilience work, inspired by the Finnish concept of total defence;

    34.  Invites the Commission and the Member States to explore the feasibility of an EU preparedness act, setting joint standards and long-term guidelines to align EU and national efforts when possible;

    35.  Calls for the EU and its Member States to establish and regularly conduct an EU comprehensive preparedness exercise to horizontally test both high-level decision-making and operational coordination in order to build strong links between actors and across sectors;

    36.  Calls for the EU and its Members States to facilitate the use of CSDP instruments in complementarity with internal security tools in the immediate vicinity of the EU’s territory and territorial waters, and to strengthen dual-use and civil-military cooperation at EU level, based on a whole-of-government approach; reiterates its call for the protection of critical underwater infrastructure via the establishment of EU-specific rapid response strategies for underwater infrastructure protection, operating in alignment with NATO; encourages investment in advanced detection and surveillance systems for underwater infrastructure monitoring;

    Readiness: the Strategic Compass and the European Defence Industrial Strategy as the right tools

    37.  Calls for the EU to urgently adapt its tools to new realities by designing an administrative capacity to move much faster through the procedures when faced with wars or other large-scale crises, and to adopt the appropriate tools;

    38.  Considers regular threat analyses, such as the one first conducted in the Strategic Compass, as an absolute necessity; recommends, therefore, updating the EU’s Strategic Compass and adapting the measures within it accordingly in order to reflect the magnitude of our threat environment, and conducting more frequent threat assessments, as they are a precondition for realistically and successfully planning our capabilities and operations; considers that the Strategic Compass, the CSDP, the white paper and the European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS) should form the basis for a comprehensive vision of European defence;

    39.  Insists that the Rapid Deployment Capacity must achieve full operational capability in 2025 and should be upgraded to be able to face the most extreme military contingencies; reiterates its call to strengthen the EU’s Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC), establishing it as the preferred command and control structure for EU military operations and providing it with adequate premises, staff and effective communication and information systems for all CSDP missions and operations, including those of the Rapid Deployment Capacity;

    40.  Reiterates its call on Türkiye, a NATO member, to withdraw its troops from Cyprus, an EU Member State, and work constructively to find a viable and peaceful solution based on the relevant UN resolutions;

    41.  Strongly believes that, in the current geopolitical context, the operationalisation of Article 42(7) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) on mutual assistance is of utmost importance, ensuring solidarity among Member States, especially those whose geographical position leaves them directly exposed to imminent threats and challenges, regardless of whether they are NATO members;

    42.  Reiterates the importance of EU-NATO cooperation, as NATO remains, for those states that are members of it, an important pillar of their collective defence; stresses that EU-NATO cooperation should continue, in particular, in areas such as information exchange, planning, military mobility and the exchange of best practice, and to reinforce deterrence, collective defence and interoperability; calls, nonetheless, for the development of a fully capable European pillar of NATO able to act autonomously whenever necessary; reiterates its call to strengthen cooperation – through action, not only words – on military mobility, information exchange, coordination of planning, improved cooperation on their respective military operations and enhanced response to hybrid warfare aimed at destabilising the whole EU continent;

    43.  Invites the Member States to actively participate in a priority-ordering mechanism for defence production to help prioritise orders, contracts and the recruitment of employees in emergency situations; underlines that the Member States should go beyond their current defence applications to encompass other essential resilience-building infrastructure such as energy, transport and telecommunications;

    44.  Recognises that the starting point must be a realistic assessment of critical defence capability gaps and shortfalls in order to ramp up defence industry production; underlines the need to ensure the coherence of output between the EU’s Capability Development Plan (CDP) and Coordinated Annual Review on Defence (CARD) and NATO’s capability targets in order to identify and address the critical defence capability gaps and shortfalls in the EU and focus efforts on European strategic enablers to provide genuine EU added value in order to address most extreme military contingencies; calls on the Commission to act on the recommendations of the European Court of Auditor’s Special Report 04/2025 on military mobility and to give greater importance to the military assessment during the selection process for dual-use projects;

    45.  Urges the EU and its Member States, with regard to armed forces, to move from the ‘flow’ approach that prevailed during peaceful times to a ‘stock’ approach, with a stockpile of defence equipment ready for a sustained increase in demand; notes, in this regard, the advantages offered by mechanisms such as advance purchase agreements, the establishment of ‘ever-warm’ facilities and the creation of defence readiness pools; believes that the Commission should take any actions necessary to encourage the Member States to increase exchanges and build trust among them regarding long-term, transparent planning, more proactive measures aimed at securing raw materials, and policies to close gaps in production processes and on the labour market;

    46.  Calls for the EU to adopt a global and coherent approach to external aid in all of its dimensions, with much stronger alignment between common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and CSDP objectives and instruments; considers that the strategic environments in which many EU CSDP missions are present are radically deteriorating, which demonstrates the need for the white paper to ensure flexibility in a 360 degree approach to European security that strives towards building a credible and capable deterrence capacity for the Member States, and ensures that Member State civilian and military personnel can deter and respond rapidly to the growing threat environment;

    47.  Considers that the CSDP must strongly participate in the fight against hybrid warfare against partner countries, particularly candidate countries; is deeply worried by the sharp increase in hybrid attacks, including sabotage, cyberattacks, information manipulation and election interference, with the objective of weakening the EU and its candidate countries; calls on the EU Member States to consider appropriate deterrence and countermeasures, including through the use of Article 42(7) TEU; calls, furthermore, on the Member States to pool resources and expertise in the field of cybersecurity; strongly advocates the development of a unified European approach to cyber forces; further insists on the swift creation of joint European cyber capabilities; recalls the increasing threats of cyber warfare and underlines the need for the EU to establish an EU cyber defence coordination centre to monitor, detect and respond to cyber threats in real time;

    48.  Insists on the need to improve the CSDP’s ability to identify, prevent and counter information manipulation aimed at hindering the EU’s external action; reiterates its calls to establish an effective horizontal strategic communications strategy adapted to all EU channels;

    49.  Calls for the creation of an ‘EU crisis response air fleet’ under the CSDP, comprising military transport aircraft held at EU level and made available to Member States for EU deployments, the transport of equipment or troops (military mobility), or in the event of emergency evacuations – as shown by the capability gap during the withdrawal from Afghanistan – as well as for civil security missions, based on a model similar to the European Air Transport Command;

    Coherence and sovereignty

    Coherence

    50.  Expects the European External Action Service (EEAS) to carry out comprehensive and uncompromising reviews of CSDP missions and operations, taking into account, in particular, the feasibility of their respective mandates in relation to the resources allocated, the staff recruitment method for missions and operations, especially on the link between the skills required and the different profiles, as well as the rationalisation of resources and the management of missions and operations, transparency in calls for tender, activities and results obtained, lessons learnt from best practice and difficulties encountered; asks the Council, on the basis of these reviews, to take decisions aimed at adapting or abandoning ineffective missions and strengthening the most useful missions; believes that the governance of evaluation and the control of CSDP missions and operations must be improved;

    51.  Believes that the EU should develop wartime economic cooperation contingency plans with close partners to ensure mutual support in the case of large-scale security crises involving them directly, and should deepen wartime economic dialogues with European and global partners to provide early warning of hard, hybrid and cyber threats, and foster mutual support planning, the protection of critical infrastructure and maritime safety;

    52.  Calls for the EU to further accelerate the implementation of military mobility; believes that the EU has to move from ‘mobility’ to ‘military logistics’; stresses the need for significant investment in military mobility infrastructure to enhance cargo airlift capabilities, camps, fuel infrastructure through depots, ports, air, sea and rail transport platforms, railway lines, waterways, roads, bridges and logistic hubs; stresses that this must be done in cooperation with NATO by drafting a strategic plan for developing mobility; calls for the rapid implementation of the technical arrangement signed under the aegis of the European Defence Agency Cross-Border Movement Permission, the harmonisation of customs formalities and the preparation of a centralised and justified lifting of road and rail traffic standards in the event of a crisis situation;

    53.  Believes that, in order to create a favourable ecosystem for the European defence industry, the EU must decide on a united and clear long-term vision for the European defence industry in order to provide visibility to the industry and ensure that priority needs are addressed;

    54.  Stresses that EDIP must actively facilitate the participation of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and new market entrants through simplified access to funding; emphasises that EDIP should be designed as a stepping stone towards greater European sovereignty in defence production; suggests that successful Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and European Defence Fund (EDF) projects be prioritised along the line of known capability gaps and that sufficient funding be ensured for projects that have proven to deliver; reiterates its call on the Member States to provide an implementation report on PESCO projects to Parliament at least twice a year; calls for a more geographically balanced development of the EDTIB, ensuring that critical capabilities, such as ammunition production, air defence systems and drone technologies, are also developed in frontline states, which have a direct understanding of operational needs;

    55.  Is deeply convinced that the EU-level instruments should prioritise and massively increase support for SMEs and start-ups in the dual-use and defence sector; stresses the need to support SMEs and start-ups in bringing successfully tested prototypes to the market, including the scaling up of production; underlines the need to bridge the current funding gap as regards these important steps that would strengthen the EDTIB, including in close cooperation with the Ukrainian technological and defence industrial base;

    56.  Urges the EU to increase coherence between existing and future EU instruments, in particular between PESCO, on demand consolidation, and the EDF, on programmatic roadmaps; between the European Defence Industry Reinforcement through common Procurement Act (EDIRPA), on joint procurement, and the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP), on industrial ramp-up; between EDIP, on the identification of dependencies, and the EDF, on the resolution of identified dependencies; or within EDIP itself, on coherence within the instrument of the implementation of actions related to the consolidation of demand and supply;

    57.  Calls for a significant increase in common procurement by the Member States of required European defence equipment and capabilities; calls on the Member States to aggregate demand by procuring defence equipment jointly, with the possibility of granting the Commission a mandate to procure on their behalf, ideally ensuring a long-term planning horizon for the EDTIB, thus improving the EDTIB’s production capacities and the interoperability of the European armed forces, and making efficient use of taxpayers’ money through economies of scale;

    58.  Welcomes the proposal for European Defence Projects of Common Interest on the development of common capabilities that go beyond the financial means of a single Member State; believes that these projects should be used to support the industrial and technological capacities that underpin the major common priorities of several Member States and in fields such as external border protection and defence, in particular in the land domain, as well as strategic enablers, particularly in space and European air defence, to act on the whole spectrum of threats, military mobility, in particular strategic and tactical air transport, deep strikes, drone and anti-drone technologies, missiles and munitions, and artificial intelligence, in order to develop sovereign infrastructure and critical enablers; emphasises that pragmatism must prevail due to the sheer number of priorities and the need to mobilise new resources; considers, in that regard, that the EU should focus, where possible, on rapidly available and proven European technologies that gradually reduce our dependencies and improve our security; highlights the need to support the development of pan-European value chains in EU defence cooperation by incorporating companies throughout the Union and to boost competitiveness in the sector by various means, such as mergers and champions; considers, furthermore, that instead of focusing on fair return, our defence policies should encourage the growth of EU centres of excellence;

    59.  Calls for the further development of an EU defence industrial policy to improve existing and develop defence-specific instruments where necessary, and to optimise the use of non-defence-specific instruments for the purposes of the EDTIB;

    60.  Recalls the need to ensure coherence in EU public policies, which must not generate obligations contradictory to the overall defence objectives, especially during a security crisis, where the concept of ‘strategic exception’ should be introduced; calls for the creation of a genuine defence environment in favour of defence that could support industrial ramp-up efforts by taking better advantage of the multi-sectoral Commission instruments by screening, reviewing and, where needed, revising existing ones to ensure that they do not undermine EU defence policy objectives;

    61.  Recommends the establishment of a security of supply regime, including joint strategic stocks of raw materials and critical parts, to ensure the availability of raw materials and components needed for the production of defence products, and to allow production cycles to be ramped up faster and shortened; calls for the Commission and the Member States to be jointly tasked with the mapping and monitoring of the EDTIB, with the aims of protecting its strengths, reducing its vulnerabilities, avoiding crises and providing it with an effective and efficient industrial policy;

    62.  Proposes that relevant defence-related entities/activities be allowed access to InvestEU and other EU funds, taking advantage of EU defence as a job creator; insists that defence-related entities/activities be prioritised as appropriate, with the support of the Chips Act(5) and the Critical Raw Materials Act(6); believes that the simplification efforts announced by the Commission must fully encompass the defence sector; calls on the Commission to leverage the full dual-use potential of space technologies, considering space as both a new operating domain and a critical enabler of multi-domain operations; underlines that the EU currently has a substantial gap in space capabilities compared to its main competitors and stresses that, in order to address this gap in space technologies, already existing flagship projects (i.e. Copernicus and Galileo) should be enhanced for defence applications; suggests, furthermore, that the EU should urgently pursue the development of its IRIS2 constellation, together with the development of further EU common projects, for example, for space domain awareness and space-based missile early-warning applications;

    63.  Insists on the need to ensure geographical coherence by taking stock of the will of the EU and the UK, first and foremost to build security guarantees for Ukraine and become closer security partners, and to sign a joint declaration with concrete engagements and structured dialogue in order to strengthen EU-UK cooperation on the full range of foreign and security challenges facing the continent, the budgetary and regulatory conditions of which remain to be negotiated, and keeping in mind the importance of the decision-making autonomy of the EU; underlines, in this regard, the importance of closer cooperation on information and intelligence sharing, military mobility, security and defence initiatives, crisis management, cyber defence, hybrid threats, foreign information manipulation and interference and in jointly addressing shared threats;

    64.  Calls for more coherence in support of companies by reducing unnecessary administrative burdens and cutting red tape, and ensuring much easier access for small- and mid-cap companies within the defence sector; underlines the need to review, simplify and harmonise the current framework for export licences and intra-EU transfer licences, as well as for cross-certification of equipment, as one of the priorities to foster better cooperation within the market and among Member States;

    65.  Encourages a common European certification scheme for weapons systems and a move beyond the current system of national certification in order to speed up the introduction of weapons systems into the armed forces of Member States;

    66.  Calls for greater coherence in governance as CSDP must become the key instrument of a powerful Europe; considers that this requires a real link in governance between the Member States, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) and the Commissioners; urges the Member States to overcome the complexity of decision-making processes in the governance of European defence; calls for the creation of a council of defence ministers and for the move from unanimity to qualified majority voting for decisions in the European Council, the Council of Ministers and EU agencies such as the EDA, excluding military operations with an executive mandate; calls, in the meantime, for the use of Article 44 TEU in the creation of a horizontal task force on defence in the Commission; calls for increased democratic accountability through enhanced oversight by Parliament;

    67.  Proposes the strengthening of Parliament’s oversight and scrutiny role, in line with the expansion of the EU’s role in defence; calls for the appointment of a Parliament representative to the new Defence Industrial Readiness Board proposed in EDIP, as there is currently none provided for;

    Sovereignty

    68.  Stresses that the creation of a single European defence market is a priority, as the fragmentation and lack of competitiveness of the European industry have so far hampered the capacity of the EU to assume more responsibility as a security provider; recalls that the concept of a ‘defence market’ implies a full recognition of its specificity and an appropriate and coherent application of EU public policies; recalls that European preference should be the aim of achieving this single ‘market’ by strictly linking territoriality and the added value generated in this territory;

    69.  Considers that European preference must be the guiding principle and long-term ambition of EU policies related to the European defence market, in order to develop and protect European technological excellence; stresses, however, that such preference must not be pursued at the expense of the defence readiness of the Union, given the extent of international supply and value chains in the defence sector;

    70.  Rejects a scenario in which EU funds contribute to perpetuating or deepening dependences on non-European actors, both for production of capabilities or their deployment;

    71.  Urges the Member States to stop invoking Article 346 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union as a means of avoiding the application of the Procurement Directive(7) (2009/81/EC), thus undermining the common market for defence; calls on the Commission to review the Directive on the transfer of defence-related products(8) and the Directive on defence procurement as well as the inter-community transfer directive (2009/43/EC) with a view to strengthening the common market for defence and introducing flexibility with regard to crisis situations like the one we are currently facing;

    72.  Calls on the Commission to design a better-resourced, more strategic and more efficient successor to the European Defence Fund that supports common research and innovation in defence all along the supply chain and to lay the conditions to address technological challenges: advanced persistent threats, artificial intelligence and machine learning, quantum computing, the internet of military things, security, supply chain attacks, zero-day exploits and cloud security; calls for the establishment of an EU agency, inspired by the US’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, as part of the European Defence Agency, which should be solely responsible for supporting research in emerging and disruptive technologies, equipped with an adequate amount of venture capital;

    Finance and investments

    73.  Is concerned that, without a substantial increase in defence investment, the EU’s security and defence objectives will not be reached, both in terms of military support for Ukraine and the improvement of our common security; highlights the fact that the cost of non-preparedness for the most extreme military contingencies would be much higher than the cost of decisive EU preparedness; calls for the EU and its Member States to work and agree on concrete ways and means to achieve a short- to long-term substantial increase in public and private investment in defence and security;

    74.  Considers that, in the EU’s next multiannual financial framework (MFF), defence spending lines will have to reflect the new ‘ready for the most extreme military contingencies’ priority;

    75.  Insists that urgent needs cannot wait for the next MFF; insists that innovative solutions for finding additional funding must be explored without delay, such as investing in the defence sector, making it easier and faster to repurpose funds from one project to another, and exploring the possibility of adjusting EU funding criteria to give new prominence to security criteria in allocating spending;

    76.  Welcomes the five-point ‘ReArm Europe’ plan proposed by the Commission President on 4 March 2025;

    77.  Strongly supports the idea that EU Member States must increase their defence and security financing to new levels; notes that some Member States have already increased their defence spending to 5 % of GDP;

    78.  Welcomes the proposals made in the recent Niinistö report as regards the financing of European defence; supports the establishment of a defending Europe facility and a securing Europe facility; equally welcomes and supports the proposal to establish an investment guarantee programme based on the model of InvestEU with open architecture to trigger private sector investment and to issue a ‘European preparedness bond standard’;

    79.  Is of the opinion that national recovery and resilience plans should be amended to allow for new defence funding; calls for these investments to also address vulnerabilities in both military capabilities and the social fabric, empowering us to fight all threats to our values, social model, security and defence;

    80.  Urges the Member States to support the establishment of a defence, security and resilience bank to serve as a multilateral lending institution designed to provide low-interest, long-term loans that can support key national security priorities such as rearmament, defence modernisation, rebuilding efforts in Ukraine and the buying back of critical infrastructure currently owned by hostile non-EU countries;

    81.  Calls for a system of European defence bonds to be explored for financing large-scale military investments up front; calls, similarly, for the use of unused ‘coronabonds’ for defence instruments to be explored, to complement the Commission’s ‘ReArm Europe’ plan, as the EU is now experiencing a pressing need to boost security and defence to protect its citizens, restore deterrence and support its allies, first and foremost Ukraine;

    82.  Reiterates, in line with the Commission’s ‘ReArm Europe’ plan, its call for the European Investment Bank (EIB) and other international financial institutions and private banks in Europe to invest more actively in the European defence industry; calls, in particular, for an urgent revision of the EIB’s lending policy and immediate flexibility to remove current restrictions on financing defence, and for the possibility of issuing earmarked debt for funding security and defence projects to be investigated;

    83.  Calls on European Council President António Costa to immediately convene the European Council, based on the conclusions of the white paper, so that EU leaders can agree on immediate and far-reaching decisions to implement the European Defence Union as laid out in Article 42(2) TEU and elaborate on the measures identified in the white paper;

    84.  Welcomes the outcomes of the special European Council of 6 March 2025 and asks the Member States to act decisively during the upcoming March Council meeting;

    85.  Underlines the need to enhance our partnerships with like-minded countries, particularly those in Europe, such as the UK and Norway; calls for a broad EU-UK security pact, also covering key subjects such as energy, migration and critical minerals; points to the added value of fostering our relationships with global partners such as the US, Japan and Australia;

    86.  Calls for enhanced cooperation with Western Balkan countries in the area of defence industries; emphasises that Western Balkan countries have significant expertise in defence industries and that the EU should consider procuring military equipment from Western Balkan countries; emphasises that this approach would help make Western Balkan countries stronger allies of the EU;

    87.  Believes that every effort must be made to maintain and, if possible, foster transatlantic cooperation in every field of the military and defence sector, while recalling the need to foster European defence and develop greater sovereignty;

    88.  Notes that the above is without prejudice to the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States;

    o
    o   o

    89.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the Commission and competent Commissioners, the EU security and defence agencies and the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

    (1) Joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 18 May 2022 on the Defence Investment Gaps Analysis and Way Forward (JOIN(2022)0024).
    (2) Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security, which was approved by the Council on 21 March 2022 and endorsed by the European Council on 24 March 2022.
    (3) Report by Mario Draghi of 9 September 2024 on the future of European competitiveness and in particular Chapter Four thereof on increasing security and reducing dependencies.
    (4) Report by Sauli Niinistö of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘Safer Together: Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’.
    (5) Regulation (EU) 2023/1781 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 September 2023 establishing a framework of measures for strengthening Europe’s semiconductor ecosystem and amending Regulation (EU) 2021/694 (Chips Act) (OJ L 229, 18.9.2023, p. 1, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/reg/2023/1781/oj).
    (6) Regulation (EU) 2024/1252 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 April 2024 establishing a framework for ensuring a secure and sustainable supply of critical raw materials and amending Regulations (EU) No 168/2013, (EU) 2018/858, (EU) 2018/1724 and (EU) 2019/1020 (OJ L, 2024/1252, 3.5.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/reg/2024/1252/oj).
    (7) Directive 2009/81/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 July 2009 on the coordination of procedures for the award of certain works contracts, supply contracts and service contracts by contracting authorities or entities in the fields of defence and security, and amending Directives 2004/17/EC and 2004/18/EC (OJ L 216, 20.8.2009, p. 76, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dir/2009/81/oj).
    (8) Directive 2009/43/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 May 2009 simplifying terms and conditions of transfers of defence-related products within the Community (OJ L 146, 10.6.2009, p. 1, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dir/2009/43/oj).

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION calling for an investigation into the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipeline – B10-0142/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0142/2025

    Motion for a European Parliament resolution calling for an investigation into the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipeline

    The European Parliament,

    – having regard to Rule 149 of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas EU Member States Finland, Denmark, Germany, Poland, Sweden, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia have launched the NATO military operation Baltic Sentry to protect critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea;

    B. whereas the proposed actions of Baltic Sentry are based on the unproven assumption that Russia is behind acts of sabotage, including the destruction of the Nord Stream pipeline;

    C. whereas the Council of the EU stated on 28 September 2022, ‘We will support any investigation aimed at getting full clarity on what happened and why, and will take further steps to increase our resilience in energy security’;

    1. Stresses that responding to a criminal act without first conducting a thorough, impartial and evidence-based investigation to determine responsibility is inconsistent with the EU’s fundamental principles of democracy and the rule of law;

    2. Calls for an investigation into all forms of suspected sabotage of critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea, beginning with the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipeline on 26 September 2022.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Update: Genta-Equine 100 mg/ml Solution for Injection for Horses – Adverse events

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    News story

    Update: Genta-Equine 100 mg/ml Solution for Injection for Horses – Adverse events

    More information following investigation into an increase of adverse event reports following the use of Genta-Equine 100 mg/ml Solution for Injection for Horses.

    Since our initial notification on 18 December 2024, the Marketing Authorisation Holder (MAH) has provided findings of their investigation into adverse event reports relating to the use of Genta-Equine 100 mg/ml Solution for Injection for Horses, specifically batches T-001 and V-001. 

    The MAHs investigation has confirmed the presence of histamine in batches T-001 and V-001 at concentrations deemed sufficient to cause the adverse events received. Therefore, it has been concluded that this is the most likely root-cause for the adverse events. 

    A recall of affected batches has been initiated in Denmark and Belgium but due to the critical nature of Genta-Equine to equine veterinary surgeons in the UK, a recall has not been initiated in the UK.   

    Dechra (UK distributor) has advised that if veterinary professionals are concerned about using the affected batches of Genta-Equine, treatment with an alternative appropriate antibiotic should be considered. They have also advised that a refund can be received for any unopened bottles.   

    We have approved a further communication from Dechra to veterinary surgeons including this information and will continue working with the MAH to monitor reports and ensure appropriate actions are carried out as required. 

    Symptoms included in adverse event reports 

    These reports include signs of abdominal pain/colic, pawing, restlessness/agitation, groaning, shaking/shivering/fasciculation, Flehmen response, lying down or attempting to lie down, staggering, increased sweating and increased respiratory rate. 

    In all reports received to date, events commenced within minutes of administration and all horses recovered. 

    Adverse event reports received may include reports where more than one product was used, the product was used off-label and/or where, on further evaluation, it is considered that there is no causal association between the product and event. 

    Reporting of adverse events 

    We strongly encourage anyone who is aware of an adverse event to report directly to the MAH. Please provide all relevant information, including the batch number. 

    Contact details for the MAH or their local representative can found be on the product leaflet or on the  Product Information Database.

    The reporting of adverse events is critical to our ongoing monitoring activities in order to protect animal health, public health, and the environment. Find out more about pharmacovigilance at  VMD Connect – Adverse Events and Pharmacovigilance.

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    Updates to this page

    Published 14 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Ministry of Defense of the Kyrgyz Republic advances ammunition stockpile management with OSCE support

    Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – OSCE

    Headline: Ministry of Defense of the Kyrgyz Republic advances ammunition stockpile management with OSCE support

    Technical specialists from the Ministry of Defense of the Kyrgyz Republic evaluating the stability of nitrocellulose-based propellants, Bishkek, 14 March 2025. (OSCE) Photo details

    From 3 to 14 March 2025, eight technical specialists from the Ministry of Defense of the Kyrgyz Republic completed a training course on propellant stability assessment. The course was organized by the OSCE Programme Office in Bishkek, in collaboration with the Ministry of Defense of the Kyrgyz Republic and with support from the Austrian Armed Forces.
    Participants gained hands-on experience operating specialized mobile laboratories equipped with QPAK and QPAK+ systems to evaluate the stability of nitrocellulose-based propellants, which is crucial for preventing accidental explosions at ammunition storage sites.
    With the tools and knowledge acquired, Ministry staff will be able to more effectively test and monitor propellant stability, contributing to risk mitigation and enhancing the overall security of ammunition stockpiles.
    “Arms control is one of our Organization’s priorities. By advancing Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and Conventional Ammunition (CA) through-life management, we take a step forward in ensuring security across the broader OSCE area,” noted Konstantin Bedarev, Head of the Politico-Military Department of the OSCE Programme Office in Bishkek.
    This initiative is part of an ongoing series of activities within the extra-budgetary project “Improvement of SALW and CA Life-Cycle Management Capacity of the Ministry of Defense of the Kyrgyz Republic,” supported by Austria, France, Germany, Norway, and Switzerland.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Keir Starmer promises more ‘democratic control’ of the NHS – how do other European countries do it?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Fahy, Director of the Health and Care Research Group, RAND Europe

    Sir Keir Starmer, the UK prime minister, announced on March 13 that the government will move to abolish NHS England in the next two years. During this period, the government plans to bring its functions under the UK’s health ministry, with the aim of bringing the health service “into democratic control”. What does this mean, and what difference will it make?

    When the NHS was established in 1948, part of the aim was to make the local health problems of patients across the country the concern of the national government. The plan succeeded. Today, the NHS is politically highly important – it matters enormously to patients and the public, and has one of the largest spending budgets in the UK.

    At the same time, it is technically difficult to manage, with local needs and opportunities and complex organisation that are hard and sometimes inefficient to manage centrally.

    Striking the balance between delivering high-quality patient care and addressing the technical complexity of doing so is a continual challenge for governments. The solution chosen as part of the 2012 health and welfare reforms was to establish NHS England as an organisationally independent government body to provide technical and operational leadership for the NHS – leaving ministers insulated from those day-to-day issues and free to set an overall strategy.

    The government’s decision to abolish NHS England marks a change back to direct ministerial grip on the system. This may reflect high public concern about the NHS and pressure on its services, as well as a desire by the recently elected government to exercise more direct control over the health service.

    How does this compare to other health systems?

    The NHS has long been an unusually centralised system. Although the English NHS covers more than 55 million people, it has historically been run by central government, which this change reinforces.

    In contrast, although Spain has a similar NHS-style system, the Spanish health system is run by the 17 regional governments through their departments of health, with the largest covering 8.6 million people.

    Europe’s other large national health system, in Italy, now also has a decentralised system. The national government sets the overall principles and benefits, but the actual services are under the control of regional governments.

    Italy also has a decentralised health system.
    Massimo Todaro/Shutterstock

    These decentralised systems strike a different balance between political control and operational management, by bringing them together at a more local level.

    If the UK government was to extend its aim of bringing the NHS into democratic control by taking a similar decentralisation approach to other NHS-style systems in Europe, what would this look like?

    The NHS already has 42 integrated care systems at the local level. These already work with upper-tier local authorities, such as county councils, and are mostly aligned with their boundaries, but are under the control of central government.

    Other countries already decentralise their health systems to similar levels. In Sweden, for example, the 21 counties are responsible for financing, purchasing and providing their health services, under the democratic control of the county councillors. While there might be questions about the capacity of local government in England to take on such a role, experience from elsewhere shows that it should be possible.

    Compared with those decentralised systems, the abolition of NHS England is a relatively minor change. It puts ministers more directly in charge of the English NHS, but does not change the basic structure of the service nor its control by central government.

    Examples from other countries suggest that if the ambition is to bring the health service more into democratic control, there are options for much more profound change. This would strike a whole new balance between political control and local management.

    Tom Ling is a member of the Labour party.

    Hampton Toole and Nick Fahy do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Keir Starmer promises more ‘democratic control’ of the NHS – how do other European countries do it? – https://theconversation.com/keir-starmer-promises-more-democratic-control-of-the-nhs-how-do-other-european-countries-do-it-252313

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA News: Remarks by President Trump and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte Before Bilateral Meeting

    Source: The White House

    class=”has-text-align-center”>Oval Office

    12:33 P.M. EDT

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Hello, everybody.  It’s great to be with a friend of mine, who was prime minister of the Netherlands, so I got to know him very well.  We had a great relationship always.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Absolutely.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Mark Rutte.  Now he’s secretary general of NATO and doing a fantastic job.  Everybody — every report I’ve gotten is what a great job he did.  And I’m not at all surprised when I hear it.  We had to support him, and we supported him as soon as I heard the name.  

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Thank you.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  But he was a fantastic prime minister, and he’s doing a fantastic job. An even tougher job.  Which is tougher: being the prime minister of Netherlands or?

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  This job is quite tough.  Yeah.  (Laughter.)

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I would think this is a little tougher.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  But — but Dutch politics is also brutal.  So — (laughter).

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.  But this is pretty tough. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  But you’re doing good. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Thank you.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  We’re going to be discussing a lot of things.  Obviously, we’ll be discussing what’s happening with respect to Ukraine and Russia. 

    At this moment, we have people talking in Russia.  We have representatives over there — Steve Witkoff and others.  And they’re in very serious discussions.  As you know, Ukraine has agreed, subject to this — what’s happening today — to a complete ceasefire, and we hope Russia will do the same. 

    Thousands of people are being killed — young people, usually, mostly young people.  We were just talking about it.  Thousands of young people are being killed a week, and we want to see that stop.  And they’re not Americans, and they’re not from the Netherlands for the most part.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  No.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  They’re not from — they’re from Russia and they’re from Ukraine, but they’re people.  And I think everybody feels the same way.  We want it to stop.

    It’s also a tremendous cost to the United States and to other countries.  And it’s something that would have never happened if I were president, and it makes me very angry to see that it did happen.  But it happened, and we have to stop it.  

    And Mark has done some really good work over the last week.  We’ve been working together, and he’s done some really good work.  So, I’m very happy about that. 

    We’ll also be talking about trade and various other things, and I think we’ll have a very, very strong day.  We’re going to have lunch afterwards.  That’ll go.  And then we’ll see you all later. 

    But, Mark, would you like to say something?

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.  First of all, thank you so much, Mr. President, dear Donald, again for hosting me and — but also for taking time in Florida a couple of weeks after you —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Right.  That’s right.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — you were reelected. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  That’s right.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  And, of course, our phone call a couple of weeks ago.  And I must say, Trump 45 — you basically — you originated the fact that in Europe we are now spending, when you take it to aggregate, $700 billion more on defense —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — than when you came in office in 2016 — in 2017.

    But that was Trump 45.  But when look at Trump 47 —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Going to be hard to top.  (Laughter.)

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — what happened the last couple of weeks is really staggering.  The Europeans committing to a package of $800 billion defense spending.  The Germans now —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — potentially up to half a trillion extra in defense spending.  And then, of course, you have Keir Starmer here, the British prime minister, and others all committing to much higher defense spending.  

    They’re not there.  We need to do more.  But I really want to work together with you in a run-up to The Hague summit to make sure that we will have a NATO which is really reinvigorated under your leadership.  And we are getting there.  

    We also discussed defense production, because we need to produce more weaponry.  We are not doing enough — not in the U.S., not in Europe.  And we are lagging behind when you compare to the Russians and the Chinese.  And you have a huge defense industrial base, Europeans buying mo- — four times more here than the other — the other way around, which is good, because you have a strong defense industry. 

    But we need to do more there to make sure that we ramp up production and kill the red tape.  So, I would love to work with you on that. 

    And finally, Ukraine — you broke the deadlock.  As you said, all the killing, the young people dying, cities getting destroyed.  The fact that you did that, that you started the dialogue with the Russians and the successful talks in Saudi Arabia now with the Ukrainians — I really want to commend you for this.

    So, well, The Hague is my hometown.  I’d love to host you there in the summer and work together to make sure that —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  We’ll do that.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — that will be a splash, a real success, projecting American power on the world stage. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  What Mark is saying is: When I first went to NATO, my first meeting, I noticed that very few people were paying.  And if they were, they weren’t paying their fair share.  There were only seven countries that were paying what they were supposed to be paying, which was —

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  It’s even worse, there were three.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  That’s even worse.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  It could be even worse. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  But there were just very few countries that were paying.  And even the paying, it was at 2 percent, which is too low.  It should be higher.  It should be quite a bit higher.

    But you had Poland and I remember Poland was actually paying a little bit more than they were supposed to, which I was very impressed with.  And they’ve been actually terrific and some of the others.  But most of them weren’t paying or they were paying very little.  

    And I didn’t think it was appropriate to bring it up there, but I said, “It’s going to be brought up at my next meeting.”  And my next meeting — you know, the first meeting, you want to give them a little break.  The second meeting, it began.

    And I was able to raise —

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  You did.  (Laughs.)

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  — hundreds of billions of dollars.  I just said, “We’re not going to be involved with you if you’re not going to pay.”  And the money started pouring in.  And NATO became much stronger because of my actions and working along with a lot of people, including Mark.

    But they would not pay for other presidents.  I don’t think other presidents even knew that they weren’t paid.  I asked, first question, “Has everybody paid up?”  And literally, I mean, they showed — they told me seven.  You could be right.  It could be three.  But — that makes it even worse — but they just weren’t paying. 

    And I said, “No, I won’t protect if you’re not paying.  If you’re delinquent or if the money isn’t paid, why would we do that?”

    And as soon as I said that, got a little hit from the press, because they said, “Oh, gee, that’s not very nice.”  But if you said the other, nobody would have paid.  And the money started coming in by the billions.  

    And, you know, hundreds of billions of dollars flowed into NATO, and NATO became strong.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And you remember that.  And your predecessor, who I thought was a very good man actually.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Absolutely.  Jens Stoltenberg.  He sends his best greetings.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.  He was terrific.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Stoltenberg, secretary general.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Great man.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And he made the statement that when Trump came in, the money started coming in like we never saw before.  Hundreds of billions — it was actually probably close to $600 billion came in.  And NATO became strong from that standpoint.

    And now, we have to use it wisely.  And we have to get this war over with.  And you’ll be back to a normal — much more normal life. 

    And maybe we’re close.  We’re getting words that things are going okay in Russia, and it doesn’t mean anything until we hear what the final outcome is. 

    But they have very serious discussions going on right now with President Putin and others.  And hopefully, they all want to end this nightmare.  It’s a nightmare.  It’s a horrible thing, when you look.  I get pictures every week.  They give me the pictures of the battlefield, which I almost don’t want to see.  It’s so horrible to see.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  It’s so terrible.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Young people laying — arms and legs and heads laying all over the field.  It’s the most terrible thing that you’ll ever see. 

    And it’s got to stop.  These are young people with mothers and fathers and sisters and brothers and friends, and it’s got to stop. 

    So, we hopefully are going to be in a good position sometime today to have a good idea.  We’ll have — we know where we are with Ukraine, and we are getting good signals outside of Russia as to where we are with Russia, and hopefully they’ll do the right thing.  

    It’s a really — humanity — we’re talking about humanity.  We’re not talking about the money.  But then you add the money to it, and, you know, hundreds of billions of dollars is being spent and, really, wasted so unnecessarily.  It should have never happened.  

    So, it’s an honor to have you here.  They picked a great gentleman.  I’ll tell you, that was — I was so happy to hear, because you had somebody — Stoltenberg was really good.  And you have somebody that’s going to do an incredible job.  And I was so much in favor of you, you have no idea. 

    They had another person that I did not like.  (Laughter.)  I was not happy.  And I think I kept him from — you know what I’m talking about.  I said, “This is the right man to do it.”  And he really did.  He was a great prime minister of the Netherlands.  He did a great job.  And that’s what he’s doing right now. 

    So, thank you, everybody, for being here.  And very great honor to have you.  And we even have some of our great energy people here today, right?  We have the governor, and we have Chris.  You know Chris.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.  Absolutely.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  He’s supposed to be the most talented man in the world of energy, according to the governor.  (Laughter.)  So, I don’t know if he’s right.

    And we have — General, you’ve been fantastic.  Thank you very much. 

    And we have a lot of good people that won’t be so much involved with this, but they wanted to see what was happening.  It’s become a little bit of a show — (laughter) — but they wanted to see what was happening.  And I think a lot of good things are happening.  

    So, with that, if anybody would have a question.

    (Cross-talk.) 

    Q    Mr. President, o- — on Russia. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Please, go ahead.

    Q    Vlad- —

         Q    Sorry.  Sorry, Mary.  Steve Witkoff’s trip to Moscow, you spoke about it.  What sort of agreement do you hope he comes away from there with?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, we’d like to see a ceasefire from Russia.  And we have, you know, not been working in the dark.  We’ve been discussing with Ukraine land and pieces of land that would be kept and lost and all of the other elements of a final agreement.  

    There’s a power plant involved — you know, a very big power plant involved.  Who’s going to get the power plant and who’s going to get this and that.  And so, you know, it’s not an easy process.

    But phase one is the ceasefire.  A lot of the individual subjects have been discussed, though.  You know, we’ve been discussing concepts of land, because you don’t want to waste time with the ceasefire if it’s not going to mean anything.  So, we’re saying, “Look, this is what you can get.  This is what you can’t get.” 

    They discussed NATO and being in NATO, and everybody knows what the answer to that is.  They’ve known that answer for 40 years, in all fairness. 

    So, a lot of the details of a final agreement have actually been discussed.  Now we’re going to see whether or not Russia is there, and if they’re not, it’ll be a very disappointing moment for the world. 

    Yeah. 

    Q    And Vladimir Putin just said he is open to a ceasefire, but he does still have some concerns.  He suggested that you two should speak directly.  Do you have plans to speak to him soon?  If so, when?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, I would.  Yeah, sure.

    Q    And are you confident you can get this across the finish line?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Sure.  He did say that today.  It was a very promising statement, because other people are saying different things, and you don’t know if they have anything to really — if they have any meaning, or I don’t know.  I think some of them were making statements.  I don’t think they have anything to do with it.

    No, he put out a very promising statement, but it wasn’t complete.  And, yeah, I’d love to meet with him or talk to him, but we have to get it over with fast.  You know, every day people are being killed.  It’s not like — as we sit here, two people will be killed.  Think of it.  Two people are going to be killed during this little period of time. 

         Thousands of people a week are dying, so we really don’t have very much time.  We have to make this fast.  It shouldn’t be very complicated.

    (Cross-talk.) 

    Yes.

    Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  A representative of Canada, the finance minister, are in town and will meet members of your administration during the day. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Sure.  Yeah.

    Q    Any chances that you will ban on the tariffs on aluminum and — and the — the ones that are planned for April 2nd?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No.

    Q    You are not going to change your mind? 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, I’m not.  Look, we’ve been ripped off for years, and we’re not going to be ripped off anymore.  No, I’m not going to bend at all on aluminum or steel or cars.  We’re not going to bend.  We’ve been ripped off as a country for many, many years.  We’ve been subjected to costs that we shouldn’t be subjected to. 

    In the case of Canada, we’re spending $200 billion a year to subsidize Canada.  I love Canada.  I love the people of Canada. I have many friends in Canada.  “The Great One,” Wayne Gretzky, the great.  Hey, how good is Wayne Gretzky?  He’s the Great One.  

    But we have — I know many people from Canada that are good friends of mine.  But, you know, the United States can’t subsidize a country for $200 billion a year.  We don’t need their cars.  We don’t need their energy.  We don’t need their lumber.  We don’t need anything that they give. 

    We do it because we want to be helpful, but it comes a point when you just can’t do that.  You have to run your own country.  And to be honest with you, Canada only works as a state.  We don’t need anything they have.  As a state, it would be one of the great states anywhere.  

    This would be the most incredible country visually.  If you look at a map, they drew an artificial line right through it — between Canada and the U.S.  Just a straight artificial line.  Somebody did it a long time ago — many, many decades ago — and makes no sense.  

    It’s so perfect as a great and cherished state, keeping “O Canada,” the national anthem.  I love it.  I think it’s great.  Keep it, but it’ll be for the state.  One of our greatest states.  Maybe our greatest state.  

    But why should we subsidize another country for $200 billion?  It costs us $200 billion a year.  And again, we don’t need their lumber.  We don’t need their energy.  We have more than they do.  We don’t need anything.  We don’t need their cars.  I’d much rather make the cars here.  

    And there’s not a thing that we need.  Now, there’ll be a little disruption, but it won’t be very long.  But they need us.  We really don’t need them.  And we have to do this.  I’m sorry, we have to do this.  

    Yes. 

    Q    Mr. President — 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah. 

    Q    — you have made it very clear that NATO needs to step up, although great progress —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    Q    — has been made in your first mandate.  How do you envision this new transatlantic —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Are you talking about NATO stepping up?

    Q    Yes.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, NATO is stepping up through this man. This man is a man that only knows how to step up.  And we have the same goal in mind: We want the war ended.  And he’s doing his job.  He only knows how to do a good job.  That’s one thing.  That’s why I fought for him to get that job —

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Thank you so much.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  — because they had some other candidates that I’ll tell you would not have done a very good job.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  I need this part of the — of the movie for my family.  (Laughter.)

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  That’s right.  That’s right.  We’ll get you a clip. 

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.  Exactly.  (Laughs.)

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  We’re going to get him a clip of that — of that little last essay.  But the rest of the statements he doesn’t care about.

    Q    Sir, how does this new transatlantic cooperation — how do you envision it?  What is it going to look like?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, we have — that’s one thing.  I mean, you know, we’re the other side of the ocean, and they’re right there.  And yet, we’re in for $350 billion because of Biden, and they’re in for $100 billion.  So, it’s a big difference, and it’s unfair.  

    And I said, “You have to equalize.”  They should equalize.  They should have — it should have never happened, where Biden just gave his money away. 

    Now, as you know, we have an agreement with Ukraine on the rare earths and other things, and that’ll get us

    something back — a lot back.  It’ll get us our money back.  We’re not doing it for that, though.  We’re doing — I’m just doing this to get the war stopped.  I’m doing it, really, to save lives.

    But, at the same time, we were treated very unfairly, as we always are by every country.  And we’re in for very substantially more than the European nations are in for, and that shouldn’t be.

    You know, they’re much more affected by it than we are, because we do have an ocean in between. 

    But I don’t know.  I think good things are going to happen.  I really do.  I think good things are going to happen. 

    I do say — we were talking before, and Mark was very nice.  He said, “If you wouldn’t get involved, there would be” — you’d just be going on.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  This thing would have gone on for a long time.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Breaking a deadlock.  It was crucial.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, we broke a deadlock. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  We did break a deadlock.  I hope it’s meaningful. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yes, did you have one?

    Q    Mr. President — 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, please.

    Q    Yes, sir.  Thank you, Mr. President.  Amanda Head with Just the News.  On the southern border, you’ve got DHS and ICE, who are reporting that there was a little bit of fudging of numbers during the Biden administration —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    Q    — on both the catch and the release side with respect to reporting the number of illegals coming into the country who were released.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  They cheated on the numbers.  They were — the numbers were — I love that question.

    Q    Right.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Who are you with?

    Q    Just the News.  Amanda Head.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Very nice.  That’s good.  That’s good.

    Q    Do you know how many of those are criminal illegal aliens? 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Many of them.

    Q    And Biden is out of office —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:   Yeah.

    Q    — Alejandro Mayorkas.  Who gets held accountable?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, Biden fudged the numbers.  The numbers were totally fake, and he gave fake numbers.  I knew they were fake.  Everybody knew they were fake, but now it came out.  And terrible what — what they did.  That administration was a horror show for this country.

    Q    Can you hold anyone accountable?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, I don’t know.  They gave phony numbers, and phony numbers are a very bad thing to give.  But I’m not sure about that.  I don’t know how it would play.  We want to get it straightened out.  

    We have — we’re after many, many bad people that were let into our country.  And Kristi Noem and my friend Homan — how good is Tom Homan doing, right?  And they’re after them.  And they — I mean, you see: They’re taking them out in record numbers.  Gang members, gang leaders, drug dealers. 

    This is a problem the Netherlands does not have.  The Netherlands never had this problem.  If you’d like to take —

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  We have a few drug- — drug dealers, I’m afraid.  (Laughter.)

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I could deliver some people.  I could deliver some nice people to the Netherlands if you’d like.  (Laughter.)

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  I’m not sure.  (Laughs.)

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, what he did to this country, letting 21 million people flow through an open border — many of those people were hard criminals from prisons and jails, from mental institutions, and I always say “insane asylums,” because they were seriously deranged.  And they’re here from not South America, from all over the world.  From South America, but from all over the world.  And it’s so sad. 

    You’d say, “Why would anybody do this?  Why?”

    Yeah, go ahead.

    Q    And — and one more.  There’s some new internal Democrat polling that doesn’t look great for Democrats, but it also has 54 percent unfavorability for Republicans in swing states and battlegrounds for the midterms.  Do you consider those voters cap- — capturable for — for Republicans?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, well, we did — you know, I won every swing state, as you know, by a lot, and I won the popular vote by a lot, and we won the counties.  If you look at the counties and district plan, we had 2,725, and they had 501.  That’s a real — that’s why the map is all red.  So, we had a great thing.

    Yeah, I think winning from the Democrats — I saw — if you looked the other night, I made a speech, and I introduced two young ladies who were killed.  Two killed.  Viciously, violently killed.  Young.  Unbelievable.  Both outstanding people.  They were killed by illegal aliens.  And the Democrats wouldn’t get up and applaud.  The mothers were, I mean, inconsolable.  They were crying, and everybody was crying.  The Democrats sat there with stone faces.  They didn’t clap, they didn’t stand, they didn’t do anything.  

    We had a young man with very serious cancer, wanted to — his dream is to be with the police department someday, and he was introduced. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  That was very touching.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  They didn’t even clap.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah, I saw it.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I mean, they were disgusting.  Frankly, they were disgusting.  There’s something wrong with them.  They’re deranged.  They’re deranged.  Like Jack Smith, they’re deranged people. 

    And I never saw anything like it.  I’m standing up, and I introduce the mother and the parents of these two young girls that were just recently, essentially, killed.  Violently killed.  And the Democrats are like this.  It’s so sad.  

    And I saw this morning where — one of them is pretty well-known — one is arguing, fighting like crazy over men being able to play in women’s sports.  I said, “Yeah, I thought that was tried.”  I thought that was about a 95 — I think it’s a 95 percent issue.  

    But, in a way, I want them to keep doing it, because I don’t think they can win a race.  I mean — and I tell the Republicans, I said, “Don’t bring that subject up, because there’s no election right now.  But about a week before the election, bring it up, because you can’t lose.”  

    And everything is “transgender this, transgender that.”  You know, they have bad politics. 

    But one thing: They stick together.  You know?

    I wish — and the Republicans stick together, mostly, but we have a couple that are grandstanders.  You know, you always have grandstanders in life.

    But the Democrats, they don’t seem — they have grandstanders, but when it comes to a vote, they do stick together, right?

    VICE PRESIDENT VANCE:  They get in line.  Yes, sir.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  So.

    Q    It seems like they’ll stick together on the shutdown.  Will that hurt Democrats going into midterms?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, if they do a shutdown and, ultimately, that might lead to very, very high taxes, because we’re talking about a shutdown.  We’re talking about getting to work immediately on the greatest tax bill ever passed.  That was the one we did.  It’s a renewal, and it’s an addition to it.  And we’re going to cut people’s taxes. 

    And if we don’t open, the Democrats are stopping all of these good things that we’re providing.  We’re providing the greatest package of benefits that this country has ever provided. 

    The biggest part of that’s going to be tax cuts for the middle class and for businesses, small businesses, employers — people that hire people and jobs. 

    And if it’s shut down, it’s only going to be — if there’s a shutdown, it’s only because of the Democrats, and they would really be taking away a lot from our country and from the people of our country.

    Q    Mr. President, on — on tariffs.  You made clear you’re not backing down from this, but many American small-business owners say they are concerned that these tariffs are going to hurt them.  What’s your message to them?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  They’re going to be so much richer than they are right now.

    And we have many — yesterday, General Motors was in.  They want to invest $60 billion.  The people from Facebook were in yesterday.  They’re going to invest $60 billion by the end of the year.  Other people are talking about numbers.  

    Apple, as you know, a few days ago, announced $500 billion investment.  They’re going to build their plants in the United States, which, as you know, almost all of their plants are in China.  Now they’re building in the United States.

    Look, the reason is two things.  Number one, the election. November 5th.  And the other thing is tariffs.  I think, probably, in that order. 

    But Tim Cook came in and he announced 500 — think of it, $500 billion, not million.  Five hundred million is a lot, when you think about it, right?  But —

    VICE PRESIDENT VANCE:  Yes, sir.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I would have been happy with $500 million.  But it’s $500 billion investment by Apple in the United States, and that’s because of the election result and it’s because of the tariffs and the tax incentives too.  You know, tariffs and tax incentives.  And I’ve never seen anything like it. 

    We have plants going up now in Indiana.  We have plants going up in Michigan.  A lot of plants going to be planned from — I’m trying to steer them to Michigan, because Michigan got so badly beaten by, you know, what happened with Europe.

    You know, if you look at Europe. Take a look at the EU.  We’re not allowed to sell cars there.  It’s prohibitive because of their policies, and also their nonmonetary tariffs.  They put obstacles in your way that you can do nothing about.  

    But if you take a look at what happens — so, we sell no cars to Europe — I mean, virtually no cars — and they sell millions of cars to us.  They don’t take our agriculture.  We take their agriculture. It’s like a one-way street with them.

    The European Union is very, very nasty. 

    They sue our companies.  Apple was forced to pay $16 billion on a case that — very much like my cases that I won.  They shouldn’t have been even cases.  But we felt they had no case, and they ended up having an extremely favorable judge and decision.  

    But they’re suing Google, they’re suing Facebook, they’re suing all of these companies, and they’re taking billions of dollars out of American companies, many more than the ones I just mentioned.  And I guess they’re using it to run Europe or something.  I don’t know what they’re using it for. 

    But they treat us very badly.  China obviously treats this very badly.  Almost everybody does.  And I blame past presidents, to be honest. 

    Because when I was president, I — we received, so far, about $700 billion from China, over the years, on the tariffs that I put in.  No other president got 10 cents from China.  And that was only beginning.  Except for COVID, it would have — I would have been able to finish the process.  But we had to fight the COVID thing, and we did really well with it.  But we had to fight.

    And then we had actually — as you remember, Mark, we actually handed over the stock market.  It was higher than just previous to COVID coming in, which was sort of a miracle, frankly.  We did a good job.

    But the tariffs are very important.  And I think the psychology — there’s great spirit.  When Mark came in, he said, “Congratulations.  There’s a whole new spirit.  There’s a whole new light over this country, and really over the world” —

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  — because you have somebody that — a whole group of people, really, because I talk about this whole group, that we know what we’re doing.  And a lot of great things are happening.

    But I’ve never seen investment like this.  Trillions of dollars is being invested in the United States now that would have never — our country could have failed.  Another four years of this, what happened in the last four years, our country would have been a crime-ridden mess.  

    And I don’t know if you noticed — a little thing, they call it, but it’s not a little thing if you don’t have — if you like eggs and you don’t have a lot of money — eggs have gone down 25 percent in the last couple of weeks.  We inherited that problem: eggs.  

    Groceries have gone down a little bit.  Energy has gone down. 

    Do you want to speak to that for a second, Governor?  Would you just say a couple of words, you and Chris, about energy, what’s happened?

    SECRETARY BURGUM:  Well, happy to, but I think that — Chris and I just came from CERAWeek, which is the largest conference in the world.  So, global leaders, people from the EU, officials from all the energy-producing countries all there.  And all the global nationals, all the U.S.  The — the spirit of that group is through the roof, because now they realize that in the United States, that President Trump’s policies are pro — pro developing more energy, as opposed to we’re trying to shut down energy.  

    And that pro-growth, pro-business, pro- — pro-energy approach is giving people the optimism.  So, then the markets are reacting to that, and energy prices on the futures market are going to go down because people know we’re — we’re not going to be killing off the energy we need for prosperity in all of our countries, but also for peace, because people have used energy to fuel these wars that President Trump is working so hard to end.  And — and we — we know that energy — high energy prices were driving the inflation that he talked about. 

    So, it accomplishes two goals for us — which is prosperity for the world, peace for the world — when we have smart energy policies.  And — and President Trump has brought common sense back to how we think about energy.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And it’s brought down now $65 a barrel,  I saw this morning.  That’s phenomenal news, and that’s going to bring — that’s what brought it up.  The energy went — they took our beautiful energy policies and they just messed them up.  And then they went immediately back to them, because — but by that time, they lost it.  They lost that bronco, as the expression goes.

    Chris, do you have something to say?

    SECRETARY WRIGHT:  I think Doug said it well, but you just can’t overstate how important the return of common sense, the return of knowledge about energy and pro-American consumers, pro investment in our country.  I think, globally, that was welcomed.  It means capital flows.  It means more sobriety and lower energy prices, more economic opportunity for Americans. 

    So, yeah, it was elated atmosphere at a global energy conference. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, we’re working on one project, and it should be very easy.  It’s a pipeline going through a small section of New York.  New York has held it up for years, actually.  For years they’ve wanted to do it. For years and years.  And it will reduce — 

    The most expensive energy, almost, in the world is in New England, because they have no way of getting it there because it’s been held up by New York.  And the whole of New England and Connecticut and New York — the energy prices are through the roof.  And this one pipeline will save per family, $2,500 just on heating and another $2,500 on everything else.  So, the energy — by just a simple pipeline going through an area that wants it — an area that’s not a rich area; it’s actually a very poor area — would create jobs and everything else.

    And it’s going to be way underground.  Nobody’s going to see it.  Once they fill it up, nobody’s going to see it.  Nobody’s going to know it’s there. 

    And families in New York and Connecticut and New England are going to save $5,000 a family.  Think of that.  Because, right now, they have the highest energy prices maybe in the world, they say.  New England is a disaster.  

    So, we’re working on that.  In fact, the governor is coming in — governor of New York, Kathy Hochul, who’s a very nice woman.  She’s coming in tomorrow morning at 9 o’clock to meet me on that and other things — not only that, but other things.

    So, I hope we don’t have to use the extraordinary powers of the federal government to get it done, but if we have to, we will.  But I don’t think we’ll have to. 

    I can tell you, Connecticut wants it and all of New England wants it.  And who wouldn’t want it?  And it’s also jobs on top of everything else.  So, that’s going to be very exciting.  So, we’re meeting with the governor tomorrow morning. 

    (Cross-talk.)

    Yeah. 

    Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Greenland.  What is your vision for the potential annexation of Greenland and getting them, potentially, to —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    Q    — to statehood?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, I think it’ll happen.  And I’m just thinking — I didn’t give it much thought before, but I’m sitting with a man that could be very instrumental.  You know, Mark, we need that for international security — not just security, international.  We have a lot of our favorite players, you know, cruising around the coast, and we have to be careful.  And we’ll be talking to you.

    And it’s a very appropriate — really, a very appropriate question. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  It’s an —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Thank you very much.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — an issue in the high north, so the Arctic.  So, what you did —

    So, when it comes to Greenland, yes or no, joining the U.S., I would leave that outside, for me, this discussion, because I don’t want to drag NATO in that. 

    But when it comes to the high north in the Arctic, you are totally right.  The Chinese and — are using these routes.  We know that the Russians already arming.  We know we have a lack of icebreakers.  So, the fact that the seven — outside of Russia, there are seven Arctic countries — working together on this, under U.S. leadership — it’s very important to make sure that that region, that that a part of the world stays safe.  And — and we know things are changing there, and we have to be there.

    Q    Well, they just had an election there the other day.  I mean, do you see a referendum, a plebiscite where the people of Greenland would be in a position to decide if they want to become part of the United States? 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, it was a good election for us, as you know.  It was not a referendum.  It wouldn’t be called that.  It was an individual election.  But the person that did the best is a very good person, as far as we’re concerned.  And so, we’ll be talking about it.  And it’s very important. 

    Mark mentioned the word “icebreaker.”  So, we’re in the process of ordering 48 icebreakers, and Canada wants to know if they could use them.  I said, “Well, you know, you got to pay for them.”  Think of it.  Canada.  We pay for their military.  You know, Canada pays very little for their military, because they think we’re going to protect them, but — even with the icebreakers. 

    So, we’re going to order 48, and Canada wants to be part of the deal.  I say, “You got to get your own icebreakers.  I mean, if you’re a state, you can be part of the deal, but if you’re a separate country, you’ve got to get your own icebreakers.”  

    Russia, as you know, has about 40 of them, and we have 1 big icebreaker.  But that whole area is becoming very important and for a lot of reasons.  The routes are, you know, very direct to Asia, to Russia, and you have ships all over the place.  And we have to have protection.  So, we’re going to have to make a deal on that.

    And Denmark is not able to do that.  You know, Denmark is very far away and really has nothing to do. 

    What happens?  A boat landed there 200 years ago or something, and they say they have rights to it.  I don’t know if that’s true.  I’m not — I don’t think it is, actually.

    But we’ve been dealing with Denmark.  We’ve been dealing with Greenland.  And we have to do it.  We really need it for national security.  I think that’s why NATO might have to get involved in a way, because we really need Greenland for national security.  It’s very important.  

    You know, we have a couple of bases on Greenland already, and we have quite a few soldiers that — maybe you’ll see more and more soldiers go there.  I don’t know.

    What do you think about that, Pete? Don’t answer that, Pete.  (Laughter.)  Don’t answer that question.  

    But we have bases, and we have quite a few soldiers on Greenland already. 

    Q    Mr. President, some people question your commitment to NATO.  Will everything — anything change?

    Your com- — your commitment to NATO, will anything change?  Same amount of money?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, I think they made —

    Q    Same number of troops?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  — a great step by putting Mark in charge.  I think, to me, that’s a great step, because he and I have seen eye to eye on everything for a long time.  We’ve been doing this a long time now.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Nine years now.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And so, that’s a great step. 

    You have to keep NATO strong.  You have to keep it relevant. 

    But the biggest thing we have to worry about right now is what’s going on right now.  I think the rest is going to take care of itself. 

    I don’t see this having — this was a fluke.  This was something that if we had a competent president, it would not have happened.  The man was grossly incompetent.  All you have to do is look in — take a look at — he signs by autopen.

    Who was signing all this stuff by autopen?  Who would think you signed important documents by autopen?  You know, these are major documents you’re signing.  You’re proud to sign them.  You have your signature on something — in 300 years, they say, “Oh, look.”  Can you imagine?  Everything was signed by autopen — almost everything.  Nobody has ever heard of such a thing. 

    Q    Do you —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  So —

    Q    Sorry. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Should have never happened. 

    Q    You’re speaking tomorrow at the Justice Department about law and order.  Could you tell us a little bit about that? 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, we’re going to be with the Justice Department.  We have a great Justice Department.  Pam Bondi is so fantastic.  And Todd Blanche and Emil — you got to know him a little bit; he was acting for a little while — and some other people are incredible in the Justice Department. 

    And I consider the FBI to be a part of it, in a sense, and Kash is going to be fantastic, and all the people he’s — Dan Bongino, I love that.  I mean, I love that.  I think Dan is great. 

    I think we have unbelievable people.  And all I’m going to do is set out my vision.  It’s going to be their vision, really, but it’s my ideas.  And basically, we don’t want to have crime in the streets.  We don’t want to have people pushed into subways and killed, and then the — the person that did the pushing ends up in a 15-year trial and gets off scot-free.  We want to have justice, and we want to have safety in our cities, as well as our communities. 

    And we’ll be talking about immigration.  We’ll be talking about a lot of things.  Just the complete gamut.  So, I look forward to that.  That will be tomorrow at the Justice Department. 

    Q    Mr. President, you are a man of peace.  You’ve said it several times and made it very clear.  A man of peace dealing with belligerent people. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    Q    And I’m thinking we saw you handled Zelenskyy in this very own room.  What is your leverage on Putin?  Are you thinking sanctions?  What if he refuses to —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, I do have leverage, but I don’t want to talk about leverage now, because right now we’re talking to him.  And based on the statements he made today, they were pretty positive, I think, so I don’t want to talk about that.  

    I hope Russia is going to make the deal too.  And I think once that deal happens, you’re never going to be in a process.  I don’t think they’re going back to shooting again.  I really believe if we get a peace treaty, a ceasefire treaty, I think that leads to peace.  That’s going to really lead to a —

    I don’t think anyone wants to go back.  They’ve been doing this for a long time, and it’s vicious and violent.  And I think if President Putin agrees and does a ceasefire, I think we’re going to be in very good shape to get it done.  We want to get it over with.  That’s why — it was very important what I instructed everybody, including Steve, what we’re looking for: to discuss concepts of land, concepts of —

    MR. WALTZ:  Yes, sir.   

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  — of power plants because it’s complicated.  You know, you have a whole — you’re sort of creating the edge of a country. 

    The sad part is that country, if they didn’t — if this didn’t happen — and it wouldn’t have happened — I don’t know if they would have to give anything back.  I guess Crimea? 

    You know, I said it last time, Crimea was given by Obama, Biden gave them the whole thing, and Bush gave them Georgia.  And Trump didn’t give them anything. 

    I gave them — you know what I gave them?  I gave them Javelins.  And the Javelins were very effective, as you know.  I gave them nothing —

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  2019. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And then also, if you take a look, I was the one that stopped the pipeline going into Europe.  It was totally stopped: Nord Stream 2.  Nobody ever heard of Nord Stream 2 before I came along.

    But I got along very well with President Putin.  I got along with most of them.  I get along great with President Xi.  I got along great with Kim Jong Un.  I got along great with all of them.  And we had no wars.  We had no problems.  We wiped out ISIS in record time. General “Razin” Kane.  And he wiped them out. 

    And he is going to be our new chief, right?  He’s going to be —

    SECRETARY HEGSETH:  Yes, sir.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  — the head of Joint Chiefs of Staff, and he’s a highly respected man.  He’s going to be great. 

    Pete is going to be fantastic.  I have no doubt about it.  We have a great team.  A really great team. 

    Yeah, please.  Go ahead, please.

    Q    Mr. President, some of our allies have said that they’re worried that they could be the next to be attacked by Russia.  You’ve spoken directly with the Russian president.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

    Q    Do you think those fears are justified?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, I don’t.  I think when this gets done, it’s done.  They’re going to all want to go home and rest.  I don’t see it happening.  Nope, I don’t see that happening.  And we’ll make sure it doesn’t happen.  Not going to happen.  But we’ll make sure it doesn’t happen. 

    Yeah, go ahead, please. 

    Q    Leaders from Russia and Iran are heading to Beijing tomorrow to discuss nuclear programs.  What do you hope to get out of that?

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, maybe they’re going to talk about non-nuclear programs.  Maybe they’re going to be talking about the de-escalation of nuclear weapons, because, you know, I was talking about that with President Putin very strongly.  And we could have done something.  Had that election not been rigged, we would have had something.  I think I would have made a deal with Putin on de-escalation, denuclearization, as they say.  But we would have de-escalated nuclear weapons, because the power of nuclear weapons is so great and so devastating. 

    And, right now, Russia and us have by far the most, but China will catch us within five years.  China doesn’t have — but they’re in the process of building.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP: And they build.  And within four or five years, they’ll probably have the same.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  And, by the way, you — this is a Republican tradition.  Ronald Reagan, when he negotiated with Gorbachev —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Right. 

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — in the 1980s —

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  That’s right.

    SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — about bringing down the number of nuclear weapons is what you have been doing your first term.  And it is important. 

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  It would be a great achievement if we could bring down the number.  We have so many weapons, and the power is so great. 

    And we — number one, you don’t need them to that extent.  And then we’d have to get others, because, as you know, in a smaller way — Kim Jong Un has a lot of nuclear weapons, by the way — a lot — and others do also.  You have India.  You have Pakistan.  You have others that have them, and we’d get them involved. 

    But we started off with Russia and us.  We have, by far — actually, by far, the most.  And we were going to denuclearize, and that was going to happen. 

    And then we were going to China.  And I spoke to China.  I spoke to President Xi about it.  And he really liked the idea.  You know, he’d like not to spend trillions of dollars building weapons that, hopefully, he’s never going to have to use.  And — because they are very expensive also.  So, that would have been great. 

    Okay, one or two more. 

    (Cross-talk.)

    Yeah, go ahead.  

    Q    Thank you.  We are looking at an impending government shutdown Friday at midnight.

    PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah. 

    Q    Democrats, for 30 years straight, have said, if there’s a shutdown, bad things happen.  Do you anticipate direct negotiations yourself with conference leader of the Democrats, Chuck Schumer?

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, if they need me, I’m there a hundred percent.  It’s — right now, it’s two or three people.  If it shuts down, it’s not the Republicans’ fault.  You know, we passed a bill where we had an incredible Republican vote.  We only had one negative vote, a grandstander.  You know, one grandstander.  There’s always a grandstander in the lot. 

         But it was amazing.  People were amazed that the Republicans were able to vote in unison like that so strongly. 

         If there’s a shutdown, even the Democrats admit it will be their fault.  And I’m hearing a lot of Democrats are going to vote for it, and I hope they do.  This is an extension. 

         But ultimately, we want to vote for one big, beautiful bill where we put the taxes in, we put everything in.  We’re going to have big tax cuts.  We’re going to have tremendous incentives for companies coming into our country and employing lots of people.  

         It’ll be — I called it, in a rare moment, one big, beautiful bill.  That’s what I like.  And it seems to be that’s where they’re heading.  And we’ll have to take care of something to do with Los Angeles. 

         A place called Los Angeles almost burned to the ground.  By the way, I broke into Los Angeles.  Can you believe it?  I had to break in. 

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah?

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I invaded Los Angeles.  And we opened up the water, and the water is now flowing down.  They have so much water, they don’t know what to do.  They were sending it out to the Pacific for environmental reasons.  Okay?  Can you believe it?  And in the meantime, they lost 25,000 houses.  They lost — and nobody’s ever seen anything like it. 

         But we have the water.  I’d love to show you a picture.  You’ve seen the picture.  The water is flowing through the half pipes.  You know, we have the big half pipes that go down.  Used to — 25 years ago, they used to have plenty of water, but they turned it off for — again, for environmental reasons.  Well, I turned it on for environmental reasons and also fire reasons. 

         And I’ve been asking them to do that during my first term.  I said, “Do it.”  I didn’t think anything like — could happen like this, but they didn’t have enough water. 

         Now the farmers are going to have water for their land, and the water is in there. 

         But I actually had to break in.  We broke in to do it because we had people that were afraid to give water.

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  They were — in particular, they were trying to protect a certain little fish.  And I say, “How do you protect a fish if you don’t have water?”  They didn’t have any water, so they’re protecting a fish, and that didn’t work out too well, by the way.  

         So, they have a lot of water going down throughout California, all coming out from the Pacific Northwest, even some from Canada. 

         Thank you, Canada, very much.  I appreciate it. 

         Next thing you know, they’ll want to turn the water off.  They’ll want to charge us for the water.

         But it comes up from the Pacific Northwest, and it’s a beautiful thing to see.  I mean, it is brimming with water. 

         Now, if they would have had that done, you wouldn’t have had the damage, because the fire would have been put out.  The fire hydrants would have been loaded.  The sprinklers in people’s living rooms and bedrooms would have been loaded up with the — they had no water.  The government makes them put sprinklers in.  They had no water in the sprinklers because they had no water. 

         So, the water is flowing, and we’re going to have to give a lot of money to Los Angeles to help them, and the Democrats are going to want to do that.  So, that’s the one thing different. 

         And I frankly, I think that makes it a lot easier.  But one of the big thing is we have the big, beautiful bill.  We got to get that done.  And that will put our country in a position like it’s never been in. 

         It’s a reduction of taxes.  It’s tremendous incentives for companies to come from all over the world into our country.  It’s great environmentally, but it’s not this environmental scam that we went through — that we all went through.  It provides for everything.  

         It’s a big, beautiful bill, and I hope we can get it approved.  And that will be next. 

         But in the meantime, we have the continuing resolution, and the Republicans have approved it, and now the Democrats have to approve it.  And I hope they will. 

         And I think a lot of them — I can tell you, they want to.  I’ve spoken to some of them.  They really want to.  Their leadership may not want them to.  And if it closes, it’s purely on the Democrats. 

         All right, one more.

         Q    On Korea, sir.  We’ve seen tension increasing in the Peninsula.  You’ve talked about Kim Jong Un.  Do you have any plans of getting — of reestablishing the relationship you had during the first meeting?

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.  Well, I would.  I had a great relationship with Kim Jong Un, North Korea.  If I wasn’t elected, if Hillary got in, you would have had a nuclear war with North Korea.  He expected it.  He expected it.  And they said, “Oh, thousands of people.”  No, millions of people would have been killed.  

         But I got in.  We went to Singapore.  We met.  We went to — to Vietnam.  We met.  We got along really good.  We had a very good relationship.  And we still do.  We still do.  You don’t have that threat that you had.

         Q    You have talked with — have you talked to him?  

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I mean, look, when I was running the first time, it looked like there was going to be a war with North Korea.  You know that better than anyone.

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Tensions were high.  Yes.  Yeah.

         PRESIDENT TRUMP.  Yeah.  And it started off —

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  And everybody was — was startled that you —

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah.

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  — invited him for talks. 

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Right.

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  But you did, and it —

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  It started out very rough.  

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.  Yeah.

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And he wouldn’t meet with Obama.  Wouldn’t take his calls.  I said, “How many times did you call?” They called a lot.  He wouldn’t take their call.  He told me, “I wouldn’t take his call.” 

         But with me, it did start off rough, if you remember.  Very rough, actually.  Very nasty.  And — 

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  That was in Singapore, the first one?

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, but then — no, before that.  Then it stopped.  The rhetoric was extremely tough.  It was a little bit —

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  You had it in your speech at the U.N. I remember.  (Laughs.)

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, that’s right.  It was a little bit dangerous.  

         And then we met.  They asked for a meeting, and then we met.  And the meeting caused the Olympics, which was in South Korea, to become a tremendous success.  Nobody was buying tickets for the Olympics because they didn’t want to be nuked.  

         And I met, and not only did the Olympics become successful, but North Korea participated in the Olympics.

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.  His sister visited.

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  It was an amazing thing.

         SECRETARY GENERAL RUTTE:  Yeah.

         PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And that was something that was an achievement of the Trump administration. Great achievement.  And so, I have a great relationship with Kim Jong Un.  And we’ll see what happens. 

         But certainly, he’s a nuclear power.

         Okay?  Thank you very much, everybody.  Thank you.  Thank you very much.

                                      END            1:20 P.M. EDT

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Canada: G7 Foreign Ministers’ Declaration on Maritime Security and Prosperity

    Source: Government of Canada News

    March 14, 2025 – Charlevoix, Québec – Global Affairs Canada

    1. We, the Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, reaffirm the G7’s steadfast commitment to contribute towards a free, open, and secure maritime domain based on the rule of law that strengthens international security, fosters economic prosperity, and ensures the sustainable use of marine resources.

    2. Maritime security and prosperity are fundamental to global stability, economic resilience, and the well-being of all nations, and the conservation and sustainable use of ocean ecosystems is essential to all life on Earth. Over 80% of global trade is transported by sea, and 97% of global data flows through submarine cables. Disruptions to maritime routes pose a direct threat to international food security, critical minerals, energy security, global supply chains, and economic stability. We express deep concern over the growing risks to maritime security, including strategic contestation, threats to freedom of navigation and overflight, and illicit shipping activities. State behaviour in these areas has increased the risk of conflict and environmental damage, and imperils all nations’ prosperity and living standards, especially for the world’s poorest. 

    3. We recognize the role of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) as the legal framework for governing all activities in the oceans and the seas.

    4. We recall the G7 Statements on Maritime Security adopted in Lübeck (2015) and Hiroshima (2016). We welcome related work presently underway through other G7 ministerial tracks and working groups, on a range of issues including securing undersea cable networks and combating abandoned fishing gear. We welcome, as well, G7 work relating to transnational organized crime and terrorism that touches on the maritime domain, including in relation to piracy and armed robbery at sea, trafficking in persons, and strengthening the maritime law enforcement capabilities of coastal states. We acknowledge the importance of regional maritime security frameworks, to support coastal states to address collectively threats to their maritime security. We welcome existing initiatives, such as the G7++ Friends of the Gulf of Guinea (G7++ FoGG, that Canada chairs this year), which has been the primary forum for dialogue among G7 members and partners on maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea.

    Emerging Threat on Safe Seas and Freedom of Navigation and Overflight

    5. Enhancing Stability: We underscore the importance of freedom of navigation and overflight and other internationally lawful uses of the high seas and the exclusive economic zones as well as to the related rights and freedoms in other maritime zones, including the rights of innocent passage, transit passage and archipelagic sea lanes passage, as provided for under international law. We share a growing concern at recent, unjustifiable efforts to restrict such freedom and to expand jurisdiction through use of force and other forms of coercion, including across the Taiwan Strait, and the South China Sea, the Red Sea, and the Black Sea. We condemn China’s illicit, provocative, coercive and dangerous actions that seek unilaterally to alter the status quo in such a way as to risk undermining the stability of regions, including through land reclamations, and building of outposts, as well as their use for military purpose. In areas pending final delimitation, we underline the importance of coastal states refraining from unilateral actions that cause permanent physical change to the marine environment insofar as such actions jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the final agreement, as well as the importance of making every effort to enter into provisional arrangements of a practical nature, in those areas. We condemn, as well, dangerous vessel maneuvers, the indiscriminate attacks against commercial vessels and other maritime actions that undermine maritime order based on the rule of law and international law. We reiterate that the award rendered by the Arbitral Tribunal on 12 July 2016 is a significant milestone, which is legally binding upon the parties to those proceedings and a useful basis for peacefully resolving disputes between the parties. We reaffirm that our basic policies on Taiwan remain unchanged and emphasize the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait as indispensable to international security and prosperity. We welcome the resumption of exports from Ukraine’s Black Sea ports. Freedom of navigation for commercial shipping in the Black Sea must be upheld.

    6. Attempts to Change the Status Quo by Force: We oppose unilateral attempts to change the status quo, in particular by force or coercion including in the East and South China Seas. We undertake to implement means through which to track systematically and report on attempts to change the status quo by force and by the establishment of new geographical facts, including through coercive and dangerous actions on the oceans and seas that might threaten regional and international peace and security.

    7. Protecting Critical Maritime and Undersea Infrastructure: We are seized of the fact that vital energy and telecommunications infrastructure under the oceans and seas connects our economies and is vital to our prosperity. We recall the G7 Joint Statement on Cable Connectivity for Secure and Resilient Digital Communications Networks (2024) and the New York Joint Statement on the Security and Resilience of Undersea Cables in a Globally Digitalized World (2024). We share a growing concern that undersea communications cables, subsea interconnectors and other critical undersea infrastructure have been subject to critical damage through sabotage, poor seamanship or irresponsible behaviour which have resulted in potential internet or energy disruption in affected regions, delays in global data transmission, or compromised sensitive communications. We will enhance our cooperation with industry to mitigate risks, reduce bottlenecks to operational tasks while strengthening repair capacities in order to improve the overall resilience of critical undersea and maritime infrastructure. In this respect, we welcome the EU Action Plan on Cable Security adopted in February 2025 by the European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.

    8. Maritime Crime: Maritime crime, including piracy, armed robbery at sea, maritime arms trafficking and sanctions evasion, human trafficking, illegal drug trafficking and Illegal, Unreported, Unregulated (IUU) fishing, continues to impede maritime security, freedom of navigation, and our economy and prosperity. We have been working together to tackle these maritime crimes, but maritime illegal activities have extended into new areas, to become an urgent issue to be addressed. We welcome the G7 Action Plan to combat migrant smuggling adopted under Italy’s 2024 G7 Presidency.

    9. Protecting Freedom of Trade: In the past year, indiscriminate Houthi attacks in the Red Sea have endangered maritime security of vessels and their crews, disturbed international trade, and exposed neighboring countries to environmental hazards. Enabled by Iran’s military, financial, and intelligence support, these illegal attacks have also contributed to increased tension in the Middle East and Yemen, with severe repercussions on the intra-Yemeni peace process. The vessel “Galaxy Leader” seized by the Houthis must be released immediately. We appreciate the efforts of all those countries that have engaged to ensure freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, protecting crucial shipping lanes and helping to restore regular flows of trade through the Suez Canal connecting the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian and Pacific Oceans. In this regard, we commend the efforts of EU’s maritime operation “Aspides” and U.S.-led operation “Prosperity Guardian”.

    Safe Shipping and Supply Chain Security

    10. Curtailing Unsafe and Illicit Shipping Practices: The rise of unsafe and illicit shipping practices, including fraudulent registration and registries, poses a significant threat to global trade and environmental sustainability.  We are concerned that unsafe and illicit shipping imposes heavy costs on industry, governments and citizens. Russia’s ability to earn revenue has been sustained through its extensive effort to circumvent the G7+ oil price cap policy through its shadow fleet of often older, underinsured, and poorly maintained ships that routinely disable their automatic identification systems or engage in “spoofing” to avoid detection and circumvent international safety, environmental, and liability rules and standards. North Korea continues to pursue its nuclear and ballistic missile programmes and evade sanctions, particularly through its illicit maritime activities, including prohibited ship-to-ship transfers of petroleum and other UN-banned commodities. Through G7 coordination, we have exposed North Korea uses of “dark” vessels – those that engage in illicit activity – to circumvent United Nations Security Council mandated sanctions. Russia and North Korea are strengthening their economic relations including through maritime routes, such as the reported transfer of petroleum products from Russia to North Korea. Unregulated, “dark” vessels undertake IUU fishing, destroying marine habitats and depleting fish stocks, with negative impacts for biodiversity and food security. Unregulated, inadequately insured “dark” vessels also pose a high risk of maritime accidents, including in fragile ecosystems such as the Arctic and Antarctic. We commit to strengthening our coordination, amongst the G7 and with other partners, to prevent the use of unregistered or fraudulently registered, uninsured and substandard vessels engaged in sanctions evasion, arms transfers, illegal fishing and illicit trade. We encourage relevant International Organizations to improve maritime domain awareness by expanding satellite-based vessel tracking and establishing comprehensive data records of the movement of individual ships and of ship-to-ship transfers, as a means of identifying and tracking illicit maritime activities. We are also committed to capacity building of the countries in the region in law enforcement and Maritime Domain Awareness.

    11. Shadow Fleet Task Force: We invite members of the Nordic-Baltic 8 (Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden), and possibly others, to join participating G7 members in a Shadow Fleet Task Force to enhance monitoring and detection and to otherwise constrain the use of shadow fleets engaged in illegal, unsafe or environmentally perilous activities, building on the work of others active in this area. The Task Force will constitute a response by the participating States to the call by the International Maritime Organization in its Resolution A.1192(33) of 6 December 2023 for Members States and all relevant stakeholders to promote actions to prevent illegal operations in the maritime sector by shadow fleets and their flag states, including illegal operations for the purposes of circumventing sanctions, evading compliance with safety or environmental regulations, avoiding insurance costs, or engaging in other illegal activities.

    12. Enhancing Maritime Supply Chain Resilience and Energy and Food Security: Maritime supply chains will continue to underpin the global economy, but these face a variety of threats, both present and future, stemming from both geopolitical tensions and environmental factors.  Maritime disruptions raise consumer costs, increase transit times, and can reduce demand in importing countries, which in turn means lower revenues and diminished competitiveness for producers in exporting countries. Such vulnerabilities in maritime transport can undermine energy and food security, particularly for developing nations reliant on stable shipping routes, including Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Least Developed Countries (LDCs). We welcome maritime initiatives involving and supported by G7 partners intended to promote energy and food security, such as the Grain from Ukraine scheme, and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. We invite cooperation with the African Union (pursuant to Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy 2050) and other relevant International Organizations to identify best practices for enhancing maritime supply chain resilience and for safeguarding energy and food security, including in times of geopolitical crisis. 

    13. Promoting Safe and Resilient Ports and Strategic Waterways: Port ownership and operational control matter to national security, as foreign control or influence over critical port infrastructure can create vulnerabilities in trade, in defence and security, and in economic stability. Port resilience is also crucial to economic stability and global trade and yet ports face growing risks from environmental degradation, extreme weather events and geopolitical conflicts. Strengthening port security and modernizing infrastructure are essential to maintaining safe and efficient maritime trade. Ensuring that the ownership and management of strategic waterways and key maritime choke points are not vulnerable to undue influence by potential adversaries is also essential to national security. We underscore the importance of scrutiny of ownership structures and port management and resilience within our own national jurisdictions, including with regard to Information and Communications Technology (ICT) systems, to ensure that adversaries do not gain leverage over supply chains, military operations, or the flow of strategic resources. We will work with partners and with relevant International Organizations to encourage robust cybersecurity standards for port ICT infrastructure, to increase resilience against malicious cyber incidents on maritime logistical networks, to reduce monopolistic power over key supply chain nodes, to promote secure and transparent port ownership, to limit unsolicited or undue foreign influence over critical infrastructures and strategic waterways, and to otherwise encourage greater focus on such potential vulnerabilities.

    14. Unexploded Ordnance (UXO) at sea poses a significant hazard to the marine environment, to the safety of fishermen and other users of the maritime space, and to various marine economic activities. We commit to enhancing diplomatic efforts and to exchanging best practices among national authorities, relevant international and regional organizations, and relevant industry sectors to accelerate the clean-up of UXO from the seas and ocean.

    Sustainable Stewardship of Maritime Resources

    15. Strengthen Enforcement Against IUU Fishing: IUU fishing is a major contributor to declining fish stocks and to marine habitat destruction. It may account for a third of all fishing activity worldwide, at a cost to the global economy of more than US$23 billion per year and with negative consequences for fisheries as an enduring economic asset, including for developing countries. We welcome the Canadian-led Dark Vessel Detection System in Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, the Philippines, and members of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and would see value in replicating the model to support other partners whose fisheries are under threat from IUU fishing. We recognize that data sharing and transparency play a key role in this fight by exposing bad actors and that technological advances can support a robust Monitoring, Control and Surveillance and enforcement landscape. We encourage further progress in addressing IUU fishing, working with and through relevant International Organizations to establish and strengthen rules to sustainably manage fish stocks on the high seas and to improve the enforcement of these measures, including through the further development of detection technologies, aircraft patrols and high seas boarding and inspection of vessels, building upon the 2022 G7 Ocean Deal.

    16. We welcome the Third UN Ocean Conference, in Nice, France, from 9 to 13 June 2025.

    PARTNERSHIPS

    17. This G7 Maritime Security and Prosperity Declaration provides a framework for cooperation with non-G7 partners, including countries hosting major ports, large merchant fleets, or extensive flag registries as well as relevant regional and International Organizations, such as the International Maritime Organization and ASEAN. We would welcome robust cooperation with partners to take forward the goals set out in this Declaration, consistent with the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, under the efforts of the G7 countries, including a free, open, prosperous and secure Indo-Pacific region, to build a free and open maritime order based on the rule of law, and of commitment to the sustainable development of the world’s maritime spaces.

    18. We welcome the cooperation on Coast Guard Functions, including the Global Coast Guard Forum hosted by Italy in 2025, as well as the Arctic Coast Guard Forum, which could also support the objectives of this Declaration.

    [14] March 2025

    Charlevoix, Canada

    MIL OSI Canada News –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: DNO Completes USD 600 Million Bond Placement

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    14 March 2025 – DNO ASA, the Norwegian oil and gas operator, today completed the private placement of USD 600 million of new five-year senior unsecured bonds with a coupon rate of 8.5 percent. The bond placement met strong investor demand across US, Nordic and international markets and was significantly oversubscribed.

    “With this issue, we extend our flawless record to 20 successful bond placements over the past 24 years, with no waivers, no amendments and certainly no defaults,” said DNO’s Executive Chairman Bijan Mossavar-Rahmani. “The enthusiastic response reflects this record and the growing diversification of the Company with the transformative acquisition of Sval Energi Group AS announced last week,” he added.

    Settlement is expected on or about 27 March 2025, subject to customary conditions precedent. An application will be made to list the bonds on the Oslo Stock Exchange. Proceeds from the new bond issue will be used to call the USD 350 million outstanding DNO04 bonds (ISIN: NO0011088593) and general corporate purposes.

    DNB Markets, part of DNB Bank ASA, and Pareto Securities AS acted as Global Coordinators and Joint Bookrunners with Clarksons Securities AS, Fearnley Securities AS and SpareBank 1 Markets AS as Co-Lead Managers. AGP Advokater AS acted as legal advisor to the Company.

    –

    For further information, please contact:
    Media: media@dno.no
    Investors: investor.relations@dno.no

    –

    DNO ASA is a Norwegian oil and gas operator active in the Middle East, the North Sea and West Africa. Founded in 1971 and listed on the Oslo Stock Exchange, the Company holds stakes in onshore and offshore licenses at various stages of exploration, development and production in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, Norway, the United Kingdom, Côte d’Ivoire, Netherlands and Yemen. More information is available at www.dno.no

    –

    This information is subject to the disclosure requirements pursuant to section 5-12 of the Norwegian Securities Trading Act.

    This release does not constitute any offer or solicitation to sell or purchase any securities. 

    The release may not be released, published or distributed in the United States of America or any other jurisdiction where release, publication or distribution would be prohibited or require any registration or filing acts or similar.

    The MIL Network –

    March 15, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Correction to Aktia Bank Plc’s Annual Review 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Aktia Bank Plc
    Stock Exchange Release
    14 March 2025 at 2.45 p.m.

    Correction to Aktia Bank Plc’s Annual Review 2024

    Aktia Bank Plc’s Annual Review 2024, published on 13 March 2025 as part of Aktia’s Annual Report 2024, contains incorrect information about the launch of some funds in 2024. On page 15, which describes the Asset Management business area, the first paragraph under the subheading ‘We continued our determined efforts to develop our award-winning fund selection’ has been corrected.

    Below the corrected paragraph in full.

    In 2024, we moved Aktia Emerging Market Corporate Bond+ under the Article 8 classification and prepared for launching a dark green fund in accordance with Article 9, which, in its investment process, uses sustainability criteria and the megatrends that support these criteria. We clarified our short-term fixed income fund offering by merging the funds Aktia Stable Yield and Aktia Short-Term Corporate Bond+, and focused on launching a European equity fund, which invests in European small and medium-sized enterprises. For our institutional and Private Banking customers, we launched the Aktia Velkarahastot II fund in cooperation with Oaktree Capital Management. The fund invests in private equity investment funds investing in unlisted opportunistic debt. During the year, we also issued four structured products.

    The corrected Annual Review is attached to this release.

    Aktia Bank Plc

    Further information:
    Oscar Taimitarha, Director, Investor Relations, tel. +358 40 562 2315, ir (at) aktia.fi

    Distribution:
    Nasdaq Helsinki Ltd
    Mass media
    www.aktia.com

    Aktia is a Finnish asset manager, bank and life insurer that has been creating wealth and wellbeing from one generation to the next for 200 years. We serve our customers in digital channels everywhere and face-to-face in our offices in the Helsinki, Turku, Tampere, Vaasa and Oulu regions. Our award-winning asset management business sells investment funds internationally. We employ approximately 850 people around Finland. Aktia’s assets under management (AuM) on 31 December 2024 amounted to EUR 14.0 billion, and the balance sheet total was EUR 11.9 billion. Aktia’s shares are listed on Nasdaq Helsinki Ltd (AKTIA). aktia.com.

    Attachment

    • Aktia Bank Plc Annual Review 2024

    The MIL Network –

    March 15, 2025
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