Category: Statistics

  • MIL-OSI Global: Religious hate crimes in England and Wales are at a record high – but many still go unreported

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Peter Hopkins, Professor of Social Geography, Newcastle University

    Shutterstock

    Religious hate crimes in England and Wales are at record levels. New Home Office statistics reveal that although hate crime overall saw an annual decrease of 5% in the year to March 2024, there was a 25% increase in religious hate crimes.

    Hate crimes against Jewish people more than doubled from the previous year, making up 33% of religion-based hate crime in the new figures. Those against Muslims rose by 13%, making up 38% of the total.

    There was a sharp increase in reported incidents against both Jewish and Muslim people after the Israel-Hamas conflict began in October 2023. While the total number of offences has since declined, it is still higher than before the conflict began.

    These figures reflect police-recorded hate crime, but other organisations also track these incidents. The organisation Tell Mama, which tracks anti-Muslim hate, recorded a 335% increase in cases in the months after October 7 2023 compared to the year before. And the Community Security Trust tracked a 147% rise in anti-Jewish hate in 2023 compared to 2022. Of these incidents, 66% were on or after October 7.

    The October 7 attacks are an example of a trigger event that usually precedes a spike in hate crime. These events can “galvanise tensions and sentiments against the suspected perpetrators and groups associated with them”.

    Trigger events can be one-off events or last only a short period of time, but the continuing high levels of hate crime that the UK has seen over the past year is still likely due to the ongoing situation in the Middle East.

    These trends had been increasing worldwide, and not only since the latest conflict. A UN report in 2021 found that Islamophobia had reached “epidemic proportions”. Additionally, as my colleagues and I have found in our research, such racism is also experienced by a diverse range of ethnic groups and not only Muslims. A rise in antisemitism has been recorded around the world too.

    Unreported hate

    Not only are the latest statistics in the UK alarming, they are only the tip of the iceberg. As my work on the inquiry into Islamophobia in Scotland found, many incidents go unreported.

    We found that many did not report incidents due to concerns about institutional racism in the police and a lack of confidence in policing and in the criminal justice system. Added to this were worries about not having enough evidence, the incident not being “serious enough”, and fear of reprisal. Some even felt that it happened so often that there was “no point” in reporting it.

    Anti-Jewish hatred has risen in the UK since October 7 2023.
    Shutterstock

    The long-term impacts of hate crime are deeply concerning. Victims who experience constant discrimination are likely to experience poor health outcomes and premature ageing.

    The rising numbers also promote a culture of fear that can discourage members of ethnic or religious minority groups from participating fully in society.
    My colleagues and I have found in our research that Islamophobia and prejudice has stopped some Muslims from participating in politics and going out to socialise.

    Encouragingly, however, others chose to become more active in their communities in order to challenge stereotypes about Muslims.

    Making prejudice mainstream

    In addition to the trigger event of the Israel-Hamas war, there are a number of factors that contribute to rising hate crime, particularly against Muslims.

    First is the prevalence of organisations and individuals, including media outlets, online influencers, far-right think-tanks and political figures who promote anti-Muslim messaging and hatred.

    The rise of far-right politics around the world plays a role. The election of Donald Trump, as well as
    recent electoral gains by Marine Le Pen in France, the Freedom Party in Austria and Reform UK show how such politics are seeping into the mainstream.

    But even supposedly centrist politicians spread narratives that contribute to Islamophobia and racism. For example, former prime minister David Cameron decried the failure of multiculturalism and this message was repeated by Suella Braverman when she was home secretary.

    This perpetuates the idea that it is not possible for different ethnic and religious groups to live in harmony. I would argue this provides an ideal platform for the promotion of Islamophobia.

    Mainstream media outlets and social media also shape the narratives that contribute to a culture of fear around Muslims. High profile acts of religious hatred, such as the atrocities committed by Anders Breivik in Oslo in 2011 or by Brenton Tarrant in Christchurch in 2019, tend to be put down to a “lone wolf” or to be regarded as “fringe incidents”, rather than part of a wider problem to be addressed. Both Breivik and Tarrant promoted white supremacy and were explicitly anti-Muslim.

    The spread of inaccurate information on social media has stirred up Islamophobia, antisemitism and racism, and led to violence against migrants. This was seen in the far-right riots in summer 2024 following the fatal stabbing of three young girls in Southport, near Liverpool.

    According to a report by the Center for Countering Digital Hate, a false name and disinformation suggesting the attacker was Muslim reached around 1.7 billion people across several platforms.

    The long history of Islamophobia in Britain can be traced back to the response to the 9/11 terror attacks and the “war on terror”. The UK’s counter-terrorism programme Prevent has made life intolerable for Muslims by promoting the idea that all Muslims are potential terrorists and a threat to security.

    The obsession with this approach persists internationally despite the existence of several alternatives, yet it urgently needs to be replaced alongside the thinking that supports it.

    The result of all this is that Islamophobia has flourished in the UK without being called out by those in power. This must be challenged if we want to see a reduction in racially and religiously motivated hate crime.

    Peter Hopkins receives funding from the Leverhulme Trust.

    ref. Religious hate crimes in England and Wales are at a record high – but many still go unreported – https://theconversation.com/religious-hate-crimes-in-england-and-wales-are-at-a-record-high-but-many-still-go-unreported-241071

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Ghana’s informal settlements are not all the same – social networks make a difference in community development

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Seth Asare Okyere, PhD, Visiting lecturer, University of Pittsburg and Adjunct Associate Professor, Osaka University, University of Pittsburgh

    Informal settlements in Africa are diverse. Across regions and even in the same city, socioeconomic and physical conditions vary. One thing is common though: upgrading them is a challenge.

    Among the challenges are issues of including people, having enough funding and sustaining improvements. That’s why attention is shifting to community driven development. This concept refers to local interventions that are started or led by community groups with support from the local government, private or civil society organisations.

    Community driven development has gained support from international agencies such as the World Bank. The World Bank Group is estimated to have invested about US$30 billion in projects like this across 94 countries.

    These initiatives are considered more affordable, efficient and durable. Communities often contribute local resources and labour, and residents can learn skills from service providers which enable them to manage projects in the long term. When residents work together it can also strengthen bonds and build social capital. Social capital generally refers to the ties, bonds, relationships and trust found in a community. It is an important resource in informal settlements.

    We are a group of urban and development planners who examined the role of social capital in community driven development in urban Ghana.

    We conducted our study in the Abese Quarter (La township) and Old Tulaku communities, in the Greater Accra metropolitan area. These are both informal settlements but have different social characters.

    Our findings highlight the need for local governments to tailor development to the social context of informal settlements. Development planning institutions should use the networks already present in communities, as well as providing external help and resources.

    The research

    Our analysis was based on questionnaire responses from 300 residents of informal settlements in Greater Accra. Abese Quarter is what we call an indigenous settlement. It it composed of residents from the local Ga ethnic group with similar cultural practices. Old Tulaku is a migrant settlement. It includes a mix of residents originally from other regions in Ghana who moved to Accra in search of economic opportunities.

    We observed community water and sanitation projects planned and carried out by local residents.

    In doing so, we considered the role of two types of social capital: bonding and bridging.

    Bonding social capital deals with the personal relationships between individuals based on shared identity. It’s about family, close companionship, culture and ethnicity. Bridging social capital refers to the connection between people and external groups.

    In the indigenous settlement, bonding social capital had a positive influence on community driven development. Bridging social capital showed a negative relationship with it. For example, the public toilet in the community was in a deplorable state. This seemed to be explained by an inability to build wider connections outside the community to get the support needed. We reason that socially homogeneous communities tend to generate inward-looking networks that limit access to resources from beyond the group. Overemphasis on social ties can impede long-term community development.

    In the migrant informal settlement, our research revealed the opposite. Without shared identities (like ethnicity, language and social norms), migrant residents drew on shared challenges and goals. They organised and built connections to get support from businesses and donors for community projects.

    Our research reinforces the argument that the relationship between social capital and community-driven development of informal settlements is not straightforward. The social character of the settlement, be it indigenous or migrant, produces different outcomes.

    Bonding and bridging social capital

    Informal settlements are often neglected by local government and planning authorities. In such poor conditions, social connections influence the local capacity to carry out improvement projects.

    Typically, high levels of bonding social capital are seen to promote collective action in communities that share similar social and cultural norms and practices. However, the long term benefits of such projects may require building partnerships with external support organisations and service providers.

    Bridging social capital goes beyond shared identities. It fosters connection between people and external organisations.

    Generally, community-driven development success is greatest when both forms of social capital are high and used together. For instance, in the Ubungo Darajani informal settlement in Kinondoni Municipality in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, landholders relied on both to secure land for community development.

    What next?

    Local government and community-based organisations should harness the different forms of social capital for development.

    Policymakers can learn from the creative and innovative ways that informal communities solve problems. This could help improve informal settlements equitably and sustainably.

    Beatrice Eyram Afi Ziorklui, a registered valuer and auditor at the Performance and Special Audit Department of the Ghana Audit Service, was part of the research team and contributed to this article.

    – Ghana’s informal settlements are not all the same – social networks make a difference in community development
    https://theconversation.com/ghanas-informal-settlements-are-not-all-the-same-social-networks-make-a-difference-in-community-development-239133

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Canada Carbon Rebate rural top-up, 2024 and 2025

    Source: Government of Canada News

    Backgrounder

    Ensuring carbon pollution pricing helps make life more affordable

    A price on pollution is widely recognized as the most efficient means to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions that are contributing to the more intense wildfires, droughts, and floods caused by climate change. Canada’s approach to pollution pricing is also designed to put money back into people’s pockets.

    Putting a price on pollution is a cornerstone of Canada’s plan, which is working to tackle climate change.

    Quarterly Canada Carbon Rebate for individuals—increased rural top-up

    The climate crisis is affecting all of Canada, but especially rural and small communities. They frequently face environmental, social, economic, cultural, and health impacts from climate change that are more intense than those in urban areas. Despite these challenges, these communities show remarkable resilience and often lead the way in adaptation efforts across Canada.

    Canadians living in rural and small communities are on the front lines of climate change, witnessing firsthand the devastating impacts of intensified wildfires, droughts, and floods. A price on pollution is found to be one of the most efficient ways that Canada is reducing greenhouse gas emissions, which contribute significantly to the frequency and severity of these impacts caused by climate change. The Canada Carbon Rebate both puts money back into people’s pockets and also stimulates investment in clean alternatives.

    In provinces where the federal fuel charge applies, most households get back more than they pay through the Canada Carbon Rebate for individuals, as a result of the federal carbon pollution pricing system, with lower- and middle-income households benefitting the most.

    To further recognize rural Canadians’ higher energy needs, particularly for home-heating and transportation, the Government of Canada has doubled the rural top-up available for households in rural areas and smaller communities from 10 percent to 20 percent of their Canada Carbon Rebate base amount, as of April 2024.

    This October, eligible Canadians will receive the enhanced rural top-up for the first time. The increase will be retroactive to April 1, 2024, so those households can expect an increased top-up amount for October 2024 with a one-time boost due to the increased top-up amounts for April and July.

    The top-up will apply to residents of provinces where the federal fuel charge applies, that is, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, Newfoundland and Labrador, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia whose primary residence is outside a Census Metropolitan Area, as defined by Statistics Canada. All rebate recipients in Prince Edward Island are eligible for the rural top-up, and it is included in their base amount. Determine if you qualify for the rural top-up.

    The table below shows the amount a family of four can expect to receive each quarter in 2024–2025. As all proceeds are returned in the province they were collected in, the rebate amount varies between provinces. It is higher in provinces with more consumption of fossil fuels.

    Table 1

    Quarterly Canada Carbon Rebate amounts for families of four for 2024 and 2025

    Province Family of four Rural
    Alberta $450.00 $540.00
    Manitoba $300.00 $360.00
    Ontario $280.00 $336.00
    Saskatchewan $376.00 $451.20
    New Brunswick $190.00 $228.00
    Nova Scotia $206.00 $247.20
    Prince Edward Island* $220.00 $220.00
    Newfoundland and Labrador $298.00 $357.60

    *As all residents of Prince Edward Island are eligible for the 20 percent rural top-up, it is reflected in the base amount for that province.

    Table 2

    Annual Canada Carbon Rebate amounts for families of four for 2024 and 2025

    Province Family of four Rural
    Alberta $1,800.00 $2,160.00
    Manitoba $1,200.00 $1,440.00
    Ontario $1,120.00 $1,344.00
    Saskatchewan $1,504.00 $1,804.80
    New Brunswick $760.00 $912.00
    Nova Scotia $824.00 $988.80
    Prince Edward Island* $880.00 $880.00
    Newfoundland and Labrador $1,192.00 $1,430.40

    *As all residents of Prince Edward Island are eligible for the 20 percent rural top-up, it is reflected in the base amount for that province.

    Canada Carbon Rebate for Small Businesses

    Canada’s small- and medium-sized businesses are the backbone of the Canadian economy and the heart of our communities. Across the country, they keep main streets flourishing, create good jobs, and deliver on the dream of entrepreneurship. Through the new Canada Carbon Rebate for Small Businesses, the Government of Canada is delivering on its commitment to return proceeds from the price on pollution directly to small- and medium-sized businesses with employees in the provinces where the federal fuel charge applies.

    This accelerated and automated return process will deliver over $2.5 billion directly to an estimated 600,000 small- and medium-sized businesses with employees in provinces where the pollution pricing system applies through a refundable tax credit. By receiving direct payments from the Canada Revenue Agency, separate from tax refunds, this simple process for returning fuel charge proceeds will help eligible small- and medium-sized businesses to focus on what matters most—driving their businesses forward.

    The Canada Revenue Agency plans to issue the rebate to eligible Canadian-controlled private corporations (CCPCs) that filed their 2023 tax return no later than July 15, 2024, by the end of the calendar year. Most businesses should receive their payment by:

    • December 16, 2024, if registered for direct deposit
    • December 31, 2024, if receiving payment by cheque

    On October 1, 2024, the Government of Canada specified payment rates, on a per employee basis, for the 2019–2020 to 2023–2024 fuel charge years, and the designated provinces in which these payment rates will apply.

    Table 3

    Specified payment rates per employee for the Canada Carbon Rebate for Small Businesses, 2019 and 2020 to 2023 and 2024

    2019 to 2020 2020 to 2021 2021 to 2022 2022 to 2023 2023 to 2024
    Alberta* n/a $147 $123 $140 $181
    Saskatchewan $110 $271 $244 $298 $233
    Manitoba $48 $99 $77 $89 $168
    Ontario $26 $68 $75 $86 $146
    New Brunswick* n/a n/a n/a n/a $87
    Nova Scotia* n/a n/a n/a n/a $119
    Prince Edward Island* n/a n/a n/a n/a $82
    Newfoundland and Labrador* n/a n/a n/a n/a $179

    *As the federal fuel charge only came into effect as of January 1, 2020, in Alberta, and as of July 1, 2023, in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador, small businesses in these provinces will receive payments for proceeds collected as of those respective dates.

    Table 4

    Example payment amounts for businesses, by number of employees, 2019 to 2023

    10 employees 25 employees 50 employees 100 employees 499 employees
    Alberta* $5,910 $14,775 $29,550 $59,100 $294,909
    Saskatchewan $11,560 $28,900 $57,800 $115,600 $576,844
    Manitoba $4,810 $12,025 $24,050 $48,100 $240,019
    Ontario $4,010 $10,025 $20,050 $40,100 $200,099
    New Brunswick* $870 $2,175 $4,350 $8,700 $43,413
    Nova Scotia* $1,190 $2,975 $5,950 $11,900 $59,381
    Prince Edward Island* $820 $2,050 $4,100 $8,200 $40,918
    Newfoundland and Labrador* $1,790 $4,475 $8,950 $17,900 $89,321

    *As the federal fuel charge only came into effect as of January 1, 2020, in Alberta, and as of July 1, 2023, in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador, small businesses in these provinces will receive payments for proceeds assessed after those respective dates.

    Additionally, to allow more businesses to receive a payment, it is also being proposed that corporations that file their tax return for 2023 after July 15, 2024, and on or before December 31, 2024, would be eligible for a payment. Legislation enacting these changes requires Royal Assent before payments can be issued to businesses filing after the initial July 15 deadline.

    More information on the Canada Carbon Rebate for Small Businesses payment amounts from 2019 and 2020 to 2023 and 2024 has been published by Finance Canada.

    Pollution pricing relief for farmers and fishers

    Farmers are on the frontlines of climate change, facing ever-increasing risks of floods, droughts, and storms to their operations. Canada’s approach to pollution pricing offers targeted support to farmers, who are also investing to deploy cost-saving and job-creating clean technology solutions. Farmers generally do not pay the fuel charge for gasoline and light fuel oil (diesel) used in eligible farming machinery on farms. Additionally, biological emissions are not priced under this federal system, totalling roughly 97 percent of on-farm emissions.

    Greenhouse operators also receive upfront relief of 80 percent of the fuel charge on propane and marketable natural gas used to heat an eligible greenhouse or to supplement carbon dioxide in eligible greenhouses to grow or produce plants.

    Additionally, farm businesses that operate in provinces where the federal fuel charge is in place can generally receive a refundable tax credit, the purpose of which is to return fuel charge proceeds related to farm use of natural gas and propane in heating and drying activities in those provinces to help farmers transition to lower-carbon ways of farming.

    Canada’s Greenhouse Gas Offset Credit System also provides an economic incentive for farmers to undertake innovative greenhouse gas reduction and removal projects.

    As part of the strengthened climate plan and the 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan, the Government of Canada committed over $1.5 billion to accelerate the agricultural sector’s progress on reducing emissions while remaining a global leader in sustainable agriculture. This includes $470.7 million for the Agricultural Clean Technology (ACT) Program to create an enabling environment for developing and adopting clean technology. This will help drive the changes required to achieve a low-carbon economy and promote sustainable growth in Canada’s agriculture and agri-food sector.

    Fishers are also provided with relief from paying the federal fuel charge on gasoline and light fuel oil (diesel) used in fishing vessels for eligible fishing activities.

    Industrial pollution pricing system

    Industrial pollution pricing systems are designed to ensure there is a price incentive for industrial emitters to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions and spur innovation while remaining competitive. Not only does pollution pricing ensure big polluters pay their fair share, it is also helping Canada attract new major projects that are creating good paying jobs.

    Canada’s approach to pollution pricing gives major heavy industries certainty on the price they pay for the pollution they generate, helping to bring forward investments in job-creating cleaner alternatives to meet their business needs. This helps them make informed decisions and is also designed to protect against the risk of industrial facilities moving to another region to avoid paying a price on carbon pollution.

    All proceeds generated from the federal industrial pollution pricing system in backstop jurisdictions are returned in the jurisdiction of origin to support industrial projects in cutting emissions and using new, cleaner technologies and processes.

    The Output-Based Pricing System (OBPS) Proceeds Fund returns proceeds collected under the federal OBPS and is comprised of two streams: the Decarbonization Incentive Program and the Future Electricity Fund. Further information on projects being funded by federal industrial pollution pricing proceeds has been published on the Open Government Portal.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Restart a Heart Day 202414 October 2024 ​​​Staff from the States of Jersey Ambulance Service and members of the Health and Community Services Resuscitation Service will be teaching CPR and defibrillation techniques to members of the public for… Read more

    Source: Channel Islands – Jersey

    14 October 2024

    ​​​
    Staff from the States of Jersey Ambulance Service and members of the Health and Community Services Resuscitation Service will be teaching CPR and defibrillation techniques to members of the public for Restart a Heart Day, this coming Wednesday (16 October).

    ​Restart a Heart Day is an annual initiative, led by the Resuscitation Council (UK) to help people to learn CPR, and raise awareness and confidence in dealing with out of hospital cardiac arrest.

    UK statistics show that whereas only one in 25 victims of a cardiac arrest is likely to survive without receiving CPR, their chances increase to one in four where CPR takes place. 

    A stall will be set up next to the fountain on Broad Street between 09:00-14:00, to teach as many people as possible CPR and defibrillation skills.

    The event offers the chance for members of the public to try their hand at CPR, get to grips with a ‘defib’ and become more comfortable with what is involved, should they encounter someone who’s had a cardiac arrest. It takes just three minutes before damage to the brain can commence, and CPR can keep the blood flowing.

    Katie Campbell, Clinical Tutor for the States of Jersey Ambulance Service said: “Early CPR and defibrillation can double the chances of survival for someone who has suffered a cardiac arrest, so it is important as many people as possible know what to do in an emergency.

    “Restart a Heart Day is a brilliant initiative that spreads awareness and builds confidence to do the right thing in an emergency.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Global: From Swift to Springsteen to Al Jolson, candidates keep trying to use celebrities to change voters’ songs

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Matt Harris, Associate Professor of Political Science, Park University

    It’s 2016 all over again. And 2020, for that matter. Democrats are staring at what looks to be another coin flip election between their party’s nominee and Donald Trump.

    In an election that could come down to a few hundred thousand votes in a handful of states, every voter matters – no matter how you reach them. With that in mind, Democrats are communicating not just on matters of policy, but matters of pop culture.

    Specifically, Democrats are embracing football and Taylor Swift. The Harris-Walz campaign trotted out endorsements from 15 Pro Football Hall of Famers and sells Swiftie-style friendship bracelets on its campaign website, among other overtures. Swift herself has endorsed Kamala Harris.

    Tim Walz cited his experience as a football coach and mentioned Swift in the vice presidential debate.

    Democratic challenger and former NFLer Colin Allred, who is running to unseat GOP Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, has put out ads in which he appears moments from taking to the gridiron.

    But how much does pop culture campaigning, if you will, matter? Does trying to link a campaign to a sport, or a culture, or a style of music actually influence elections? Looking to five different election campaigns in the past can give a sense of the effects, or lack thereof, of such campaigning.

    An ad for Texas Democrat Rep. Colin Allred, a former NFL player, stresses his football past in his bid to unseat GOP Sen. Ted Cruz.

    Reagan and Springsteen

    Any discussion of the embrace of pop culture by candidates should probably start with Ronald Reagan’s Bruce Springsteen era.

    Reagan, attempting to reach beyond his base, viewed 1984 as a vibes-based election and cited Springsteen as an exemplar of the hope his campaign wished to inspire. Springsteen rejected a request from Reagan’s camp to use his often-misunderstood “Born in the U.S.A.” on the campaign trail. The song’s lyrics describe a down-on-his-luck Vietnam War veteran, but if you don’t listen carefully to the lyrics, the song can sound like a celebration of veterans and being American.

    While Reagan went on to win 49 states in that year’s election, perhaps the biggest long-term impact of his courtship of Springsteen fans was to turn Springsteen from a relatively apolitical performer to a staunch supporter of the Democratic Party.

    In this way, Springsteen’s transformation mirrors that of Taylor Swift, with Marsha Blackburn, the Tennessee Republican senator, serving as her Reagan – the person who pushed the performer into the political arena after years on the sidelines.

    Springsteen and Kerry

    Springsteen’s foray into politics eventually led him to back Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry in 2004 with a series of concerts called the “Vote for Change”“ tour.

    Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry greets the crowd with musician Bruce Springsteen while campaigning in Columbus, Ohio, on Oct. 28, 2004.
    AP Photo/Laura Rauch

    Kerry, meanwhile, undertook his own efforts at cultural turf claiming. His attempts to demonstrate his bona fides as a sports-loving everyman went awry at times, when he flubbed the name of “Lambeau Field,” home of Wisconsin’s Green Bay Packers, and referred to a nonexistent Boston Red Sox player, “Manny Ortez.” The ill-fated sports references arguably didn’t hurt his campaign – he won Wisconsin and Massachusetts – but he was ridiculed for a photo-op hunting trip late in the campaign and went on to lose rural Midwestern voters decisively – as well as the election.

    Kerry’s dabbling with hunting imagery was perhaps an attempt to dull President George W. Bush’s advantage in perceived strength of leadership, which was in part burnished by his adoption of a cowboy persona.

    Harding, Jolson and the Cubs

    While Reagan’s attempt to woo 1980s rock fans is one of the best-known attempts to campaign on a mantra of popular culture, it was far from the first.

    Sen. Warren Harding’s 1920 front porch campaign for president was given a jolt of enthusiasm by a visit from singer and actor Al Jolson. Harding was also visited in his hometown, Marion, Ohio, by other actors and celebrities and the Chicago Cubs.

    Harding’s strategy probably better serves as a template for things to come than a decisive move in the 1920 election: His victory with over 60% of the popular vote suggests no celebrity could have saved Democrat James Cox.

    Bill Clinton and MTV

    As the Harris-Walz campaign tries to draw votes from Swift’s young fans, parallels can be drawn to Democratic Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton’s attempts to embrace youth culture in the 1992 presidential election. Among other appearances, Clinton took questions from young voters on MTV and played saxophone on “The Arsenio Hall Show.”

    While the direct effect of Clinton’s forays into youth culture is difficult to measure, he did surge among young voters relative to Democrat Michael Dukakis’ 1988 presidential campaign.

    In his 1992 campaign, Bill Clinton went on MTV to answer young people’s questions, which included ‘If you had it to do over again, would you inhale?’

    Ford and football

    Any discussion of politicians embracing football culture would be incomplete without a discussion of the American president best at playing football, Gerald Ford, the vice president who became the nation’s 38th president in 1974, when Richard Nixon resigned during the Watergate scandal.

    Ford played center on two national championship teams at the University of Michigan. While not using his football player background to the same level as former football coach Walz did at the Democratic National Convention, Ford did make use of his football credentials on the stump during the 1976 presidential campaign and was joined on the campaign trail by Alabama football coach Paul “Bear” Bryant.

    But the votes of football fans were apparently not enough to keep Ford in the White House for long. He lost the 1976 election to Democrat Jimmy Carter.

    Potentially fruitful pickups

    Will the Harris-Walz strategy of recruiting voters through pop culture be successful? Swift’s fans are largely young, suburban women, and NFL fans are strewn across the political spectrum. There are potentially fruitful pickups in both camps. The candidates certainly think it matters: Walz said he “took football back” from Republicans, a claim disputed by Trump.

    Stressing pop culture credentials can also provide attention to a campaign, regardless of persuasion. Clinton’s pop culture appearances generated coverage beyond the appearances themselves and were cost-effective for a campaign short on funds.

    This type of pop culture campaigning generates coverage, then, even if voters aren’t moved by thinking a candidate shares their love of football or pop music.

    Matt Harris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. From Swift to Springsteen to Al Jolson, candidates keep trying to use celebrities to change voters’ songs – https://theconversation.com/from-swift-to-springsteen-to-al-jolson-candidates-keep-trying-to-use-celebrities-to-change-voters-songs-239381

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Europe: AMERICA/HONDURAS – One month after the murder of pastoral worker Juan Antonio López: Three suspects arrested in Honduras

    Source: Agenzia Fides – MIL OSI

    Monday, 14 October 2024

    by Laura Gomez RuizTocoa (Agenzia Fides) – On September 14, Juan Antonio López (46), married and father of two daughters, coordinator of social pastoral care in the diocese of Trujillo and founding member of the Pastoral Care for Integral Ecology in Honduras, was shot dead in his car after attending a Eucharistic celebration in the Fabio Ochoa colony in the municipality of Tocoa, a city where he was also a councilor, about 300 kilometers from Tegucigalpa, the capital of Honduras.López was known for his commitment to social justice and drew strength and courage from the source of his Christian faith. As the person in charge of preaching the Word of God in his parish and a member of the Ecclesial Ecological Network of Mesoamerica (REMAM), his special vocation also led him to work to protect natural resources for the benefit of the most vulnerable in his country. A commitment that brought him into conflict with the interests of the mining companies operating in Honduras.According to witnesses, armed men on motorcycles approached him as he was leaving the church where he had attended the Eucharist that evening and shot him. López died instantly. He had recently denounced the pollution of the Guapinol and San Pedro rivers, which are threatened by illegal mining projects that endanger the water resources on which local communities depend. According to investigators, this may have been the motive for his murder.Local media reported that the crime occurred just hours after a press conference in which López, along with other community leaders, denounced alleged links between members of the Tocoa municipal government and organized crime.The National Police, meanwhile, arrested several suspects, and last Wednesday a court in San Pedro Sula issued an indictment and remanded three alleged perpetrators in custody. The evidence presented included images from security cameras in which the defendants were identified, as well as testimony from protected persons. In addition, the geolocation of the defendants’ phones confirms the suspicion that they had been following the victim for days and planned the murder. The lawyer for Juan López’s family asked prison authorities to guarantee the safety of the defendants in the hope that they would reveal the names of those behind the crime.”Juan’s commitment to ecology was not ideological, but the fruit of his faith,” said the bishop of the diocese of Trujillo, Jenry Ruiz. In a message published after the murder, Ruiz wrote: “For him, social, environmental and political commitment was not a matter of ideology, but an expression of his Christianity. He was a true servant of God and a tireless defender of his people.”López lived with the conviction that faith must be translated into concrete actions in favor of the weakest. His devotion to Saint Oscar Romero and his work in grassroots ecclesial communities drove him to work for social justice and dedicate his life to protecting Honduras’ rural communities and natural resources.”He knew that his commitment to protecting water and rivers put him in danger,” said a relative of the victim, recalling that he had previously received threats. Since 2023, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) had taken precautionary measures to protect him because he had received death threats for his work in defense of the environment.López’s murder is part of a growing repression against human rights activists in Honduras. “This crime is not an isolated case,” said REMAM and the “Laudato Sì” movement in a joint statement: “He is not just another name in the statistics; he was a child of God, a close and kind brother. We honor his testimony of faith and his work for a better common home,” added the Archbishop of Yucatán and President of REMAM, Gustavo Rodríguez Vega.Already in January 2022, there was a similar murder in Honduras: the pastoralworker Pablo Isabel Hernández (see Fides, 12/1/2022), was killed in the parish of San Marcos de Caiquín, in the department of Lempira, on his way to a celebration of the Word of God. In the same year, on March 2, the Catholic priest Enrique Vásquez was also killed on his way to his parents. His body was found north of San Pedro Sula, in Santa Cruz de Yojoa, with multiple gunshot wounds (see Fides, 4/3/2022).The Bishops’ Conference of Honduras, meanwhile, called on the authorities to conduct a thorough and transparent investigation. “We are deeply saddened,” the statement said the Bishops’ Conference, which asks the faithful to pray for López, “a true disciple and missionary”. “Juan Antonio López was a man committed to the truth, honest and courageous, who demonstrated his faith through his concrete actions,” say the bishops.Pope Francis, after the Angelus prayer, on Sunday 22 September, recalled the importance of protecting those who work for the common good. “I join in the grief of this local Church and in the condemnation of all forms of violence,” said the Pope, “I am close to all those who see their basic rights trampled on, as well as to those who work for the common good and in this way respond to the cry of the poor and the earth”, referring to the sad fate of Juan Antonio López. (Agenzia Fides, 14/10/2024)
    Share:

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Getting Pumpkin Spicy at the Aquarium!

    Source: US State of North Carolina

    Headline: Getting Pumpkin Spicy at the Aquarium!

    Getting Pumpkin Spicy at the Aquarium!
    jejohnson6

    FORT FISHER

    Underwater shenanigans with pumpkins, eerie frozen treats and sunken secrets await at Spooky Seas Saturday, Oct. 19 – Friday, Nov. 1 at the North Carolina Aquarium at Fort Fisher. The ghoulish fun is included with an Aquarium admission during regular hours 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Online tickets are required to visit the Aquarium. 

    Halloween-inspired enrichment for the animals from the otters to the alligators to Maverick, the bald eagle, will be a real treat for visitors. By engaging the community in a spirited way, the Aquarium team fulfills its mission to inspire appreciation and conservation of our aquatic environments. Visitors will see the passion that the animal care team has for conservation of the many species at the Aquarium, with all staff and volunteers sharing their story. 

    SCARY SPECIES STATISTICS

    Here are some scary statistics that keep the Aquarium team focused on saving species:

    • Asian small-clawed otters are a vulnerable species in their native habitat of southeast Asia.  
    • Green sea turtles, like Shelldon, are endangered or threatened in all or a large portion of their range.
    • The eastern box turtle is a vulnerable species.
    • The corn snake is a species of special concern.
    • The sand tiger shark is critically endangered in some areas and vulnerable globally.

    GHOULS & GOBLINS SHOULD KEEP IT GREEN

    Here are ways to avoid spooking the Aquarium team:

    • Do not bring any single-use plastic cups, bottles, bags and straws.
    • Bring a reusable water bottle and take advantage of our convenient refill stations in the Aquarium.
    • Carpool to the Aquarium when you have a group visiting together, if possible.
    • Reserve your ticket in advance and use your cell phone to show us your reservation confirmation. No need to print anything!
    • Don’t smoke, use tobacco or use an E-cigarette in the Aquarium or outdoor gardens. NCAFF is a smoke-free, tobacco-free environment. E-cigarettes are also not permitted.
    • Use the smoking receptacles in the designated smoking areas outside of the garden exit gate.
    • Pat yourself on the back for being a green goblin!

    SUSTAINABILITY SUPERHEROES EVERYDAY

    The Aquarium is committed to sustainability:

    • The North Carolina Aquarium leads by example offering water refill stations, compostable cups, plates and utensils at the food deck and only aluminum bottles in our vending machines. We also only percolate and pour Bird Friendly® coffee at the Aquarium for staff and events.  
    • Take a look at the sustainability achievements and projects at the Aquarium at Green & Getting Greener.
    • Find out more about Bird Friendly® coffee at Raise a Cup for Otters.

    About the North Carolina Aquarium at Fort Fisher  

    The North Carolina Aquarium at Fort Fisher is just south of Kure Beach, a short drive from Wilmington, on U.S. 421. The site is less than a mile from the Fort Fisher ferry terminal. Hours: 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily. Admission: $12.95 ages 13-61; $10.95 children ages 3-12; $11.95 seniors (62 and older) and military with valid identification; EBT card holders: $3. Free admission for children 2 and younger and N.C. Aquarium Society members and N.C. Zoo members.

    Oct 11, 2024

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five simple questions can help spot exaggerated research claims over sex differences in the brain

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gina Rippon, Professor Emeritus of Cognitive NeuroImaging, Aston University

    shutterstock FocalFinder/Shutterstock

    In the last ten years, some 20,000 or so academic papers have been published on the neuroscience of sex and gender. Perhaps you have read the media coverage of such papers, suggesting there’s finally proof that stereotypical abilities such as men being good at reading maps or women excelling at nurturing can be pinpointed in the brain.

    Given the sheer quantity of output in this area, how can you tell what is really groundbreaking research, and what is an overenthusiastic application of hype?

    Misleading spin is often blamed on university PR teams, non-specialist science writers in mainstream newspapers, or social media. But the source of deceptive impressions may sometimes be the research papers themselves.

    For example, researchers may hyper-focus on a limited set of findings. They may fail to report that many of the differences they were looking for didn’t make the statistical cut. Or they may be less than cautious in discussing the impact of their findings.

    Just as much as researchers need to be meticulous about the best methodology and the most powerful statistics, they need to manage the impressions they make when communicating their research. And, if they don’t, then the interested but non-expert reader may need help to spot this.

    Magic: spotting the spin

    My colleagues and I recently published a set of guidelines which offer just such assistance, identifying five sources of potential misrepresentation to look out for. The initials helpfully form the acronym “Magic”, which is short for magnitude, accuracy, generalisability, inflation and credibility.

    For magnitude, the question is: is the extent of any differences clearly and accurately described? Take this 2015 study on sex differences in the human brain. It reported on 34,716 different patterns of functional brain connectivity, and found statistical differences between females and males in 178 of them.

    Yet given that less than 0.5% of all possible differences they were measuring actually turned out to be statistically significant, they wouldn’t really be justified in reporting sex differences as prominent. In this study, they weren’t.

    The next question is to do with accuracy. Are techniques and variables clearly defined and carefully used in the interpretation of results? It should be really clear how the study was run, what measures were taken, and why.

    For example, a recent paper suggesting that the Covid lockdown effects had a more pronounced effect on adolescent girls’ brain structure than boys’ fell at this hurdle. The abstract referred to “longitudinal measures” and much of the narrative was couched in longitudinal “pre- and post-Covid” terms. Longitudinal studies –– which follow the same group of people over time –– are great as they can discover crucial changes in them.

    But if you peer closely at the paper, it emerges that the pre- and post-Covid lockdown comparisons appear to be between two different samples – admittedly selected from an ongoing longitudinal study. Nonetheless, it is not clear that like was compared with like.

    Don’t believe everything you hear about male and female capabilities.
    CrispyPork/Shutterstock

    The third question has to do with generalisability. Are authors cautious about how widely the results might be applied? Here we encounter the problem with many scientific studies being carried out on carefully selected and screened groups of participants – sometimes just their own students.

    Care should be taken to ensure this is clear to the reader, who shouldn’t be left with the impression that one or more sets of participants can be taken to be fully representative of (say) all females or all males. If all study participants are selected from the same single community, then referring to “hundreds of millions of people” in interpreting the relevance of the results is something of an overstatement.

    The fourth category, inflation, is to do with whether the authors avoid language that overstates the importance of their results. Terms such as “profound” and “fundamental” may be misplaced, for instance. Remember, James Watson and Francis Crick merely described their discovery of DNA’s double helix structure as of “considerable biological interest”.

    Finally, we should consider credibility: are authors careful to acknowledge how their findings do or do not fit with existing research? Authors should be up front about alternative explanations for their findings, or suggest other factors that might need to be investigated in further studies.

    Suppose, for example, they are looking at the allegedly robust sex differences in visuospatial skills, which include things like visual perception and spatial awareness. Have the authors acknowledged research suggesting that the amount of time people spend on practising this skill, such as when playing video games, has been shown to be more significant than biological sex in determining such differences?

    If gamers are more likely to be boys, that doesn’t necessarily mean their brains are wired for them – it could equally well be reflecting gendered pressures that make such games a popular, culturally comfortable pastime among boys.

    The focus of these guidelines is on sex/gender brain imaging studies, but they could well be applied to other areas of research.

    Post-lockdown surveys have suggested that the public has greater trust in what scientists are saying than they did before the pandemic. Scientists need to be careful that they retain that trust by ensuring that what they report is unambiguous and free from hype.

    Hopefully the Magic guidelines will help them and their editors achieve this; if they don’t, then eagle-eyed readers, Magic-ally armed, will be on their guard.

    Gina Rippon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Five simple questions can help spot exaggerated research claims over sex differences in the brain – https://theconversation.com/five-simple-questions-can-help-spot-exaggerated-research-claims-over-sex-differences-in-the-brain-240356

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nobel economics prize: how colonial history explains why strong institutions are vital to a country’s prosperity – expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Renaud Foucart, Senior Lecturer in Economics, Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster University

    This year’s Nobel memorial prize in economics has gone to Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and James Robinson of the University of Chicago for their work on why there are such vast differences in prosperity between nations.

    While announcing the award, Jakob Svensson, the chairman of the economics prize committee, said: “Reducing the huge differences in income between countries is one of our times’ greatest challenges”. The economists’ “groundbreaking research” has given us a “much deeper understanding of the root causes of why countries fail or succeed.”

    The award, which was established several decades after the original Nobel prizes in the 1960s, is technically known as the Sveriges Riksbank prize in economic sciences. The academics will share the award and its 11 million kroner (£810,000) cash prize.

    To explain their work and why it matters, we talked to Renaud Foucart, a senior lecturer in economics at Lancaster University in the UK.

    What did Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James Robinson win for?

    The three academics won the prize mostly for providing causal evidence of the influence of the quality of a country’s institutions on its economic prosperity.

    At first glance, this may seem like reinventing the wheel. Most people would agree that a country that enforces property rights, limits corruption, and protects both the rule of law and the balance of power, will also be more successful at encouraging its citizens to create wealth, and be better at redistributing it.

    But anyone following the news in Turkey, Hungary, the US or even the UK, will be aware that not everyone agrees. In Hungary for instance, cases of corruption, nepotism, a lack of media pluralism, and threats to the independence of the judiciary have led to a fierce battle with the European Union.

    Rich countries typically have strong institutions. But several (wannabe) leaders are perfectly comfortable with weakening the rule of law. They do not seem to see institutions as the cause of their prosperity, just as something that happens to be correlated.

    In their view, why does the quality of institutions vary across countries?

    Their work starts with something that has clearly not had a direct effect on today’s economic prosperity: living conditions at the start of European colonialism in the 14th century. Their hypothesis is that, the richer and the more inhospitable to outsiders a place was, the more colonial powers were interested in brutally stealing the country’s riches.

    In that case, they built institutions without any regard for the people living there. This led to low quality institutions during the colonial period, that continued through independence and led to bad economic conditions today.

    All of this is because – and this is another domain to which this year’s laureates contributed – institutions create the conditions of their own persistence.

    In contrast, in more hospitable and less developed places, colonialists did not take resources. They instead settled and tried to create wealth. So, it was in their (selfish) interest to build democratic institutions that benefited people living there.

    The researchers then tested their hypothesis by looking at historical data. First, they found a “great reversal” of fortune. Places that were the most urbanised and densely populated in 1500 became the poorest by 1995. Second, they found that places where settlers died quickly from disease and could therefore not stay – while local populations were mostly immune – are also poorer today.

    Looking at the colonial roots of institutions is an attempt to disentangle causes and consequences. It is also perhaps the main reason why the committee would say that even if this year’s laureates did not invent the idea that institutions matter, their contribution is worthy of the highest distinction.

    Some have suggested the work simply argues ‘democracy means economic growth’. Is this true?

    Not in a vacuum. For instance, their work does not tell us that imposing democracy from scratch on a country with otherwise malfunctioning institutions will work. There is no reason for a democratic leader not to become corrupt.

    Institutions are a package. And this is why it is so important to preserve their different aspects today. Weakening even a little bit of the protections the state offers to citizens, workers, entrepreneurs and investors may then lead to a vicious circle where people do not feel safe that they will be defended against corruption or expropriation. And this leads to lower prosperity and more calls for authoritarian rules.

    There may also be outliers. China is clearly trying to push the idea that capitalism without a liberal democracy can be compatible with economic success.

    The growth of China since Deng Xiaoping’s reforms in the 1980s coincides with the introduction of stronger property rights for entrepreneurs and businesses. And, in that sense, it is a textbook version of the power of institutions.

    But it is also true that Deng Xiaoping ordered the crushing by the military of the Tiananmen Square protests for democracy in 1989. China today also has a clearly more authoritarian system than western democracies.

    And China is still much poorer than its democratic counterparts, despite being the world’s second-largest economy. China’s GDP per capita is not even a fifth of that of the US, and it is facing major economic challenges of its own.

    Actually, according to Acemoglu, Xi Jinping’s increasingly authoritarian regime is the reason why China’s economy is “rotting from the head”.

    What trajectory are democratic institutions throughout the world currently on?

    Acemoglu has expressed concern that democratic institutions in the US and Europe are losing support from the population. And, indeed, many democracies do seem to be doubting the importance of protecting their institutions.

    They flirt with giving more power to demagogues who claim it is possible to be successful without a strong set of rules that bind the hands of the rulers. I doubt today’s prize will have the slightest influence on them.

    But if there is one message to take home from the work of this year’s laureates, it is that voters should be cautious not to throw the baby of economic prosperity with the bathwater of the sometimes frustrating rules that sustain it.

    Renaud Foucart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Nobel economics prize: how colonial history explains why strong institutions are vital to a country’s prosperity – expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/nobel-economics-prize-how-colonial-history-explains-why-strong-institutions-are-vital-to-a-countrys-prosperity-expert-qanda-241305

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Civil Society Organizations Brief the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the Situation of Women in Chile, Canada, Japan, Cuba and Benin

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was this afternoon briefed by representatives of civil society organizations on the situation of women’s rights in Chile, Canada, Japan, Cuba and Benin, whose reports will be considered during the second and third weeks of the session.

    In relation to Chile, speakers raised concerns regarding gender-based violence, abortion, and the treatment of trans people.

    Those speaking on Canada raised topics including the treatment of indigenous women and girls, femicide, and harassment of migrant workers. 

    On Japan, speakers addressed the selective surname system, Japan’s military sexual slavery, and women’s pensions.

    Speakers for Cuba raised issues including legislation on femicide, women in poverty, and the treatment of lesbians. 

    In relation to Benin, speakers addressed human trafficking, attacks on lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, queer and transgender people, and discrimination of sex workers. 

    The National Rights Institute of Chile and the Children’s Rights Ombudsperson of Chile spoke on Chile, as did the following non-governmental organizations: Corporation of Opportunity and Jointly Action Opcion – OPCION; Federación Luterana Mundial; and CIMUNIDIS – Círculo Emancipados de Mujeres y Niñas con Discapacidad de Chile.

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Canada: Union of BC Indian Chiefs; South Asian Legal Clinic of Ontario and Colour of Poverty – Colour of Change; Justice for Girls and Just Planet; Cecile Kazatchkine, on behalf of HIV Legal Network, Barbra Schlifer Commemorative Clinic; Bout du monde; Amnesty International Canada; Aysha Khan, on behalf of International Human Rights Program (IHRP) at the University of Toronto Faculty of Law, Global Human Rights Clinic (GHRC) at the University of Chicago Law School, and a coalition of almost 50 organizations; Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN); International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War Canada (IPPNWC); and Amnesty International Canada. 

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Japan: Family Association of the Missing Persons Probably Related to the DPRK; Association to Preserve the Family Bond; People’s Alliance for Protection of Imperial Lineage by Paternal Male Succession to the Imperial Throne; Global Alliance for Anti-Discrimination (GAAD); JNNC (Japan NGO Network for CEDAW); JFBA (Japan Federation of Bar Associations); Be the Change Okinawa, and on behalf of Action Okinawa, Ginowan Churamizu Kai (Clean Water Protection Committee), AIPR, and ACSILs; Warriors Japan; Lawyers and DV Thrivers against Violence and Abuse Japan (LVAJ) and Safe Parents Japan (SPJ); Women’s Political Empowerment; Women’s Active Museum on War and Peace (WAM): and Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) and Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG).

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Cuba: Red de Juristas por los Derechos Sexuales, Unión Nacional de Juristas de Cuba, Asociación Cubana de las Naciones Unidas, Museo Virtual de la Memoria contra la violencia basada en Género Iniciativa para la Investigación y la Incidencia; Cuido 60; Red de Mujeres Lesbianas y Bisexuales; CUBALEX; Justicia 11J; FMC; Prisoners Defenders; Mesa de Diálogo de la Juventud Cubana; and Observatorio de Género de Alas Tensas y Museo de la Disidencia en Cuba.

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Benin: Right here Right Now 2 and CFMPDH; Synergie Trans Bénin; Association Solidarité; Changement Social Bénin; and Plurielles.

    The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s eighty-ninth session is being held from 7 to 25 October.  All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 15 October, to  consider the eighth periodic report of Chile (CEDAW/C/CHL/8).

    Opening Remarks by the Committee Chair

    ANA PELÁEZ NARVÁEZ, Committee Chairperson, said this was the second opportunity during the session for non-governmental organizations to provide information on States parties that were having their reports reviewed during the second and third weeks of the session, namely Chile, Canada, Japan, Cuba and Benin.

    Statements by Non-Governmental Organizations 

    Chile

    Non-governmental organizations speaking on Chile said sexual violations had increased drastically between 2019 and 2023.  Protection measures continued to be deficient.  It was concerning that violence against girls and adolescents was increasing. As of June 2023, there were 42 pregnant women and 100 children living with their mothers in prison systems. There needed to be a cultural change in the community, whereby gender-based violence was no longer acceptable. There needed to be a comprehensive sexual education law to ensure rights for women and adolescents.  The abortion regime based on legal grounds was insufficient and there were barriers to accessing contraceptives in primary health care.  Warnings had been issued about six defective contraceptive pills with no steps taken to investigate or provide reparations to those affected.  In Chile, around 800,000 migrant women faced violence and hate speech, especially those with irregular migration status.  The humanitarian visa for migrants was not implemented well in practice. 

    Since 2019, there had been a Constitutional Legal Reform Act, establishing the State’s duty to fight gender equality.  The State’s anti-discrimination law had been in congress for five years and was in danger of being rejected.  Chile had yet to fulfil its obligation to repeal laws discriminating against married women or subordinating them to their husbands.  The comprehensive law on violence against women did not include protection measures for women in penitentiary institutions who had suffered violence.  Violence against trans-people had increased by 145 per cent, and trans-femicide was not recognised as a crime.  The State showed no willingness to address issues faced by trans-people.  Women and girls with disabilities in Chile experienced discrimination.  A report by the Office of the High Commissioner found that there were 163 suspicious deaths in short-stay mental health facilities.  There had been reports of electro-shock therapy on girls with disabilities. 

    Canada

    Speakers on Canada said there were genocidal consequences for indigenous women and girls in the country.  These violations were tied to colonial policies. In its 2015 inquiry, the Committee found that indigenous women and girls suffered from the worst socio-economic conditions, as well as systemic racism and violence, which manifested as pervasive poverty, lack of access to housing, high rates of child apprehension, and disproportionate criminalisation.  The Committee had found that sex discrimination in Canada’s Indian Act was a root of violence, marginalising women and their descendants, excluding them from their lands, cultures and communities, and disentitling them to full personhood.  The 2019 National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls issued 231 Calls for Justice.  To-date, only two were complete, and more than half had not been started. Colonialism and the legacy of Residential Schools continued to impact indigenous girls’ access to education. Racialised communities faced oppression in Canada, with Black femicide and forced sterilisations of Black and indigenous women erased due to data gaps and under-reporting. 

    Canada was failing to take serious action on gender-based violence.  Femicides were increasing, with a woman killed every 2.5 days.  But this was not taken into account in the national action plan. Survivors of gender-based violence needed stronger protections and support services.  Law enforcement and judicial officers must receive proper training on these violence dynamics.  Canada needed to ensure survivors were not criminalised for self-defence, and strengthen protections against coercive control and litigation abuse.  In Canada, women who used drugs and indigenous women were disproportionately impacted by HIV/AIDS and faced increased risk of violence and barriers to healthcare.  Migrant workers and migrant sex workers in Canada faced significant oppression due to restrictive work permits, increasing their vulnerability to workplace abuse, harassment and sexual violence. Canada must remove these restrictions, decriminalise these groups, and establish policies that ensured safe working conditions.

    Canada was also implicated in exploitative deep-sea mining, as Canadian companies sought financial gains through predatory partnerships with some Pacific Island States.  These companies must be investigated.  Pacific women and Canadian indigenous women deeply opposed these projects, as they threatened the ocean and marine life.  Canadian resource extraction projects had also increased violence in Ecuador against indigenous women, which would be exacerbated by a proposed free trade agreement.

    Japan

    Speakers on Japan raised issues including objecting to separate surnames after marriages, which could destroy family unity and have negative impacts on children.  The immediate adoption of a selective surname system for married couples was needed.  The ruling party’s promotion of expanding the use of maiden names did not address gender discrimination.  Half of single-mother households lived in relative poverty, as 70 per cent of them did not receive child support and were unable to escape poverty, due to the significant wage gap between men and women. 

    The issue of Japan’s military sexual slavery had been raised 30 years ago before the Committee in 1994. Measures taken by the State were not victim-centred, and therefore failed.  The Government of Japan was called on to recognise that the “comfort women” issue remained unresolved and to fully implement the previous Committee recommendations.  The Status of Forces Agreement between Japan and the United States should be revised to eliminate violence against women linked to United States’ military bases in Okinawa and elsewhere.  There had been seven cases of gender-based violence against women and girls by the United States’ military within the past 11 months.  Since 1954, over 210,000 crimes and accidents by the military had occurred.  There needed to be comprehensive actions taken to end the culture of impunity. Japan needed to accept that the “comfort women” system was one of sexual slavery, and that it had a legal responsibility to provide reparations to all victims. 

    The ratification of the Optional Protocol should be expedited, and there should be a comprehensive anti-discrimination law.  Japan was also urged to create a permanent gender equality committee, to monitor the implementation of the Convention’s concluding observations.  There was an urgent need for the establishment of an independent, national human rights institution in line with the Paris Principles. It was crucial to eliminate low wages and pensions for women due to the gender wage gap, non-regular employment, and unpaid work.  The Japanese Government was also urged to rescue all abductees from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  The Committee was urged to recommend that Japan stop dumping radioactive wastewater in the Pacific Ocean and take immediate steps towards safely disposing the waste on land. 

    Cuba

    Those speaking on Cuba said Cuban women were calling for a robust legislative change of gender-based violence. The State needed to work to coordinate actors on gender issues.  The State should systematically assess the impact of legislation and public policies on gender equality.  The Committee was urged to pay special attention to the devastating impacts of the embargo which had a detrimental impact on women’s organizations. 

    There was a comprehensive law against gender-based violence, but the act of femicide should be defined.  The rate of femicide was occurring in Cuba more than 10 times that which was occurring in Spain.  Cuba had serious deficiencies in the reparation system of gender-based violence.  The legislation should be reformed to establish provisional payments which provided immediate support, particularly to women of African descent or those with low income.  The State should strengthen mechanisms for the prevention and punishment of gender-based violence, and redouble efforts to deconstruct gender stereotypes. 

    Poverty in Cuba today had the face of a woman, particularly that of an Afro-descendent, elderly woman.  Social rights had been cut by the State and women were further exposed to food insecurity and poverty.  The health care system lacked regulations to protect lesbians from phobic treatment.  There needed to be training and awareness raising for health professionals to provide care, free of stigma and phobia. 

    Benin

    Organizations speaking on Benin said women were economically and sexually exploited in Benin as part of human trafficking.  Legislation on this was vague.  Benin was a country of origin, transit and destination of women and children for human trafficking.  It was recommended that the definition of procuring be outlined in the Criminal Code. 

    In Benin, lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, queer and transgender people underwent verbal, physical and sexual attacks. Discrimination undergone by these women worsened their economic positioning.  No specific healthcare programme took these people into account, despite their vulnerability.  Lesbian women were not seen as key members of the population.  Religious beliefs and fear of side effects prohibited access to abortion, despite it being decriminalised in 2020.   It was recommended that Benin set up mobile clinics all over the country to facilitate access to sexual and reproductive services. Safe abortion should be accessible without the need for authorisation from a third party. 

    Sex workers continued to be discriminated against in Benin.  The only existing instruments were oppressive in nature.  The national health development plan excluded the healthcare of sex workers.  Today, some services did not cover the medicine for sexually transmitted diseases for sex workers.   If a sex worker underwent an act of violence, victims were required to submit a medical certificate which came at a cost that was prohibitive for these women. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said since there had been a reshuffle in the cabinet in Japan, what was the status of the Gender Ministry?  Who was heading it?  Was there a COVID-19 response plan that covered gender-based violence?  On Canada, was female genital mutilation still an issue?  What was the gravity of the occurrence of femicide? 

    Another Expert asked if the Japanese organizations had information around restricted access to abortion, including that permission was required from a spouse or partner?  Could information on the lack of sexual reproductive education for young people be provided?

    An Expert asked Cuba what services were available for persons deprived of liberty, which were not available to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons?  What were the rules related to internal migration in Cuba? 

    A Committee Expert asked Chile if the benefits of the Judicial Academy, which aimed to avoid bias and victimisation of women, were being reaped? 

    Another Expert asked Benin about the medical forms for victims of gender-based violence; were these free? What had the Government done to make birth registration free?  Was there a law on legal aid?  If so, what crimes or rights violations qualified for legal aid?  Was there a court to handle family disputes? 

    An Expert asked Cuba whether the labour law included issues of sexual harassment?

    Another Expert asked Canada how many recommendations by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission had been met?

    A Committee Expert asked Cuba about the situation of human rights defenders who were women?  In Chile, following the 2017 reform, was abortion still practiced illegally?  Could more information be provided about the extractive and mining industries and their impact on women and communities? 

    An Expert asked Cuba for information around issues pertaining to education? 

    A Committee Expert asked how challenging it was to be a female politician in Benin?

    Statements by the National Human Rights Institution of Chile and the Children’s Rights Ombudsman of Chile

    CONSUELO CONTRERAS LARGO, National Director, National Human Rights Institute of Chile, began by referring to gender-based violence.  According to figures from the National Service for Women and Gender Equity, in the last 10 years, there had been 423 femicides in Chile, with figures per year that fluctuated between 34 and 46 femicides.  In 2024, there were already 29 femicides.  In the last two years, there had been a sharp increase in attempted femicides.  In its 2018 and 2021 Annual Reports, the Institution indicated statistical difficulties in recognising violence that affected women in different contexts, since the State did not disaggregate the information into characterisation variables. Consequently, the treatment of violence against women was addressed in a uniform manner, which homogenised the situation of discrimination and violence, preventing the design of public policies capable of responding to different needs.  The State should implement disaggregation of data, particularly for rural women, women with disabilities, and other groups. 

    The Programme for the Comprehensive Prevention of Violence against Women had a budget which was 2.38 per cent of the budget of the ministerial portfolio, which was limited considering the magnitude of the task.  For the 2024 budget, the authorities announced a growth of 5.2 per cent, as part of their programmatic redesign.  The institution remained concerned at the main task defined in the programme.  The programme did not involve any kind of follow-up and it was not possible to discern if those who received the training continued to develop prevention activities. The programme also did not have a territorial focus without taking into account the different realities of women. It was concerning that the courts did not recognise the identity of trans-women in their sentences, according to current gender identity law. 

    The regulatory framework for violence against women had been bolstered.  On 4 March 2020, law no. 21,212 came into force, which redefined and expanded the concept of femicide in Chile.  On 9 May 2023, law 21,565 was published, which established a regime of protection and comprehensive reparation in favour of victims of femicide and their families; and on 14 June, law 21,675 came into force, which established measures to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women, based on their gender.  There were other legal bodies that had been approved and had entered into force in the country.  Draft bills were moving slowly through the legislature.   Discussions were underway on the bill to reform conjugal partnership and the bill to combat discrimination.  In 2019, a bill was presented that sought to establish the mandatory nature of comprehensive sex education in schools.  This draft was rejected in October 2020 and archived, with no plans for it to be brough back into legislation. 

    As of August 2024, the National Human Rights Institution had registered 19 complaints for human trafficking. During a visit to border regions, the Institute was able to verify the low number of resources of the police units destined to combat trafficking in persons.  The Institute had established the duty of the executive branch to develop and implement a public policy to combat trafficking in persons.  It should also continuously and systematically monitor and evaluate the implementation of new legislation through data collection and analysis and research on internal and cross-border trafficking. 

    ANUAR QUESILLE VERA, Children’s Rights Ombudsperson of Chile, underscored that sexual violence against children and adolescents continued to be one of the most urgent and complex challenges facing the country.  Despite efforts and progress in other areas, the data showed that girls and adolescents continued to be the main victims of this problem.  Between January and June 2024, the Public Prosecutor’s Office of Chile reported a total of 25,352 victims entered into its registries for sexual crimes, of which 59.40 per cent were females under 18.  The State addressed sexual exploitation in a disconnected way, with gaps in areas of prevention, criminal prosecution, punishment and reparation for victims.  It was alarming that, despite the growing incidence of this phenomenon, the State had not prioritised this problem in a systemic manner, which reflected in the limitations faced by the different services and institutions.

    The fate of children in the care of the State was concerning.  There were also new challenges in relation to the security of digital environments. Online platforms and digital spaces had become fertile grounds for the perpetration of sexual violence and abuse. Comprehensive regulation that protected children and adolescents in these spaces was essential.  In view of these challenges, since the beginning of 2024, the Children’s Ombudsman’s Office had urged the Government to adhere to the Council of Europe’s Lanzarote Convention, which was seen as a key tool to protect children and adolescents against sexual exploitation and abuse. Unfortunately, no significant progress had been reported in this regard. 

    In terms of sexual and reproductive rights, the limited perspective on the progressive autonomy, ownership of rights, and agency of girls and adolescents continued to affect their access to the benefits of the law on abortion.    Adolescents were mostly seeking abortion due to being raped.  The Committee was called on to prioritise legislative strengthening and intersectoral coordination of State institutions, with a focus on increasing resources and adequate training to respond effectively to the challenges posed.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert asked if the Ombudsperson had any specific information on early marriage, which continued to be a problem?

    Another Expert asked if light could be shed on the issue of comprehensive sexual education in Chile? What were the obstacles?  What should the Committee look at to allow adolescents to access this information? 

    An Expert asked if there were any statistics on how many women who had suffered rape in Chile had then resorted to abortion, and how often was this denied? 

    A Committee Expert asked about the pension gap in Chile? 

    Another Committee Expert asked about the anti-discrimination bill which was presented to amend the Constitution in regard to multiple discrimination?  What were the social and political drivers which did not allow this bill to pass? 

    An Expert asked about global supply chains which were growing in importance in Chile, which was exporting agricultural products to neighbouring countries.  Had any gender-based violence been identified in the supply chains? 

    Responses by the National Human Rights Institution of Chile and the Children’s Rights Ombudsman of Chile

    In response, JUAN ENRIQUE PI, International Adviser, said the Anti-Discrimination Act did not reform the Constitution; the Constitution of 1980 still prevailed.  There seemed to be no movement to further prohibit discrimination. In 2020, there had been an attempt to bring about an act on comprehensive education, to prevent sexual violence against girls and boys.  However, this bill was rejected by a majority and had been shelved.  There was currently no bill in Chile to address sex education in schools.  There was no initiative under discussion. 

    ANUAR QUESILLE VERA, Children’s Rights Ombudsperson of Chile, said Chile had raised the age of marriage to 18.  However, one of the key problems being faced by the country had to do with informal unions in rural areas.  It was difficult to obtain figures on these. 

    JAVIERA SCHWEITZER GONZÁLEZ, International Affairs Coordinator, said when it came to the law on abortion, there was an information gap.  Almost 99 per cent of cases of young girls and adolescents undergoing abortion did have some support.  When it came to conscientious objection, this was of particular concern.  There was no protocol providing for a lack of equipment and there were no available teams. Civil society said the law enforced did not cover training and guidelines and the rights which should protect medical teams.  Furthermore, in the case of rape, few people went to health centres because of revictimisation.  Some headway had been made in comprehensive sex education, however, there were restrictions in terms of its effective implementation.  There had been a drop in the number of teenage pregnancies, but this was due to a use of contraceptives and not comprehensive sexual education. Teenagers had also identified a gap in comprehensive sexual education. 

     

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CEDAW24.027E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Lessons for the next pandemic: where did Australia go right and wrong in responding to COVID?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Esterman, Professor of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, University of South Australia

    Igor Corovic/Shutterstock

    With COVID still classified as an ongoing pandemic, it’s difficult to contemplate the next one. But we need to be prepared. We’ve seen several pandemics in recent decades and it’s fair to expect we’ll see more.

    For the final part in a series of articles on the next pandemic, we’ve asked a range of experts what Australia got right and wrong it its response to COVID. Here they share their thoughts on the country’s COVID response – and what we can learn for the next pandemic.


    Quarantine

    The federal government mandated 14 days of quarantine for all international arrivals between March 2020 and November 2021. During that period, 452,550 people passed through the system.

    The states and Northern Territory were given just 48 hours to set up their quarantine systems. The states chose hotel quarantine, while the Northern Territory repurposed an old miner’s camp, Howard Springs, which had individual cabins with outdoor verandas. The ACT had very few international arrivals, while Tasmania only had hotel quarantine for domestic travellers.

    During the first 15 months of the program, at least 22 breaches occurred in five states (New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia). An inquiry into Victoria’s hotel quarantine found the lack of warning and planning to set up the complex system resulted in breaches that caused Victoria’s second COVID wave of 2020, leading to almost 800 deaths. A breach at Sydney airport led to the introduction of the Delta variant into Australia.

    In the next pandemic, mistakes from COVID need to be avoided. They included failure to protect hotel residents and staff from airborne transmission through ventilation and mask usage. Protocols need to be consistent across the country, such as the type of security staff used, N95 masks for staff and testing frequency.

    These protocols need to be included in a national pandemic preparedness plan, which is frequently reviewed and tested through simulations. This did not occur with the pre-COVID preparedness plan.

    Dedicated quarantine centres like Howard Springs already exist in Victoria and Queensland. Ideally, they should be constructed in every jurisdiction.

    Michael Toole


    Treatments

    Scientists had to move quickly after COVID was discovered to find effective treatments.

    Many COVID treatments involved repurposing existing drugs designed for other viruses. For example, the HIV drug ritonavir is a key element of the antiviral Paxlovid, while remdesivir was originally developed to treat hepatitis C.

    At the outset of the pandemic, there was a lot of uncertainty about COVID treatment among Australian health professionals. To keep up with the rapidly developing science, the National Clinical Evidence Taskforce was established in March 2020. We were involved in its COVID response with more than 250 clinicians, consumers and researchers.

    Unusually for evidence-based guidelines, which are often updated only every five years or so, the taskforce’s guidelines were designed to be “living” – updated as new research became available. In April 2020 we released the first guidelines for care of people with COVID, and over the next three years these were updated more than 100 times.

    While health-care professionals always had access to up-to-date guidance on COVID treatments, this same information was not as accessible for the public. This may partly explain why many people turned to unproven treatments. The taskforce’s benefits could have been increased with funding to help the community understand COVID treatments.

    COVID drugs faced other obstacles too. For example, changes to the virus itself meant some treatments became less effective as new variants emerged. Meanwhile, provision of antiviral treatments has not been equitable across the country.

    COVID drugs have had important, though not game-changing, impacts. Ultimately, effective vaccines played a much greater role in shifting the course of the pandemic. But we might not be so fortunate next time.

    In any future pandemic it will be crucial to have a clear pathway for rapid, reliable methods to develop and evaluate new treatments, disseminate that research to clinicians, policymakers and the public, and ensure all Australians can access the treatments they need.

    Steven McGloughlin and Tari Turner, Monash University


    Vaccine rollout

    COVID vaccines were developed in record time, but rolling them out quickly and seamlessly proved to be a challenge. In Australia, there were several missteps along the way.

    First, there was poor preparation and execution. Detailed planning was not finalised until after the rollout had begun.

    Then the federal government had overly ambitious targets. For example, the goal of vaccinating four million people by the end of March 2021 fell drastically short, with less than one-fifth of that number actually vaccinated by that time.

    There were also supply issues, with the European Union blocking some deliveries to Australia.

    Unfortunately, the government was heavily reliant on the AstraZeneca vaccine, which was found, in rare cases, to lead to blood clots in younger people.

    Despite all this, Australia ultimately achieved high vaccination rates. By the end of December 2021, more than 94% of the population aged 16 and over had received at least one dose.

    This was a significant public health achievement and saved thousands of lives.

    But over the past couple of years, Australia’s initially strong vaccine uptake has been waning.

    The Australian Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation recommends booster doses for vulnerable groups annually or twice annually. However, only 30% of people aged 75 and over (for whom a booster is recommended every six months) have had a booster dose in the past six months.

    There are several lessons to be learned from the COVID vaccine rollout for any future pandemic, though it’s not entirely clear whether they are being heeded.

    For example, several manufacturers have developed updated COVID vaccines based on the JN.1 subvariant. But reports indicate the government will only be purchasing the Pfizer JN.1 booster. This doesn’t seem like the best approach to shore up vaccine supply.

    Adrian Esterman, University of South Australia


    Mode of transmission

    Nearly five years since SARS-CoV-2 (the virus that causes COVID) first emerged, we now know airborne transmission plays a far greater role than we originally thought.

    In contrast, the risk of SARS-CoV-2 being transmitted via surfaces is likely to be low, and perhaps effectively non-existent in many situations.

    Early in the pandemic, the role contaminated surfaces and inanimate objects played in COVID transmission was overestimated. The main reason we got this wrong, at least initially, was that in the absence of any direct experience with SARS-CoV-2, we extrapolated what we believed to be true for other respiratory viruses. This was understandable, but it proved to be inadequate for predicting how SARS-CoV-2 would behave.

    One of the main consequences of overestimating the role of surface transmission was that it resulted in a lot of unnecessary anxiety and the adoption of what can only be viewed in retrospect as over-the-top cleaning practices. Remember the teams of people who walked the streets wiping down traffic light poles? How about the concern over reusable coffee cups?

    Considerable resources that could have been better invested elsewhere were directed towards disinfecting surfaces. This also potentially distracted our focus from other preventive measures that were likely to have been more effective, such as wearing masks.

    We now understand COVID spreads predominantly through the air.
    Kate Trifo/Pexels

    The focus on surface transmission was amplified by a number of studies published early in the pandemic that documented the survival of SARS-CoV-2 for long periods on surfaces. However, these were conducted in the lab with little similarity to real-world conditions. In particular, the amounts of virus placed on surfaces were greater than what people would likely encounter outside the lab. This inflated viral survival times and therefore the perception of risk.

    The emphasis on surface transmission early in the pandemic ultimately proved to be a miscalculation. It highlights the challenges in understanding how a new virus spreads.

    Hassan Vally, Deakin University


    National unity

    Initially, Commonwealth, state and territory leaders were relatively united in their response to the COVID pandemic. The establishment of the National Cabinet in March 2020 indicated a commitment to consensus-based public health policy. Meanwhile, different jurisdictions came together to deliver a range of measures aimed at supporting businesses and workers affected by COVID restrictions.

    But as the pandemic continued, tensions gave way to deeper ideological fractures between jurisdictions and individuals. The issues of vaccine mandates, border closures and lockdowns all created fragmentation between governments, and among experts.

    The blame game began between and within jurisdictions. For example, the politicisation of quarantine regulations on cruise ships revealed disunity. School closures, on which the Commonwealth and state and territory governments took different positions, also generated controversy.

    These and other instances of polarisation undermined the intent of the newly established National Cabinet.

    The COVID pandemic showed us that disunity across the country threatens the collective work needed for an effective response in the face of emergencies.

    The COVID response inquiry, due to release its results soon, will hopefully help us work toward national uniform legislation that may benefit Australia in the event of any future pandemics.

    This doesn’t necessarily mean identical legislation across the country – this won’t always be appropriate. But a cohesive, long-term approach is crucial to ensure the best outcomes for the Australian federation in its entirety.

    Guzyal Hill and Kim M Caudwell, Charles Darwin University


    This article is part of a series on the next pandemic.

    Adrian Esterman receives funding from the NHMRC, MRFF and ARC.

    Michael Toole receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

    Steven McGloughlin works with the Australian Living Evidence Collaboration and is a consultant for the World Health Organisation Health Emergencies Program.

    Tari Turner receives funding from MRFF; NHMRC; the Victorian, WA and Commonwealth governments; and philanthropy.

    Guzyal Hill, Hassan Vally, and Kim M Caudwell do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Lessons for the next pandemic: where did Australia go right and wrong in responding to COVID? – https://theconversation.com/lessons-for-the-next-pandemic-where-did-australia-go-right-and-wrong-in-responding-to-covid-239819

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Economics: WTO Agreement on Government Procurement, an inspiration for the WTO as a whole — DG

    Source: WTO

    Headline: WTO Agreement on Government Procurement, an inspiration for the WTO as a whole — DG

    The panels brought together key negotiators of the Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), representatives from current GPA parties and external stakeholders, who highlighted the key role the Agreement plays in broadening international market access for public procurement, promoting sustainability and strengthening good governance. “This is the first WTO agreement to impose a specific obligation on its signatories to prevent corrupt practices,” DG Okonjo-Iweala stressed.
    Outlining the benefits of the GPA 2012 for governments and citizens, DG Okonjo-Iweala said: “At the WTO, delivering results that improve people’s lives and livelihoods is the top priority. … Opening up public tenders to potential suppliers from other GPA parties means that governments can get better-quality goods and services at more competitive prices. And delivering better and more affordable public services improves people’s lives.”
    Panelists also discussed how to harness the benefits of the GPA 2012 for the future. This includes optimizing the use of provisions of the Agreement to support innovative practices and sustainability efforts by the parties. Also under discussion was the use of data on current and upcoming government procurement opportunities to enhance competition, achieve greater value for money and comply with the GPA requirement to provide statistics on contracts covered by the GPA 2012.
    The initial version of the Agreement — known as the “GPA 1994” — was amended in March 2012 to enhance transparency in procurement practices, improve transitional measures for developing economies and introduce provisions related to the use of e-procurement tools. With the addition of more government entities (ministries and agencies), new services and other areas of government procurement activities, the value of parties’ market access commitments increased by an estimated USD 80-100 billion annually. Altogether, the value of the procurement activities covered by the Agreement is currently estimated to be worth over USD 1.7 trillion per year.
    Reflecting on the evolution and renegotiation of the GPA over time, DG Okonjo-Iweala said: “The GPA 2012 is an inspiration for the WTO as a whole. It is an example we should bear in mind as we work to make the entirety of the WTO rulebook fit for purpose to meet the needs of the 21st century.”
    The GPA 2012 currently has 22 parties covering 49 WTO members — the European Union and its 27 member states count as one party. The full list can be found here.
    The recording of the event is available here.
    An infographic explaining the Agreement can be accessed here.  
    More information about the GPA is available here.

    Share

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Appointment of Director General for the East Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office, and Country Manager for Kenya Dr…

    Source: African Development Bank Group

    The African Development Bank Group is pleased to announce the appointment of Dr. Kennedy K. Mbekeani as Director General for the East Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office, and Country Manager for Kenya, effective from 16th October 2024.

    Dr. Kennedy K. Mbekeani, a citizen of Malawi brings over 25 years of senior level experience in development finance, project management, policy advisory services, and knowledge generation across country and regional levels. Prior to this appointment, he served as Deputy Director General for the Bank’s Southern Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office.

    He holds a Bachelor of Social Science (Economics and Statistics) degree from the University of Malawi, an MPhil in Monetary Economics from the University of Glasgow, and both an MA and PhD in International Economics from the University of California. He has authored numerous publications focusing on trade, regional integration, and infrastructure development in Africa.

    In his previous role as Deputy Director General for the Southern Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office, Dr. Mbekeani led the Bank’s business development and delivery for sovereign, non-sovereign investments and provided advisory services to South Africa, Lesotho, Botswana, Eswatini, Namibia and Mauritius. His efforts contributed to the Bank’s reputation as a trusted partner for high impact development projects in the region. He also managed relationships with key government and private sector, positioning the Bank for success.

    Dr. Mbekeani joined the Bank in 2009 as Chief Trade and Regional Integration Officer. He has held various senior roles including Lead Regional Economist at the South African Resource Centre, Officer in Charge and Acting Regional Director of the Bank’s South African Resource Centre in South Africa, and Officer in Charge of the Bank’s Ghana Country Office. When he served Country Manager for Uganda, he successfully expanded the Bank’s portfolio to over $2 billion.

    Before joining the Bank, Dr. Mbekeani worked for the United Nations Development Programme as a Trade, Debt and Globalisation Advisor for East and Southern Africa. He also served as Senior Research Fellow at the Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis, and Senior Economist at the National Institute for Economic Policy in South Africa.

    Commenting his appointment, Dr. Mbekeani said: “I am grateful and feel honoured by the confidence President Adesina placed in me through this appointment, as Director General for the East Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office and Country Manager for Kenya. I look forward to working with the President, the Board of Directors, Senior Management, our teams and stakeholders to enhance the Bank’s operational efficiency, effectiveness and drive impactful developmental outcomes across the region”.

    Commenting the appointment, the President of the African Development Bank Group, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina said: “I am delighted to appoint Dr. Kennedy Mbekeani as Director General for the East Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office, and Country Manager for Kenya. Kennedy brings extensive experience in managing operations, policy dialogue, coupled with astute diplomacy and well-tested ability to work effectively with countries and development partners. He had previously worked in East Africa as the Country Manager for Uganda, before being promoted to the position of Deputy Director General of the Southern Africa Regional Development, Integration and Business Delivery Office. His knowledge of the Eastern Africa region and well-proven experience in delivering robust operations for the public and private sectors will strongly benefit the work and operations of the African Development Bank Group in East Africa and all countries in the region”.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Security: Small Defense Contractors Share How NSA Gives Them a Boost

    Source: National Security Agency NSA

    FORT MEADE, Md. – A buzz is reverberating throughout the Defense Industrial Base (DIB) about the National Security Agency (NSA).

    Word has spread that the Agency’s new Cybersecurity Collaboration Center (CCC) offers no-cost cybersecurity services, and businesses are signing up in growing numbers, according to CCC Chief Morgan Adamski: “Companies see the value not just for their bottom line, but also for national security.”

    Established in 2020, the CCC embraces one of NSA’s primary strategies for cybersecurity: scaling public-private partnerships empowered by insights derived from foreign signals intelligence.

    To date, more than 1,000 industry partners have signed up for CCC services. These companies have broad and deep reach, ranging from major service providers that can harden billions of endpoints to small businesses that provide critical components to the nation’s most sensitive systems.

    Working together with the CCC as the bridge, NSA and its partners are sharing insights and building a comprehensive threat picture that is mutually beneficial.

    Small businesses make up the majority of the DIB supply chain (70%). These small businesses have access to sensitive Department of Defense (DoD) information, but often don’t have the technical expertise or other resources to defend their networks against a sophisticated nation state threat, said Bailey Bickley, NSA’s DIB Defense Chief.

    “These companies are an attractive target for our adversaries who are seeking to steal U.S. intellectual property in order to build their own military capabilities and economies,” said Bickley. “We don’t expect small businesses to defend against nation-state threats alone. It’s in NSA’s and DoD’s best interests to help.” 

    ‘Seamless’ Integration in 15 Minutes

    Mike T. is the founder and owner of a small defense contractor that manufactures critical components for national security systems. When he recently learned that his company’s network contained slight misconfigurations, he jumped on the issue and reached out to NSA for help.

    “We don’t want people finding a backdoor and stealing drawings and next thing you know, we are on the hook,” he said.

    Analysts at the CCC were able to enroll Mike’s company in NSA’s DIB Cybersecurity as a Service (CSaaS) offerings. As a result, the company received technical assistance to help improve his company’s network security. This included enrollment in a Protective Domain Name System (PDNS) service, which blocks users from connecting to known malicious or suspicious domains by running them through a filter —composed of commercial threat feeds and a unique threat feed provided by NSA — prior to resolving them. The integration was “seamless” and took 15 minutes, he said.

    Further, the networks for Mike’s company are now hardened against malicious nation-state actors who could steal its intellectual property, putting the nation’s insights and investments at risk.

    “As a small business, we don’t have the unlimited resources that the big players have, so we appreciate anything that gives us an edge,” said Mike, whose workforce numbers between 8 and 32 people depending on production cycles. “It is one less thing to think about, one less expense, and one less worry.”

    NSA also benefits by receiving DNS data that the CCC is able to run custom analytics over to better understand ways nation-state actors are targeting the DIB, and then, defend against them.

    The service is processing 70 million DNS queries a day and has blocked billions of malicious queries to date, including ransomware activity and known nation-state spear phishing, malware, and botnets, according to statistics compiled by the Cybersecurity Directorate’s DNS provider.

    PDNS is just one part of the CCC’s suite of services offered to the DIB that the DoD funds. Other core services provided by the DIB Defense Team are Attack Surface Management — gaining an adversarial view of a company’s network and then finding and fixing issues — and Threat Intelligence Collaboration — staying ahead of the adversary by receiving non-public, DIB-specific NSA threat intelligence.
     
    Attack Surface Management helps customers prioritize patching by providing an inventory of internet-facing assets, running vulnerability scans across those assets to determine where they may be vulnerable, then prioritizing results based off which vulnerabilities are under active exploitation.
     
    Two newer authorities, delegated by the Secretary of Defense and the DoD Chief Information Officer, underpin the CCC’s ability to engage in bilateral information sharing with companies: the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act Section 1642b, and the 2020 DIB Delegation of Authorities.

    Companies with active DoD contracts are encouraged to learn more about the CCC and enroll in NSA’s DIB Cybersecurity services. Get started by filling out a Cybersecurity Services Contact Form.


    NSA Media Relations
    MediaRelations@nsa.gov
    443-634-0721

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Women of Installations & Logistics Build Strong Future for NSA

    Source: National Security Agency NSA

    FORT MEADE, Md. – Construction is booming across the NSA/CSS Washington (NSAW) campus, with upgrades to existing buildings and the expansion of East Campus.

    Behind these innovative projects are the women of Installations & Logistics (I&L), who play a critical role in paving the way for the future of NSA. During Women’s History Month, NSA celebrates them and all of the women helping drive mission outcomes.

    Caryn O. began her career in I&L about 15 years ago and although she had no construction background when she started, she has since flourished in her role as an I&L project manager.

    “I absolutely love being in the construction field because it is really cool to see drawings and then see it actually turn into something physical,” she said.

    After joining I&L, Caryn earned a graduate degree in construction management and has since managed major upgrades to the Friedman Conference Center in 2017 and floor to ceiling renovations in the OPS1 building on NSAW’s main campus that began in 2019. According to Caryn, both projects involved obstacles that had to be overcome, including supply chain issues associated with the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Despite these obstacles, Caryn said she would definitely recommend construction as a career.

    “I enjoy working with dedicated and hard-working individuals who endure dirt, climate issues, and long hours and never complain,” she said.

    Project Manager Katie F. is leading renovations to the 70-year-old 9800 barracks buildings located east of the “Big 4” – a group of buildings on NSAW’s main campus. This $44.5M project was awarded in 2020, and the final phases are expected to be finished in April.

    “Overall, it was gratifying to support a project that improves the quality of life for service members,” she said.  “It is personally satisfying to use my background and skills to help deliver facilities that will ultimately support NSA’s mission.”

    Katie worked as a civil engineer for several years at an external organization before joining I&L’s Design & Engineering team in 2012. After several years, she decided to learn more about the construction side of projects. In 2017, she joined the Infrastructure team within Project Execution, whose mission is to improve existing spaces and infrastructure at NSAW.

    “As a project manager, I am able to leverage my work experience, as well as my master’s degrees in civil engineering and business administration, to execute projects from start to finish,” Katie said. “It was challenging to balance the requirements of various stakeholders while staying within budget and complying with the contract.”

    Katie said she enjoys learning from people with different areas of expertise.

    “It’s inspiring to watch people with diverse backgrounds, including engineering, business, and trades, collaborate to execute a successful project,” she said.

    Carolyn S. is the deputy project manager supporting the construction of the Chiari Center on East Campus. She has more than 12 years of interior design and project management experience, both external and internal to NSA. She joined NSA in August 2016 as an interior designer in the Design and Engineering office, where she gained a strong foundational knowledge of I&L’s facility design and construction requirements. She joined the Military Construction (MILCON) team in September 2023.

    Carolyn said her favorite part about the MILCON office is that every day is different, and she is able to witness all aspects of a project.

    “Being able to see designs come to life in construction and eventually become a finished building that will support some of our Agency’s biggest missions is one of the best parts of my job,” she said. “Since we are working in active construction, you never know what each day will bring.”

    Jessica M., who joined NSA as a contractor in 2010 and became an Agency employee in 2019, is currently a project manager in the MILCON office working on East Campus Building 5.

    “I enjoy the varied and changing work,” she said, adding that she enjoys the work/life balance that includes telework and a flexible schedule.

    “Being a woman in construction can be intimidating at first,” said Jessica. “According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics 1 in 10 of those in the construction industry are women. Advice I have as a woman in this male-dominated field would be to be your own best advocate, be confident enough to use your skillset and knowledgeable to make the right decisions, understand your strengths, and use all the tools you’ve acquired throughout your life to be successful.”  

    According to Jessica, she and the MILCON team work to build long-lasting facilities that will serve NSA’s workforce for the next 50 years, and keep the mission moving forward.

    “We are being good stewards for being fiscally responsible,” she said. “We are problem solvers. We look at the big picture and find how to reduce or mitigate a problem.”

    All of the women said they enjoy their work and are proud to be a part of the construction field.

    “There are many professional opportunities in construction, and women should not be intimidated by outdated stereotypes of the industry,” Katie said.


    NSA Media Relations
    MediaRelations@nsa.gov
    443-634-0721

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Speech by SFST at HKEX FIC Summit APAC 2024 (English only) (with photo)

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    Speech by SFST at HKEX FIC Summit APAC 2024 (English only) (with photo)
    Speech by SFST at HKEX FIC Summit APAC 2024 (English only) (with photo)
    ***********************************************************************

         Following is the speech by the Secretary for Financial Services and the Treasury, Mr Christopher Hui, at the HKEX FIC Summit APAC 2024 today (October 15): Bonnie (Chief Executive Officer of Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited, Ms Bonnie Chan), distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,      It is both an honour and a privilege to stand before you today at the HKEX FIC Summit APAC 2024. We gather to explore the rich landscape of fixed income and currency markets, particularly as they pertain to the burgeoning opportunities in Mainland China. This year’s summit comes at a pivotal moment for not only Hong Kong but also for the broader Asia-Pacific region as we navigate the complexities of a rapidly evolving financial world.      As we delve into the exciting topics surrounding Chinese government bonds, Renminbi (RMB) internationalisation, and the innovative Swap Connect initiative, we recognise that Hong Kong is uniquely positioned at the intersection of global finance and the vast opportunities that lie within Mainland China’s fixed income space. Hong Kong as an international financial centre      Hong Kong has long been heralded as a beacon of international finance, a vibrant hub characterised by its openness, robust regulatory framework, and professional expertise. Our market is not just a financial centre; it is a dynamic environment where diverse talents converge, facilitating the free flow of information and capital. This unique position allows us to leverage the advantages of both worlds – global access coupled with deep insights into the Mainland’s economic landscape.      As the world’s second-largest economy, Mainland China is increasingly integrated with the international financial world, and we are thrilled to be part of this journey. The rise of the RMB as a significant player in international trade, investment, and cross-border transactions is not just a trend; it is a transformation that presents us with incredible opportunities. The rise of the Renminbi      The growth trajectory of the RMB is remarkable. According to various reports, the proportion of RMB used in global transactions has been steadily increasing. RMB is the fourth most active currency for global payments by value as of August this year, with its share rising to 4.7 per cent, according to SWIFT data. This is not merely a consequence of Mainland China’s economic growth; it reflects a strategic rise of the RMB as a global currency.      Here in Hong Kong, we have been at the forefront of this initiative since 2004, establishing ourselves as the world’s leading offshore RMB business hub. The developments we have witnessed – such as the largest offshore pool of RMB funds and a vibrant market for foreign exchange and interest rate derivatives – highlight our commitment to creating a diversified ecosystem that enhances the RMB’s global standing.      The opportunities for businesses and investors are vast. As we facilitate the growth of the RMB, we also open doors for international investors looking to capitalise on the Mainland’s economic potential. Our position as a financial conduit for RMB transactions allows us to attract global capital, creating a win-win scenario that benefits all parties involved. Advancing the FIC market development      As we strive to strengthen our position as a leading international financial centre, we are dedicated to enhancing our fixed income and currency (FIC) markets. Our vision is to transform Hong Kong into a premier FIC hub in the Asia-Pacific region, a goal that aligns with our broader market development objectives.      The local bond market is a vital component of this strategy. We are committed to developing it further to complement the financing functions of the stock market and banking system. According market statistics, Hong Kong ranked the first in the region for 16 consecutive years in terms of arranging international bond issuance by Asian institutions, and has ranked first in the world for nine of those years. The amount of issuance arranged through Hong Kong last year was close to US$90 billion, which accounted for nearly a quarter of the market.      Our dedication to strengthening the local bond market is evident on many fronts. Earlier this year, we successfully offered approximately HK$25 billion worth of green bonds denominated in RMB, USD and EURO. Impressive response was received from global investors with the subscription amount exceeding HK$120 billion equivalent, which was about four times of oversubscription. In particular, the 20-year and 30-year RMB Green Bonds were offered for the first time by the Government, among which the 30-year bond is also the longest tenor RMB bond offered by the Government so far, providing new benchmarks for the market. We have seen significant progress, particularly with the issuance of RMB sovereign bonds and municipal government bonds in Hong Kong. These bonds not only enhance our local bond market but also help establish a benchmark yield curve for offshore RMB bonds. So far, the Ministry of Finance has issued a total of RMB352 billion RMB sovereign bonds in Hong Kong. Furthermore, recent tax exemptions for debt instruments issued by Mainland local governments underscore our commitment to fostering a robust bond market. This exemption, effective from March last year, extends the profits tax exemption to debt instruments issued in Hong Kong by all Mainland local governments, thus encouraging more participation and investment. The impact of Bond Connect      We must also acknowledge the transformative impact of the Bond Connect scheme. Launched in 2017, Bond Connect has facilitated mutual access between Hong Kong and Mainland bond markets, enabling overseas investors to participate in the China Interbank Bond Market. This scheme has fundamentally changed the landscape of bond investment in the region. As of August this year, foreign holdings of Mainland onshore bonds through Bond Connect have exceeded RMB4,500 billion, illustrating the strong demand for Chinese assets. The total monthly trading volume has also increased from RMB31.0 billion in July 2017 to about RMB1,000 billion in August this year.      The launch of Southbound trading in September 2021 has further enriched this initiative, providing an effective avenue for qualified onshore investors to diversify their asset allocation while presenting enormous opportunities for Hong Kong’s financial industry. Not only does this enhance the attractiveness of Hong Kong as a bond-issuing platform, but it also promotes the liquidity of our bond market and facilitates the progress of RMB internationalisation.      The interconnectedness fostered by Bond Connect not only enriches our markets but also serves as a catalyst for RMB internationalisation. As we continue to enhance this framework, we create new opportunities for collaboration and investment that will benefit both local and international stakeholders. Innovations with Swap Connect      The introduction of Swap Connect is another significant milestone in our journey toward enhancing Hong Kong’s offshore RMB market. Launched in May 2023, Swap Connect allows for mutual access between interest rate swap markets in Hong Kong and the Mainland. This initiative provides a much-needed avenue for global investors to manage interest rate risks associated with their bond investments.      As we celebrate the first anniversary of Swap Connect, we are excited about the recent enhancements that have been launched. The enhancements expand the range of products available, enhance operational efficiency, and reduce participation costs. It has also been announced that offshore investors will be able to use onshore bonds issued by the Ministry of Finance and policy banks on the Mainland as margin collateral for transactions. This measure will improve capital efficiency and also stimulate greater market participation.      We are committed to ensuring that Swap Connect remains a robust and dynamic platform for investors. We believe that by addressing the diverse risk management needs of domestic and foreign investors, we can further invigorate market participation in the Connect Schemes. Future opportunities      Looking ahead, there are abundant opportunities on the horizon. As we embrace the development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, we find ourselves in a unique position to facilitate RMB internationalisation and strengthen our role as a testing ground for innovative financial practices. This initiative is not only vital for economic growth but also positions us as a leader in the global financial arena.      Moreover, we will continue to leverage technological advancements to enhance our financial services. The integration of fintech solutions into our FIC markets will not only improve efficiency but also attract a new generation of investors who are looking for innovative ways to engage with the market. Building on the success of the first tokenised green bond issuance, we have issued the world’s first multi-tranche digitally native green bonds this year, denominated in HKD, CNH, USD and EUR. By embracing technology, we can enhance transparency, streamline operations, and create a more inclusive financial environment. Conclusion      As we continue to leverage our distinctive advantages, I am confident that we will solidify Hong Kong’s status as a leading international financial centre and offshore RMB business hub. Together, let us explore the pathways to greater collaboration, innovation, and growth. I look forward to fruitful discussions and collaborations in the days to come. Your participation and insights are invaluable as we chart a course toward a prosperous financial future for Hong Kong, China, and the Asia-Pacific region. Thank you. 

     
    Ends/Tuesday, October 15, 2024Issued at HKT 11:57

    NNNN

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: “Advancing New Zealand and Asia relations”

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Good evening

    Before discussing the ‘advancing of New Zealand and Asia relations’, we would like to congratulate the Asia New Zealand Foundation and acknowledge its significant contribution to New Zealand’s relationship with, and understanding of, Asia over the past 30 years.

    Can we also welcome Thitinan Pongsudhirak, one of the Foundation’s Honorary Advisers, and Michael Fullilove, Executive Director of the Lowy Institute.  

    I would also like to acknowledge Members of Parliament; members of the diplomatic corps; Asia New Zealand Foundation founders Sir Don McKinnon and Philip Burdon; and its Chair, Dame Fran Wilde.

    A lot has happened over the past 30 years – in New Zealand, in Asia, and indeed in New Zealand’s engagement with Asia.

    30 years ago

    It is, of course, difficult to talk about Asia in general terms. The region has 23 countries, hundreds of languages and a vast swathe of peoples and cultures and political systems. 

    This is to say nothing of the vast distances in Asia.  Indeed, it’s closer from London to Moscow than Auckland to Jakarta, and yet we tend to think Indonesia as our back yard. 

    We tend to zone in on one country, or one issue.

    Our understanding needs to be more nuanced than this – something the Asia New Zealand Foundation knows well and is in fact its core mission.

    We can, however, look at some trends, as we think about New Zealand’s relationship with Asia over the past 30 years.

    In 1994, for example, Asia’s population was over three billion people. The region accounted for one quarter of the world’s GDP, and economic growth was underway in many countries. 

    The region had experienced years of peace and stability, albeit with some notable exceptions. Many parts of the region were at the start of a long, although sometimes uneven, path of rising urbanisation, productivity and incomes.

    In New Zealand, our population had just tipped over three million. Asian countries had become important trading partners – this was 20 years after Britain joined the European Economic Community and forced us to look beyond our traditional trading partners. 

    We had adapted by looking closer to home. 

    Thirty five percent of New Zealand’s exports went to Asia, with Japan accounting for close to half of this. 

    Remarkably, at that time China took just two percent of our exports, compared to 20 percent of today.

    Many New Zealanders had come to realise the importance of Asia to our future prosperity.

    Along with this came a recognition that we needed to better understand the vast range of cultures, languages and peoples of the region. This would be a shift for us. 

    Just three percent of New Zealanders at the time identified as being of Asian origin – compared to 17 percent today. 

    We had the beginnings of some cultural and culinary influences, with tourists and students starting to flow. 

    Under the Colombo Plan, we had welcomed many Asian students to New Zealand. But for the most part, these cultural influences were not mainstream or well-understood at the time.

    It was in this context that the Asia New Zealand Foundation was born and began its important work that we are here to discuss today.

    What has changed in Asia? 

    Even those who were aficionados back in 1994 might have been surprised at just how important Asia would become to New Zealand.

    The Asian financial crisis in 1997 was devastating to the region. It was an unsettled and unpredictable time. But the region has recovered, and in fact boomed.

    The figures are certainly impressive. More than one billion people have been lifted out of poverty in Asia since 1990. Asia now comprises over 40 percent of the world’s GDP. In the next quarter century, this is forecast to reach 50 percent. 

    It is important for us all to remember that there has not been just one linear trajectory in the region. Each country has had its own path, and these paths can have different twists and turns over time.

    China’s growth story is of course well-known, but the statistics remain extraordinary. Today, China stands as the world’s second-largest economy worth nearly 18 trillion US dollars in 2023, soaring a staggering 4,000 percent since the 1990s.

    This is not, however, just a China story. There has been astonishing success in other countries, too. 

    India overtook China to become the most populous country in the world last year, and with 900 million registered voters it is also the world’s largest democracy. This year India’s economy will be the fastest growing in the G20, and it is expected to overtake Germany and Japan to become the world’s third largest economy in the next few years. 

    India’s advances in science, technology, education, and space, are inspiring to many countries around the world. In short, India has become a significant global actor playing a key role in securing a stable and prosperous region.

    Japan itself continues to be an economic powerhouse.

    We must also recognise that ASEAN’s growth, after starting down the path of economic integration, has been remarkable. 

    If ASEAN today were one economy, it would be New Zealand’s fourth-largest trading partner. Its countries are growing at an impressive clip – more than five percent year in, year out. 

    The total GDP of ASEAN reached nearly four trillion US dollars last years, positioning it as the fifth largest economy in the world. 

    Projections indicate that ASEAN’s GDP is poised to reach an estimated four and a half trillion US dollars by the year 2030. This will propel ASEAN to become the world’s fourth-largest economy by 2040.

    Much of Asia’s economic growth has been built on trade and manufacturing. But the region is now also central across many facets of the modern economy – from finance and capital, to people, and to innovation.

    To take just two examples, Asia’s services trade is growing 1.7 times faster than the rest of the world. And by 2030, Asia’s fintech revenues are expected to be larger even than North America’s.

    We know economic growth doesn’t happen in a vacuum. It is regional security that has provided the foundation for the significant rise in living standards we have witnessed across Asia. 

    In this time of global upheaval and challenges to the rules-based order, the role of regional security in our collective economic security is undeniable. 

    In Southeast Asia, ASEAN centrality is playing a pivotal role. ASEAN has led the way in bringing the region together in peaceful dialogue. This includes initiatives like the Regional Forum we attended in July, or last week’s East Asia Summit – which was attended by Prime Minister Luxon.

    Notwithstanding the various peaceful offramps that exist, Asia has had, and continues to have, security challenges. 

    The liberal rules-based order – underpinned by US hegemony – is under strain.

    As China’s power and influence have increased, so too have the areas of difference that we have had to navigate.

    We are seeing a rising and more active India.

    And we shouldn’t forget that Russia considers itself an Indo-Pacific power, too.

    Added to this are hemispheric wild cards: the DPRK; other nuclear powers; arms build-up; and alliance and proxy relationships.

    We also have population trends that will have not just economic but also geostrategic consequences. 

    Also, fierce competition for resources: protein and commodities like rare metals.

    Finally – environmental challenges, which are an existential threat for many countries in the region – are exacerbating all of these factors. 

    What has this meant for New Zealand? 

    For New Zealand, the message is clear: we need to continue to understand and engage Asia.

    The Coalition Government, via the Foreign Policy Reset, is focused on building and advancing relationships in a way that engages more actively the region’s opportunities and risks. 

    The work of the Asia New Zealand Foundation remains as relevant today as it was 30 years ago. 

    Understanding Asia starts here at home. The past 30 years has seen a boom, and our ethnic communities have grown significantly. 

    While there is still some way to go, we have started to see Asian New Zealanders in leadership roles – from Members of Parliament to business leaders, sports, and entertainment. 

    Along with this has come a richness of culture and language. Kiwis have enjoyed new festivities and embraced an array of Asian cuisine, at home and at restaurants – something almost completely unavailable 30 years ago.

    The top 25 languages spoken in New Zealand include many Asian languages, such as Mandarin, with nearly 100,000 speakers, as well as Hindi with almost 70,000, Cantonese, Tagalog, Punjabi, Korean, Japanese, Gujarati, and Tamil.

    We celebrate Diwali, Lunar New Year and Eid – festivals that showcase cultural traditions to New Zealanders.

    Last year, 54,000 students from Asian countries came to study in New Zealand education institutions. 

    In the last year we have welcomed over 700,000 international visitors from Asia – nearly double that of a year ago – and we’re looking forward to seeing this growth continue over the coming years as the pandemic fall-out recedes.

    Over the last 70 years, we have provided scholarships and training to 21 countries from the Asian region under our International Development Cooperation programme. This remains a foundation of our enduring people-to-people connections.

    Thanks to the Asia New Zealand Foundation, we have some tangible evidence of how New Zealanders’ attitudes toward Asia have changed over time. 

    The first Perceptions of Asia survey was conducted in 1997 and showed that New Zealanders saw Asia as something largely external. 

    Today, however, over half of New Zealanders feel a connection to Asia in their daily lives, with more than a third regularly enjoying Asia-related entertainment. 

    Over the past decade, public awareness and engagement with Asia has grown significantly. In 2013, one third of New Zealanders said they felt knowledgeable about Asia. 

    That number has now risen to an all-time high, with nearly 60 percent saying they possess at least a fair amount of understanding about the region.

    This is wonderful and thanks in no small part to the work of the Foundation. We hope we will see this familiarity grow further in the coming years.

    New Zealand in Asia

    Alongside these developments in New Zealand, we have been engaging both with Asia but also in Asia.

    Today you can fly direct from Auckland and Christchurch to 14 destinations across Asia, connecting New Zealand to the region and providing opportunities for New Zealanders to interact with and learn about Asia.

     

    Kiwis have been broadening their traditional “OE” and heading to Asia. As just one example, 3,300 New Zealanders have travelled to Japan under the Japan Exchange and Teaching, or “JET”, programme since its inception, teaching English in Japan. 

    Programmes such as the Prime Minister’s Scholarships for Asia have seen thousands of young New Zealanders study at Asian institutions and return with meaningful skills and experience. 

    The Asia New Zealand Foundation has also contributed to this through the internships, grants, and residencies it offers throughout Asia.

    It is important to highlight that seven of our top 10 export destinations are Asian economies. 

    Exports to China amounted to 20 billion New Zealand dollars last year; Japan more than four billion. Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, Malaysia, and Indonesia round out the list of our top export destinations in Asia.

    This has been supported by the network of free trade agreements we have negotiated to support our commercial partnerships over the past 20 years. It is notable that our second oldest FTA is with Singapore – second only to Australia. 

    The origins of CPTPP, one of our most significant trade agreements, also finds its origins in our relationships with Asia. 

    Its precursor, the P4 agreement with Singapore, Brunei, and Chile in 2006, provided the foundation stone for what would become CPTPP.

    CPTPP is itself a high watermark agreement that includes other economies from the region such as Japan, Malaysia, and Viet Nam, and we continue to encourage others who can meet the agreement’s high standards to seek to join in the future.

    All in all, 95 percent of our trade with Asia takes place under a trade agreement.

    New Zealand has also invested in regional institutions. This architecture provides space for dialogue and the exchange of ideas on key issues impacting us. 

    We were the second country to become an ASEAN dialogue partner, and we will celebrate the 50th anniversary of this next year. In that time New Zealand has been and continues to be a trusted partner to ASEAN and its member states. 

    We know that by contributing to ASEAN’s success, and the success of ASEAN-led councils like the East Asia Summit, we contribute to our own success and to that of the region.

    In 1994, New Zealand was a member of one regional body – APEC, which was founded just five years earlier. 

    This platform gives us a venue to influence regional economic policy together with members, who today make up two thirds of global economic growth and take 80 percent of New Zealand’s exports.

    Just over 10 years later, in 2005, our delegation was proud to take part in the inaugural East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur. 

    We had put intensive effort into laying the groundwork for the shape of the grouping and New Zealand’s participation. 

    Our membership as a founding partner made clear to all that New Zealand was part of the region and had a role to play in regional decisions. 

    The EAS is now the premier forum for strategic dialogue and regional cooperation. 

    New Zealand is showing up today, as we did then, because we want to support peace and stability in the region in tangible ways.

    Recent years have seen the emergence of new plurilateral and ‘minilateral’ architecture alongside established multilateral architecture. 

    New Zealand supports new groupings that advance and defend our interests and capabilities, and we no reason why these can’t coexist as long as they are constructive, advanced in an open and transparent way, and are respectful of ASEAN centrality.

    We have championed a stable, peaceful and nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. In the current climate, it is not possible to visit North Korea. But in the past, we have. 

    During a 2007 visit, we met with political leaders and advocated in favour of multi-party peace talks. 

    To this day, New Zealand Defence Force assets and personnel are deployed in Korea to maintain the armistice. The Defence Force also has a separate deployment to monitor and deter North Korea’s evasion of UN sanctions.

    In 2006, we received a request from Timor-Leste, seeking assistance to restore stability and freedom of movement. We responded swiftly, deploying police and military troops. 

    In a testament to our security cooperation in the region, Singaporean personnel were integrated seamlessly into a New Zealand battalion.

    New Zealand has a long-standing development programme in Asia. It is our largest programme outside the Pacific and is growing. 

    It goes beyond training and scholarships to respond to the priorities of our ASEAN partners, as well as humanitarian assistance. 

    Just last month, for example, we contributed humanitarian assistance in response to the devastating impacts of Typhoon Yagi in Viet Nam and Myanmar, and to extreme flooding in Bangladesh. 

    It is also worth noting that, for the past 30 years, New Zealand has advanced its policy towards Asia in a bipartisan way wherever possible. 

    This has ensured successive governments can follow through on policy commitments and is one of our greatest strengths.

    What next? 

    It is instructive to think about how far we have come in the past 30 years

    But it is also clear that we need to do more. 

    The world today is disordered and becoming more dangerous. 

    As we said to the NZIIA in May, “the challenges we face are stark, the worst that anyone today working in politics or foreign affairs can remember.” 

    As MFAT’s own strategic assessment has identified, one of the drivers for this has been a shift from rules to power:  the Cold War era of predominant US western hegemony is over. 

    The multipolar world is here to stay, and states: large, middle, and small are all jostling to advance their interests.

    Added to this is the fact that global problems – whether health, environmental, demographic, or migratory – present global risks, but at the same time require state-to-state cooperation to resolve. 

    We offer this simply to point out that we’re living in a time where relationships, norms and rules – many of which have enabled the rise of countries in Asia, including those which seek to challenge those same rules – are changing at the very time when we need to maximise global cooperation.

    This is at the heart of what’s happening in Asia, as well as around the world more broadly. 

    This is why the Government decided earlier this year on a Foreign Policy Reset. A fundamental driver was that our foreign policy needs to reflect and respond to the challenging strategic context we find ourselves in. We need to act now to bring more energy, ambition and engagement to our relationships. 

    Under the Foreign Policy Reset, we have been explicit: we will be increasing the focus on and resources applied to Southeast Asia, South Asia especially India, and North Asia. This is what will have a major impact on our security and prosperity. 

    We are already delivering on this. The Prime Minister and international-facing Ministers have been incredibly active in our engagements with the region, having travelled between us to over 20 countries.

    We have taken forward concrete initiatives to demonstrate the importance and future trajectory of our partnerships. 

    This ranges from cooperation with Japan on a hospital in Kiribati, to a Customs Cooperation Arrangement with India, to advancing toward Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships with ASEAN and Korea.

    Conclusion 

    New Zealand is an Indo-Pacific country. This is our identity, and we know this is where our future lies. With every forecast about Asia’s trajectory, this becomes clearer and clearer.

    It was this realisation that led to the Asia New Zealand Foundation’s birth 30 years ago. And as we have heard today, a lot has changed since then. Asia has evolved, and New Zealand’s relationship with Asian countries has evolved too, in some ways beyond recognition. 

    As we navigate our own pathway forward, we need to understand Asia. If we don’t, our relationships will be characterised by misconceptions, bias and miscalculation. So, our work has really only just begun. New Zealand’s security and prosperity depends on us continuing it.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Property transfer statistics update

    Source: Statistics New Zealand

    Property transfer statistics update – Stats NZ will stop producing quarterly property transfer statistics. Property transfer statistics: June 2024 quarter is the final release in the series. We have removed future editions from the release calendar.  

    At Stats NZ we are committed to delivering value efficiently and sustainably in our changing operating environment. We’ve recognised the need to do things differently and we are modernising and evolving the way we collect, process, and produce official data and statistics.  

    We are committed to working closely with our customers, partners and stakeholders to fully understand the opportunities and challenges, and we will retain the option of starting production of these statistics again if needed.  

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Property transfer statistics update

    Source: Statistics New Zealand

    Property transfer statistics update – Stats NZ will stop producing quarterly property transfer statistics. Property transfer statistics: June 2024 quarter is the final release in the series. We have removed future editions from the release calendar.  

    At Stats NZ we are committed to delivering value efficiently and sustainably in our changing operating environment. We’ve recognised the need to do things differently and we are modernising and evolving the way we collect, process, and produce official data and statistics.  

    We are committed to working closely with our customers, partners and stakeholders to fully understand the opportunities and challenges, and we will retain the option of starting production of these statistics again if needed.  

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Import of poultry meat and products from Csongrád-Csanád County in Hungary suspended

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

         â€‹The Centre for Food Safety (CFS) of the Food and Environmental Hygiene Department announced today (October 15) that in view of a notification from the Ministry of Agriculture of Hungary about an outbreak of highly pathogenic H5N1 avian influenza in Csongrád-Csanád County in Hungary, the CFS has instructed the trade to suspend the import of poultry meat and products from the area with immediate effect to protect public health in Hong Kong.

         A CFS spokesman said that Hong Kong has currently established a protocol with Hungary for the import of poultry meat but not for poultry eggs. According to the Census and Statistics Department, Hong Kong imported about 40 tonnes of frozen poultry meat from Hungary in the first six months of this year. 

         “The CFS has contacted the Hungarian authority over the issue and will closely monitor information issued by the World Organisation for Animal Health and the relevant authorities on the avian influenza outbreak. Appropriate action will be taken in response to the development of the situation,” the spokesman said.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: October 2024 euro area bank lending survey

    Source: European Central Bank

    15 October 2024

    • Credit standards remained unchanged for firms in the third quarter of 2024, after more than two years of consecutive tightening
    • Credit standards eased for loans to households for house purchases but tightened for consumer credit
    • Housing loan demand rebounded strongly on the back of expected interest rate cuts and improving housing market prospects
    • Impact of policy rate decisions on bank net interest income turned negative for the first time since the end of 2022

    According to the October 2024 bank lending survey (BLS), euro area banks reported unchanged credit standards – banks’ internal guidelines or loan approval criteria – for loans or credit lines to enterprises in the third quarter of 2024 (net percentage of banks of 0%; Chart 1). Banks also reported a further net easing of their credit standards for loans to households for house purchase (net percentage of -3%), whereas credit standards for consumer credit and other lending to households tightened further (net percentage of 6%). For firms, the net percentage was lower than expected by banks in the previous survey round, although risk perceptions continued to have a small tightening effect. For households, credit standards eased somewhat more than expected for housing loans, primarily because of competition from other banks, and tightened more than expected for consumer credit, mainly owing to additional perceived risks. For the fourth quarter of 2024, banks expect a net tightening of credit standards for loans to firms and consumer credit and a net easing for housing loans.

    Banks’ overall terms and conditions – the actual terms and conditions agreed in loan contracts – eased strongly for housing loans and slightly for loans to firms, while moderately tightening for consumer credit. Lending rates and margins on average loans were the main drivers of the net easing for loans to firms and housing loans, whereas tighter consumer credit terms and conditions were mainly attributable to margins on both riskier and average loans.

    For the first time since the third quarter of 2022, banks reported a moderate net increase in demand from firms for loans or drawing of credit lines (Chart 2), while remaining weak overall. Net demand for housing loans rebounded strongly, while demand for consumer credit and other lending to households increased more moderately. Lower interest rates drove firms’ loan demand, while fixed investment had a muted effect. For housing loans, the net increase in housing loan demand was mainly driven by declining interest rates and improving housing market prospects, whereas consumer confidence and spending on durables supported demand for consumer credit. In the fourth quarter of 2024 banks expect net demand to increase across all loan segments, especially for housing loans.

    Euro area banks reported a moderate improvement in access to funding for retail funding, money markets and debt securities in the third quarter of 2024. Access to short-term retail funding improved, whereas access to long-term retail funding remained broadly unchanged. For the fourth quarter of 2024, banks expect access to funding to remain broadly unchanged across market segments.

    The reduction in the ECB’s monetary policy asset portfolio had a slightly negative impact on euro area banks’ market financing conditions over the last six months, which banks expect to continue over the next six months. In addition, banks reported that the ECB’s reduction of its monetary policy asset portfolio had an overall contained effect on their lending conditions, which they expect to continue in the coming six months, reflecting the gradual and predictable nature of the adjustment to the ECB’s portfolio.

    The phasing-out of TLTRO III continued to negatively affect bank liquidity positions. However, in light of the small remaining outstanding amounts of TLTRO III, banks reported a broadly neutral impact on their overall funding conditions and neutral effects on lending conditions and loan volumes.

    Euro area banks reported the first negative impact of the ECB interest rate decisions on their net interest margins since the end of 2022, while the impact via volumes of interest-bearing assets and liabilities remained negative. Banks expect the negative net impact on margins associated with ECB rate policy to deepen and to result in a decline in overall profitability from the high levels reached during the 2022-2023 tightening cycle. Banks expect the impact of provisions and impairments on profitability to remain slightly negative.

    The quarterly BLS was developed by the Eurosystem to improve its understanding of bank lending behaviour in the euro area. The results reported in the October 2024 survey relate to changes observed in the third quarter of 2024 and changes expected in the fourth quarter of 2024, unless otherwise indicated. The October 2024 survey round was conducted between 6 and 23 September 2024. A total of 156 banks were surveyed in this round, with a response rate of 99%.

    Chart 1

    Changes in credit standards for loans or credit lines to enterprises, and contributing factors

    (net percentages of banks reporting a tightening of credit standards, and contributing factors)

    Source: ECB (BLS).

    Notes: Net percentages are defined as the difference between the sum of the percentages of banks responding “tightened considerably” and “tightened somewhat” and the sum of the percentages of banks responding “eased somewhat” and “eased considerably”. The net percentages for “Other factors” refer to an average of the further factors which were mentioned by banks as having contributed to changes in credit standards.

    Chart 2

    Changes in demand for loans or credit lines to enterprises, and contributing factors

    (net percentages of banks reporting an increase in demand, and contributing factors)

    Source: ECB (BLS).

    Notes: Net percentages for the questions on demand for loans are defined as the difference between the sum of the percentages of banks responding “increased considerably” and “increased somewhat” and the sum of the percentages of banks responding “decreased somewhat” and “decreased considerably”. The net percentages for “Other factors” refer to an average of the further factors which were mentioned by banks as having contributed to changes in loan demand.

    For media queries, please contact William Lelieveldt, tel.: +49 69 1344 7316.

    Notes

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Taiwan FDI Statistics Summary Analysis (September 2024)

    Source: Republic Of China Taiwan 2

    According to the statistics, 1,692 foreign direct investment (FDI) projects with a total amount of US$5,835,450,000 were approved from January to September 2024. This indicates a decrease of 0.29% in the number of cases, and a decrease of 26.82% in FDI amount compared to the same period of 2023.

    With regard to inward investment from Mainland China, 27 cases were approved with an amount of US$16,917,000 from January to September 2024. This indicates an increase of 28.57% in the number of cases, but a decrease of 36.35% in the FDI amount compared to the same period of 2023. From July 2009 to September 2024, 1,613 cases were approved with a total investment amount added up to US$2,612,863,000.

    In terms of Taiwan’s outbound investment (excluding Mainland China), 539 projects were registered from January to September 2024 with a total amount of US$41,561,939,000, indicating an increase of 30.19% in the number of cases, and an increase of 137.75% in the amount, as compared to the same period of 2023.

    As for Taiwan’s outward investment to Mainland China, 274 applications have been approved from January to September 2024, indicating an increase of 10.04% compared to the same period of 2023. The approved investment amount is US$3,336,337,000, 31.93% more than the same period in 2023.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Global: South Africa’s unity government won’t dent poverty and inequality if it follows the same old policies – sociologist

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Roger Southall, Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand

    A recent poll by the Social Research Foundation, a think thank, found that 60% of South Africans thought the government of national unity was working well. It also reported that support for the unity government’s anchor political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), had risen since 29 May 2024 when elections were held.

    The poll results came out at the same time as the business press was reporting increased collaboration between business and government, fostered by the unity government. Corporations have reportedly pledged up to R250 million (about US$14.3 million to assist the state to address various logistics crises and help the National Prosecuting Authority prosecute corruption.

    Although we should be cautious about taking such news at face value, it is worth noting that the arrival of the unity government has been accompanied by other good news. For example:

    This adds up to new shoots which suggest a better harvest to come.




    Read more:
    South Africa has a huge gap between the rich and poor – 4 urgent reasons to tackle inequality


    Still, it is wise not to get too excited unless any upturn in the economy benefits the majority of South Africans. As Frans Cronje, director of the Social Research Foundation, has observed, while the unity government may be good for the middle class, there is no sign yet that it is addressing the needs of the poor and the people on the periphery of the economy.

    Unless its benefits become socially inclusive, it might well collapse. We need to take Cronje’s reservations seriously. Note, however, that although the unity government is a coalition, it is led by the African National Congress. And, while all parties agree that they need to put the economy back on track and promote growth, there is little evidence yet that the government is pursuing distinctively new policies.

    Beware complacency

    We are often told that “a rising tide lifts all boats”.

    But this claim owes more to ideology than careful analysis of economic data. In any case, it is a catchphrase which condones inequality. It suggests that as long as living standards increase for the poor, it does not matter if the wealthy gain even more. Indeed, one version is that the more the well-off benefit, the more likely they are to spend and invest their money – that is, to create wealth for others.

    Such complacency is dangerous. Apart from being contentious economically, it poses risks to both democracy and political stability. This is particularly the case in South Africa, which is widely recognised as the most unequal country in the world.

    • High rates of inequality erode social cohesion and trust in democracy. In the May general election, the lowest level of voter turnout since 1994 reflected a worrying decline in support for democracy: from 72% in 2011 to just 43% by 2023.

    • Extremes of inequality are unlikely to lead to the formation of governing coalitions committed to pursuing developmental strategies of benefit to all. As a result, populist parties that tout simplistic solutions may find it easier to win support. As suggested by the unheralded performance of Jacob Zuma’s umKhonto we Sizwe Party in the 2024 election, this is a particular danger in South Africa. Here, the poorer black majority possess potential political power in an economy which remains largely controlled and owned by a richer, white minority. The French economist Thomas Piketty in his latest blockbuster, Capital and Ideology, warns that in such situations, the dangers of a lurch towards authoritarianism are much increased.




    Read more:
    South Africa’s unity government could see a continuation of the ANC’s political dominance – and hurt the DA


    Little prospect of reduction of inequality

    The issue is not whether the unity government is blind to these dangers, but whether the policies it is pursuing are likely to make a dent in the staggering level of inequality.

    If investment and growth do occur, there will be good news down the line – possibly the creation of some 2 million jobs and more financial room for the government to fund social benefits for the poor. But it’s unlikely to have a marked effect on the level of inequality.

    First, the unity government is not promising any great change from policies that have been pursued since 1994, only more efficient implementation. Those policies have somewhat decreased racial disparities, notably by promoting a black middle class, but they have not reduced the overall level of inequality. Indeed, as Piketty shows, this has increased, not decreased, since 1994.

    Second, the unity government’s policies may continue to focus on the reduction of poverty. But this is unlikely to shift the proportions of income between the different classes. As Cronje has hinted, the new government is underpinned by a middle-class coalition, and for this to hang together, the middle class will want to reap its reward.




    Read more:
    South Africa’s new unity government must draw on the country’s greatest asset: its constitution


    Third, history doesn’t offer much hope. Former settler colonies stand out for their exceptionally high levels of inequality. In South Africa, white people always dominated the top earners before 1994. Now they have been joined by high-earning black people, many of them public officials. The top decile’s share of total earning has increased since the end of apartheid. Today it is close to 70%, compared with around 35% in Europe.

    Fourth, we live in an age which Piketty describes as “hyper-capitalism”, in which money and ultra-rich elites are highly mobile. This makes it hard for national governments to tax the rich more. They can leave, or threaten to withdraw their investments to earn higher returns elsewhere. South Africa has already been leaking its millionaires. The unity government will not want to scare any more of them away. So, it’s unlikely to adopt aggressive tax policies in the cause of narrowing inequality.

    The unity government may well promote high growth and if successful, may ameliorate poverty, but it seems unlikely that it will either attempt or succeed in reducing inequality. It may be good for the elite and middle class, but not necessarily for the health of democracy.

    Roger Southall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. South Africa’s unity government won’t dent poverty and inequality if it follows the same old policies – sociologist – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-unity-government-wont-dent-poverty-and-inequality-if-it-follows-the-same-old-policies-sociologist-240697

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Early estimates suggest an average cereal harvest

    Source: Scottish Government

    An Accredited Official Statistics Publication

    Early estimates predict a total cereal harvest of around 3.1 million tonnes, just above the ten-year average. Despite challenging weather at crucial times of the season.

    Average production results are predicted for winter barley, oilseed rape and wheat. Mostly as a result of decreased area and yield. Some very good yields are predicted for oats and spring barley. But a late harvest this year makes oats predictions less reliable.

    The report includes provisional 2024 crop area estimates. The total area of cereals grown in Scotland is predicted to be just lower than in 2023. With decreases in the area of winter barley, wheat and oilseed rape grown and increases in sown area of spring barley and oats.

    Background

    The full statistical publication is available with a visual summary and supporting data tables at: Cereal and oilseed rape harvest – first estimates: 2024

    Estimates are based on first soundings of the 2024 harvest at the end of September. Final results will be released in December after the harvest is complete.

    Estimates are based on harvest yields given by a panel of experts at a Crop Report Meeting and provisional land use areas from the June Agricultural Census. Final land use areas will be published in the Results of the June Agricultural Census.

    Official statistics are produced in accordance with the Code of Practice for Statistics.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: New publications by GEMs Consortium offer further insights into emerging market credit risk

    Source: European Investment Bank

    Two new publications by Global Emerging Markets Risk Database (GEMs) Consortium provide granular default and recovery patterns for over three decades of development finance, and highlight the key drivers of investment risk in emerging markets and developing economies (EMDEs).

    Luxembourg, October 15, 2024 — Two new publications released today by the GEMs Consortium  – a group of 26 multilateral development banks (MDBs) and development finance institutions (DFIs) – provide further insights on the level of credit risk in EMDEs according to the investment experience of Consortium members.

    The first publication covers the credit performance of lending to private and public counterparts. The average annual default rate of lending to private entities at 3.56% is broadly aligned with many non-investment grade firms in advanced economies, and the average recovery rate of 72.2% is higher than many global benchmarks. Although the GEMs statistics reflect the unique experience of MDBs and DFIs, these results provide valuable information on the investment risk in EMDEs, an area characterized by a lack of available credit risk data.

    The second publication provides default rates and – for the first time – recovery rates for sovereign and sovereign-guaranteed lending based on an expanded range of 40 years of data. Results shows an average annual default rate of 1.06% and an average recovery rate of 94.9% and complement the GEMs statistics on private and public counterparts to provide a comprehensive view on EMDEs credit risks.

    These increasingly granular statistical publications by the GEMs Consortium address the call by the G20 and other stakeholders to provide investors greater insights into credit risks in emerging markets, thereby allowing them to better guide their asset allocations. The new publications provide statistics at the country and sector level, as well as a range of newly introduced metrics.

    “The availability of credit statistics is critical to mobilizing more private investment into emerging markets and developing economies by helping investors better understand the risk profile of such investments,” said Román Escolano, Group Chief Risk Officer, European Investment Bank. “The updated publications, with greater disaggregation and analysis, address feedback from our key stakeholders, and GEMs plans to continue publishing such statistics in a timely manner.”

    EMDEs generally receive less investment than advanced economies. At the same time, developing countries need $4 trillion of annual investment to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030, and $2.8 trillion of annual clean energy investment by next decade to meet both rising energy demands and climate targets.

    “The GEMs statistics challenge the conventional view that emerging markets are high-risk destinations for investment,” said Federico Galizia, Vice President, Risk and Finance, International Finance Corporation. “With 30 years of default frequencies and recovery rates, and now even further levels of disaggregation, GEMs shows that emerging market investments should be within the risk appetite of a broad range of investors.”

    The GEMs publications include default and recovery rates for over three decades of lending by Consortium members to private, public, and sovereign borrowers. The disclosed historic default and recovery rates can be used by investors and credit rating agencies to refine their risk assessment and asset allocation, and provide a useful benchmark for risk and pricing models. Both new publications are available on the GEMs website (http://www.gemsriskdatabase.org).

    About GEMs

     Global Emerging Markets Risk Database (GEMs) Consortium is one of the largest credit risk databases for the emerging markets operations of its member institutions – multilateral development banks and development finance institutions. It pools anonymized data on credit defaults on the loans extended by Consortium members the migrations of their clients’ credit rating and the recoveries on defaulted projects in emerging markets and developing economies, thus providing an insight into geographies that are otherwise relatively poorly served in terms of empirical credit information.

    GEMs was established in 2009 as a bilateral initiative between the European Investment Bank and the International Finance Corporation (World Bank Group). Since then, the GEMs Consortium has grown to include 26 members: African Development Bank (AfDB), Agence Française de Développement (AFD), Asian Development Bank (ADB), Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB), Banque Ouest Africaine de Développement (BOAD), British International Investment (BII), Council of Europe Development Bank (CEB), Central American Bank for Economic Integration (CABEI), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), European Investment Bank Group (EIB), GuarantCo, Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Inter-American Investment Corporation (IDB Invest), International Finance Corporation (IFC), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (KfW), Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), Netherlands Development Finance Company (FMO), U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC), New Development Bank (NDB), Proparco, Cassa Depositi e Prestiti (CDP), and Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA).

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to study on the rate of increase of global warming

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A study published in Nature Communications and Earth & Environment looks at the recent increase of global warming. 

    Dr Kevin Collins, Senior Lecturer Environment and Systems, Open University, said:

    “With many people and places experiencing year on year record temperatures around the globe in the last decade, it is very human to assume global warming is accelerating or ‘surging’.  However, through an authoritative statistical analysis of temperature increases since 1970, this research concludes that there is no detectable surge. Yet.

    “Instead, the results suggest global warming is occurring at a steady state. However, as the authors acknowledge, this may be because the size of any acceleration is either statistically too small, or there is simply not enough data to detect a surge in the last decade.  In other words, it is still too early to tell if the last decade (the warmest on record) represents a ‘leap’ in the warming trend.  By 2035 or 2040 we may look back and be able to see from 2015 onwards there has been a fundamental shift in the warming trend.

    “There is a very real danger that the new research is misinterpreted to show that there is no global warming or that a steady state increase in temperature means we have lots of time to act.

    “The bald statistics of a global warming world are already being lived by many populations and communities whose livelihoods are being severely impacted by heatwaves, droughts, floods, sea-level rise and other environmental changes.”

    Prof Richard Allan, Professor of Climate Science, University of Reading and National Centre for Earth Observations, said:

    “The new research highlights the difficulty in detecting an increase in the rate of surface warming, which is influenced by natural variations such as swings between warm El Niño and cool La Niña events. However, satellite observations and ocean measurements already detect a steady increase in Earth’s heating rate that is less susceptible to year to year fluctuations at the sea surface.

    “In fact, when all lines of evidence are scrutinized it is apparent that climate change is accelerating rather continuing steadily. Halting global warming by stabilizing Earth’s climate and limiting further damage from worsening extreme weather and rising sea levels is only possible through rapid and massive cuts in greenhouse gas emissions.”

     

    ‘Is the Recent Surge in Global Warming Detectable?’ by Claudie Beaulieu et al. was published in Nature Communications Earth & Environment at 22:00 UK time on Monday 14th October.

    Declared interests:

    Dr Kevin Collins: No conflicts to declare.

    Prof Richard Allan: No conflicts to declare.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Global: 2024 US presidential election: can we believe the polls?

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Jérôme Viala-Gaudefroy, Spécialiste de la politique américaine, Auteurs historiques The Conversation France

    Nationwide polls are often of limited relevance, considering the unique structure of the US electoral system. To gain a better understanding of the upcoming presidential election, we need to focus on surveys conducted in the pivotal battlegrounds – the so-called swing states. After the missteps in previous elections, it’s hard to place too much confidence in these polls, as many rely on unrepresentative samples.


    As we head toward the 2024 US presidential election, media large and small frequently fall into the trap of “horse race” journalism. Policy questions are rarely treated in depth, and the emphasis is often on the latest polls. One week they announce Kamala Harris as moving ahead, and the next, Donald Trump still has an edge. But how reliable are these polls?

    In the United States, rather than being elected by direct popular vote, the president is chosen indirectly through the Electoral College, an institution inscribed in the country’s constitution. Each state is assigned a number of electors based in part on its population, but also on its number of senators. As a result, smaller states get a larger voice than their population would indicate.

    One of the implications is that national election polls can be deceiving. In most states with established partisan majorities, the outcomes are predictable due to the winner-takes-all approach. This system awards all of a state’s electoral votes to the candidate who wins the popular vote in that state (with the exception of Maine and Nebraska, which use a proportional system). As a result, the most relevant polls are those conducted in “swing states”, where neither party holds a consistent advantage.

    According to recent analyses, around ten states are expected to be in play for 2024. Based on recent trends, there are seven swing states to watch: Nevada, Arizona, Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia. In the 2016 and 2020 elections, victory margins in these states were razor-thin, often less than 1%.

    With both Harris and Trump within striking distance of the 270 Electoral College votes needed to win the presidency, these swing states, with a combined 91 votes, will determine the outcome.

    Map published on 18 August 2024 by CNN. The number of electors for each state are show. The colors indicate the states that appear to be strongly (dark blue) or probably (light blue) leaning toward Kamala Harris, and strongly (red) or probably (pink) leaning toward Donald Trump. In yellow are the seven pivotal states where victory is likely to come down to a small number of votes. Click to zoom.

    The 2016 and 2020 polling failures: flukes or systemic issues?

    When the margins are so tight in these key states, accurately measuring voter intentions is an enormous challenge. In 2016, national polls correctly predicted Hillary Clinton’s popular-vote win – she had nearly 3 million more than Trump. However, they failed to foresee Trump’s Electorial College victories in critical states, which ultimately put him over the top.

    The American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) pointed out several reasons for these errors, including underrepresentation of Republican voters, over-representation of college-educated voters (who tend to lean Democratic), and an underestimation of undecided voters who eventually voted for Trump or third-party candidates.

    Despite efforts to fix these problems, other biases showed up in 2020. While graduate voters were not over-represented and undecideds were evenly split between Biden and Trump, the Covid-19 pandemic had made the pollsters’ task more complicated. AAPOR points out that the states with a higher proportion of Covid-19 cases were the ones with the highest polling errors. As a result, pollsters underestimated Trump’s vote share in key swing states and also overestimated Biden’s national lead, making the 2020 polls the least accurate in 40 years.

    Proportion of polling errors in presidential elections since 1936. Click to zoom.
    Pew Reseach Center

    Despite these errors, Biden still triumphed, winning 4 percent more of the popular vote and taking home 306 electoral votes to Trump’s 232. Biden’s victories in the swing states of Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin make all the difference.

    Polling errors and public distrust

    Errors of this magnitude naturally increase the public’s scepticism of polling, especially among Republicans, who are already wary of establishment institutions. Contrary to initial assumptions, Trump voters didn’t hesitate to express their preferences in 2016 and 2020. However, they were less likely to participate in polls due in part to their distrust of mainstream institutions. As a result, working-class white voters – and their opinions – were underrepresented in many polls.

    Pollsters also face technical challenges. Getting a respondent on the phone now requires calling hundreds of people, thanks to caller ID and call screening. Polls with smaller samples (fewer than 1,000 respondents) are less reliable. To deal with these hurdles, many pollsters are now using a mix of methods, including e-mail, online surveys, and robocalls.

    Though cheaper, online surveys often draw voluntary participants who are compensated, which leads to issues of accuracy and representation. This growing reliance on online polling has contributed to a doubling of polling companies from 2000 to 2022, according to Pew Research Center.

    Margin of error and identifying “likely” voters

    The margin of error is a critical component of polling that is often misunderstood by the public and media. It typically falls between 3 and 4 percentage points, but for smaller demographic groups (for example, young people, white men, or Hispanics), it can be even higher. Media headlines, however, frequently imply a candidate is leading, even when the difference is within the margin of error. University of California, Berkeley researchers suggest that to ensure 95% accuracy, the margin of error should be closer to 6%.

    However, the media sometimes amplify results, particularly in headlines, by implying that a candidate is ahead, even when the difference is within the margin of error. Moreover, researchers at the University of Berkeley have shown that to guarantee 95% accuracy, this margin should be increased to at least 6%. This means a candidate projected to receive 54% of the vote is likely, in reality, to secure anywhere between 48% and 60%, reflecting an actual margin of error of 12 percentage points.

    Another significant challenge for pollsters is identifying likely voters. Only around two-thirds of citizens eligible to vote actually go to the polls. In 2016, turnout on the Democratic side was overestimated, giving the false impression that Clinton was a lock for victory. This likely caused some of her supporters to stay home, while Trump’s base showed up in force when polls suggested he was behind. Accurately predicting who will turn out to vote is crucial to polling accuracy.

    Lessons from the 2022 midterms: A glimmer of hope for 2024?

    Polling showed notable improvements during the 2022 midterm elections, with the results being the most accurate since 1998. Importantly, there was no significant bias toward either party. However, midterm elections operate differently than presidential elections, and the dynamics for 2024 may be very different. That said, many polling institutions have adapted since 2016: as of 2022, 61% of polling firms had changed their methods, such as refining sampling techniques and improving question wording. More than a third have changed their methods after 2020.

    While these changes are positive, challenges remain, especially in predicting turnout and combating low response rates.

    What good are polls, then?

    At the end of the day, election polls offer snapshots – often imprecise – and can only provide general trends. Polling methods vary across firms, introducing biases that make it difficult to compare results.

    Survey aggregators offer averages that might be more reliable than individual polls, but they still come with a degree of uncertainty. This is true for FiveThirtyEight, the well-known website founded by statistics guru Nate Silver. After ABC took over in 2023, Silver left, taking his forecasting model with him to his new platform, Silver Bulletin, which continues to attract significant media attention.

    With the unpredictability of polls, political betting markets have become popular as polling alternatives. Platforms like Polymarket, which recently hired Silver, have multiplied rapidly. Some people, like Elon Musk, argue that markets provide better forecasts than traditional polls, though this claim is unproven. There are also concerns that these markets could be manipulated to sway public opinion.

    While opinion polls aren’t the best tools for predicting elections – as this could be one of the closest in recent history – their value lies in gauging public opinion on key issues. However, even in this role, polls can still be biased, often influenced by how questions are phrased.

    For example, in 2019 USA Today ran the headline “Poll: Half of Americans say Trump is victim of a ‘witch hunt’ as trust in Mueller erodes”. This was in reference to Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election. The question asked by the poll was:

    “President Trump has called the special counsel’s investigation a ‘witch hunt’ and said he has been investigated more than previous presidents for political reasons. Do you agree?”

    The problem with this wording is that it combined two different ideas: whether the investigation was a “witch hunt” and whether Trump had been unfairly targeted for political reasons. On top of that, the question lacked neutrality, presenting only his perspective.

    Naturally, Trump used the result to his advantage, even though other polls from sources such as The Washington Post, CBS News, and NPR-PBS told a different story.

    To use polling data wisely during this election, it’s crucial to recognize these limitations and pay attention to the fine print – details like the sample size, polling date, margin of error, and methodology. Additionally, consider the poll’s sponsors, who may only release results that align with their particular agenda.

    Ultimately, the best way to interpret polling data is with caution, focusing on general trends rather than any single poll. And always remember, election outcomes can be full of surprises.

    Jérôme Viala-Gaudefroy ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    ref. 2024 US presidential election: can we believe the polls? – https://theconversation.com/2024-us-presidential-election-can-we-believe-the-polls-240834

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Electric car sales have slumped. Misinformation is one of the reasons

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Senior Lecturer of Urban Analytics & Resilience, UNSW Sydney

    Karolis Kavolelis/Shutterstock

    Battery electric vehicle sales in Australia have flattened in recent months. The latest data reveal a sharp 27.2% year-on-year decline (overall new vehicle sales were down 9.7%) in September. Tesla Model Y and Model 3 cars had an even steeper drop of nearly 50%.

    Sales also fell in August (by 18.5%) and July (1.5%). There’s a clear downward trend.

    Before this downturn, electric vehicle sales had been rising steadily, supported by increased choices and government incentives. In early 2024, year-to-date sales continued to grow compared to the same period in 2023. Then, in April, electric vehicle sales fell for the first time in more than two years.

    Australia isn’t simply mirroring a broader global trend. It’s true sales have slowed in parts of Europe and the United States — often due to reduced incentives. But strong sales growth continues in other regions, such as China and India.

    A range of factors or combinations of them could help explain the trend in Australia. These include governments axing incentives, concerns about safety and depreciation, and misinformation.

    Governments are cutting incentives

    Electric vehicles typically cost more upfront. However, the flood of cheaper Chinese vehicles is lowering the cost barrier.

    Federal, state and territory governments also provide financial incentives to buy electric vehicles. These have been among the main drivers of sales in Australia.

    Nationally, incentives include a higher luxury car tax threshold and exemptions from fringe benefits tax and customs duty. But several states and territories have scaled back their rebate programs and tax exemptions in 2023 and 2024.

    New South Wales and South Australia ended their $3,000 rebates on January 1 this year. At the same time, NSW ended a stamp duty refund for new and used zero-emission vehicles up to a value of $78,000. Both incentives had been offered since 2021.

    Victoria ended its $3,000 rebate, also launched in 2021, in mid-2023.

    In the ACT, the incentive of two years’ free registration closed on June 30 2024.

    Queensland’s $6,000 electric vehicle rebate ended in September.

    The market clearly responded to these changes. However, reduced financial incentives alone cannot explain the full picture. Despite several rounds of price cuts, sales of popular Tesla models are falling.

    Buyers are increasingly opting for hybrid vehicles instead. In September, sales of hybrid and plug-in hybrid vehicles were up by 34.4% and 89.9%, respectively.

    These sales trends reflect other consumer concerns beyond just the upfront cost.

    Resale value worries buyers

    One major issue for car buyers in Australia, and globally, is uncertainty about their resale value. Consumers are concerned electric vehicles depreciate faster than traditional cars.

    These concerns are particularly tied to battery degradation, which affects a car’s range and performance over time. And batteries account for much of the vehicle’s total cost. Potential buyers worry about the long-term value of a used electric vehicle with an ageing battery.

    For example, a 2021 Tesla Model 3 Standard Range Plus with nearly 85,000km currently lists for about $34,000. It has lost roughly half its value in just three years.

    While Tesla offers transferable four-year warranties and software updates, the rapid evolution of EV technology also makes older second-hand models less desirable, further reducing their value.

    Fires raise fears about safety

    Electric vehicle fires have made headlines globally. This has created doubts among consumers about the risks of owning them.

    In Korea, a high-profile battery fire in August 2024 led to a ban on certain electric vehicles from underground car parks. While similar bans are not common in Australia, some have been reported. These could have harmed local consumer confidence.

    Incidents of electric vehicle fires have increased along with vehicle numbers. Statistically, these vehicles are not more prone to fires than conventional cars – in fact, the risk is clearly lower.

    For example, analysis of publicly available statistics from South Korean government agencies, one of the early adopters of electric vehicles, show the number of fires per registered electric vehicle is steadily increasing. Fire risk remains lower than for traditional vehicles, although the gap is shrinking as the electric vehicle fleet ages. And the highly publicised nature of their fires is a source of growing buyer hesitancy.

    Electric vehicle fires in Korea are increasing with EV numbers, but the rate is still less than for petrol or diesel cars.
    Author provided using data from South Korean government agencies, CC BY

    Misinformation and politicisation are rampant

    The full environmental benefits of electric vehicles depend on widespread adoption. However, there is a wide gap between early adopters’ experiences and potential buyers’ perceptions.

    Persistent misconceptions include exaggerated concerns about battery life, charging infrastructure and safety. Myths and misinformation often fuel these concerns. Traditional vehicle and oil companies actively spread misinformation in campaigns much like those used against other green energy initiatives.

    In response, coalitions such as Electric Vehicles UK have formed to combat these false narratives and promote accurate information.

    The politicisation of green initiatives adds to the challenge. When electric vehicles become associated with a specific political ideology, it can alienate large parts of the population. Adoption then becomes slower and more divisive.

    Green transition is a work in progress

    The electric vehicle market in Australia is facing challenges, despite the growing variety of models and price cuts.

    The EV sales trend signals deeper issues in the market. Broader trends, such as the dominance of SUVs and utes, underscore the fact that while the transition to greener vehicles is progressing, it remains uneven.

    Further efforts will be needed to reduce misconceptions and misinformation, and bridge the gap between owners’ experience and potential buyers’ perceptions. Only then can Australia enjoy the environmental benefits of widespread EV adoption.

    Hadi Ghaderi receives funding from the iMOVE Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts, IVECO Trucks Australia limited, Victoria Department of Education and Training, Australia Post, Bondi Laboratories, Innovative Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre, Sphere for Good, Australian Meat Processor Corporation,City of Casey, 460degrees and Passel.

    Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Electric car sales have slumped. Misinformation is one of the reasons – https://theconversation.com/electric-car-sales-have-slumped-misinformation-is-one-of-the-reasons-240545

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Stats NZ information release: Electronic card transactions: September 2024

    Source: Statistics New Zealand

    Electronic card transactions: September 2024 – information release – 14 October 2024 – The electronic card transactions (ECT) series cover debit, credit, and charge card transactions with New Zealand-based merchants. The series can be used to indicate changes in consumer spending and economic activity.

    Key facts
    All figures are seasonally adjusted unless otherwise specified.

    Values are at the national level and are not adjusted for price changes.

    September 2024 month
    Changes in the value of electronic card transactions for the September 2024 month (compared with August 2024) were:

    • spending in the retail industries was unchanged
    • spending in the core retail industries increased 0.3 percent ($19 million).

    Visit our website to read this information release and to download CSV files:

     

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Kamala Harris dips in key states, making US election contest a toss-up

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    The United States presidential election will be held on November 5. In analyst Nate Silver’s aggregate of national polls, Democrat Kamala Harris leads Republican Donald Trump by 49.3–46.5, a slight gain for Trump since last Monday, when Harris led by 49.3–46.2.

    Joe Biden’s final position before his withdrawal as Democratic candidate on July 21 was a national poll deficit against Trump of 45.2–41.2.

    The US president isn’t elected by the national popular vote, but by the Electoral College, in which each state receives electoral votes equal to its federal House seats (population based) and senators (always two). Almost all states award their electoral votes as winner-takes-all, and it takes 270 electoral votes to win (out of 538 total).

    Relative to the national popular vote, the Electoral College is biased to Trump, with Harris needing at least a two-point popular vote win to be the Electoral College favourite in Silver’s model.

    Last Monday, Harris led by one to two points in Pennsylvania (19 electoral votes), Michigan (15), Wisconsin (ten) and Nevada (six). In the last week, Trump has gained in all these states in Silver’s aggregates, reducing Harris’ lead to about one point in these states.

    If Harris wins these four states, she probably wins the Electoral College by at least a 276–262 margin. Trump leads by less than one point in Georgia and North Carolina, which both have 16 electoral votes.

    While Harris is still barely ahead in the Electoral College, her margins have been reduced in the states where she’s leading. As a result, Silver’s model now gives Harris a 52% chance to win the Electoral College, down from 56% last Monday.

    This means the presidential election is effectively a 50–50 toss-up. There’s a 23% chance that Harris wins the popular vote but loses the Electoral College. The FiveThirtyEight model
    is giving similar results to Silver’s model, with Harris a 53% favourite.

    There’s still over three weeks until the election, and polls could change in that time. The polls could also be biased against either Trump or Harris, and in this case that candidate could win easily. With the polls across the swing states so close, either candidate could sweep all these states.

    I wrote about the US election for The Poll Bludger last Thursday, and also covered the UK Conservative leadership election, the far-right winning the most seats at the September 29 Austrian election and Japan’s October 27 election.

    Favourability ratings and economic data

    Harris’ net favourability peaked about two weeks ago at +1.4 in the FiveThirtyEight national poll aggregate, but it has now dropped back to net zero, with 46.8% favourable and 46.8% unfavourable. Harris’ net favourability had surged from about -16 after becoming the Democratic nominee, and she gained further ground after the September 10 debate with Trump.

    Trump’s net favourability has been steady in the last two months, and he’s now at -9.4, with 52.6% unfavourable and 43.2% favourable. Harris’ running mate Tim Walz is at +4.2 net favourable and Trump’s running mate JD Vance is at -9.6 net favourable. Biden’s net approval remains poor at -14.0.

    US headline inflation rose 0.2% in September, the same increase as in August. In the 12 months to September, inflation was up 2.4%, the smallest increase since 2021. Core inflation increased 0.3% in September, the same as in August, and is up 3.3% in the 12 months to September.

    Real (inflation-adjusted) hourly earnings were up 0.2% in September after a 0.3% increase in August, while real weekly earnings slid 0.1% after a 0.6% increase in August owing to changes in hours worked. In the 12 months to September, real hourly earnings were up 1.5% and weekly earnings up 0.9%.

    Congressional elections

    I wrote about the elections for the House of Representatives and Senate that will be held concurrently with the presidential election three weeks ago. The House has 435 single-member seats that are apportioned to states on a population basis, while there are two senators for each of the 50 states.

    The House only has a two-year term, so the last House election was at the 2022 midterm elections, when Republicans won the House by 222–213 over Democrats. The FiveThirtyEight aggregate of polls of the national House race gives Democrats a 47.1–45.9 lead over Republicans, a gain for Republican from a 46.7–44.5 Democratic lead three weeks ago.

    Senators have six-year terms, with one-third up for election every two years. Democrats and aligned independents currently have a 51–49 Senate majority, but they are defending 23 of the 33 regular seats up, including seats in three states Trump won easily in both 2016 and 2020: West Virginia, Montana and Ohio.

    West Virginia is a certain Republican gain after the retirement of former Democratic (now independent) Senator Joe Manchin at this election. Republicans have taken a 5.4-point lead in Montana in the FiveThirtyEight poll aggregate, while Democrats are just 2.3 points ahead in Ohio.

    Republicans are being challenged by independent Dan Osborn in Nebraska, and he trails Republican Deb Fischer by just 1.5 points. Democrats did not contest to avoid splitting the vote. In other Senate contests, the incumbent party is at least four points ahead.

    If Republicans gain West Virginia and Montana, but lose Nebraska to Osborn, and no other seats change hands, Republicans would have a 50–49 lead in the Senate. If Harris wins the presidency, Osborn would be the decisive vote as a Senate tie can be broken by the vice president, who would be Walz. This is the rosiest plausible scenario for Democrats.

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Kamala Harris dips in key states, making US election contest a toss-up – https://theconversation.com/kamala-harris-dips-in-key-states-making-us-election-contest-a-toss-up-241216

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz