Category: Statistics

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Roadside breath testing up; alcohol-related road deaths down

    Source: NZ Music Month takes to the streets

    As Road Safety Week begins, the Government’s crackdown on drunk drivers is delivering real results with newly released 2024 statistics showing the number of alcohol-related road deaths reducing by nearly 40%, Transport Minister Chris Bishop and Police Minister Mark Mitchell say. 

    “Our Government is focused on improving road safety through road policing and enforcement, investment in new and safe roading infrastructure, and targeting the leading contributors to fatal crashes such as drugs and alcohol impairment. That plan – the Road Policing Investment Programme (RPIP) – is seeing some strong results, and we need to keep it up,” Mr Bishop says.

    “Police have really stepped up their road policing efforts in the past year. In 2024, Police delivered 4,118,159 passive breath and breath screening tests, the highest number recorded in a calendar year, and smashing their RPIP target of 3.3 million per year.

    “Police have also exceeded their target to focus 65% of their breath testing on the highest risk times. In the first nine months of this financial year (July 2024 to March 2025), Police delivered 2,177,179 passive breath and breath screening tests during high or extreme risk alcohol hours. This is 35% above the year-to-date target of 1,608,750 tests, and a 21% increase compared to the first nine months of the previous financial year.

    “The whole point of roadside breath testing is to keep New Zealanders safer on the roads – and it’s working. 

    “It’s really encouraging to see an almost 40% reduction in the number of road deaths where alcohol was a contributing factor, from 92 alcohol-related road deaths in 2023 down to 57 in 2024. 

    “In fact, the steep reduction in alcohol-related road deaths led to the 2024 total road toll being the lowest since 2014. Every avoidable road death is a tragedy and there’s always more work to do, but this is a big step in the right direction.”

    “The reduced number of road deaths in 2024 is also significant given the presence of factors that can drive up the road toll, such as population increases, continued increases in the size of the vehicle fleet and increases in the total vehicle kilometres travelled (VKT) across the network.

    “Roadside testing for drug driving is also coming soon. Anyone who drives while under the influence of drugs should know that they’re putting themselves and other road users at risk – and we’re not going to put up with it.

    “In March 2025 the Government passed legislation to enable Police to conduct roadside testing for drug impairment, and we expect these tests to start being rolled out later this year.”

    “Alcohol and drugs are leading contributors to death and serious injury on our roads, and both random and selective breath testing is proven to discourage people from drinking and driving. Every breath test delivered has the potential to save a life, and you can continue to expect to Police highly visible on our roads,” Mr Mitchell says.

    “I’m proud of the work our Police are doing to reduce deaths on our road, keep our communities safe, and ensure everyone can get to where they need to go safely.”

    Notes to editor:

    • In 2024:
      • Police conducted 4.1 million roadside breath alcohol tests – the most ever, and about 900,000 more than in 2023.
      • The number of alcohol-related road fatalities reduced by nearly 40% , from 92 in 2023 to 57 in 2024.
    • The Road Policing Investment Programme 2024-2027 (RPIP) requires Police to deliver 3.3 million passive breath tests and breath screening tests per year of the programme—an average of 825,000 tests per quarter. This is an increase from the 3 million tests required annually under the previous government’s road policing agreement.
    • In 2024 Police delivered 4,118,159 passive breath and breath screening tests, the highest number of tests recorded in a calendar year.
    • In the first nine months of this financial year (July 2024 to March 2025) Police delivered 3,286,094 passive breath and breath screening tests, 33% above the year-to-date target of 2,475,000 tests. It is also a 20% increase in tests compared to the first nine months of the previous financial year.
    • The RPIP sets a target of 2,145,000 alcohol breath tests to be conducted during high and extreme risk alcohol times—an average of 536,250 tests per quarter. This directs the greatest proportion of testing to the times and days when alcohol related harm has historically been highest, while still allowing a portion of testing across the rest of the week to ensure an ‘anywhere, anytime’ approach.
    • In 2024, there were 113 deaths (38% of all deaths) where a driver tested above the alcohol limit (or test refused) and/or tested positive for drugs.
    • 87 deaths were where a driver tested positive for drugs,
    • 47 deaths were where a driver tested above the alcohol limit (or test refused),
    • 21 deaths were where a driver tested both positive for drugs and above the alcohol limit (or test refused).

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: South Africa engages USA on resettlement concerns

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    The Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) has engaged its United States of America (USA) counterparts on the resettlement of South Africans claiming refugee status in that country.

    This follows reports that the US is preparing to fly at least 50 Afrikaaner South Africans to the US as early as this coming week.

    In a statement, DIRCO revealed that Deputy Minister Alvin Botes on Friday held a cordial discussion and raised concern with US Deputy Secretary of State, Christopher Landau, in this regard.

    DIRCO noted the internationally recognised definition of refugees, as set out in the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol.

    “The Convention defines a refugee as someone with a ‘well-founded fear of persecution’ based on race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion. 

    “South Africa acknowledges that the determination of refugee status requires a factual assessment in light of the prevailing circumstances, having due regard for both subjective and objective factors,” the statement read.

    The department maintained that “allegations of discrimination are unfounded” in this particular regard.

    “The South African Police Service (SAPS) statistics on farm related crimes do not support allegations of violent crime targeted at farmers generally or any particular race. There are sufficient structures available within South Africa to address concerns of discrimination. 

    “Moreover, even if there are allegations of discrimination, it is our view that these do not meet the threshold of persecution required under domestic and international refugee law,” DIRCO said.

    The department said it was “most regrettable” that it appears that the resettlement, under the guise of being “refugees”, is “entirely politically motivated and designed to question South Africa’s constitutional democracy”.

    “[South Africa is] a country which has in fact suffered true persecution under apartheid rule and has worked tirelessly to prevent such levels of discrimination from ever occurring again, including through the entrenchment of rights in our Constitution, which is enforced vigorously through our judicial system. 

    “In addition, it is not clear how the principle of non-refoulement will be applied in relation to these citizens once they are resettled,” DIRCO said.

    South Africa’s Constitution strictly prohibits any form of discrimination, directly or indirectly, against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth.

    “Through progressive judgements from the South African courts, particularly the Constitutional Court, our State has demonstrated a principled commitment to protect minorities and vulnerable groups. This shows the extent to which South Africa is working towards a country in which every citizen is free and protected,” the department said.

    Through diplomatic channels, DIRCO has requested the following information:

    • The status of persons that will be departing, whether as asylum seekers, refugees or ordinary citizens, and
    • Assurances as to whether the persons have been appropriately vetted by competent South African authorities to ensure that they do not have any outstanding criminal cases pending against them, amongst others.

    “Whilst South Africa challenges the United States’ assessments of alleged refugee status, it will not block citizens who seek to depart the country from doing so, as it also observes their right of freedom of movement and freedom of choice, specifically the right to leave the country, as contained in section 21(2) of the Constitution. 

    “However, it is essential that in doing so, South Africa ensures that it is compliant with other domestic laws and prescripts.

    “The Government of South Africa remains dedicated to constructive dialogue with United States of America, anchored in mutual respect for sovereignty, the rule of law, and a shared commitment to deepening mutually beneficial bilateral partnership,” the statement concluded. – SAnews.gov.za

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: 2025 Child Protection Month: Let’s root out child abuse together

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    The Department of Social Development (DSD) has launched a nationwide child protection programme to combat child abuse, following alarming statistics revealing that more than 26 000 cases of child abuse and neglect were reported in the 2024/25 financial year.

    DSD Minister Sisisi Tolashe launched the 2025 Child Protection Month and 365 Days child protection programme, aimed at curbing violence against children, in Thaba Nchu in the Free State on Sunday afternoon.

    “This is the continuation of the work done in previous years, however with vigour and a sense of urgency to upscale interventions directed at ending violence against children, as our children are under siege, confronted with high levels of violence, despite progressive laws in place to protect them.

    “As a country, we have made strides, putting various measures in place such as child protection laws, policies, strategies and programmes to ensure the protection of children from abuse; however, our children continue to experience violence,” Tolashe said in written remarks for the occasion.

    The Minister revealed worrying statistics of child abuse, including that some 26 852 cases of child abuse and neglect were reported in the 2024/25 financial year.

    “Cases of sexual abuse remained dominant in all provinces, with 9 859 cases throughout the country. Deliberate neglect is the second most prevalent in all provinces, with 9 485 cases, followed by physical abuse, with 3965 recorded cases and 595 cases of abandonment. 

    “Children falling pregnant as young as 10 to 14 years old is a concern and shows the deep-rooted evil against children, who are sexually abused and sexually exploited,” Tolashe said.

    All hands of deck

    President Cyril Ramaphosa has repeatedly called child abuse and gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) South Africa’s “second pandemic”.

    The President has also reiterated government’s commitment to rooting it out. He has called on Cabinet to develop and implement a 90-day strategy with impactful programmes to address this sustained violence.

    “In response to the President’s directive to Cabinet, the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster Ministers and senior officials convened a special sitting on the 14th of April 2025. This urgent meeting was convened in response to the alarming surge in GBVF incidents across the country.

    “It culminated in the adoption of a 90-day acceleration programme to intensify the national response and fast track the implementation of the National Strategic Plan on GBVF. A dedicated GBVF priority committee has been established within the National Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure,” Tolashe said.

    On a global scale, South Africa has also lent its voice to movements against child abuse.

    Last year at the Global Ministerial Conference in Colombia, South Africa pledged to, in relation to ending violence against children:

    • Parent and caregiver support: Building capacity of parents and caregivers through parenting programmes and ensuring that the home environment is safe for children to help reduce the incidence of child abuse, neglect and exploitation, and stop the use of corporal and physical punishment.
    • Safe environments: Creating safety at home, schools and communities, including safety in digital platforms.
    • Child participation: Advocacy on children’s rights and engaging children in empowerment dialogues.
    • Response care, support and healing:  Promotion of availability and accessibility of psycho-social support, trauma counselling, and raising awareness about available services.
    • Norms and values: Implement social and behaviour change programmes to instil positive norms and values, and working with traditional and religious leaders to address harmful cultural practices and patriarchal norms that normalise the abuse of children.
    • Collaboration and coordination with the African Union: Strengthen collaboration with SADC and the African Union in strengthening child protection systems and creating a better continent that safeguards the well-being of children.
    • Income and economic strengthening: Increase access to the Child Support Grant to reach all vulnerable children in South Africa, and working with Home Affairs to upscale birth registration to enable access to social security and the basket of social protection measures in place to cushion children.

    “Implementing the above-mentioned breakthrough areas will ensure that we address the contributory factors to the high levels of violence against children, preventing its occurrence, whilst also responding to victims of violence,” Tolashe said.

    The Minister emphasised, however, that government cannot root out the scourge on its own and requires citizen participation.

    “[Government] alone cannot succeed in dealing with this monster that we are faced with, hence we appeal to parents, community, religious and traditional leaders to work closer in addressing social ills, harmful social, cultural and religious practices that are detrimental to the well-being of children, and change societal norms and values that perpetuate violence against children.

    “I urge that we continue to scale up interventions at local ward level with all hands on deck to end violence against children, promote care and the protection of children, with a focus on changing societal norms and values that perpetuate violence against children,” Tolashe said. – SAnews.gov.za

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI China: China’s PPI down 2.7 pct in April

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    A worker works at a workshop of CRRC Qiqihar Co., Ltd. in Qiqihar, northeast China’s Heilongjiang Province, April 16, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    China’s producer price index (PPI), which measures costs for goods at the factory gate, went down 2.7 percent year on year in April, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said Saturday.

    In April, the purchasing price of industrial products dropped by 2.7 percent year on year, the NBS data showed.

    NBS statistician Dong Lijuan attributed the decline primarily to imported international factors and seasonal decrease in prices of certain energy products.

    On a monthly basis, the PPI edged down 0.4 percent in April, according to the NBS data.

    For the January-April period, the PPI fell by an average of 2.4 percent compared with the same period last year. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to conference press release about time-restricted eating and weight loss in overweight or obese adults

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A conference press release presented at the European Congress on Obesity (ECO) in Malaga looks at time-restricted eating (TRE) and weight loss in obese adults. 

    Dr Adam Collins, Associate Professor of Nutrition, University of Surrey, said:

    The finding that TRE protocols, whether early, late or self-selected eating windows, lead to weight loss, is consistent with other studies.  What is of interest here is that, strictly speaking, TRE protocols are not prescribed to reduce or restrict calories, just the eating window itself.  Yet inevitably, most people fail to squeeze all of what they used to eat daily into the new window; instead, they change their eating behaviour and end up eating less.  This may manifest as skipping whole meals, such as breakfast when abiding to late TRE windows.  Or omitting snacks and drinks (including alcohol), either between meals or later in the day/evening.  The latter may be significant in early time-restricted protocols.

    “The novelty of this new communicated study is in the follow-up of these participants after 12 months, with the observation that both early and late TRE groups managed to maintain their weight loss.  Interestingly, those who self-selected their window didn’t manage to keep the weight off as successfully.  It is possible that following the more regimented early and late TRE created more sustainable changes in eating behaviour and dietary habits, that remained after the intervention.

    “The originally published study was, I feel, robustly designed, with MRI-derived VAT as the primary outcome.  It is unclear in this follow-up a) how many (i.e. what proportion) of the original participants were measured at follow-up across the different intervention arms.  And b) what outcome measures were assessed (e.g. VAT).  This would be very important for context.

    “One general note of caution on TRE protocols is that altering the opportunities to eat, and potential for meal skipping, may compromise the nutritional adequacy of the diet.  This may be an issue for those whose diet was marginally nutritionally replete to start with.  To this end, we are midway through a study exploring the impact of TRE specifically on eating behaviour and nutritional adequacy of people’s diets.”

     

    Dr Maria Chondronikola, Principal Investigator and Lead for Human Nutrition, University of Cambridge Metabolic Research Laboratories, University of Cambridge, said:

    The research study described in the press release explores the effects of time-restricted eating (TRE) on weight management, a topic that has attracted significant interest attention due to its potential health implications.

    “While the press release provides an overview of the main outcomes of the study, it does not offer sufficient information to fully evaluate the scientific rigor and methodology of this investigation.  This is not surprising given that the summary is intended for a broader audience.  However, this limits the ability to assess the scientific value of the study in detail.  Nevertheless, the findings outlined in the release appear reasonable within the context of existing literature.

    “The 3-month results showing a 3–4% weight loss in response to the different TRE groups align with previous studies in the field.  These results suggest that TRE may have modest effects on weight management.  However, the novel finding in this study is the observation that the early and late TRE groups (but not the TRE group with the self-selected eating window) experienced greater weight loss maintenance over time.  This is an interesting development and warrants further exploration, particularly in how TRE might help individuals sustain weight loss.

    “It is important to note that this study did not include a caloric restriction group, and therefore, its results cannot be directly compared to other weight loss strategies that involve intentional caloric restriction.

    “Furthermore, additional information on participant adherence to the prescribed eating windows is crucial.  Understanding how well participants adhered to the timing of their meals, the level of their caloric intake and whether TRE changed any obesity-related metabolic outcomes would provide valuable insight into the true effectiveness of TRE.

    “In conclusion, while the study’s findings are interesting, more detailed data on study design and compliance rates are needed to fully evaluate the results.”

     

    Prof Alexandra Johnstone, Theme Lead for Nutrition, Obesity and Disease, Rowett Institute, University of Aberdeen, said:

    “Dr Alba Camacho-Cardenosa and colleagues have shared some preliminary comments on their research findings, which are to be presented to peers at an obesity-related conference.  With only the press release to refer to, this limits the scope of this commentary, and I am unable to comment on the robustness of the work.  For example, there are no statistics mentioned in the press release, and it is therefore rather vague to interpret the results.

    “I do, however, look forward to reading the paper when peer-reviewed, as there is a lot of interest in the role of chrono-nutrition and timing of eating as a dietary weight loss tool.  The team present interesting data that support a time-restricted eating approach, as a 16 hour fasting window (with 8 hours eating), with a 12 week intervention period and a one-year follow-up.  The TRE approach was useful to help participants maintain their weight loss.  Aside from looking at their reported percentage weight change, I am interested in how health parameters changed in response to the dietary approaches, and this information is not provided in the press release.

    “My own group already published work to show that timing of eating the largest meal of the day did not impact on weight loss (Cell Metabolismhttps://www.cell.com/cell-metabolism/pdfExtended/S1550-4131(22)00344-8).  Thus, these data are in line of our current understanding.”

     

     

     

    Press release: ‘3-month programme of time-restricted eating at any time of the day supports long-term weight loss in adults with overweight or obesity’. Authors are Alba Camacho-Cardenosa et al.

    This was presented as a poster at the European Congress on Obesity. The embargo lifted at 23:01 UK time on Saturday 10th May 2025. 

    There is no paper.

     

     

    Declared interests

    Dr Adam Collins: “No conflict of interest to declare.”

    Dr Maria Chondronikola: “I am currently leading a intervention study on the effects of time restricted eating in cardiometabolic health: https://trestudy.org.uk/#:~:text=Dr.,in%20the%20UK%20and%20worldwide.”

    Prof Alexandra Johnstone: “My COI is that I hold voluntary committee roles for The Nutrition Society, Association for The Study of Obesity and British Nutrition Foundation.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Russia: China’s CPI fell 0.1 pct in April 2025

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Xinhua | 10. 05. 2025

    Keywords: PRC, consumer price index, fell, percent, China, year, April, main inflation indicator, Saturday state, annualized, prices, management, reported

    BEIJING, May 10 (Xinhua) — China’s consumer price index (CPI), a key measure of inflation, fell 0.1 percent year on year in April 2025, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said Saturday. -0-

    Source: Xinhua

    China’s CPI down 0.1 pct in April 2025 China’s CPI down 0.1 pct in April 2025

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: China’s PPI fell 2.7 pct in April 2025

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Xinhua | 10. 05. 2025

    Keywords: producer price index, China, fell, percent, China, year, April, producer prices of goods, indicator of change, year-on-year, services, management, Saturday, testify

    BEIJING, May 10 (Xinhua) — China’s producer price index (PPI), a measure of wholesale prices of goods and services, fell 2.7 percent year on year in April 2025, data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) showed Saturday. -0-

    Source: Xinhua

    China’s PPI fell 2.7 pct in April 2025 China’s PPI fell 2.7 pct in April 2025

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 10, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 10, 2025.

    Tracing radiation through the Marshall Islands: Reflections from a veteran Greenpeace nuclear campaigner
    SPECIAL REPORT: By Shaun Burnie of Greenpeace We’ve visited Ground Zero. Not once, but three times. But for generations, before these locations were designated as such, they were the ancestral home to the people of the Marshall Islands. As part of a team of Greenpeace scientists and specialists from the Radiation Protection Advisers team, we

    USP World Press Freedom Day warnings over AI, legal reform and media safety
    World Press Freedom Day is not just a celebration of the vital role journalism plays — it is also a moment to reflect on the pressures facing the profession and Pacific governments’ responsibility to protect it. This was one of the key messages delivered by two guest speakers at The University of the South Pacific

    Labor likely to gain 5 senators, cementing the left’s Senate dominance
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne I previously wrote about the Senate the morning after the election. About half the Senate is elected at each House of Representatives election. Those up for election

    The artist as creator of all things: Julie Fragar wins the Archibald for a portrait among the stars
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Mendelssohn, Honorary Senior Fellow, School of Culture and Communication. Editor in Chief, Design and Art of Australia Online, The University of Melbourne Winner Archibald Prize 2025, Julie Fragar ‘Flagship Mother Multiverse (Justene)’, oil on canvas, 240 x 180.4 cm © the artist, image © Art Gallery

    The Kiwi heart surgeon, his wife and the film maker in Palestine
    Auckland film maker Paula Whetu Jones has spent nearly two decades working pro bono on a feature film about the Auckland cardiac surgeon Alan Kerr, which is finally now in cinemas. She is best known for co-writing and directing Whina, the feature film about Dame Whina Cooper. She filmed Dr Kerr and his wife Hazel

    Glyn Davis to quit as the prime minister’s top public servant
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra Glyn Davis, Anthony Albanese’s hand-picked Secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, will leave the post on June 16. Albanese paid tribute to Davis for rebuilding the public service. “One of the key priorities of our government’s

    Pope Leo XIV faces limits on changing the Catholic Church − but Francis made reforms that set the stage for larger changes
    ANALYSIS: By Dennis Doyle, University of Dayton Cardinal Robert Prevost of the United States has been picked to be the new leader of the Roman Catholic Church; he will be known as Pope Leo XIV. Now, as greetings resound across the Pacific and globally, attention turns to what vision the first US pope will bring.

    Keith Rankin Analysis – Make Deficits Great Again: Maintaining a Pragmatic Balance
    Analysis by Keith Rankin. Donald Trump is a mercantilist, as noted in Trump’s tariffs: Short-term damage or long-term ruin? ‘The Bottom Line’, Al Jazeera, 11 April 2025 (or here on YouTube). But the United States, in today’s world, is not a mercantilist country. Or at least not a successful mercantilist country, though it is inhabited

    It’s almost winter. Why is Australia still so hot?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew King, Associate Professor in Climate Science, ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather, The University of Melbourne This year, for many Australians, it feels like summer never left. The sunny days and warm nights have continued well into autumn. Even now, in May, it’s still

    Labor has promised to tackle homelessness. Here’s what homeless people say they need
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robyn Martin, Associate Dean, Social Work and Human Services, RMIT University Pressmaster/Shutterstock The 2025 election is over and now it’s time for Labor to deliver on campaign promises to address homelessness. Action on homelessness is long overdue. Affordable housing options remain scarce and public and community housing

    View from The Hill: two ministers and the Nationals discover the limits of loyalty in politics
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra Labor’s extraordinary election result has triggered a power play that has exposed the uglier entrails of Labor factionalism. Even before the new caucus met in Canberra on Friday, the Labor right had dumped two of its cabinet ministers: Attorney-General Mark

    What’s the difference between probiotics and prebiotics? A dietitian explains
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Evangeline Mantzioris, Program Director of Nutrition and Food Sciences, Accredited Practising Dietitian, University of South Australia Simply Amazing/Shutterstock If you walk through your local pharmacy or supermarket you’re bound to come across probiotics and prebiotics. They’re added to certain foods. They come as supplements you can drink

    What will the Antichrist look like? According to Western thought, an authoritarian king – or the pope
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philip C. Almond, Emeritus Professor in the History of Religious Thought, The University of Queensland Composite image by The Conversation. Images courtesy of TruthSocial/@realDonaldTrump and Wikimedia Commons The US presidency and the papacy came together on May 3 when Donald Trump posted an AI-generated photograph of himself

    ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 9, 2025
    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 9, 2025.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to conference poster about obesity drugs (GLP-1s) and alcohol intake

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A conference poster presented at the European Congress on Obesity (ECO) looks at weight loss drugs (GLP-1s) and reduced alcohol intake. 

    Prof Kevin McConway, Emeritus Professor of Applied Statistics, Open University, said:

    Usually, when I’m asked to comment on a press release about a poster or talk being presented at a research conference, there’s not a lot that I can say about the quality of the work.  All I would typically have is a short press release, and a poster or a summary of talk that hasn’t been given yet.  The work wouldn’t have been through full peer review.  So there’s very little to go on, and usually a lot of unanswered questions.

    “But this one is different. This is not new work. The press release includes a link to the research report that was submitted to a journal in November last year, went through peer review, and appeared in the journal at the start of 2025.  The press release, and the conference poster that is also linked from the release, appear just to give some of the same details that are already in the published research report1.

    “The research report, the poster and the press release all mention that the study has some important limitations.  The study is observational and there was not a control group that received none of the drugs in question (liraglutide or semaglutide).  Thus we can’t be certain how much of the observed reduction in alcohol consumption is actually due to the drugs that the participants were taking.  Even though the average consumption reductions are pretty large, the participants were all being treated and all knew they were being treated with one or other of the drugs, and may have chosen to change their alcohol intake for reasons not caused by the drugs, in addition to any changes actually caused by taking the drugs.

    “The report does not present any data on what happened to alcohol consumption in the longer term, or after the participants stopped taking the drugs (if they did stop).  The alcohol consumption figures were reported by the participants themselves, so may not be accurate, and the level of inaccuracy in the before and after consumption figures may be different.  And a lot of the participants who started the study did not in the end provide data.  More than a quarter of the 262 patients who were originally in the study didn’t continue to the end of the study, and some who did continue were either non-drinkers or did not provide data on the actual amounts the consumed.  So the overall average change in consumption is based on data from 86 people only.  And the most dramatic reductions in consumption, in people who originally said they drank more than 10 units per week, are based on data from only 30 people.

    “These limitations are why the researchers (rightly) ask for larger, controlled and randomised trials, for research to investigate how these drugs operate in the body to reduce alcohol consumption (if indeed they do), and to look at which patients are appropriate for treatment.

    “However, this study is very far from the only work that has been done on drugs from this class (GLP-1 RAs) and reduction in alcohol consumption.  A quick Google search turns up many more.  The research report mentions a study in laboratory animals (reference 4) and there are other animal studies.  There have been observational studies, some of them involving large numbers of participants2.  There have been (small) randomised controlled trials3.  And there have recently been (at least) two review papers4.  This newly press-released conference poster certainly isn’t the latest state of the art, I’d say.”

     

    1 The report (a ‘research letter’) is at https://doi.org/10.1111/dom.16152 . There is a minor typo in the press release; it says that, overall, the average alcohol consumption fell from 11.3 to 4.3 units/week, whereas the research paper and the poster say it fell from 11.8 to 4.3 units/week.

    2 e.g. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-024-48780-6

    e.g. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2024.4789, comment on for SMC at https://www.sciencemediacentre.org/expert-reaction-to-study-looking-at-once-weekly-semaglutide-in-adults-with-alcohol-use-disorder/

    https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eclinm.2024.102920 and https://doi.org/10.1210/endocr/bqaf028

     

    Mr Colin Angus, Professor of Alcohol Policy, Sheffield Addictions Research Group, University of Sheffield, said:

    This study follows a few hundred patients attending an obesity clinic who were prescribed GLP-1 weight loss drugs and finds that they were drinking significantly less after around 4 months.  However, as this study has no control group, we have no way of knowing whether this reduction was related to their use of GLP-1, or a broader consequence of their efforts to tackle obesity.  Whilst it is plausible that GLP-1 drugs might have some impact on alcohol consumption, it is also likely that people trying to lose weight would reduce their alcohol consumption anyway, either as part of a more general move towards healthier behaviours, or because alcohol is relatively calorific.  So we have no way of knowing from this study what proportion, if any, of the observed reduction is down to the GLP-1 drugs.  Only with a higher quality study incorporating a control group could we have any confidence that GLP-1 drugs are leading people to reduce their alcohol intake.”

     

    Dr Stephen Burgess, Statistician at the MRC Biostatistics Unit, University of Cambridge, said:

    This is an observational study investigating the impact of weight loss drugs on alcohol intake.  It isn’t a randomized trial, so it isn’t blinded, and there is no control group.  In general, this sort of research is vulnerable to problems of confounding – differences between alcohol intake pre- and post-treatment may occur for reasons other than a causal effect of weight loss drugs on alcohol consumption levels.  For example, it may be that people cut down on their drinking spontaneously due to taking medication.  However, the findings are striking and consistent across study participants.  No study participant reported their alcohol consumption was higher after treatment.  The average reduction in alcohol consumption pre- versus post-treatment was around 7 units per week, which is a large difference.  It is possible that some participants are falsely reporting lower consumption, and it’s possible that some participants who are drinking more post-treatment are refusing to volunteer information – we only have quantifiable alcohol consumption levels available for around 35% of eligible patients.  But the magnitude of difference in reported alcohol consumption pre- versus post-treatment is so large that it is implausible that other factors explain the totality of the difference.  These results provide suggestive evidence that weight loss drugs could be used to treat alcohol addiction.  We await evidence from randomized controlled trials with blinding to strengthen the evidence supporting this finding.”

     

     

     

    Poster title: ‘Glucagon-like Peptide-1 Analogs Reduce Alcohol Intake’ by FI Almohaileb et al.

    This was presented at the European Congress on Obesity. The embargo lifted at 3:01 UK time on Friday 9 May 2025

     

     

    Declared interests

    Prof Kevin McConway: “Previously a Trustee of the SMC and a member of its Advisory Committee.”

    Mr Colin Angus: “No conflicts to declare.”

    Dr Stephen Burgess: “I have previously consulted for Eli Lilly (one of the manufacturers of GLP-1 drugs), but not specifically about GLP-1 drugs.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Padilla, Smith, Baldwin, Sanders Slam Trump Admin Proposal to Dissolve Mental Health Agency

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)

    Padilla, Smith, Baldwin, Sanders Slam Trump Admin Proposal to Dissolve Mental Health Agency

    Senators to Secretary Kennedy: “We demand that HHS not unlawfully dismantle SAMHSA, which would only serve to further exacerbate a growing mental health and substance use disorder crisis.”
    WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senators Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), co-founder of the bipartisan Senate Mental Health Caucus, Tina Smith (D-Minn.), Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), and Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Ranking Member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee, condemned the Trump Administration’s proposed dissolution of the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) as part of the Department of Health and Human Services’ (HHS) restructuring plan and the White House Office of Management and Budget’s HHS budget proposal. In their letter to HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., the Senators expressed deep concerns about the consequences of dismantling SAMHSA, outlined the impacts on the worsening behavioral and mental health crisis, and detailed why the proposal is unlawful.
    According to the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, nearly 50 million Americans aged 12 and older battled a substance use disorder and 58.7 million Americans aged 18 and older experienced a mental illness in 2023. The programs administered by SAMHSA are crucial to addressing this national crisis. The Trump Administration’s actions harm the operations of crucial programs, including roughly $7 billion in grant distribution, access to early intervention for mental health care, and support services for crisis care, many of which are statutorily required.
    “At a time when America is in a dual mental health and substance use crisis, a time when youth suicide is at all-time highs, a time when synthetic opioids are destroying communities and taking lives, this proposed destruction of SAMHSA will harm the American people,” wrote the Senators. “This proposed reorganization and your proposed cuts of over $1 billion to mental health and substance use programs threaten the lives of millions of Americans and appear to violate federal law.”
    “SAMHSA, its functions, its role, and many of its positions are clearly outlined and required by federal law. Firing most of SAMHSA’s staff and breaking up SAMHSA appear to violate these statutory requirements,” continued the Senators. “Downsizing SAMHSA into a new ‘division’, dismantling its functions, and firing over half its workforce puts at risk the lives of the 58.7 million Americans who experience a mental health condition and 48.5 million of those who are impacted by a substance use disorder.”
    The Senators emphasized the importance of SAMHSA’s essential work in administering programs including State Opioid Response grants, the National Survey of Drug Use and Health for crucial behavioral health data collection, the Assisted Outpatient Treatment Program for funding community-based care, and FindTreatment.gov for connecting people to mental health care resources, including the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline.
    Furthermore, the Senators stressed that Congress has passed multiple bills creating and expanding SAMHSA’s behavioral and mental health services, and that eliminating SAMHSA would violate the law. The bipartisan Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration Reorganization Act (ADAMHA), signed into law by President George H.W. Bush in 1992, established SAMHSA and included requirements for various grant programs and roles that the Trump Administration has proposed eliminating. The ADAMHA Reorganization Act codified additional positions and transferred numerous authorities to SAMHSA.
    Moreover, the 21st Century Cures Act established the Interdepartmental Serious Mental Illness Coordinating Committee through 2027, which the Trump Administration terminated, and codified SAMHSA’s Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality to administer the annual National Survey of Drug Use and Health, but the team responsible for the survey was reportedly eliminated in the mass layoffs.
    The Senators concluded by demanding answers on the Trump Administration’s plans for the continuity of SAMHSA’s statutorily required roles and programs and the impacts of HHS’ restructuring.
    “We demand that HHS not unlawfully dismantle SAMHSA, which would only serve to further exacerbate a growing mental health and substance use disorder crisis,” concluded the Senators.
    Senator Padilla is a leading advocate for expanding mental health care access, especially for underserved communities. Earlier this year, Padilla led 12 Democratic Senators in warning HHS Secretary Kennedy that additional staffing cuts at SAMHSA would have disastrous ramifications for millions of Americans struggling with mental and behavioral health challenges. In 2023, Padilla launched the bipartisan Senate Mental Health Caucus to serve as a forum for Senators to collaborate on and promote bipartisan legislation and solutions, hold events to raise awareness of critical mental health issues, and destigmatize mental health. Padilla applauded the Federal Communications Commission for making critical improvements to the 9-8-8 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline by adopting the main provisions of his Local 9-8-8 Response Act of 2023. 
    Additionally, Padilla recently introduced bipartisan legislation to combat the growing youth mental health crisis in America through early intervention and prevention services. Last year, Padilla passed a Senate resolution to raise the alarm about the mental health care crisis American children face and highlight the urgent need to increase our investment in mental health care for children and adolescents. Padilla previously introduced a trio of bills to address the unique mental health needs of military children, Latinos, and farm workers.
    Full text of the letter is available here and below:
    Dear Secretary Kennedy,
    We write in strong opposition to the proposed dissolution of the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Administration (SAMHSA) outlined in the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) fact sheet on March 27, 2025, and by the proposal from the White House Office of Management and Budget. At a time when America is in a dual mental health and substance use crisis, a time when youth suicide is at all-time highs, a time when synthetic opioids are destroying communities and taking lives, this proposed destruction of SAMHSA will harm the American people. This proposed reorganization and your proposed cuts of over $1 billion to mental health and substance use programs threaten the lives of millions of Americans and appear to violate federal law, including the Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration (ADAMHA) Reorganization Act and the 21st Century Cures Act.
    President George H.W. Bush signed the bipartisan ADAMHA Reorganization Act into law in 1992. This law formed SAMHSA, a new agency to be the nation’s lead on community-based mental health and substance use disorder prevention, treatment, and recovery services. In addition to creating a variety of grant programs to be administered by SAMHSA, the ADAMHA Reorganization Act created the role of the Assistant Secretary, transferred numerous authorities to SAMHSA, and created Centers and Center Director and Associate Administrator positions. Therefore, SAMHSA, its functions, its role, and many of its positions are clearly outlined and required by federal law. Firing most of SAMHSA’s staff and breaking up SAMHSA appear to violate these statutory requirements.
    SAMHSA leads the government’s efforts to promote mental health, prevent substance misuse, and advance the behavioral health of people across this country. SAMHSA’s programs provide a model for behavioral health care. Downsizing SAMHSA into a new “division”, dismantling its functions, and firing over half its workforce puts at risk the lives of the 58.7 million Americans who experience a mental health condition and 48.5 million of those who are impacted by a substance use disorder.
    The White House Office of Management and Budget HHS Budget Proposal eliminates SAMHSA and creates a new “Mental Health Division”, demotes substance use from its focus, and guts budgets focused on prevention, treatment, and recovery. Amid a dual crisis, this undoes the bipartisan work that Congress and past Administrations have worked to improve. And the federal investments, the expansion of SAMHSA’s work through grant programs and expertise, have worked – for the first time in years, the U.S. has seen a decline in opioid overdose deaths. As the mental health crisis grows, as new synthetic opioids continue to surge, restructuring the agency stands to reverse this historic decline. Now is not the time to change course and risk American lives.
    Congress has passed numerous bills expanding SAMHSA services to reach more Americans. In 2014, the Protecting Access to Medicare Act (PAMA) was signed into law, creating the Assisted Outpatient Treatment (AOT) Program, which funds community-based programs for adults with serious mental illness. This program allows individuals to stay in their community and their homes while also receiving “medically prescribed mental health treatment.” For example, using SAMHSA funds, an AOT program in Montana is working to reduce homelessness and incarceration while improving health and social outcomes for individuals with serious mental illness. Because HHS is dissolving SAMHSA and firing its staff, Montana is in jeopardy of losing the ability to provide their patients with up-to-date, evidence-based services, a key SAMHSA function. Any interruption to the effective delivery of these programs has detrimental consequences.
    In 2016, Congress again prioritized SAMHSA and expanded its services and programming by passing the 21st Century Cures Act. This bill codified SAMHSA’s Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality (CBHSQ), requiring CBHSQ to perform several functions. One of these requirements was to publish an annual report on mental health and substance use disorder, also known as the National Survey of Drug Use and Health (NSDUH). NSDUH is the only source of behavioral health data for people 12 and older in the U.S. and is a critical tool to combat these dual crises. Without this data, states would not be able to implement State Opioid Response grants with fidelity.
    The State Opioid Response (SOR) grant was created to address the overdose crisis, which is now driven by illicit fentanyl, and is meant to help states provide a continuum of care, including prevention, harm reduction, treatment, and recovery services. Funding to support states in combating this epidemic is critical, especially as the crisis is exacerbated by other synthetic opioids. States use SOR funding to purchase and distribute naloxone, test strips, buprenorphine, and much more. SOR is proven to be effective – in 2023, the percentage of people who did not use substances increased by 29.7 percent. SOR funding and NSDUH data give states the ability to purchase these medications, implement these programs, and track outcomes. Reports suggest the entire team running NSDUH was fired on April 1, 2025. Without NSDUH data, states will have inaccurate information on how opioids are affecting their communities, which will result in a lack of resources, incomplete strategies, and an increase in deaths.
    In addition to data collection, CBHSQ is responsible for operating FindTreatment.gov, a critical tool where individuals can find treatment for mental health and substance use disorder care. Launched in 2019 under the first Trump Administration, FindTreatment.gov provides individuals with resources in their communities and connects those in crisis with helplines, including the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline. Without adequate staffing of FindTreatment.gov, people across this country are left stranded, not knowing where to turn to find treatment and services. The mass terminations at SAMHSA’s CBHSQ and HHS’s announced reorganization make unclear who is operating and overseeing this program that President Trump proudly launched. It is unclear how HHS can now live up to its claim of continuing “to support people who seek substance use treatment on their journey to recovery.”
    The 21st Century Cures Act not only expanded data collection but also improved interdepartmental coordination, something that you claim to prioritize. This bill established the first ever Interdepartmental Serious Mental Illness Coordinating Committee (ISMICC) to better direct mental health services for adults and children with a serious mental illness. ISMICC is tasked with evaluating the effects of federal programs, including programs for suicide prevention and overdose reduction, so they can provide “recommendations for actions that agencies can take to better coordinate the administration of mental health services.” By law, ISMICC must be operating to achieve these goals through at least September 30, 2027. However, HHS terminated ISMICC on April 9, 2025. By dismissing ISMICC, HHS is actively putting people in crisis at risk and violating a statutory requirement to protect the American people.
    We demand that HHS not unlawfully dismantle SAMHSA, which would only serve to further exacerbate a growing mental health and substance use disorder crisis. To better understand HHS’s plans and statutory compliance, we request responses to the following questions by May 16, 2025.
    1) Per the 21st Century Cures Act, SAMHSA is required to have an Assistant Secretary, a Chief Medical Officer, and a Director, with specific qualifications, at each of its four mandated Centers – the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, the Center for Substance Abuse Prevention, the Center for Mental Health Services, and CBHSQ.
    a. Who is currently serving in these roles, and what are their qualifications?
    b. Have any of the people in these roles been subject to the reduction in force that occurred on April 1, 2025? If so, please explain why these legally mandated positions were part of the reduction.
    c. What is HHS’s plan to maintain these positions and centers under the restructuring at HHS?
    2) SAMHSA is required to have Associate Administrators for Alcohol Prevention and Treatment Policy and Women’s Services.
    a. Who is currently serving in these roles, and what are their qualifications?
    b. Have any of the people in these roles been subject to the reduction in force that occurred on April 1, 2025? If so, please explain why these legally mandated positions were part of the reduction.
    c. What is HHS’s plan to maintain these positions under the restructuring at HHS?
    3) SAMHSA is required to have a National Mental Health and Substance Use Policy Laboratory to coordinate policy changes, review programs, identify duplication, and more.
    a. Please provide a list of all employees in SAMHSA’s Policy Laboratory as of January 19, 2025, and as of April 15, 2025, including job title and General Schedule rank. Please indicate which staff were part of the reduction in force that occurred on April 1, 2025.
    b. How did HHS determine that the proposed restructuring will not prevent fulfilling these statutory duties?
    4) Which Centers and Branches are overseeing each of SAMHSA’s grant programs, including AOT? Please provide the number of employees currently employed for each Center and Branch, and the number of grants each employee is required to supervise.
    5) Who is overseeing each of CBHSQ’s data collection and roles, including NSDUH and FindTreatment.gov? Please provide a list of staff working on each service and provide their qualifications.
    6) Is NSDUH data still being collected through its contract with RTI International?
    a. Does HHS plan to continue its contract with RTI International and ensure all payments are received promptly?
    b. Has there been any break in data collection since January 20, 2025? If so, why, and what did HHS do to restore any missing information?
    7) Why did HHS terminate statutorily-required ISMICC?
    a. When will ISMICC be restored?
    8) What is HHS’s long-term plan with SAMHSA under the restructuring? Please explain how HHS plans to remain in compliance with all relevant statutes under this restructure.
    9) Explain how your decision to dissolve SAMHSA into a “division” will increase efficacy and improve mental health and substance use disorder outcomes for Americans.
    Thank you for your attention to this urgent matter.
    Sincerely,

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Minister’s statement on April Labour Force Survey results

    Source: Government of Canada regional news

    Diana Gibson, Minister of Jobs, Economic Development and Innovation, has issued the following statement on the release of Statistics Canada’s Labour Force Survey for April 2025:

    “Through global volatility and shifting economic winds, B.C. is holding steady – growing an economy that works for people, protecting what matters and building a cleaner, more secure future. B.C. stands with Team Canada and all the workers across the country who have been affected by this unnecessary trade war. 

    “Today’s Labour Force Survey data for April shows that B.C. held steady with a small gain of 6,000 jobs, compared to last month. So far this year, B.C. has gained 51,300 full-time jobs, the highest increase among provinces.

    “In April, private-sector employment increased by 1,600 and self-employment increased by 2,800. Since July 2017, B.C. has gained 174,400 private-sector jobs, and so far this year, we have the second-highest increase in private-sector employment across the country at 5,800 jobs.

    “Youth employment in B.C. increased in April by 8,400 jobs, which is the largest gain among provinces. And B.C. continues to lead the country with an average hourly wage of $38.24, with our average wage up 4.8% compared to this time last year, the second-highest growth among provinces.

    “Our unemployment rate is 6.2%, one of the lowest in Canada and below the national average of 6.9%.

    “The data shows that in April, B.C. had employment increases of 1,800 jobs in the manufacturing sector, which continues to show strong and steady growth overall with gains of 11,300 so far this year.

    “As tourism season begins, we are seeing people choosing to vacation locally and not travel to the United States. Many British Columbians are stepping up by supporting local restaurants, vacationing in B.C. and choosing locally made products. These everyday choices are a powerful show of support for workers, small businesses and communities throughout our province. 

    “B.C. also introduced legislation to ensure the Province can act quickly to break down interprovincial trade barriers and prioritize the purchase of Canadian goods. We have been a leader in reducing interprovincial trade barriers even prior to the tariff threat, advocating for a mutual recognition agreement and one of the provinces with the least exceptions. The commitment is to have a mutual recognition agreement soon that will cover thousands of goods sold or used in Canada.  

    “The Province has also introduced legislation to deliver more schools, hospitals and other infrastructure, which will create more jobs and support our growing communities. This legislation is part of work underway across government to deliver projects faster, reduce overall permitting times and strengthen B.C.’s economy through uncertain times.

    “We will continue to protect services and defend people’s jobs and the economy. Growing a stronger and more diverse economy will help protect people in B.C. from instability outside our borders, with investments that will bring good-paying jobs to the province as part of robust and sustainable industries.”

    Learn More:

    To learn more about B.C.’s response to tariffs, visit: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/content/employment-business/tariffs

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Saskatchewan Leads the Nation With 21,100 Jobs Added in April and Lowest Unemployment Rate in Canada

    Source: Government of Canada regional news

    Released on May 9, 2025

    Statistics Canada’s latest labour force numbers show that the labour market in Saskatchewan remains strong with 21,100 jobs added year-over-year in April, an increase of 3.6 per cent, the highest in Canada. Saskatchewan’s unemployment rate is the lowest in the nation at 4.3 per cent, well below the national average of 6.9 per cent. 

    “Saskatchewan is an economic leader in Canada, demonstrated by the 21,000 jobs we added in April and the lowest unemployment rate in the nation,” Deputy Premier and Minister of Immigration and Career Training Jim Reiter said. “Our government is ensuring that our labour market remains strong, our economy continues to grow and that Saskatchewan remains the best and most affordable place to live, work and raise a family in Canada.” 

    Year-over-year, full-time employment in Saskatchewan increased by 14,800, an increase of 3.1 per cent. Part-time employment increased by 6,300, an increase of 5.9 per cent. 

    Saskatchewan’s two biggest cities also saw year-over-year growth. Compared to April 2024, Saskatoon’s employment was up 6,600, an increase of 3.4 per cent, and Regina’s employment was up 4,600, an increase of 3.2 per cent.

    Major year-over-year gains were also reported for health care and social assistance, up 8,900, an increase of 9.8 per cent. Construction is up 4,900, an increase of 12.6 per cent, and public administration is up 6,600, an increase of 19.2 per cent. 

    Saskatchewan continues to show economic strength in other areas. Recent figures from Statistics Canada show that Saskatchewan is second among provinces for GDP growth in 2024. Real GDP rose by 3.4 per cent from 2023 to 2024, well over the national average of 1.6 per cent. The province’s real GDP value remains at an all-time high of $80.5 billion, the second highest per capita among provinces, beating 2023’s record of $77.9 billion. Year-over-year Saskatchewan also ranked second among the provinces for growth in new motor vehicle sales and third for growth in urban housing starts.

    This economic growth is backed by the Government of Saskatchewan’s recently released Building the Workforce for a Growing Economy: The Saskatchewan Labour Market Strategy, a roadmap to build the workforce needed to support Saskatchewan’s strong and growing economy, and Securing the Next Decade of Growth: Saskatchewan’s Investment Attraction Strategy.

    -30-

    For more information, contact:

    Media Relations
    Immigration and Career Training
    Regina
    Phone: 306-798-2369
    Email: media.ict@gov.sk.ca

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: /Economic Review/ China’s Foreign Trade Maintains Steady Growth Despite External Challenges

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    BEIJING, May 9 (Xinhua) — China’s foreign trade has shown resilience and steady growth since the beginning of the year despite challenges from the external environment, official data showed on Friday.

    According to the General Administration of Customs (GAC) of China, in April 2025, China’s total import and export volume of goods increased by 5.6 percent year-on-year.

    China’s exports rose 9.3 percent year-on-year to 2.27 trillion yuan (about $314 billion) in April 2025, while imports rose 0.8 percent to 1.57 trillion yuan.

    “Thanks to the concerted efforts of various regions and departments, China’s foreign trade has maintained steady growth since the beginning of the year in the face of external shocks,” said Lu Daliang, director of the Statistics and Analysis Department of the National Bureau of Statistics of the People’s Republic of China.

    In the first four months of this year, China’s total foreign trade in goods in yuan terms increased by 2.4 percent year-on-year to 14.14 trillion yuan.

    According to the data from the State Customs Administration of China, during the reporting period, China’s exports grew by 7.5 percent year-on-year to 8.39 trillion yuan, while imports fell by 4.2 percent to 5.75 trillion yuan.

    As noted by Wan Zhe, an expert from Beijing Normal University, the stable growth of China’s foreign trade in January-April fully reflects the stability of the country’s economy.

    The particularly impressive growth in foreign trade in April this year highlights China’s ability to quickly adapt to trade disputes and supply chain shocks, she added.

    According to the data from the General Customs Office of China, the growth rate of China’s trade turnover in April accelerated by 4.3 percentage points compared with the first quarter.

    As Wan Zhe emphasized, China’s recent foreign trade performance, exceeding market expectations, has confirmed the indispensability of China’s manufacturing sector in global supply chains.

    Data from the National Customs Office of China also shows that the structural improvement of foreign trade continues. In January-April 2025, China’s exports of electromechanical equipment increased by 9.5 percent year-on-year to 5.04 trillion yuan, accounting for 60.1 percent of the country’s total merchandise exports during the period.

    According to Lyu Daliang, high-tech products showed outstanding results, with their total trading volume in the four months amounting to 1.52 trillion yuan, up 7.4 percent year on year.

    ASEAN retained its status as China’s largest trading partner in January-April this year. During this period, trade turnover between China and ASEAN countries reached 2.38 trillion yuan, up 9.2 percent year-on-year.

    During the same period, China’s trade turnover with the EU grew by 1.1 percent to 1.78 trillion yuan, and with countries participating in the Belt and Road Initiative by 3.9 percent to 7.25 trillion yuan.

    According to the data, China’s trade turnover with the United States fell by 2.1 percent year-on-year to 1.44 trillion yuan during the reporting period. -0-

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Science requires ethical oversight – without federal dollars, society’s health and safety are at risk

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christine Coughlin, Professor of Law, Wake Forest University

    Brain organoids, pictured here, raise both many medical possibilities and ethical questions. NIAID/Flickr, CC BY-SA

    As the Trump administration continues to make significant cuts to NIH budgets and personnel and to freeze billions of dollars of funding to major research universities – citing ideological concerns – there’s more being threatened than just progress in science and medicine. Something valuable but often overlooked is also being hit hard: preventing research abuse.

    The National Institutes of Health has been the world’s largest public funder of biomedical research. Its support helps translate basic science into biomedical therapies and technologies, providing funding for nearly all treatments approved by the Food and Drug Administration from 2010 to 2019. This enables the U.S. to lead global research while maintaining transparency and preventing research misconduct.

    While the legality of directives to shrink the NIH is unclear, the Trump administration’s actions have already led to suspended clinical trials, institutional hiring freezes and layoffs, rescinded graduate student admissions, and canceled federal grant review meetings. Researchers at affected universities say that funding will delay or possibly eliminate ongoing studies on critical conditions like cancer and Alzheimer’s.

    The Trump administration has deeply culled U.S. science across agencies and institutions.

    It is clear to us, as legal and bioethics scholars whose research often focuses on the ethical, legal and social implications of emerging biotechnologies, that these directives will have profoundly negative consequences for medical research and human health, with ripple effects that will last decades. Our scholarship demonstrates that in order to contribute to knowledge and, ultimately, to biomedical treatments, medical research at every stage depends on significant infrastructure support and ethical oversight.

    Our recent focus on brain organoid research – 3D lab models grown from human stem cells that simulate brain structure and function – shows how federal support for research is key to not only promote innovation, but to protect participants and future patients.

    History of NIH and research ethics

    The National Institutes of Health began as a one-room laboratory within the Marine Hospital Service in 1887. After World War I, chemists involved in the war effort sought to apply their knowledge to medicine. They partnered with Louisiana Sen. Joseph E. Ransdell who, motivated by the devastation of malaria, yellow fever and the 1928 influenza pandemic, introduced federal legislation to support basic research and fund fellowships focusing on solving medical problems.

    By World War II, biomedical advances like surgical techniques and antibiotics had proved vital on the battlefield. Survival rates increased from 4% during World War I to 50% in World War II. Congress passed the 1944 Public Health Services Act to expand NIH’s authority to fund biomedical research at public and private institutions. President Franklin D. Roosevelt called it “as sound an investment as any Government can make; the dividends are payable in human life and health.”

    As science advanced, so did the need for guardrails. After World War II, among the top Nazi leaders prosecuted for war crimes were physicians who conducted experiments on people without consent, such as exposure to hypothermia and infectious disease. The verdicts of these Doctors’ Trials included 10 points about ethical human research that became the Nuremberg Code, emphasizing voluntary consent to participation, societal benefit as the goal of human research, and significant limitations on permissible risks of harm. The World Medical Association established complementary international guidelines for physician-researchers in the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki.

    At least 100 participants died in the Tuskegee Untreated Syphilis Study.
    National Archives

    In the 1970s, information about the Tuskegee study – a deceptive and unethical 40-year study of untreated syphilis in Black men – came to light. The researchers told study participants they would be given treatment but did not give them medication. They also prevented participants from accessing a cure when it became available in order to study the disease as it progressed. The men enrolled in the study experienced significant health problems, including blindness, mental impairment and death.

    The public outrage that followed starkly demonstrated that the U.S. couldn’t simply rely on international guidelines but needed federal standards on research ethics. As a result, the National Research Act of 1974 led to the Belmont Report, which identified ethical principles essential to human research: respect for persons, beneficence and justice.

    Federal regulations reinforced these principles by requiring all federally funded research to comply with rigorous ethical standards for human research. By prohibiting financial conflicts of interest and by implementing an independent ethics review process, new policies helped ensure that federally supported research has scientific and social value, is scientifically valid, fairly selects and adequately protects participants.

    These standards and recommendations guide both federally and nonfederally funded research today. The breadth of NIH’s mandate and budget has provided not only the essential structure for research oversight, but also key resources for ethics consultation and advice.

    Brain organoids and the need for ethical inquiry

    Biomedical research on cell and animal models requires extensive ethics oversight systems that complement those for human research. Our research on the ethical and policy issues of human brain organoid research provides a good example of the complexities of biomedical research and the infrastructure and oversight mechanisms necessary to support it.

    Organoid research is increasing in importance, as the FDA wants to expand its use as an alternative to using animals to test new drugs before administering them to humans. Because these models can simulate brain structure and function, brain organoid research is integral to developing and testing potential treatments for brain diseases and conditions like Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s and cancer. Brain organoids are also useful for personalized and regenerative medicine, artificial intelligence, brain-computer interfaces and other biotechnologies.

    Brain organoids are built on knowledge about the fundamentals of biology that was developed primarily in universities receiving federal funding. Organoid technology began in 1907 with research on sponge cells, and continued in the 1980s with advances in stem cell research. Since researchers generated the first human organoid in 2009, the field has rapidly expanded.

    Brain organoids have come a long way since their beginnings over a century ago.
    Madeline Andrews, Arnold Kriegstein’s lab, UCSF, CC BY-ND

    These advances were only possible through federally supported research infrastructure, which helps ensure the quality of all biomedical research. Indirect costs cover operational expenses necessary to maintain research safety and ethics, including utilities, administrative support, biohazard handling and regulatory compliance. In these ways, federally supported research infrastructure protects and promotes the scientific and ethical value of biotechnologies like brain organoids.

    Brain organoid research requires significant scientific and ethical inquiry to safely reach its future potential. It raises potential moral and legal questions about donor consent, the extent to which organoids should be grown and how they should be disposed, and consciousness and personhood. As science progresses, infrastructure for oversight can help ensure these ethical and societal issues are addressed.

    New frontiers in scientific research

    Since World War II, there has been bipartisan support for scientific innovation, in part because it is an economic and national security imperative. As Harvard University President Alan Garber recently wrote, “[n]ew frontiers beckon us with the prospect of life-changing advances. … For the government to retreat from these partnerships now risks not only the health and well-being of millions of individuals but also the economic security and vitality of our nation.”

    Cuts to research overhead may seem like easy savings, but it fails to account for the infrastructure that provides essential support for scientific innovation. The investment the NIH has put into academic research is significantly paid forward, adding nearly US$95 billion to local economies in fiscal year 2024, or $2.46 for every $1 of grant funding. NIH funding had also supported over 407,700 jobs that year.

    President Donald Trump pledged to “unleash the power of American innovation” to battle brain-based diseases when he accepted his second Republican nomination for president. Around 6.7 million Americans live with Alzheimer’s, and over a million more suffer from Parkinson’s. Hundreds of thousands of Americans are diagnosed with aggressive brain cancers each year, and 20% of the population experiences varying forms of mental illness at any one time. These numbers are expected to grow considerably, possibly doubling by 2050.

    Organoid research is just one of the essential components in the process of learning about the brain and using that knowledge to find better treatment for diseases affecting the brain.

    Science benefits society only if it is rigorous, ethically conducted and fairly funded. Current NIH policy directives and steep cuts to the agency’s size and budget, along with attacks on universities, undermine globally shared goals of increasing understanding and improving human health.

    The federal system of overseeing and funding biomedical science may need a scalpel, but to defund efforts based on “efficiency” is to wield a chainsaw.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Science requires ethical oversight – without federal dollars, society’s health and safety are at risk – https://theconversation.com/science-requires-ethical-oversight-without-federal-dollars-societys-health-and-safety-are-at-risk-252794

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The prospect of a US pope was once viewed with suspicion – but Leo XIV could prove an important counter to Trump

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Massimo D’Angelo, Research Associate in the Institute for Diplomacy and International Affairs, Loughborough University

    Pope Leo XIV has been elected as the 267th pontiff, leader of the Catholic church and spiritual guide to more than 1.4 billion Catholics. He is the first pope in history to come from the United States.

    Since the 19th century, the influence of the United States within the Catholic Church has steadily increased, mirroring the country’s global geopolitical rise. US bishops, institutions and donors have played a growing role in shaping church policy, appointments and international engagement, signalling a shift away from traditional European dominance.

    This growing influence had long been accompanied by unease over the idea of entrusting the leadership of the global Catholic community to a figure from the world’s most powerful nation. In this sense, the election of Leo XIV is an unexpected and significant choice.

    Robert Francis Prevost, born in Chicago in 1955, has spent much of his ecclesiastical life to date in Peru, where he became a respected figure within the local church. He had been sent to Peru on a missions after taking his solemn vows as an Augustinian and studying in Rome.

    Once there, he served for many years as judicial vicar and professor of canon, patristic (early Christian), and moral theology in Trujillo. In 2014, he was appointed apostolic administrator of Chiclayo and became its bishop in 2015, a post he held until 2023.

    Prevost gained Peruvian citizenship and was widely regarded as a stabilising, pastoral presence in a church often divided between liberation theology and ultra-traditionalism. Known for his humility and approachability, he was respected for his ability to foster dialogue among Peru’s diverse episcopate.

    His longstanding commitment to Latin America helped shape his international reputation and proved key to his eventual election as the church’s first North American pope.

    Continuity or rupture with Francis?

    It is difficult to determine at this early stage whether the election of Leo XIV will mark a continuation of Pope Francis’s pontificate or a clear departure from it. More likely, it will represent something of a middle path.

    The first image of the newly elected pope – appearing on the balcony in traditional white and red papal garments, adorned with a gold cross – was striking. It echoed the appearance of Benedict XVI in 2005, in contrast to Francis’s more austere choice of a plain white cassock and silver cross, which reflected a deliberate gesture of humility.

    Yet, Leo XIV’s strong focus on the poor – rooted in his years as a missionary in Peru – and his warm greeting to the Peruvian community, one of the Church’s global peripheries, suggest a clear line of continuity with Francis’s pastoral priorities.

    Even his choice of name evokes Leo XIII, pope from 1878 to 1903 and author of Rerum Novarum, the landmark encyclical on social justice and the rights of the poor. Leo XIV may, therefore, embody a papacy that maintains a firm commitment to the marginalised, while adopting a less confrontational, more measured style than that of his reformist predecessor, who sometimes adopted openly anti-curial stances.

    A Counterweight to Trump?

    Prior to becoming pope, Prevost has, on several occasions, openly criticised the current US administration – particularly on matters of migration policy. As a cardinal, he voiced concern over statements made by US vice president J.D Vance, who converted to Catholicism in 2019.

    He shared an article challenging Vance’s interpretation of Christian love in relation to immigration. Prevost also shared posts critical of both Donald Trump and Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele regarding the deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran national living in Maryland.

    In this light, the election of an American pope – once a prospect viewed with suspicion – could now represent one of the strongest moral voices against the hardline migration policies of his own country’s government and a counterbalance to Donald Trump’s influence.

    The choice of the name Leo is also potentially significant here. Pope Leo XIII strongly opposed extreme nationalism, viewing it as a threat to the Church’s universal mission and moral authority.

    While acknowledging the value of legitimate patriotism, he maintained that loyalty to God and the church must always take precedence over allegiance to the nation-state. In encyclicals such as Immortale Dei and Sapientiae Christianae, he defended the church’s supranational character and cautioned against subordinating faith to national interests.

    For Leo XIII, true civic virtue could never conflict with divine law, and any form of nationalism that did so risked becoming a kind of idolatry. In an era of rising nationalism across the globe – particularly in the United States – connecting to this message would be a clear and powerful statement.

    While the prospect of an American pope once caused concern, the choice of Leo XIV shows sensitivity to the world’s margins. Yet, in a Church where Catholic growth is most pronounced in Africa and Asia – while numbers continue to decline in Europe and the Americas – the election of another western pontiff is not without its challenges. Some regions may still feel overlooked or underrepresented.

    A promising gesture was the decision to deliver a brief message in Spanish from the balcony of St Peter’s – the first time in papal history. At the same time, it is striking that the most globally diverse conclave ever convened has placed the church’s leadership in the hands of a cardinal from the world’s most powerful nation. The new pope will need to unify a church that is increasingly global and moving beyond its eurocentric past.

    Massimo D’Angelo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The prospect of a US pope was once viewed with suspicion – but Leo XIV could prove an important counter to Trump – https://theconversation.com/the-prospect-of-a-us-pope-was-once-viewed-with-suspicion-but-leo-xiv-could-prove-an-important-counter-to-trump-256146

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Kugler, Assessing Maximum Employment

    Source: US State of New York Federal Reserve

    Thank you, Francine, and thank you to the Central Bank of Iceland for the invitation to speak to you today.1
    My subject is the Federal Reserve’s mandate of maximum employment. In the Fed’s monetary policymaking, maximum employment and stable prices are linked in the mandate assigned to the Federal Reserve by U.S. law, which we refer to as the dual mandate. Icelanders, I know, are a seafaring people, and those here will understand what I mean when I say that the dual mandate is our “lodestar,” a word our two languages share. It is our goal and our guide in setting monetary policy.
    There is an important distinction between our dual-mandate goals. For reasons that I will explain, while the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) has defined “stable prices” as 2 percent annual inflation, such numerical precision is not possible in defining maximum employment.
    To achieve price stability, the Fed adopted a numerical target for inflation in 2012 that hasn’t changed. It has remained unchanged because the Committee has repeatedly reaffirmed the judgment that it made in 2012 that 2 percent inflation is the rate most consistent with its statutory mandate. In contrast, the Federal Reserve has not spelled out a numerical goal for the unemployment rate or some other measure of employment because maximum employment can move up and down over time and is not directly measurable, and also because the different factors that determine it are either difficult or impossible to measure in real time.
    Plan of the TalkThe unemployment rate is the statistic that the public most often uses to form views about labor market conditions, and it is also the statistic that economists most often use to try to infer maximum employment. And economists frequently refer to u* as the unemployment rate that corresponds to maximum employment. That said, in my speech today, I would like to offer historical examples of why u* varies over time and why it would be a mistake to assume that it is a fixed number.2 Then, I will review the evolution of the unemployment rate over the past two decades and show that this rate has varied over time, moved by the interplay of myriad factors such as demographics, labor market regulations, changes in business or consumer confidence, or cyclical changes in aggregate demand and monetary policy shocks. In contrast, u* is moved mostly by either structural changes, such as skill deterioration or capital depreciation, or by long-run factors in the labor market, such as the demographic and skill composition of the population. As a result, u* does not move as much as the unemployment rate over time.3 This is significant because monetary policy is aimed at managing the business cycle to minimize deviations from maximum employment.
    In reviewing the unemployment rate, I will also note that it certainly bears valuable information, but, in many cases, this needs to be complemented with other labor market indicators to have a fuller picture of the state of the economy.
    As I have noted, maximum employment is not directly measurable. Likewise, we cannot observe u* directly, and it has to be inferred by statistical techniques, which I’ll review.4 One element common to all the approaches that I review is that they use a number of labor market indicators in addition to the unemployment rate in forming their estimates of maximum employment. Another element in common to some of the approaches is that they try to separate transient factors, or higher-frequency variation, from a more permanent, long-run feature of the economy that can be interpreted as u*.
    Case Study: The Assumption of a Fixed Maximum Employment in the 1970sA common assumption in the economics profession during the 1960s was that u* was 4 percent.5
    While this number might have been a decent approximation of u* during that period, it did not consider the possibility of meaningful changes in that value and, specifically, changes due to the rapid growth in labor supply from the post–World War II baby boomers entering the workforce. Especially because younger workers have higher levels of unemployment, the advent of the baby boomers meant that u* in the 1970s was surely higher than 4 percent. The Federal Reserve was slow in revising its estimate of u*. The high unemployment rate and too low fixed estimate of u* minimum unemployment, in conjunction with the failure to recognize the slowdown in trend productivity, led the Federal Reserve to exaggerate the estimate of slack in the economy and maintain monetary policy that was too loose, adding to other factors driving persistently high inflation over that decade.6 This experience led the Federal Reserve to recognize that a fixed 4 percent value for u* was a poor basis for understanding the cyclical position of the economy.
    The experience of the 1960s and 1970s made it clear that demographic changes need to be considered in estimating u*—a topic I will explore further in my speech.
    The U.S. Labor Market over the Past Two DecadesThe U.S. labor market over the past two decades provides some valuable circumstantial evidence for how maximum employment can change over time. Let me start by discussing the Great Recession, which began in late 2007 and was driven by a severe financial crisis. In the months before the recession began, the unemployment rate reached a low of 4.4 percent and then peaked at 10 percent in October 2009. Although the unemployment rate is a useful metric of the severity of that event, an additional variable that reflects the depth and persistence of the downturn in the labor market after the Great Recession was the share of long-term unemployed—the percentage of unemployed people out of work for 27 weeks or more—which was nearly twice as high as during the deep recession of the 1980s. Longer spells of unemployment can generate persistence because the longer the duration of unemployment for workers, the more their skills erode and the harder it is to become reemployed, leading, in turn, to higher unemployment, a phenomenon known as hysteresis. While some have argued that only workers unemployed for shorter durations should be counted in estimating the slack in the economy, hysteresis is an important part of slack during periods with high unemployment.7 Instead, the experience of the Great Recession reinforced the value of consulting other useful measures of slack.
    After the Great Recession, it took eight years for the unemployment rate to reach the pre-recession low, but when it did, in 2016, it continued to fall, reaching 3.5 percent in 2019 and remaining close to this level until the beginning of the COVID-19 recession in 2020. One thing that was remarkable about this period was that this low level of unemployment occurred without any escalation of inflation. Personal consumption expenditures inflation ran well below an annual rate of 2 percent for almost all of the decade after the Great Recession, when monetary policy was highly accommodative. One could infer that u* had moved down over this period.
    Turning to the pandemic recession, the unemployment rate rose to nearly 15 percent in two months, but a distinguishing feature of this increase was that a large fraction of the unemployed were temporarily laid off.8 Economic research suggests that those who lose their jobs via temporary layoffs have a high likelihood of being recalled, with the latest estimates suggesting a 60 percent probability.9 Considering this, it was not surprising that the post-pandemic recovery was characterized by a fast decline in the unemployment rate.10 In this sense, the unemployment rate alone was not a sufficient indicator of the true state of the labor market. In the post-pandemic recovery, the unemployment rate fell to 3.4 percent by April 2023. Again, for a second time we saw the unemployment rate falling to levels that were in the past associated with price pressures, whereas in this case inflation was also falling.
    In summary, the past two recessions underscored that there are useful statistics beyond the unemployment rate that help inform a reading of maximum employment, and the past two recoveries suggest that the U.S. economy may sustain unemployment as low as 3.5 percent.
    Turning to the current state of the labor market, the unemployment rate has risen only very slowly, and it has moved within a tight range of around 4.2 percent, which is its current reading. In addition, temporary layoffs are back at their pre-pandemic level, and vacancies and quits have leveled off. As a consequence, I judge the labor market to be stable. Most likely, the labor market is also close to maximum employment given that the estimates of u* from some of the models that I will consider in the rest of this speech are in the vicinity of 4.2 percent.
    I have used some historical examples to illustrate how the unemployment rate has changed over time, and I have made some informal inference on the movements of u* in certain periods. Now let me explore different ways of estimating maximum employment. I will cover three separate methods: a method that uses the demographic composition of the population; a definition that considers the unemployment rate in conjunction with inflation in order to get closer to a definition of u* consistent with stable prices; and, lastly, a definition that focuses on maximum employment that one can obtain by taking into account that workers take time to find jobs and firms take time to fill job openings. Some of the models that I review also consider the labor force participation rate, as structural variation in this rate also affects maximum employment. Historical experience with the different forces that can move around maximum employment indicates that all three of these approaches could be helpful in the future when trying to estimate maximum employment.11
    Estimation of Maximum Employment Using DemographicsIn describing the impact of the baby boomers on the labor market, I have already provided an example of how the demographic composition of the workforce may affect maximum employment. More generally, the age distribution in the population or educational attainment or skill distribution are always important factors in evaluating the potential workforce. Beyond the composition of the workforce, developments within specific demographic subgroups also may be relevant for maximum employment. For instance, the increase in labor force participation of women over the past 50 years has been an important factor that has augmented the available workforce. Granular data from the Labor Department’s monthly survey of household employment known as the Current Population Survey, sometimes in conjunction with data on job openings and flows in and out of employment, can add demographic details to the estimation of maximum employment.
    The models that exploit demographic data separate the trend or structural factors in both the unemployment rate and labor force participation rate from transient factors in individual demographic groups, allowing an estimate of maximum employment.12 I think of this as a “bottom up” approach.13
    One can add an additional layer of complexity in working with demographic groups. One important aspect of the unemployment rate is its characteristic countercyclical dynamics—that is, the way this rate increases at the onset of recessions due to an increase in the flow out of employment or layoffs, and its decline in expansions as more unemployed workers find jobs and flow into employment. In recognition of the importance of these flows, one alternative to extracting trends by demographic group is to extract trends in the flows by demographic groups and reconstruct u* dynamics from those flows. The implicit assumption is that the trend components of flows into and out of unemployment capture structural characteristics of the labor market, including market imperfections and the cost of job searches for both workers and employers.14 The models in this class estimate a trend unemployment rate in the range between 4.1 and 4.3 percent in the fourth quarter of 2024.15
    Estimation of Maximum Employment Consistent with Stable PricesAs I mentioned, the dual mandate includes stable prices. The models that I have just described do not contain information on prices. However, one may include price information by adding inflation as a measure of aggregate price pressures in order to come up with an estimate of maximum employment consistent with stable prices.16 A higher unemployment rate signals more workers are available to work, indicating more slack. As more workers are employed, the economy is moving to a situation of fewer resources being available for additional output and most likely to more price pressures. Maximum employment consistent with stable prices ideally strikes a balance between additional workers being hired and additional increases in prices. I have alluded to this concept in an informal way when arguing that in the period after the Great Recession, u* may have moved down through 2019.
    In practice, inflation information is folded into the model by adding a relationship between prices and the unemployment rate known as the Philips curve. There is a long tradition in extracting trend employment consistent with stable prices using a various labor market and output measures. I will draw upon that heritage and briefly describe a model that like the statistical methods that I have already reviewed also aims at estimating maximum employment by separating the unemployment rate from cyclical factors, but it does so by using numerous output and labor market indicators in conjunction with price information.17 Output indicators include both gross domestic product and gross domestic income. Among labor market indicators, in addition to the unemployment rate, there are payrolls, the workweek, and labor force participation, which means that the model is not limited to just the unemployment rate in inferring trend unemployment. The purpose of using many indicators is the belief that all of them follow the same cycle, and that it is easier to identify and separate the cycle from trend using a large set of indicators. Coming back to the Phillips curve, I would note that models that estimate u* are somewhat sensitive to the specification of the Phillips curve. For instance, the model that I have just described has a u* estimate of about 5 percent in the fourth quarter of 2024, but alternative Phillips curve specifications may lower it below 5 percent.18
    Estimation of the Efficient Level of EmploymentA third, often less mentioned concept of full employment is the “efficient” level of unemployment. This concept starts with the idea that it is inefficient for society to have unemployed workers and job openings. Society as a whole would gain by matching those workers with those job openings in a productive way. Of course, it is impossible to instantaneously reduce unemployed workers and job openings to zero. Newly unemployed workers take time to find a job, and vacancies take time to fill as firms find and screen applicants with the right skills. The empirical relationship between the unemployment rate and the job openings rate is summarized by the Beveridge curve, a downward-sloping curve along which more unemployed workers are associated with fewer job openings. The Beveridge curve is a structural aspect of the labor market, and it is effectively a constraint on the relationship between the unemployment rate and the job openings rate. However, given the Beveridge curve, monetary policymakers can try to move the economy along the curve closer to a point at which the total number of vacancies plus unemployed is minimized. One can show that this happens somewhere in between the two, precisely around a value of the unemployment rate equal to the geometric average of the unemployment and vacancy rate.19 The current estimate of this full employment concept places the unemployment rate at 4.2 percent in the fourth quarter of 2024.
    Conclusion and Policy MessageI want to draw some conclusions from the points I have made today.
    My discussion has touched upon many different statistics of the labor market, including the possibility of using data that exploits the heterogeneity of different demographic groups, which I judge to be very informative about u*. The reason is that different business cycles are generated by different shocks that affect the economy in different ways, so that useful indicators of slack in past cycles may not be as insightful in the future. For instance, when there is slack in the labor market, measures taking into account unemployment duration can be more informative about the persistence of unemployment and future slack. By contrast, when labor markets are tight, measures of flows into, out of, and across jobs will give a better measure of the job opportunities for workers and potential upward pressures on wages. Similarly, the vacancy and unemployment ratio combination used in the definition of efficient u* can provide an alternative measure of maximum employment.
    Of course, any one of the estimation techniques that I have reviewed has limitations. For instance, there are constraints on the number of indicators that each model can process. This implies that some models will be better at capturing some drivers of maximum employment than others. That is why I cannot point to the best statistic or best model of maximum employment. I can only acknowledge that a rich set of models and indicators only benefits the policymaker. Given the uncertainty in estimating maximum employment in real time and the many options available, I consider it undesirable to adopt one particular measure to guide monetary policy. This is something to bear in mind as I approach the current review of the FOMC’s Statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy, which we call our framework.

    1. The views expressed here are my own and are not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market Committee. Return to text
    2. In fact, early on, economists have embarked to estimate the time-varying maximum employment in the economy. At least since Perry (1970), it was noted that u* can vary over time; see George L. Perry (1970), “Changing Labor Markets and Inflation,” (PDF) Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, no. 3, pp. 411–48. Return to text
    3. Consistent with the view that u* moves less than the unemployment rate over time, in this speech, most of the models that I review assume that u* is the trend component of the unemployment rate. For an alternative view that challenges the weaker cyclicality of u* relative to the unemployment rate, see Robert E. Hall and Marianna Kudlyak (2023), “The Active Role of the Natural Rate of Unemployment,” NBER Working Paper Series 31848 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, November; revised December 2024). Return to text
    4. For some early examples of the use of advanced statistical techniques such as the application of Kalman filtering techniques, see, for instance, the early examples of Peter K. Clark (1987), “The Cyclical Component of U.S. Economic Activity,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 102 (November), pp. 797–814; and Kenneth N. Kuttner (1994), “Estimating Potential Output as a Latent Variable,” Journal of Business & Economic Statistics, vol. 12 (July), pp. 361–68. For a recent summary of the literature, see Alessandro Barbarino, Travis J. Berge, and Andrea Stella (2024), “The Stability and Economic Relevance of Output Gap Estimates,” Journal of Applied Econometrics, vol. 39 (September/October), pp. 1065–81. Return to text
    5. See Arthur M. Okun (1962), “Potential GNP: Its Measurement and Significance,” Proceedings of the Business and Economics Statistics Section, pp. 98–104. Return to text
    6. See Athanasios Orphanides (2003), “The Quest for Prosperity without Inflation,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 50 (April), pp. 633–63. Return to text
    7. See, for instance, Olivier J. Blanchard and Lawrence H. Summers (1987), “Hysteresis in Unemployment,” European Economic Review, vol. 31 (February–March), pp. 288–95. Return to text
    8. In addition, the rise in temporary layoffs was considered by the Bureau of Labor Statistics to be understated, because many respondents to the Current Population Survey misreported their status as employed but not at work—that is, the properly measured unemployment rate would have risen by much more than was actually reported; see, for example, page 6 of the May 2020 Employment Situation report, which is available on the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ website at https://www.bls.gov/news.release/archives/empsit_06052020.pdf. Return to text
    9. See the classic study of David M. Lilien (1980), “The Cyclical Pattern of Temporary Layoffs in United States Manufacturing,” Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 62 (February), pp. 24–31. For a more recent paper that makes use of matched employer–employee data, see Arash Nekoei and Andrea Weber (2015), “Recall Expectations and Duration Dependence,” American Economic Review, vol. 105 (May), pp. 142–46. Return to text
    10. Moreover, academic research also suggests that the extent of firms’ recourse to temporary layoffs is correlated with firms’ expectations of near-term economic activity. This would have suggested in real time that a sharp rise in temporary layoffs was not as worrisome as a similar increase in permanent job losses. See Arash Nekoei and Andrea Weber (2020), “Seven Facts about Temporary Layoffs,” CEPR Discussion Paper 14845 (London: Centre for Economic Policy Research, June 3). Return to text
    11. Some studies distinguish long-run unemployment, which would fall in the first category of models that use demographic information, from stable price unemployment, which also adds a Phillips curve to the model. For a recent review, see Richard K. Crump, Christopher J. Nekarda, and Nicolas Petrosky-Nadeau (2020), “Unemployment Rate Benchmarks,” Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2020-072 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, August). Return to text
    12. The resulting unemployment rate trend can be thought of as a “natural rate.” The first reference to a “natural rate” of unemployment is from Milton Friedman in 1968. Friedman made it clear that he used the term to try and separate real forces from monetary forces, which are assumed to be more transient; therefore, it seems appropriate to use the term “natural rate” for estimates from demographic trends. See Milton Friedman (1968), “The Role of Monetary Policy,” American Economic Review, vol. 58 (March), pp. 1–17. That said, such a concept is controversial; see Richard Rogerson (1997), “Theory Ahead of Language in the Economics of Unemployment,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 11 (Winter), pp. 73–92. Return to text
    13. See, for instance, Stephanie Aaronson, Bruce Fallick, Andrew Figura, Jonathan Pingle, and William Wascher (2006), “The Recent Decline in the Labor Force Participation Rate and Its Implications for Potential Labor Supply,” (PDF) Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, pp. 69–154; Daniel Aaronson, Luojia Hu, Arian Seifoddini, and Daniel G. Sullivan (2015), “Changing Labor Force Composition and the Natural Rate of Unemployment,” Chicago Fed Letter 338 (Chicago: Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago); Andreas Hornstein and Marianna Kudlyak (2019), “Aggregate Labor Force Participation and Unemployment and Demographic Trends,” February 28, https://ssrn.com/abstract=3347310; and Didem Tüzemen (2019), “Job Polarization and the Natural Rate of Unemployment in the United States,” Economics Letters, vol. 175 (February), pp. 97–100. Return to text
    14. See, for instance, Mary C. Daly, Bart Hobijn, Ayşegül Şahin, and Robert G. Valletta (2012), “A Search and Matching Approach to Labor Markets: Did the Natural Rate of Unemployment Rise?” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 26 (Summer), pp. 3–26. Return to text
    15. See Murat Tasci (2012), “The Ins and Outs of Unemployment in the Long Run: Unemployment Flows and the Natural Rate,” Working Paper 12-24 (Cleveland: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, November). See also Richard K. Crump, Stefano Eusepi, Marc Giannoni, and Ayşegül Şahin (2019), “A Unified Approach to Measuring u*,” (PDF) BPEA Conference Drafts, March 7–8. Ahn adds unemployment duration in conjunction with flows to estimate u*; see Hie Joo Ahn (2023), “Duration Structure of Unemployment Hazards and the Trend Unemployment Rate,” Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, vol. 151 (June), 104664. Return to text
    16. Estimates that use prices are sometimes referred to as the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment, or NAIRU, although NAIRU is somewhat of a misnomer. In fact, the inflation process in the Great Moderation is not described well by an accelerationist Phillips curve but rather by a mean reverting process around a stable trend, conveniently proxied by long-run inflation expectations. In that case, it would be more accurate to talk about “NIRU,” or non-inflationary rate of unemployment. Return to text
    17. The estimate that I report are from a variant of the model in Charles A. Fleischman and John M. Roberts (2011), “From Many Series, One Cycle: Improved Estimates of the Business Cycle from a Multivariate Unobserved Components Model,” (PDF) Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2011-46 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October). Return to text
    18. For instance, the Phillips curve could be non-linear as in Pierpaolo Benigno and Gauti B. Eggertsson (2023), “It’s Baaack: The Surge in Inflation in the 2020s and the Return of the Non-Linear Phillips Curve,” NBER Working Paper Series 31197 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, April). Return to text
    19. The efficient level of unemployment is also referred to as the “full employment rate of unemployment” or FERU; see Pascal Michaillat and Emmanuel Saez (2024), “u* = √uv: The Full-Employment Rate of Unemployment in the United States,” (PDF) BPEA Conference Draft, September 26–27. Return to text

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Global: The prospect of an American pope was once viewed with suspicion – but Leo XIV could prove an important counter to Trump

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Massimo D’Angelo, Research Associate in the Institute for Diplomacy and International Affairs, Loughborough University

    Pope Leo XIV has been elected as the 267th pontiff, leader of the Catholic church and spiritual guide to more than 1.4 billion Catholics. He is the first pope in history to come from the United States.

    Since the 19th century, the influence of the United States within the Catholic Church has steadily increased, mirroring the country’s global geopolitical rise. American bishops, institutions and donors have played a growing role in shaping church policy, appointments and international engagement, signalling a shift away from traditional European dominance.

    This growing influence had long been accompanied by unease over the idea of entrusting the leadership of the global Catholic community to a figure from the world’s most powerful nation. In this sense, the election of Leo XIV is an unexpected and significant choice.

    Robert Francis Prevost, born in Chicago in 1955, has spent much of his ecclesiastical life to date in Peru, where he became a respected figure within the local church. He had been sent to Peru on a missions after taking his solemn vows as an Augustinian and studying in Rome.

    Once there, he served for many years as judicial vicar and professor of canon, patristic (early Christian), and moral theology in Trujillo. In 2014, he was appointed apostolic administrator of Chiclayo and became its bishop in 2015, a post he held until 2023.

    Prevost gained Peruvian citizenship and was widely regarded as a stabilising, pastoral presence in a church often divided between liberation theology and ultra-traditionalism. Known for his humility and approachability, he was respected for his ability to foster dialogue among Peru’s diverse episcopate.

    His longstanding commitment to Latin America helped shape his international reputation and proved key to his eventual election as the church’s first North American pope.

    Continuity or rupture with Francis?

    It is difficult to determine at this early stage whether the election of Leo XIV will mark a continuation of Pope Francis’s pontificate or a clear departure from it. More likely, it will represent something of a middle path.

    The first image of the newly elected pope – appearing on the balcony in traditional white and red papal garments, adorned with a gold cross – was striking. It echoed the appearance of Benedict XVI in 2005, in contrast to Francis’s more austere choice of a plain white cassock and silver cross, which reflected a deliberate gesture of humility.

    Yet, Leo XIV’s strong focus on the poor – rooted in his years as a missionary in Peru – and his warm greeting to the Peruvian community, one of the Church’s global peripheries, suggest a clear line of continuity with Francis’s pastoral priorities.

    Even his choice of name evokes Leo XIII, pope from 1878 to 1903 and author of Rerum Novarum, the landmark encyclical on social justice and the rights of the poor. Leo XIV may, therefore, embody a papacy that maintains a firm commitment to the marginalised, while adopting a less confrontational, more measured style than that of his reformist predecessor, who sometimes adopted openly anti-curial stances.

    A Counterweight to Trump?

    Prior to becoming pope, Prevost has, on several occasions, openly criticised the current US administration – particularly on matters of migration policy. As a cardinal, he voiced concern over statements made by US vice president J.D Vance, who converted to Catholicism in 2019.

    He shared an article challenging Vance’s interpretation of Christian love in relation to immigration. Prevost also shared posts critical of both Donald Trump and Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele regarding the deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran national living in Maryland.

    In this light, the election of an American pope – once a prospect viewed with suspicion – could now represent one of the strongest moral voices against the hardline migration policies of his own country’s government and a counterbalance to Donald Trump’s influence.

    The choice of the name Leo is also potentially significant here. Pope Leo XIII strongly opposed extreme nationalism, viewing it as a threat to the Church’s universal mission and moral authority.

    While acknowledging the value of legitimate patriotism, he maintained that loyalty to God and the church must always take precedence over allegiance to the nation-state. In encyclicals such as Immortale Dei and Sapientiae Christianae, he defended the church’s supranational character and cautioned against subordinating faith to national interests.

    For Leo XIII, true civic virtue could never conflict with divine law, and any form of nationalism that did so risked becoming a kind of idolatry. In an era of rising nationalism across the globe – particularly in the United States – connecting to this message would be a clear and powerful statement.

    While the prospect of an American pope once caused concern, the choice of Leo XIV shows sensitivity to the world’s margins. Yet, in a Church where Catholic growth is most pronounced in Africa and Asia – while numbers continue to decline in Europe and the Americas – the election of another western pontiff is not without its challenges. Some regions may still feel overlooked or underrepresented.

    A promising gesture was the decision to deliver a brief message in Spanish from the balcony of St Peter’s – the first time in papal history. At the same time, it is striking that the most globally diverse conclave ever convened has placed the church’s leadership in the hands of a cardinal from the world’s most powerful nation. The new pope will need to unify a church that is increasingly global and moving beyond its eurocentric past.

    Massimo D’Angelo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The prospect of an American pope was once viewed with suspicion – but Leo XIV could prove an important counter to Trump – https://theconversation.com/the-prospect-of-an-american-pope-was-once-viewed-with-suspicion-but-leo-xiv-could-prove-an-important-counter-to-trump-256146

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Barr, Artificial Intelligence and the Labor Market: A Scenario-Based Approach

    Source: US State of New York Federal Reserve

    Thank you for the opportunity to speak to you today.1 In my remarks, I would like to address a key question facing economists, policymakers, and people all over the world: How will artificial intelligence, particularly generative artificial intelligence, or GenAI, affect workers and the labor market in the years ahead?
    Before I turn to that issue, I’d like to touch on a topic that I expect is also of interest: the outlook for the U.S. economy and the implications for monetary policy.
    The U.S. economy entered this quarter in a relatively strong position: The unemployment rate has been low and stable, and the disinflationary process has continued on a gradual, albeit uneven, path towards our 2 percent objective. Private domestic final purchases have been solid. Overall, the economy has been resilient.
    Against that backdrop, the outlook has been clouded by trade policies that have led to an increase in uncertainty, contributing to declines in measures of consumer and business sentiment. I expect tariffs to lead to higher inflation in the United States and lower growth both in the United States and abroad starting later this year.
    In my view, higher tariffs could lead to disruption to global supply chains and create persistent upward pressure on inflation. Faced with substantial tariffs, businesses will likely change how they source intermediate inputs, and it will take time and investment for them to reroute their distribution networks. Conversely, global trade networks may change rapidly, and some suppliers may not be able to adapt quickly enough to survive these changes. This concern is particularly acute for small businesses, which are less diversified, less able to access credit, and hence more vulnerable to adverse shocks. Small businesses play a vital role in production networks, often providing specialized inputs that can’t easily be sourced elsewhere, and business failures could further disrupt supply chains. As we saw during the pandemic, such disruptions can have large and lasting effects on prices, as well as output.
    I am equally concerned that tariffs will lead to higher unemployment as the economy slows. Thus, the FOMC may be in a difficult position if we were to see both rising inflation and rising unemployment.
    The size and scope of the recent tariff increases are without modern precedent, we don’t know their final form, and it is too soon to know how they will affect the economy. Yet given the economy’s strong starting point and the progress we have made in bringing inflation back toward our 2 percent objective, monetary policy is in a good position to adjust as conditions unfold. Meanwhile, we will also be closely monitoring how technologies like artificial intelligence are being integrated into economic activity and analyzing the implications for how the economy will evolve.
    Let me now return to the longer-term question of how AI will affect the labor market. Debate about machines replacing workers is nothing new, and even artificial intelligence is not particularly new either. AI has, in some form, arguably been around for decades. Computer scientists have been developing machine learning algorithms for many years, and these algorithms have been widely used in commercial applications, such as fraud detection and advertising. Speech and facial recognition are already ubiquitous. These more long-standing forms of AI are continuing to improve, driving progress in domains ranging from finance to medical diagnosis, and becoming so deeply embedded in our daily lives that we scarcely notice them anymore.
    But GenAI promises to go much further. Unlike traditional machine learning techniques, which often focus on relatively simple prediction and classification tasks, the large language models that have emerged in recent years can generate new content—anything from news articles to computer code to images and video to customer service dialogue. Emerging forms of “agentic” AI can undertake complex, multistep tasks—for example, taking a customer through a transaction and then placing an automated order. As AI continues to develop, it will increasingly be combined with physical technologies like autonomous vehicles and advanced robotics, further extending its ability to interact with the real world. And AI may be shaping up to become what the esteemed economist Zvi Griliches called an “invention of a method of inventing” that speeds up the research and development process itself.2
    Growing evidence indicates that AI will be a “general purpose technology”—such as railroads, electricity, or computers—which is characterized by widespread adoption, complementary progress in many downstream applications, and ongoing improvement in the core technology.3 Past general purpose technologies have dramatically improved productivity. So, against this background, the natural question is, what about AI?
    In trying to understand how AI might transform work, it’s useful to consider how it could be applied in individual occupations, each of which comprises a range of tasks that vary in their susceptibility to automation. Like past waves of information technology, AI will substitute for human labor in some tasks, complement human labor in other tasks, and spur the creation of new tasks that humans will perform, at least initially.4 The net effects of AI on employment, both in the aggregate and across demographic and education groups, will depend on the relative size of these offsetting effects.
    A pessimistic view is that AI and robotics could become so capable and cost effective as to render most human labor obsolete, culminating in mass unemployment. Such concerns about technological advances are hardly a novel development. At least since the Luddites of the early 19th century tried to disable textile looms, people have feared that machines would bring about steep declines in employment, wages, and human welfare.5
    Economists have long been skeptical of that view, which suffers from the “lump of labor fallacy”—the presumption that there’s a fixed amount of work to be done, so if machines do it, humans will not.6 New technologies do eliminate some existing occupations, and not all workers benefit from technological change. But technology also creates new occupations, and the many waves of technological advances over the centuries haven’t rendered humans obsolete. For example, many of the tasks that were performed by humans in the 1950s are now performed by computers and robots, and yet the unemployment rate is similar to what it was back then, while the labor force participation rate is higher overall.
    However, the amazing potential capabilities and breadth of applications associated with AI—many of which are already apparent—make it worth asking whether this time may be different. AI holds enormous promise of faster economic growth, advances in human health, and a higher standard of living. But alongside the kinds of labor market disruptions seen in past episodes of revolutionary technological change, we will need to consider the possibility of more sweeping changes in the way we work.
    A Scenario ApproachIn a previous speech, I outlined two hypothetical scenarios describing how AI could evolve.7 In the first scenario, we see only incremental adoption that primarily augments what humans do today but still leads to significant and widespread productivity gains. In the second scenario, we see profound change, in which we extend human capabilities with far-reaching consequences.
    Today, I will apply the same approach to analyze the potential effects of AI on the labor market. Of course, there is tremendous uncertainty about how AI will evolve and how it will affect the economy, as well as society more broadly. Amid this uncertainty, a scenario-based approach can give us a framework for thinking about the potential effects of AI on employment, real wages, and productivity, as well as for considering the possible role that government could play in influencing this transition.
    Scenario 1: Incremental ProgressLet’s start with the “gradual” scenario, in which new AI technologies are adopted at a brisk, but not a breathless, pace or advance quickly at first and then plateau—perhaps because of constraints imposed by computing resources, the exhaustion of novel training data, and rising energy consumption.
    Under this scenario, AI primarily operates by automating some—but not all—tasks within many occupations. We’ve seen some of this task substitution happen already: Computer programmers rely on AI copilots to write code, allowing them to focus on higher-level tasks, while customer support agents can use chatbots to improve and expedite their responses.8 Lawyers draw on GenAI to conduct legal research, while AI-powered safety features improve the performance of human automobile drivers.
    Under this scenario, as foundational models improve, novel use cases are discovered, and businesses continue to integrate AI into their operations, more and more occupations will be affected, and many jobs will use AI tools more intensively. As these technologies improve, even incremental change may allow AI to become accurate and cheap enough to replace some occupations altogether. It’s hard to make predictions at this stage. But a plausible conjecture is that we could see, for example, fewer human programmers, lawyers, or commercial drivers. At the same time, most current occupations would persist in this scenario—albeit in modified and more productive forms.
    Beyond existing occupations, general purpose technologies also encourage the creation of new occupations, fueled by new products and novel ways of doing business. It’s difficult to envision the novel jobs that will replace the ones we might lose to an incremental AI scenario. But one possibility is that the future could bring us managers of AI agents, specialists in human–AI collaboration, ethicists, safety experts, and large numbers of people involved in adopting, maintaining, and educating about AI tools. Technology, and how we use a particular innovation, evolves in unpredictable ways, and we should expect to be surprised.
    Under this scenario, jobs remain plentiful, real wages are buoyed by productivity gains, and employment and labor force participation remain high and could even rise, if strong wage growth entices new labor market entrants and if improvements in health care increase work capacity among older or disabled individuals. If the widespread adoption of AI proceeds gradually, then workers will have time to adjust, reducing the disruption to the labor market—though, as with previous general purpose technologies, AI would likely imply that some groups of workers experience a painful process of dislocation and transition.
    Retraining could help here. A recent survey carried out by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York found that many businesses plan to retrain their workers to use AI rather than laying them off.9 In some cases, AI may disrupt career ladders by automating many entry-level tasks—such as reviewing legal documents or drafting code—that were historically performed by early-career workers. But if labor demand changes slowly enough, students and workers are more likely to have time to predict which skills will be marketable and to make and recoup human capital investments before their skills become obsolete.
    What about the effect of AI on inequality? Some research suggests that GenAI may help less-productive workers catch up to their more-productive peers.10 That said, the AI economy will likely put a premium on digital skills, facility with new technologies, and adaptability. The precedent of the computer revolution suggests that highly educated workers may benefit most, boosting wage inequality—a phenomenon called “skill-biased technological change.”11 Another possibility is that the labor share of income could decline, if capital owners benefit more than wage earners—for example, because the gains accruing from AI adoption go to large, highly capitalized firms whose technical capabilities, consumer networks, and training data allow them to develop state-of-the-art AI techniques.
    Scenario 2: TransformationNow let’s consider an alternative scenario in which AI completely transforms the economy. As I described in my earlier speech, in this transformative scenario, humans employ AI to unleash their imagination and creativity—combined with robust investment in research and development—to make rapid breakthroughs that have the potential to improve our lives. With growth propelled by swift technological progress, society’s resources would be vastly expanded, AI would spur revolutionary advances in health, and many individuals would enjoy more time for leisure activities.
    Indeed, transformative AI could bring about a state of affairs that John Maynard Keynes famously envisioned almost a hundred years ago, one in which there are “ever larger and larger classes and groups of people from whom problems of economic necessity have been practically removed.”12 At the same time, transformative AI could imply a much smaller role for human labor—a development that would entail sweeping social changes and profound challenges for government.
    Under this scenario, AI would take over a broad range of existing jobs. As economist Anton Korinek writes, “AI systems advance toward mastering all forms of cognitive work that can be performed by humans, including new tasks that don’t even exist yet.”13 Building on developments we are already starting to see, improved chatbots and AI agents would outperform their human counterparts in activities ranging from customer support to medical diagnosis. Along similar lines, advanced robotics could increasingly substitute for human workers in manual and production jobs. Widespread automation would bring many benefits. The availability and quality of many services could increase markedly, and many less-desirable jobs—such as those involving tedious tasks or dangerous working conditions—could be transferred to machines.
    What jobs would exist in this more transformative scenario? As in the more gradual scenario—and just as has happened in the past, when earlier general purpose technologies were adopted—we would see the emergence of new occupations. These would notably include jobs that involve managing the new AI-dominated economy. In addition, some existing occupations would likely persist, at least for some time. This would be the case for three key reasons. First, some jobs may prove especially hard to automate. For example, plumbers and mechanics rely on physical dexterity and adaptability to situations—attributes that machines may find difficult to replicate, or to replicate cheaply. Second, in some contexts, consumers may insist on a human touch. Patients may still want human doctors and therapists, while parents may want human teachers and caregivers to look after their children. Third, even when AI has the technical capability to carry out tasks, some jobs are likely to be protected by laws and regulations. For example, legal and political systems would likely continue to insist on human judges and elected officials. Eventually, however, an increasing share of current jobs may be automated. The technological frontier is moving quickly, consumers’ preferences may change as they become more comfortable interacting with AI, and the regulatory landscape could evolve to provide broader roles for AI.
    It’s difficult to say how many jobs will exist under transformative AI. On the one hand, it’s possible that—as has happened so often in the past—the economy will find inventive new ways to keep most people employed. On the other hand, there are concerns that some workers could experience a large enough decline in their earnings potential that paid work may no longer be an available option. Employment and labor force participation could fall; displaced workers may grapple with a loss of daily routines, social connectedness, and the meaning they derived from employment. The risk of a significant decline in employment looms large in many people’s concerns about AI, and it’s important for policymakers to be attentive to that risk.
    Even if AI ultimately creates as many jobs as it eliminates, we should expect that the transition will be difficult. Existing firms would likely reorganize their production, laying off workers in the process. They could also lose market share to technologically sophisticated start-ups, which could scale up with a minimal number of human workers managing AI subordinates.14 Many displaced workers would have obsolete skills, and skill mismatch could lead to a structural increase in unemployment as these workers retool for new occupations. It is possible that unemployment might rise only temporarily. It is also possible, however, that more sustained increases could be observed. That would be the case if technology continued to evolve too quickly for many workers to keep up, leading to continual churn and ongoing dislocation.
    How might transformative AI affect income inequality? Both traditionally high-wage occupations, such as lawyers and financial professionals, and lower-wage occupations, such as factory and retail workers, could be automated, and it is difficult to predict how AI would affect wage structures. But the largest wage gains would likely go to the highest-skilled workers, as they would be best positioned to implement frontier technologies and help oversee the AI economy. In addition, if capital owners are the main beneficiaries, the labor share of income could decline precipitously.
    Transformative AI could bring about profound improvements in living standards, leisure opportunities, and human health. At the same time, society would confront profound distributional changes and potential challenges. Much would depend on how broadly the economic benefits are shared, how policymakers respond, and how society adapts to the rapid pace of change.
    How Will We Know Which Future We Are Living in?The world looks very different across these two scenarios. As AI spreads throughout the economy, how will we know which world we’re living in, particularly in view of the likelihood that AI adoption will proceed at different rates in different occupations and industries?
    First, we will need to track how many businesses are using AI and how it is affecting their operations. Recent surveys give different impressions about AI adoption thus far, but they consistently show rapid increases in usage over time.15
    Second, we will need to monitor AI’s evolving technological capabilities. AI developers test their models against human performance in benchmark activities like standardized tests and visual tasks. Results of these tests will continue to provide important clues about which activities, and thus which occupations, are at risk of being automated. Along these lines, economists have already developed measures of occupations’ exposure to automation. They have based these measures on the characteristics of the tasks involved in different occupations.16 Of course, as the set of tasks that AI can perform expands, these measures can be updated accordingly.
    A third way to judge how AI is changing the economy is that data on job openings will likely be a leading indicator of changes in labor demand. What kinds of jobs are employers creating? What skills do they cite in job ads?17
    And, lastly, job growth by occupation and industry is likely to reflect the emerging effects of AI. So far, the imprint of AI is difficult to discern in the employment statistics, but that is likely to change. It may be difficult to disentangle the effects of AI from the other determinants of employment growth, especially in real time. But in the event of truly sweeping changes in the occupational structure, the effects of AI should show up in the data.
    Looking AheadWhat do these two scenarios imply for society? In scenario 1, the issues that society has to address will be more straightforward. Policymakers will have to decide how to regulate emergent technologies, education and training programs will have to be tailored to shifts in labor demand, and some labor market regulations may need to be updated. In scenario 2, the issues that society will need to address will be more profound. Questions will include how to ensure that the economic gains associated with AI are broadly shared across individuals and households, and how to adapt social institutions to a world in which many more individuals in their prime working years may be working less. Fortunately, although this second scenario would entail many difficult challenges, it also implies a world in which society has many more resources to deploy against those challenges.
    Those are some of the big questions that society may need to grapple with in the future, and most of these questions are not those that will be primarily addressed by monetary policymakers. As a central banker, I can speak more specifically about how structural changes in the economy related to AI could affect monetary policy considerations—in particular, the Federal Reserve’s dual mandate to promote maximum employment and stable prices. Monetary policy considerations could be affected in many ways; I will limit myself to two prominent possibilities.
    First, AI may require monetary policymakers to reassess our estimates of the natural rate of unemployment, which informs our assessment of the cyclical state of the economy and thus the appropriate stance of monetary policy. The natural rate, which we call u*, is the unemployment rate that corresponds to the maximum level of employment that can be maintained without producing undesirably high inflation. Among other things, u* depends on the efficiency with which matches are formed between workers and firms, and it could rise if shifts in labor demand across industries and occupations lead to skill mismatch and lengthy unemployment spells as workers retrain and switch careers. The natural rate also depends on the demographic composition of the labor force, which AI could affect. If AI shifts the workforce toward groups that have higher labor force attachment but lower unemployment rates (such as college graduates), the result could be downward pressure on u*. It should be stressed that u* is never directly observed and is difficult to discern in real time. But economists use a wide range of models to estimate the natural rate, and we can use those models to see how u* is changing as AI is adopted more widely.18
    Another related consideration relevant for monetary policy is how economic changes due to AI will affect the neutral interest rate, or r*, which is the level of the real interest rate consistent with the economy being at its potential and inflation being at our 2 percent objective. Economic theory suggests that a permanently higher growth rate of productivity, of the kind that might arise under either AI scenario, tends to raise r*. When that happens, a higher real interest rate would be required to deliver any desired monetary policy stance. A challenge that we face is that it is difficult to work out in real time how r* is evolving. But we can make judgments about developments in the behavior of r* by monitoring the relationship between economic activity and interest rates and by using financial market information to estimate longer-run real interest rates.
    ConclusionI’ll return to the broader point and conclude. AI is poised to transform our economy, likely in profound ways. But the speed and extent of that transformation are not yet clear. AI is likely to boost productivity, increase scientific discovery, and transform the nature of work. How these developments unfold will have important implications for society and for central bankers.

    1. The views expressed here are my own and are not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market Committee. Return to text
    2. See page 502 in Zvi Griliches (1957), “Hybrid Corn: An Exploration in the Economics of Technological Change,” Econometrica, vol. 25 (October), pp. 501–22. See also Iain M. Cockburn, Rebecca Henderson, and Scott Stern (2019), “The Impact of Artificial Intelligence on Innovation: An Exploratory Analysis,” in Ajay Agrawal, Joshua Gans, and Avi Goldfarb, eds., The Economics of Artificial Intelligence: An Agenda (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 115–48, and Martin Neil Baily, David M. Byrne, Aidan T. Kane, and Paul E. Soto (forthcoming), “Generative AI at the Crossroads: Light Bulb, Dynamo, or Microscope,” Brookings Institution working paper. Return to text
    3. The term “general purpose technology” is typically abbreviated to GPT. To avoid confusion with ChatGPT, I will continue to use the longer term. For a definition and discussion of past general purpose technologies, see Timothy F. Bresnahan and Manuel Trajtenberg (1995), “General Purpose Technologies ‘Engines of Growth’?” Journal of Econometrics, vol. 65 (January), pp. 83–108. For a discussion of whether earlier AI techniques already meet these criteria, see Avi Goldfarb, Bledi Taska, and Florenta Teodoridis (2023), “Could Machine Learning Be a General Purpose Technology? A Comparison of Emerging Technologies Using Data from Online Job Postings,” Research Policy, vol. 52 (January), 104653. For a discussion of GenAI specifically, see Tyna Eloundou, Sam Manning, Pamela Mishkin, and Daniel Rock (2023), “GPTs Are GPTs: An Early Look at the Labor Market Impact Potential of Large Language Models,” (PDF) March 17 (revised August 22). For a contrasting view that AI will have only modest effects on productivity over the next 10 years, see Daron Acemoglu (2025), “The Simple Macroeconomics of AI,” Economic Policy, vol. 40 (January), pp. 13–58. Return to text
    4. See Daron Acemoglu and Pascual Restrepo (2019), “Automation and New Tasks: How Technology Displaces and Reinstates Labor,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 33 (Spring), pp. 3–30. Return to text
    5. As David Autor writes, “There have been periodic warnings in the last two centuries that automation and new technology were going to wipe out large numbers of middle class jobs. The best-known early example is the Luddite movement of the early 19th century, in which a group of English textile artisans protested the automation of textile production by seeking to destroy some of the machines.” See page 3 in David H. Autor (2015), “Why Are There Still So Many Jobs? The History and Future of Workplace Automation,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 29 (Summer), pp. 3–30. Return to text
    6. For example, see textbook discussions of automation and unemployment by Paul A. Samuelson (1964), Economics: An Introductory Analysis, 6th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill), pp. 333–37; and James D. Gwartney and Richard Stroup (1982), Economics: Private and Public Choice, 3rd ed. (New York: Academic Press), pp. 518–19. Return to text
    7. See Michael S. Barr (2025), “Artificial Intelligence: Hypothetical Scenarios for the Future,” speech delivered at the Council on Foreign Relations, New York, February 18. See also Anton Korinek and Donghyun Suh (2024), “Scenarios for the Transition to AGI,” NBER Working Paper Series 32255 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, March). Return to text
    8. For evidence that GenAI increases the productivity of human programmers, see Sida Peng, Eirini Kalliamvakou, Peter Cihon, and Mert Demirer (2023), “The Impact of AI on Developer Productivity: Evidence from GitHub Copilot,” (PDF) February 13. For similar evidence regarding customer support agents, see Erik Brynjolfsson, Danielle Li, and Lindsey Raymond (2025), “Generative AI at Work,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 140 (May), pp. 889–942. Return to text
    9. See Jaison R. Abel, Richard Deitz, Natalia Emanuel, and Benjamin Hyman (2024), “AI and the Labor Market: Will Firms Hire, Fire, or Retrain?” Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Liberty Street Economics (blog), September 4. Among surveyed businesses in New York and New Jersey, about half of businesses that planned to use AI within the next six months expected to retrain their current staff to use AI. Return to text
    10. See Shakked Noy and Whitney Zhang (2023), “Experimental Evidence on the Productivity Effects of Generative Artificial Intelligence,” Science, July 13, vol. 381 (6654), pp. 187–92. Return to text
    11. See Claudia Goldin and Lawrence F. Katz (2008), The Race between Education and Technology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press). Return to text
    12. See page 372 in John Maynard Keynes (1930), “Economic Possibilities for Our Grandchildren,” in Essays in Persuasion (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1963), pp. 358–73. Return to text
    13. See page 9 in Anton Korinek (2024), “The Economics of Transformative AI,” (PDF) Reporter, no. 4 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research), pp. 9–12. Return to text
    14. See Erin Griffith (2025), “A.I. Is Changing How Silicon Valley Builds Start-Ups,” New York Times, February 20. See also Microsoft (2025), 2025: The Year the Frontier Firm Is Born, Work Trend Index Annual Report, April 23, https://www.microsoft.com/en-us/worklab/work-trend-index/2025-the-year-the-frontier-firm-is-born. Return to text
    15. For a summary of recent survey evidence on AI adoption, see Leland Crane, Michael Green, and Paul Soto (2025), “Measuring AI Uptake in the Workplace,” FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, February 5). Across six firm-level surveys, the share of respondents using some form of AI ranges widely—from 5 to 40 percent—likely in part reflecting differences in sample composition, question wording, and the period over which AI usage is measured. Across 10 individual-level surveys, usage of GenAI generally ranges between 20 and 40 percent, with much higher rates among computer programmers. Return to text
    16. For examples of this approach, see Carl Benedikt Frey and Michael A. Osborne (2017), “The Future of Employment: How Susceptible Are Jobs to Computerisation?” Technological Forecasting and Social Change, vol. 114 (January), pp. 254–80; Erik Brynjolfsson, Tom Mitchell, and Daniel Rock (2018), “What Can Machines Learn, and What Does It Mean for Occupations and the Economy?” AEA Papers and Proceedings, vol. 108 (May), pp. 43–47; Edward W. Felten, Manav Raj, and Robert Seamans (2018), “A Method to Link Advances in Artificial Intelligence to Occupational Abilities,” AEA Papers and Proceedings, vol. 108 (May), pp. 54–57; and Eloundou, Manning, Mishkin, and Rock, “GPTs Are GPTs” (see note 3). Return to text
    17. See Daron Acemoglu, David Autor, Jonathon Hazell, and Pascual Restrepo (2022), “Artificial Intelligence and Jobs: Evidence from Online Vacancies,” Journal of Labor Economics, vol. 40 (April), pp. S293–340. Return to text
    18. See Brandyn Bok, Richard K. Crump, Christopher J. Nekarda, and Nicolas Petrosky-Nadeau (2023), “Estimating Natural Rates of Unemployment: A Primer,” (PDF) Working Paper Series 2023-25 (San Francisco: Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, August). One approach for estimating u* is to aggregate across demographic groups that differ in their average unemployment rates over long periods. Another common approach is to estimate state-space models that incorporate a Phillips curve relationship between unemployment and inflation, as in Thomas Laubach (2001), “Measuring the NAIRU: Evidence from Seven Economies,” Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 83 (May), pp. 218–31. In addition, assessments of the natural rate can be informed by models that yield estimates of matching efficiency, such as Regis Barnichon and Andrew Figura (2015), “Labor Market Heterogeneity and the Aggregate Matching Function,” American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, vol. 7 (October), pp. 222–49; and Hie Joo Ahn and Leland D. Crane (2020), “Dynamic Beveridge Curve Accounting,” Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2020-027 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, March). Return to text

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Labor likely to gain 5 senators, cementing the left’s Senate dominance

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    I previously wrote about the Senate the morning after the election. About half the Senate is elected at each House of Representatives election. Those up for election include six senators out of 12 for every state and all four territory senators. So 40 of the 76 senators were up for election.

    State senators elected at this election will start their six-year terms on July 1, while territory senators are tied to the term of the lower house.

    At a double dissolution election, all senators are up for election, and this truncates the terms of senators. With Labor and the Greens so dominant at this election, the Coalition may try a double dissolution if they win the next election.

    Senators are elected by proportional representation in their jurisdictions with preferences. At a half-Senate election, with six senators in each state up for election, a quota is one-seventh of the vote, or 14.3%. For the territories, a quota is one-third or 33.3%. Half a quota on primary votes (7.1% in a state) is usually enough to give a party a reasonable chance of election.

    It’s likely to take at least another three weeks to get final Senate results. All votes need to be data entered into a computer system, then a button is pressed to electronically distribute preferences. It’s only after this button press that we know final outcomes and margins.

    At the 2019 election (the last time these state senators were up for election), the Coaliition won 17 of the 36 state senators, Labor 11, the Greens six, One Nation one and Jacqui Lambie one. The right won by 18–17, with one for Lambie.

    Queensland’s senators split 4–2 to the right, Tasmania 3–2 to the left with one for Lambie and the other states were tied at 3–3.

    The four senators from the ACT and Northern Territory were last up for election in 2022. At that election, left-wing independent David Pocock and Labor won both ACT seats, while the NT went one Labor, one Country Liberal Party (CLP).

    At this election, it’s likely Labor will gain a senator in every mainland state at the expense of the Coalition, while the Greens, One Nation, Lambie and Pocock will hold their existing seats.

    The most likely outcome of this half-Senate election is 18 Labor out of 40 (up five), 13 Coalition (down five), six Greens (steady), and one each for One Nation, Lambie and Pocock (all steady). This would give the left a 25–14 win with one for Lambie.

    In 2022, the 36 state senators (not up for election in 2025) were 14 Coalition, 13 Labor, six Greens and one each for One Nation, the United Australia Party (UAP) and Tammy Tyrrell. During the last term Lidia Thorpe defected from the Greens, Fatima Payman from Labor and Tyrrell from the Jacqui Lambie Network.

    If Labor wins 18 seats at this half-Senate election, they will have 30 total senators out of 76, the Coalition 27, the Greens 11, One Nation two, and one each for Pocock, Lambie, the UAP, Thorpe, Payman and Tyrrell. Labor and the Greens alone would have 41 of the 76 senators, above the 39 needed for a majority.

    Counting Thorpe and Payman with the left, and the UAP with the right, the left would have an overall 44–30 majority with two others (Lambie and Tyrrell).

    National Senate votes and a state by state breakdown

    With 74% of enrolled voters counted nationally for the Senate, Labor has 35.5% of Senate votes (up 5.4% since 2022), the Coalition 29.9% (down 4.4%), the Greens 11.7% (down 0.9%), One Nation 5.6% (up 1.3%), Legalise Cannabis 3.4% and Trumpet of Patriots (ToP) 2.6%.

    The national House primary votes are currently 34.7% Labor, 32.2% Coalition, 11.8% Greens, 6.3% One Nation and 1.9% ToP. Usually major parties get a lower Senate vote than a House vote owing to more parties who run in the Senate. I believe Labor is benefiting in the Senate from the lack of a viable Teal option.

    In very late counting for both the House and Senate, the Greens usually gain at the Coalition’s expense as absent votes that are counted late are poor for the Coalition and good for the Greens. This would provide a further boost to Labor’s chances of gaining five senators.

    In New South Wales, with 79% of enrolled counted, Labor has 2.65 quotas, the Coalition 2.08, the Greens 0.78, One Nation 0.42, Legalise Cannabis 0.23 and ToP 0.16. Labor’s third candidate is 0.23 quotas ahead of One Nation and should win.

    In Victoria, with 71% of enrolled counted, Labor has 2.44 quotas, the Coalition 2.20, the Greens 0.88, One Nation 0.31, Legalise Cannabis 0.25, ToP 0.17, Family First 0.13 and Victorian Socialists 0.11. One Nation has the best chance to win outside Queensland, but Socialists’ preferences will flow strongly to Labor.

    In Queensland, with 71% of enrolled counted, Labor has 2.16 quotas, the Liberal National Party 2.15, the Greens 0.74, One Nation 0.49, Gerard Rennick 0.34, ToP 0.25 and Legalise Cannabis 0.24. Labor will win two, the LNP two, the Greens one and One Nation will probably win the final seat.

    In Western Australia, with 68% of enrolled counted, Labor has 2.57 quotas, the Liberals 1.83, the Greens 0.92, One Nation 0.40, Legalise Cannabis 0.28 and the Nationals 0.24. The Liberals will soak up right-wing preferences that would otherwise go to One Nation, so Labor should win the last seat.

    In South Australia, with 78% of enrolled counted, Labor has 2.70 quotas, the Liberals 1.94, the Greens 0.89, One Nation 0.37, ToP 0.20 and Legalise Cannabis 0.19. Labor’s third candidate has a 0.33 quota lead over One Nation.

    In Tasmania, with 84% of enrolled counted, Labor has 2.49 quotas, the Liberals 1.66, the Greens 1.14, Lambie 0.51, One Nation 0.36 and Legalise Cannabis 0.23. It’s likely Tasmania will be a status quo result: two Labor, two Liberals, one Green and one Lambie. If this occurs, Tasmania would be the only state without a loss for the Coalition.

    In the ACT, with 79% of enrolled counted, Pocock has easily retained with 1.19 quotas and Labor is certain to win the second seat with 0.95 quotas. The Liberals won just 17.2% or 0.52 quotas and the Greens 0.23 quotas.

    Turnout is relatively low in the NT. With 57% of enrolled counted, Labor has 1.03 quotas, the CLP 1.02, the Greens 0.33 and One Nation 0.24. Labor and the CLP will hold their two seats.

    Close seats in the House

    Since my last update on Wednesday, the ABC has called Melbourne, Menzies, Fremantle and Bendigo for Labor, taking Labor’s seat total to 91 of 150. The Coalition has won 40 seats, the Greens zero and all Others ten, with nine seats remaining undecided.

    In the undecided seats, Labor is the clear favourite in Bullwinkel and Calwell, and currently just behind in Bean and Longman but with a good chance of overturning those deficits. The Liberals are the favourites in Flinders, Monash and Bradfield, the Greens are favourites to hold one seat (Ryan) and Teal Monique Ryan should hold Kooyong.




    Read more:
    Explore the new House of Representatives


    The Conversation

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Labor likely to gain 5 senators, cementing the left’s Senate dominance – https://theconversation.com/labor-likely-to-gain-5-senators-cementing-the-lefts-senate-dominance-256207

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Latest coronial statistics highlight Isle of Wight’s unique challenges 9 May 2025 Latest coronial statistics highlight Isle of Wight’s unique challenges

    Source: Aisle of Wight

    The Ministry of Justice has released the 2024 coronial statistics, providing data drawn from the annual returns of individual Coroner Areas.

    The Ministry of Justice advises against direct comparisons between different areas due to their unique characteristics and demographics, which can lead to misleading conclusions about overall performance.

    The Isle of Wight is recognised as a particularly complex Coronial Area, due to several different factors.

    These include a higher-than-average rate of road traffic collision deaths, a large elderly prison population, a secure mental health unit, and an older general population.

    The high number of care homes per capita, challenges faced by NHS services, a fully coastal border, and significant population surges during major events, such as annual music and sailing festivals, all contribute to this complexity.

    Additionally, the Isle of Wight hosts the only active formal ‘Burials at Sea’ site off the Needles. Areas of deprivation on the Island also impact the Coroner’s Service.

    Caroline Sumeray, His Majesty’s Senior Coroner for the Isle of Wight, said: “I recognise that the Isle of Wight Coronial Area is not the fastest to complete Inquests.

    “There are multiple reasons for this, including the non-availability of an Island-based pathologist willing to do coronial work; a larger proportion of inquests having to wait for other external agencies’ investigations to be completed before they can proceed, and the need to ensure that we carry out extremely thorough investigations.

    “Those investigations do take time to resolve. It goes without saying that the fastest investigations are not always the most robust. It is essential that I leave no stone unturned.”

    PHOTO: Getty Images

    Wendy Perera, chief executive of the Isle of Wight Council, emphasised the importance of the Island’s Coroner’s Service.

    She said: “Supporting Island families and the Coroner’s Office is of great importance to the council. We work in partnership with His Majesty’s Senior Coroner to provide the staffing and facilities to support the service and delivery of the Coroner’s statutory role.

    “For many years, it has been difficult to maintain a fully staffed service which has impacted on service delivery. In addition, access to court facilities has also been challenging.

    “The council has recently invested in creating a purpose-built Coroner’s Court at Seaclose Park to alleviate some of these pressures; steps are also being taken to ensure staffing resilience and to address any delay linked to these two issues.”

    The council and HM Senior Coroner are confident that by working together, they will deliver the required improvements in the service.

    The council remains committed to supporting the Coroner and the Island’s Coroner’s Service to ensure the delivery of the best possible support for Island families.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: Best Crypto Casinos: JACKBIT Picked as the Top BTC Casino Site of 2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    CHICAGO, May 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The online gambling industry is undergoing a seismic shift, with crypto casinos emerging as the preferred choice for players seeking privacy, speed, and innovation. As we enter 2025, JACKBIT stands tall as the best crypto casino, celebrated for its no-KYC policy, vast game selection, rapid payouts, and cutting-edge features.

    This article dives deep into why JACKBIT is the top pick among the best crypto casinos, exploring its standout qualities and how it’s shaping the future of online gaming.

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    Why JACKBIT is the Top Choice for Crypto Gamblers

    JACKBIT, the best crypto casino, has redefined what players expect from a crypto gambling site. Its blend of privacy-focused policies, diverse gaming options, and seamless functionality makes it a favorite for both newcomers and seasoned gamblers. Here’s a closer look at what sets JACKBIT apart:

    No-KYC Policy: Privacy and Speed Combined

    JACKBIT’s no-KYC policy eliminates the need for players to submit personal identification, offering unmatched privacy and a streamlined sign-up process. This feature appeals to players who prioritize anonymity and want to dive into the action without delay. With instant account creation and no invasive verification steps, JACKBIT proves why it’s a leader among new crypto casinos.

    Extensive Game Selection: A World of Options

    Boasting over 7,000 games from 85 renowned providers, JACKBIT caters to every type of player. From slots like Wolf Gold and Mega Moolah to table games such as blackjack and roulette, and a robust sportsbook covering 140+ sports, the variety is staggering. Live dealer games and specialty titles like Plinko further enhance its appeal, making it a top contender for the best bitcoin casino crown.

    Innovative Bonuses: Rewards That Keep Coming

    JACKBIT’s bonus offerings are both generous and creative. New players enjoy a 30% Rakeback bonus plus no KYC, plus 100 free spins, while regulars benefit from weekly $10,000 giveaways, social media promotions, and a VIP program with up to 30% Rakeback. These incentives ensure JACKBIT remains a standout among crypto gambling sites.

    Payment Versatility: Flexibility for All

    Supporting 17+ cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Ethereum, and Solana, alongside fiat options like Visa and Google Pay, JACKBIT offers unparalleled payment flexibility. High rollers appreciate the $10,000 weekly withdrawal limit, reinforcing its status as one of the best crypto casinos for transaction convenience.

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    Pros and Cons

    Pros:

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    • Supports 17+ cryptocurrencies and fiat methods
    • 24/7 multilingual customer support
    • Generous bonuses with no wagering requirements

    Cons:

    • Not licensed by the UKGC
    • No dedicated mobile app (but the site is mobile-optimized)
    • Limited options for Fiat withdrawals

    While some might be concerned about the lack of UKGC licensing, JACKBIT’s Curacao license still ensures a regulated and fair gaming environment, making it a solid choice among crypto gambling sites.

    How to Join JACKBIT Crypto Casino

    Getting started at JACKBIT is super easy and quick:

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    The whole process takes less than five minutes, making JACKBIT one of the most user-friendly platforms among the best crypto casinos. The no-KYC policy means you won’t have to upload any documents, allowing you to focus on enjoying your gaming experience without any hassle.

    If you’re looking for one of the best crypto casinos, JACKBIT offers a smooth, stress-free start.

    Bonuses and Promotions

    JACKBIT offers plenty of bonuses to boost your gaming experience:

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    • Weekly Giveaways: Compete for a share of $10,000 in cash and 10,000 free spins
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    With these amazing offers, JACKBIT ranks as one of the best crypto casinos for rewarding players.

    Best Crypto Casino Games at JACKBIT

    One of the standout features of JACKBIT is its impressive game library, boasting over 7,000 titles in a variety of categories. Whether you’re a fan of slots, table games, or live dealer experiences, there’s something for everyone.

    Online Slots

    Slots are a major highlight, offering everything from classic 3-reel games to modern video slots. Some popular options include:

    • Book of Dead (Play’n GO): A high-volatility slot with the chance to win up to 5,000x your stake.
    • Starburst (NetEnt): A vibrant, low-volatility slot known for its expanding wilds.
    • Gates of Olympus (Pragmatic Play): Features tumbling reels and multipliers up to 500x.
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    With a wide range of themes, bonus features, and high RTPs, slots remain a favorite for many players.

    Blackjack

    Blackjack is a game of strategy and luck, where players aim to get as close to 21 as possible without going over. JACKBIT offers several variations:

    • Classic Blackjack
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    • Multi-hand Blackjack

    These different versions give players the flexibility to choose their preferred style of play.

    Roulette

    Roulette is a timeless game of chance where players bet on the outcome of a spinning wheel. JACKBIT offers:

    • European Roulette (2.7% house edge)
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    Poker

    For poker lovers, JACKBIT has a great selection of variants, including:

    • Texas Hold’em
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    • Three Card Poker
    • Video Poker (e.g., Jacks or Better)

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    These poker games are perfect for players who enjoy putting their skills to the test.

    Live Dealer Games

    Powered by Evolution Gaming, the live dealer section at JACKBIT offers a real casino experience:

    • Live Blackjack: Multiple tables with different limits.
    • Live Roulette: Interactive gameplay with real dealers.
    • Live Baccarat: Fast-paced action.
    • Game Shows: Fun options like Crazy Time, Monopoly Live, and Deal or No Deal.

    These live games allow players to interact with real dealers in real-time, creating an immersive experience.

    Sportsbook

    For sports fans, JACKBIT’s sportsbook has a wide variety of events to bet on:

    • Football: Major leagues and international tournaments.
    • Basketball: NBA, EuroLeague, and more.
    • Tennis: Grand Slams and ATP/WTA events.
    • eSports: Games like Dota 2, League of Legends, and CS:GO.
    • Live Betting: Real-time betting with dynamic odds.

    With over 82,000 live events each month, the sportsbook is a major draw for those who love sports betting.

    Specialty Games

    For casual players or those looking for something different, JACKBIT also offers:

    • Lottery: Instant-result games.
    • Scratch Cards: Quick wins with simple mechanics.
    • Virtual Sports: Simulated events that are always available for betting.

    This wide variety ensures that JACKBIT remains one of the top crypto casinos for all types of players. Whether you’re into high-stakes poker or just want to have some fun with a slot game, there’s always something exciting waiting for you.

    Why JACKBIT Excels in Sports Betting

    JACKBIT’s sportsbook is a powerhouse, appealing to casual fans and pros alike:

    • Breadth of Coverage: Bet on 140+ sports, from football and basketball to niche picks like darts and eSports. Monthly, 82,000+ live events keep the action flowing.
    • Live Betting: Real-time odds and streaming for select matches (e.g., tennis majors) let players wager as games unfold, adding thrill and strategy.
    • Betting Options: With 4,500+ types—moneylines, over/unders, player props—JACKBIT offers unmatched variety. A football match might feature 200+ unique bets.
    • Competitive Odds: Regularly refreshed to beat industry averages, ensuring better value. A $10 bet on a 2.0 odds soccer game could yield $20, outpacing many rivals.

    This depth and dynamism make JACKBIT a top-tier crypto gambling site for sports enthusiasts.

    The Role of Software Providers

    JACKBIT’s game quality stems from partnerships with elite providers:

    • NetEnt: Delivers visually rich slots like Gonzo’s Quest, known for immersive graphics and high RTPs.
    • Evolution Gaming: Powers the live casino with professional dealers and innovative titles like Lightning Roulette.
    • Pragmatic Play: Offers slots (Sweet Bonanza) and Drops & Wins, blending fun with big win potential.
    • Microgaming: Brings legendary progressives like Mega Moolah, a millionaire-maker.
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    These collaborations ensure a premium, diverse library, solidifying JACKBIT’s rank among best bitcoin casinos.

    The Impact of Live Dealer Games

    Live dealer games bridge the gap between online and brick-and-mortar casinos, and JACKBIT excels here:

    • Authentic Experience: HD streams and real dealers (via Evolution Gaming) recreate the casino vibe. Playing Live Blackjack feels like sitting at a Vegas table.
    • Interactive Features: Chat with dealers or players, adding a social layer absent in RNG games. A dealer might congratulate a big win, boosting engagement.
    • Variety: Options span low-stakes roulette to VIP baccarat, with game shows like Crazy Time mixing entertainment and betting.
    • Trust Factor: Seeing cards dealt live builds confidence, crucial for skeptical players transitioning to crypto gambling sites.

    This immersive offering enhances JACKBIT’s reputation as a top-tier platform.

    Best Crypto Casino Payment Methods

    JACKBIT offers a wide range of payment methods, focusing on speed and security to ensure a smooth experience for players.

    Cryptocurrencies

    JACKBIT accepts over 17 cryptocurrencies, including:

    • Bitcoin (BTC): A secure and widely used option with instant deposits.
    • Ethereum (ETH): Fast transactions thanks to smart contracts.
    • Litecoin (LTC): Known for low fees and quick confirmations.
    • Ripple (XRP): Perfect for cross-border payments.
    • Tether (USDT): A stablecoin that helps reduce volatility.
    • Solana (SOL): A high-speed blockchain with minimal fees.
    • Other options: Dogecoin, Cardano, Binance Coin, and more.

    Advantages of Using Crypto:

    • Anonymity: No need to share personal details.
    • Speed: Deposits are instant, and withdrawals usually take under 10 minutes.
    • Low Fees: Transaction costs are minimal
    • Global Access: No geographic restrictions.

    Debit/Credit Cards

    For those who prefer traditional payment methods, JACKBIT also accepts Visa and MasterCard for secure deposits. However, while card deposits are quick, withdrawals may take longer to process.

    E-Wallets

    Though PayPal is not available, JACKBIT supports Google Pay and Apple Pay for easy, mobile-friendly deposits. These e-wallets provide a convenient way to deposit without sharing bank account details.

    Bank Transfer

    For larger transactions, JACKBIT, the best crypto casino, offers bank transfers, which are ideal for high rollers. Keep in mind, though, that these can take several days to process and may come with higher fees.

    Cryptocurrency vs. Fiat

    While crypto methods are the fastest and most private, fiat options like card payments and bank transfers are still reliable but slower. JACKBIT accommodates both, ensuring that players have plenty of options depending on their preferences.

    By offering such a variety of payment methods, JACKBIT ensures it meets the needs of all players, making it one of the best crypto casinos available today.

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    User Experience at the Best Crypto Casino

    A superior user experience is at the heart of JACKBIT’s success. The platform’s sleek, dark-themed design isn’t just visually appealing—it’s highly functional. Navigation is effortless, with a well-organized layout that ensures players can find what they need in seconds. Here’s what makes JACKBIT’s user experience exceptional:

    • Intuitive Design: The homepage features a clean interface with quick-access menus for games, promotions, and support. Categories like slots, live casino, and sportsbook are clearly labeled, reducing the learning curve for new users.
    • Advanced Search Functionality: A robust search bar lets players filter games by title, provider, or category. For example, typing “blackjack” instantly pulls up all available variants, saving time and enhancing convenience.
    • Mobile Compatibility: JACKBIT’s mobile-optimized site mirrors the desktop experience, offering full access to games, betting, and account management without requiring an app. Whether on iOS or Android, the platform adapts flawlessly to smaller screens.
    • Multilingual Support: Available in languages like English, Spanish, German, and French, JACKBIT ensures global players feel at home. This inclusivity enhances usability for non-English speakers.
    • 24/7 Customer Support: Live chat and email support are accessible around the clock, with multilingual agents ready to resolve issues—whether it’s a payment query or a game glitch—in real time.

    This meticulous attention to detail creates a frictionless experience, making JACKBIT a benchmark for user-friendly design among best crypto casinos.

    Why No-KYC Casinos Like JACKBIT Are Revolutionizing Online Gambling: A Game-Changer Among the Best Crypto Casinos

    No-KYC casinos are changing the way we think about online gambling, and JACKBIT is at the forefront of this movement. Traditional casinos often require players to submit sensitive documents like passports or utility bills for verification, which can be off-putting for those who value their privacy or face delays. JACKBIT’s no-KYC model turns this process on its head:

    Breaking Down Barriers

    By eliminating the KYC process, JACKBIT makes it incredibly easy to get started. Players only need to register with an email and can start playing immediately—no waiting for account approval. This is a major advantage for players tired of waiting days for traditional casinos to process their verification.

    Privacy as a Priority

    In today’s world, data breaches are a serious concern. JACKBIT prioritizes player privacy by ensuring that personal information stays off the grid. This approach is especially appealing to privacy-conscious users and those in regions with strict gambling laws, making it one of the best crypto casinos for secure, anonymous play.

    Real-World Impact

    Imagine a player in a country where online gambling is restricted—they can still join JACKBIT anonymously using cryptocurrency. This ability to bypass local regulations opens up online gambling to a much wider audience, making JACKBIT one of the most accessible new crypto casinos on the market.

    Competitive Edge

    While some other casinos only partially embrace the no-KYC model for withdrawals, JACKBIT stands out by offering a fully anonymous experience—from sign-up to cash-out. This seamless, privacy-first approach has attracted a loyal following and set JACKBIT apart as one of the best crypto casinos for those who want both freedom and security.

    By taking a bold stand on player privacy and accessibility, JACKBIT is redefining the future of online gambling. Its no-KYC model is a game-changer for new crypto casinos, providing a truly unique and innovative experience that appeals to players who demand the best of both worlds.

    Community and Social Engagement: Building Loyalty

    JACKBIT isn’t just a casino—it’s a community hub. Its social strategy fosters connection and loyalty:

    • Active Social Media: On Twitter and Telegram, JACKBIT shares updates, hosts giveaways (e.g., $10,000 weekly prizes), and interacts with players. A recent tweet offering 100 free spins for retweets saw hundreds engage.
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    This two-way dialogue sets JACKBIT apart from less engaged crypto gambling sites, creating a vibrant player ecosystem.

    The Importance of Mobile Gaming

    Mobile gaming is reshaping online casinos, and JACKBIT’s mobile platform is a standout:

    • Growing Trend: Over 60% of gamblers now play on mobile, per industry stats. JACKBIT meets this demand with a no-app-required, browser-based site optimized for all devices.
    • Feature Parity: From slots to live betting, every desktop feature works flawlessly on mobile. Players can deposit, claim bonuses, or chat with support on the go.
    • Performance: Fast load times and responsive design ensure smooth gameplay, even on budget phones. For example, spinning Starburst on a 4G connection feels as seamless as on Wi-Fi.
    • Convenience: Whether commuting or relaxing, players access JACKBIT anytime, anywhere, enhancing its appeal among new crypto casinos.

    This mobile-first approach cements JACKBIT’s leadership in accessibility and convenience.

    Responsible Gambling at JACKBIT

    JACKBIT balances excitement with responsibility, offering robust tools to protect players:

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    These features make JACKBIT a safe haven, aligning with one of the best crypto casinos.

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    JACKBIT Conclusion: The Best Crypto Casino

    JACKBIT reigns supreme as the best crypto casino of 2025, blending innovation, accessibility, and player-centric features. Its no-KYC policy offers unmatched privacy, while 7,000+ games, a stellar sportsbook, and blockchain transparency cater to every gambling desire. Mobile optimization, community engagement, and responsible gambling tools round out a platform that’s as safe as it is thrilling. Whether you’re a slot spinner, sports bettor, or live casino fan, JACKBIT delivers. Visit JACKBIT today and see why it’s the ultimate crypto gambling destination.

    Contact Us
    Email: support@JACKBIT.com

    Legal Disclaimer
    This article is intended for informational and entertainment purposes only. It does not offer legal or financial advice. Please verify the information and ensure you are following local laws before engaging in any gambling activities.

    Casino and Gambling Disclaimer

    Online gambling involves risks and may not be suitable for everyone. Gambling laws vary by jurisdiction, and compliance is your responsibility. We do not promote gambling, and participation is at your own risk. JACKBIT is a third-party platform, and we are not liable for any losses or disputes arising from its use. Always gamble responsibly and seek professional advice if needed.

    Affiliate Disclosure
    Some of the links in this article may be affiliate links, meaning we may earn a commission at no additional cost to you. Rest assured, our recommendations are made without bias.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/3df3ce5a-7a48-4b8f-8803-22b40520ace0

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: CashUSA Under Review: Best No Credit Check Lending Option for Personal Loans in 2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Las Vegas, May 08, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) —

    In This Article, You’ll Discover:

    • Why millions of Americans are turning to no credit check personal loans in 2025
    • What makes CashUSA one of the most trusted online loan marketplaces for borrowers with poor or no credit
    • A step-by-step walkthrough of the CashUSA loan application process
    • How CashUSA compares to payday loans, traditional bank loans, and other online lenders
    • A detailed breakdown of loan amounts, interest rates, repayment terms, and fees
    • Real user reviews and testimonials from CashUSA borrowers in 2025
    • What to expect in terms of approval speed, funding timelines, and credit impact
    • Common FAQs and full disclosures that help readers make informed borrowing decisions

    TL;DR — CashUSA Under Review: The Best No Credit Check Personal Loan Option in 2025

    In 2025, many borrowers are finding themselves shut out of traditional lending due to rigid credit score requirements, slow approval timelines, and inflexible employment standards. This detailed CashUSA review explores why the platform has become a leading solution for individuals seeking fast, reliable, and no credit check personal loans. Unlike banks or payday lenders, CashUSA connects borrowers with a wide network of trusted third-party lenders, many of whom evaluate applications using alternative credit data.

    This article breaks down everything potential borrowers need to know — from eligibility requirements and application steps to funding times, lender comparisons, and real user experiences. With loan amounts ranging from $500 to $10,000, flexible repayment terms, and no hard credit pull during the initial inquiry, CashUSA is positioned as one of the best online lending platforms in 2025 for people who need fast access to cash without compromising their financial future.

    Readers are reminded that CashUSA is not a lender but a referral platform. All loan terms and approvals are provided by independent third-party lenders. Rates, terms, and funding availability may vary and are subject to change. Always consult the official website for current information before applying.

    Introduction — Understanding the Financial Struggles of 2025 Borrowers

    Why Millions of Americans Are Turning to Alternative Lending Options in 2025

    As the economic landscape continues to shift in 2025, more consumers than ever are facing challenges that traditional financial institutions aren’t equipped to solve. Inflation remains stubbornly high, wages have stagnated for much of the working class, and unexpected expenses—from car repairs to medical bills—are catching families off guard. In this climate, many people find themselves needing fast access to cash but lack the credit score or banking history to secure a traditional loan.

    This has led to a dramatic increase in demand for no credit check personal loans. Consumers are actively searching for solutions that provide instant access to funds without the judgment of a hard inquiry on their credit reports. In the middle of this surge in alternative lending options stands CashUSA, one of the most well-known platforms catering specifically to borrowers with less-than-perfect credit profiles.

    Why Traditional Lending Models No Longer Work for Most Consumers

    Banks and credit unions have long maintained rigid approval processes built around high FICO score requirements, stable W-2 employment history, and narrow debt-to-income ratios. Unfortunately, those requirements disqualify a large segment of the population—including freelancers, gig workers, recent graduates, and anyone with a prior default or bankruptcy.

    Even if someone qualifies, the process can be slow and cumbersome, with approvals taking days or even weeks. For people facing urgent financial needs, these delays are often not an option.

    CashUSA offers an alternative. By acting as a fintech-powered loan marketplace rather than a direct lender, it connects borrowers to a wide network of potential loan partners willing to evaluate more than just a credit score.

    How Fintech Platforms Like CashUSA Are Revolutionizing Personal Lending

    In recent years, the growth of AI-driven lending platforms and alternative credit scoring models has transformed how lenders assess risk. Rather than relying solely on outdated FICO metrics, many CashUSA partners use data points like income flow, job consistency, and even mobile phone bill payments to determine eligibility.

    This shift has made personal loans more accessible to people who might otherwise be excluded from the financial system. Platforms like CashUSA have embraced this mobile-first, digitally secure, and privacy-conscious approach, positioning themselves as the go-to for borrowers who need a lifeline and don’t want to deal with banks or predatory payday lenders.

    CashUSA doesn’t guarantee approval, but its model offers an inclusive approach that aligns with what today’s borrowers actually need: speed, accessibility, and fairness.

    What Is CashUSA? A 2025 Fintech Leader in Lending

    An Overview of the CashUSA Lending Platform

    CashUSA is a leading online personal loan marketplace that connects borrowers to a wide network of lenders, specializing in fast funding for people with poor or no credit. Unlike traditional banks that rely on rigid approval criteria, CashUSA operates as a bridge between individuals in need of quick cash and lenders open to evaluating more than just credit scores.

    Rather than functioning as a direct lender, CashUSA streamlines the loan process through a centralized platform that simplifies how borrowers are matched with potential loan offers. The platform is entirely digital, allowing applicants to start and complete the process through a smartphone or computer — no office visits, faxing, or paper signatures required.

    How CashUSA Operates as a Marketplace, Not a Lender

    One of the most important distinctions to understand is that CashUSA is not the lender itself. It serves as a referral platform, aggregating offers from lenders who partner with them. After submitting an application, CashUSA distributes that request across its network, which may include traditional financial institutions, fintech startups, and specialty lenders focused on underserved credit markets.

    Once a borrower is matched with an offer, the decision to accept or reject that loan — along with the final terms — lies solely with the third-party lender. CashUSA does not control interest rates, fees, or repayment policies. It simply facilitates the connection.

    Disclaimer: CashUSA is not a direct lender. All loan terms are established by third-party providers and may vary. Always review the lender’s full terms before signing any agreement.

    What Makes CashUSA Unique in Today’s Lending Ecosystem

    In 2025, CashUSA stands out by combining the speed of fintech, the reach of nationwide lending networks, and the flexibility of no credit check approvals. This makes it particularly attractive for people who’ve been denied by conventional banks or are dealing with urgent financial issues like car repairs, rent, or medical expenses.

    Key differentiators include:

    • A quick and user-friendly application that takes just minutes
    • Same-day funding availability (if approved early in the day)
    • No cost to apply or get matched
    • Data protection features using secure, encrypted channels

    CashUSA also accommodates borrowers with irregular income, making it a viable option for freelancers, gig economy workers, and those living paycheck-to-paycheck. The company has evolved alongside rising consumer demand for fast, mobile-first financial solutions that minimize friction and reduce the stress typically associated with borrowing money.

    CashUSA makes borrowing smarter — get connected to trusted lenders with flexible terms and no hard credit pull when you apply right now.

    The Pain Points of Traditional Lending — and How CashUSA Solves Them

    Why Traditional Loans No Longer Serve the Needs of Most Borrowers

    For many Americans, the process of getting a personal loan through a bank or credit union has become unnecessarily complicated. Borrowers are often met with a long list of documentation requirements, rigid credit score thresholds, and delayed decisions. Worse, even after weeks of waiting, there’s no guarantee of approval.

    This traditional model leaves out a huge portion of the population — especially those with unstable income, low credit scores, or non-traditional employment. It also creates anxiety for those who need emergency funds within days, not weeks.

    Pain Point #1: Credit Scores as a Barrier to Access

    Credit scores are still the gatekeepers in most lending scenarios. A missed payment years ago, a sudden drop in income, or a medical emergency can cause a lasting dip in someone’s credit profile — making it nearly impossible to qualify for a standard loan. Unfortunately, this outdated model doesn’t reflect the full picture of financial responsibility.

    CashUSA addresses this by working with lenders who often do not perform hard credit checks. Instead, many of its partners use alternative data — such as employment status, income flow, and even mobile payment history — to assess a borrower’s reliability.

    Pain Point #2: Long Wait Times for Urgent Needs

    In an emergency, time is everything. A car breakdown, overdue rent, or medical bill can’t wait for a two-week approval process. Traditional loans rarely offer same-day funding, especially for applicants with credit challenges.

    CashUSA makes speed a core priority. The online application takes only a few minutes to complete, and once matched, many borrowers can receive funds as soon as the next business day if they accept and sign early.

    Pain Point #3: Hidden Fees and Lack of Transparency

    Many borrowers have been burned by unexpected fees, ballooning interest rates, and opaque repayment terms buried in fine print. Unfortunately, this remains common among payday lenders and even some online lending platforms.

    CashUSA differentiates itself by providing full visibility into loan offers before commitment. Since CashUSA itself is not the lender, applicants are not obligated to accept any offer they receive. The platform encourages transparency, allowing borrowers to read the exact terms before moving forward.

    Disclaimer: Loan terms vary by lender. It is the borrower’s responsibility to review the full contract details before accepting a loan through any partner lender.

    A Lending Marketplace Designed for Real-Life Challenges

    CashUSA’s approach resonates with people navigating the financial uncertainties of modern life. Whether it’s the freelancer without a steady paycheck or the single parent managing unexpected expenses, the platform connects users to lenders who understand that life doesn’t always follow a perfect script.

    With features like no hard credit pull, mobile-first application access, and same-day funding options, CashUSA is engineered to reduce friction and open doors where others close them.

    Who Should Use CashUSA? 

    Borrowers with Poor or No Credit History

    One of the biggest strengths of CashUSA is its accessibility for individuals who have been turned away by traditional lenders. People with poor credit scores (typically under 580) or no formal credit history at all often find themselves ineligible for loans from banks or credit unions. Unfortunately, these are often the individuals who need funds the most — for everything from rent payments to urgent vehicle repairs.

    CashUSA connects these borrowers to lenders willing to look beyond a single score. Many CashUSA lending partners evaluate employment status, income consistency, and alternative credit data rather than depending solely on FICO. For young adults, recent immigrants, or people recovering from bankruptcy, this inclusive lending approach can be a financial lifeline.

    People Facing Emergency Financial Situations

    Emergencies don’t wait for perfect timing. Whether it’s a sudden hospital visit, an overdue utility bill, or an unexpected job loss, millions of people in the U.S. are one crisis away from serious hardship. Traditional loans may take too long to approve, and payday loans often come with predatory terms and interest rates that can spiral out of control.

    CashUSA offers a faster, more consumer-friendly alternative. Borrowers often receive their funds within 24 hours of approval, and there’s no obligation to accept any offer, allowing them to compare terms in real time. For people needing fast relief with minimal stress, this speed and flexibility make a significant difference.

    Freelancers, Gig Workers, and the Self-Employed

    The rise of remote work, freelancing, and gig platforms has created a large population of earners without W-2 forms or “traditional” income documentation. Unfortunately, many financial institutions still haven’t adapted their lending models to accommodate these working styles.

    CashUSA, on the other hand, enables borrowers to apply without needing to meet rigid employment classifications. As long as the applicant can demonstrate a verifiable income stream, even from non-traditional sources like ride-sharing apps or freelance contracts, they may still qualify for a loan offer.

    This is particularly beneficial in 2025, when millions of Americans are earning money outside the 9-to-5 mold. By embracing the needs of this evolving workforce, CashUSA positions itself as a more modern, flexible, and financially inclusive solution.

    Borrowers Seeking a Frictionless Digital Experience

    For many, convenience matters just as much as accessibility. CashUSA’s mobile-first and digitally streamlined platform appeals to users who expect to complete their loan applications from their phones, receive updates by text or email, and access documents electronically.

    There are no in-person appointments or faxed forms required. Instead, the entire loan-matching process is managed online, usually in under 10 minutes — from application submission to seeing potential lender matches.

    In a financial landscape increasingly defined by speed and user experience, CashUSA is built for borrowers who value both efficiency and simplicity.

    Apply for a CashUSA loan today to see how easy, secure, and credit-friendly online borrowing can be — you could get funds within 24 hours.

    The Application Process — How to Apply for a CashUSA Personal Loan

    Step-by-Step Overview of the Loan Application Process

    CashUSA has developed a simple and streamlined digital process that enables borrowers to apply for personal loans in just a few minutes. Unlike traditional financial institutions that often require long paperwork trails, in-person visits, or weeks of waiting, CashUSA’s interface makes loan matching fast and straightforward.

    Here’s how it works:

    1. Fill Out the Online Form: The application begins on CashUSA.com, where users enter basic personal details including name, contact information, ZIP code, and income status.
    2. Specify Loan Needs: Applicants select the loan amount they’re seeking (typically between $500 and $10,000) and describe the intended use — whether for debt consolidation, emergency bills, rent, car repairs, or another purpose.
    3. Submit Financial Details: This includes employment status, monthly income, banking information (for deposit purposes), and residence type. Lenders use this to evaluate the borrower’s overall ability to repay.
    4. Get Matched with Lenders: Once submitted, CashUSA sends the request to its network of partnered lenders. If a match is found, the applicant is shown the lender’s terms and can review the full offer before proceeding.
    5. Review and Accept an Offer: If the borrower likes the terms — including repayment period, interest rate, and fees — they can digitally accept. Otherwise, they’re free to decline and exit the process.
    6. Receive Funds: For those who accept an offer early in the business day, funds may be deposited as soon as the next business day, depending on the lender’s processing time.

    Disclaimer: Fund disbursement timing depends on individual lender policies and the time of application. Same-day or next-day funding is not guaranteed.

    What You’ll Need to Apply

    To complete the CashUSA application, borrowers should be prepared with:

    • A valid government-issued ID
    • Proof of income (such as bank statements or pay stubs)
    • An active checking account
    • A working phone number and email address
    • U.S. citizenship or permanent residency

    While some partnered lenders may require additional verification, the basic application is designed to be quick and minimally invasive. Importantly, most lenders do not perform a hard credit inquiry during this initial phase, helping protect the borrower’s credit score.

    Who Qualifies for a CashUSA Loan?

    CashUSA serves a wide audience, but borrowers generally must:

    • Be at least 18 years old
    • Have a monthly income of at least $1,000
    • Have a checking account in their name
    • Be a U.S. citizen or legal resident

    Having bad credit does not disqualify an applicant. In fact, CashUSA is designed specifically to help borrowers with credit challenges. Many of the lenders in its network focus on alternative risk models that look beyond FICO scores.

    The Advantage of No Hard Credit Pulls

    One of the key benefits of using CashUSA is the absence of a hard credit inquiry during the initial application process. This means applying won’t negatively affect your credit score, giving borrowers a risk-free way to explore options before committing to a specific loan.

    Later in the process, if a borrower accepts an offer and proceeds with a specific lender, that lender may perform a hard inquiry to finalize the agreement. However, at the matching stage, the borrower’s credit is protected.

    CashUSA Loan Details Explained (Loan Terms, APR, and Repayment)

    Understanding the Types of Loans Offered Through CashUSA

    CashUSA connects borrowers to a range of personal loan offers, primarily from lenders who specialize in unsecured loans. These loans don’t require collateral, which means borrowers don’t need to put up property or other assets to qualify. Loan amounts generally range from $500 to $10,000, depending on the applicant’s profile and the lender’s criteria.

    Each lender sets their own guidelines, so the exact terms may vary significantly. However, borrowers are always given the chance to review the complete offer before deciding whether to move forward.

    Disclaimer: CashUSA is not a direct lender. Loan types and terms are determined solely by the third-party lending partners and may vary based on financial history, state of residence, and lender-specific criteria.

    Loan Amounts and Funding Limits

    Most lenders in the CashUSA network offer loans between $500 and $10,000. The actual amount a borrower qualifies for depends on several factors, including:

    • Monthly income
    • Employment status
    • Debt-to-income ratio
    • Banking history
    • Lending laws in the borrower’s state

    There’s no guarantee that the full requested amount will be offered, but the platform aims to connect users with the highest-value offer they may qualify for.

    Disclaimer: Loan amounts are not guaranteed and may differ from the requested amount. Always verify with the lender before proceeding.

    APR (Annual Percentage Rate) and Interest Rates

    APR is one of the most critical elements of any loan — and it can vary widely depending on the lender. Through CashUSA, APRs often range between 5.99% and 35.99%, depending on borrower risk factors and the specific lender’s underwriting model.

    Low APRs may be offered to those with steady income and favorable credit histories, while higher APRs are more common for borrowers with poor or limited credit profiles.

    Disclaimer: APRs vary based on the lender and individual application details. Always review full APR terms on the official offer before acceptance. Check www.cashusa.com for the most up-to-date information, as rates are subject to change.

    Repayment Terms and Flexibility

    CashUSA’s lenders typically offer repayment terms ranging from 3 months to 72 months. The longer the repayment term, the smaller the monthly payment — but also the higher the total interest paid over time.

    Some lenders allow borrowers to select repayment dates or even change payment due dates if needed. Others may charge a penalty for early repayment, though many offer no prepayment penalty, which allows users to save on interest by paying down their loan ahead of schedule.

    Borrowers are strongly advised to read every detail of the repayment plan before accepting any loan, including:

    • Monthly payment amount
    • Total repayment amount
    • Payment frequency (monthly, biweekly)
    • Late fees or penalties

    Disclaimer: Repayment flexibility depends on the individual lender. Be sure to request a repayment schedule and check for early repayment penalties before signing any agreement.

    Understanding the Total Cost of the Loan

    While the speed and accessibility of a loan are important, the true cost of borrowing must be clearly understood. Always factor in the total interest over the full loan term. A lower monthly payment might seem appealing, but if spread over five years at a high APR, it can significantly increase the cost of borrowing.

    CashUSA provides the platform to compare offers and see the total repayment amount upfront — a crucial benefit over other fast-loan providers that hide these details in the fine print.

    Worried your credit score will hold you back? With CashUSA, it won’t — discover prequalified personal loan offers without damaging your credit.

    Real User Reviews: What Are People Saying About CashUSA in 2025?

    Why Consumer Feedback Matters in the Lending Space

    In the world of online lending, trust is everything. With so many digital platforms promising fast money and easy approval, borrowers need real-world insights to separate legitimate solutions from predatory traps. That’s where user reviews come in. Hearing directly from people who’ve used CashUSA can help potential borrowers decide whether this service aligns with their financial goals and expectations.

    Online reviews also highlight important aspects of the borrower experience — from application speed to customer service quality — that aren’t always clear from a company’s own promotional materials.

    Positive Experiences Shared by Verified Users

    Many borrowers appreciate CashUSA’s fast application process, non-intrusive credit policies, and ability to quickly connect them with real loan offers. In 2025, the feedback continues to reflect the platform’s strengths in accessibility, speed, and ease of use.

    Here are a few consistent themes found in user-submitted reviews on platforms like Trustpilot and the Better Business Bureau:

    • “I had bad credit and was still able to get matched with a lender. Funds hit my account the next day.”
    • “The process was way easier than I expected. I applied during my lunch break and had multiple offers before dinner.”
    • “I liked that there was no pressure to accept anything. I saw my options and only moved forward when the offer felt right.”

    Borrowers frequently mention that CashUSA is helpful for urgent cash needs — such as car repairs or unexpected utility bills — and is often less stressful than trying to get a traditional loan.

    Constructive Criticism and Limitations Highlighted by Users

    No service is perfect, and CashUSA is no exception. Some reviewers note that:

    • Not all applicants receive offers, especially if income is very low or unverifiable.
    • Certain lenders present high APRs, which may not be suitable for long-term borrowing.
    • Some users confuse CashUSA as the lender, when in fact it is a referral marketplace.

    It’s important for applicants to understand that CashUSA doesn’t control the terms of any loan — it simply provides access to third-party offers. Each lender has its own approval requirements and repayment guidelines, which can vary significantly.

    Disclaimer: Individual experiences will vary. CashUSA does not guarantee approval, rates, or specific loan terms. Be sure to read all disclosures provided by the lender before signing any agreement.

    Overall Satisfaction and Trust Score Trends in 2025

    As of 2025, CashUSA continues to maintain generally favorable consumer ratings, especially for its transparency, ease of use, and suitability for people with limited credit access. While some complaints are related to misunderstandings about the platform’s role, the majority of users express relief at finding a non-judgmental, efficient path to emergency funding.

    With so many lenders using complex language and hidden fees, many borrowers are grateful for the clarity and comparison CashUSA provides.

    Comparing CashUSA to Other Top Lending Platforms

    CashUSA vs Payday Loans

    Payday loans are often marketed as quick fixes for financial emergencies, but they come with significant downsides: ultra-short repayment terms, extremely high interest rates, and severe penalties for missed payments. While they may seem convenient, they can trap borrowers in a cycle of debt due to APR rates that sometimes exceed 400%.

    CashUSA, by contrast, connects borrowers with personal loan providers offering more reasonable APRs, longer repayment periods, and no hidden rollover fees. Unlike payday loans, these offers are designed with repayment in mind, not long-term dependency.

    The key difference is transparency and structure. Most CashUSA lenders provide clear, upfront terms and allow you to repay in manageable monthly installments — not within days or weeks.

    CashUSA vs Traditional Bank Loans

    Bank loans typically offer competitive interest rates — but only if your credit score is high, your income is stable, and you have a solid financial track record. For people with average or below-average credit, these institutions are often out of reach. Approval can take weeks, and the documentation process is often intense and time-consuming.

    CashUSA simplifies this by allowing borrowers to apply online in just minutes and receive offers without any initial hard credit pull. Many users with fair or even poor credit are matched with lenders willing to consider them based on employment, income, and alternative credit data — not just a FICO score.

    This makes CashUSA a more accessible and time-efficient choice for people who don’t meet the rigid standards of traditional banks.

    CashUSA vs Other Online Loan Marketplaces

    There are several other platforms offering online loan matching services, such as:

    • PersonalLoans.com
    • BadCreditLoans.com
    • Avant
    • LendingClub

    While each has its merits, CashUSA is often praised for its wide lender network, simple interface, and emphasis on quick access without traditional credit checks. It’s also one of the few that does not charge any fees for the application or matching process.

    Some competing platforms may limit loan amounts or charge service fees, while others may not work with lenders that cater to borrowers with sub-600 credit scores.

    CashUSA’s combination of speed, accessibility, and broad eligibility makes it one of the top-tier options in 2025 for anyone exploring personal loans with credit concerns.

    Why CashUSA Stands Out in 2025

    In the current financial climate, where many people are navigating job changes, rising expenses, or unplanned emergencies, CashUSA offers a solution that feels more adaptive to real-world needs.

    Key advantages include:

    • No application fees or commitment
    • Fast approvals with potential next-day funding
    • High transparency in lender offers
    • Flexibility in repayment terms
    • No hard credit pull during initial application

    Disclaimer: Terms, funding speed, and approval outcomes may vary by lender. Always verify full loan terms and conditions through the official website or your lender’s disclosures.

    CashUSA may not be the right solution for every borrower, but for those prioritizing speed, simplicity, and accessibility, it remains one of the most competitive personal loan platforms on the market today.

    If you’ve been denied by banks, let CashUSA open doors to new funding possibilities — fast, free, and designed for real-life financial needs.

    Security, Support, and Privacy Policies

    Is CashUSA Safe to Use for Online Loan Applications?

    Security is a top concern for anyone sharing personal and financial information online. CashUSA addresses this with bank-grade encryption protocols that safeguard sensitive data during transmission. The platform uses 256-bit SSL encryption, a standard commonly used by major financial institutions, to ensure your information remains private and protected from unauthorized access.

    CashUSA also maintains a secure connection between the borrower and the lender — once you are matched, communication is conducted through protected channels. This prevents data leaks and limits exposure to potential third-party misuse.

    Disclaimer: While CashUSA uses industry-standard security measures, no platform can guarantee 100% protection against cyber threats. Users should avoid submitting applications on public Wi-Fi or shared devices.

    What Happens to Your Information After You Apply?

    CashUSA collects personal information strictly for the purpose of loan matching. This may include your name, address, phone number, income level, employment details, and banking information.

    This data is only shared with partnered lenders in their network for the purpose of evaluating your loan request. CashUSA does not sell your information to unrelated third parties or use it for marketing without consent.

    Borrowers have the option to review CashUSA’s privacy policy in full on their official website. Additionally, users can opt out of communications or request data removal by contacting customer service.

    Customer Support Options and Contact Info

    Although CashUSA is primarily a digital service, it offers customer support via:

    • Email support through their contact form
    • Phone assistance via the number provided on their official contact page
    • Educational resources and FAQs available on the site for quick answers

    It’s worth noting that while CashUSA provides help navigating their platform, any loan-related questions (rates, repayment, changes to terms) must be directed to the individual lender you’re matched with.

    Transparency and Third-Party Accountability

    Because CashUSA is not the lender, it plays a limited role once the match is made. However, the company maintains high standards of transparency by:

    • Not charging borrowers for access to its services
    • Providing complete lender details before any agreement is signed
    • Requiring partner lenders to clearly disclose terms, fees, and repayment structures

    Disclaimer: Borrowers are strongly advised to read all loan documents carefully and confirm the identity of any lender they are matched with. If an offer feels suspicious, you should decline and report it to CashUSA’s support team.

    Pricing, Fees & Refunds — Know Before You Commit

    Does CashUSA Charge a Fee to Use the Platform?

    One of CashUSA’s standout features is that it does not charge borrowers any fees to apply or use the platform. There is no cost to fill out the loan request form, get matched with lenders, or review loan offers. This zero-cost access makes it a low-risk tool for people seeking financing without having to commit upfront.

    It’s important to note, however, that while CashUSA itself is free, the lenders you’re matched with may apply fees, interest charges, or penalties based on the loan terms they offer.

    Disclaimer: CashUSA is not a lender and does not control the fees or rates charged by its lending partners. Always review the full loan disclosure provided by the lender before signing.

    Understanding Loan Fees and Interest Rates

    While some lenders offer low APRs (as little as 5.99% for qualified applicants), others may present higher rates, especially for borrowers with poor or limited credit history. APRs can reach up to 35.99% in some cases — which is still significantly lower than many payday or title loans.

    Common lender-applied fees include:

    • Origination Fees (usually 1%–5% of the loan total)
    • Late Payment Fees
    • Non-Sufficient Funds (NSF) Fees
    • Early Repayment Clauses (some charge, though many do not)

    Borrowers should read the Truth-in-Lending Act (TILA) disclosures provided by the lender to see a breakdown of all applicable costs before proceeding.

    Disclaimer: Pricing, interest rates, and fees are set individually by each lender. These details may change at any time. Always verify the latest information on the official CashUSA website or directly with the matched lender.

    Are There Prepayment Penalties?

    Some lenders within the CashUSA network allow borrowers to pay off their loans early without penalty — which can help reduce the total amount of interest paid over time. However, this isn’t universal.

    Always check whether your lender includes prepayment penalty clauses in the contract. If your goal is to borrow short-term and repay quickly, selecting a lender that waives prepayment fees can save money in the long run.

    What If You Change Your Mind After Accepting a Loan?

    Once a loan offer is accepted and the funds are disbursed, borrowers are bound by the repayment agreement signed with the lender. However, some lenders offer a short cancellation period (e.g., 24 to 48 hours) during which borrowers may cancel the loan without penalty — but this must be clarified in advance.

    If the lender doesn’t offer such a window, the borrower will be required to repay the full loan plus any applicable interest and fees.

    Disclaimer: Cancellation and refund policies vary by lender. CashUSA cannot reverse a disbursed loan. Contact your lender directly to explore any cancellation options.

    Always Confirm Details with the Official Source

    The terms offered through CashUSA’s lending network are not static — they can vary depending on lender policies, borrower qualifications, and even geographic location. Because of this, it’s essential to verify all rates, fees, and timelines before accepting any offer.

    Disclaimer: Prices, fees, and interest rates are subject to change. For the most accurate and up-to-date loan details, visit www.cashusa.com and review the disclosures provided by the matched lender before proceeding.

    Explore your loan options risk-free with CashUSA — there’s no charge to apply, no commitment required, and your credit won’t take a hit.

    Disclaimers to Keep in Mind (Transparency Section)

    CashUSA Is Not a Direct Lender

    One of the most important things borrowers should understand is that CashUSA is not a lender. It does not issue loans, set interest rates, or determine repayment terms. Instead, it serves as a digital loan marketplace, matching applicants with third-party lenders based on their submitted profile.

    Once a match is made, all loan details — including APR, fees, funding speed, and repayment terms — are managed entirely by the lending partner. Borrowers must review and accept these terms directly with that lender, not with CashUSA.

    Disclaimer: CashUSA does not fund loans or make credit decisions. Final loan terms are determined solely by the lender and may vary based on creditworthiness, income, and other criteria.

    Loan Approval Is Not Guaranteed

    While CashUSA is designed to assist borrowers with poor or limited credit, it does not guarantee that every applicant will receive a loan offer. Approval is still subject to lender evaluation and may depend on factors like:

    • Verified income
    • State of residence
    • Employment status
    • Minimum age and citizenship

    Some borrowers may receive multiple offers, while others may not qualify at all. CashUSA provides access — but it is up to the lender to determine eligibility.

    Disclaimer: Submission of an application does not guarantee loan approval or any specific offer. All lending decisions are made by third-party lenders.

    Terms, Fees, and APRs May Vary Widely

    Each lender in the CashUSA network has their own underwriting model. As a result, loan terms can differ significantly from one offer to the next. Factors that affect loan conditions include:

    • Credit and banking history
    • Requested loan amount
    • Duration of the loan
    • Lender risk tolerance

    Borrowers are strongly advised to compare offers carefully, especially when considering long-term loans with higher APRs.

    Disclaimer: Always read the full loan agreement before signing. Interest rates, fees, and repayment terms are controlled by the lender and are subject to change at any time.

    Always Verify Current Information Through Official Sources

    Loan details can fluctuate based on market conditions, lender policies, and applicant-specific data. Because of this, any examples or figures mentioned in this article — including APR ranges, loan amounts, or fee structures — should be treated as general estimates only.

    To avoid confusion, borrowers should consult the official website and carefully read all lender disclosures before finalizing any agreement.

    Disclaimer: For the most accurate and up-to-date information, visit www.cashusa.com. Pricing and availability are subject to change without notice. Always confirm loan terms with the lender before proceeding.

    Final Verdict: Is CashUSA the Best No Credit Check Loan Option in 2025?

    Summing Up the Strengths of CashUSA

    In a lending landscape crowded with rigid banks and risky payday loan providers, CashUSA has carved out a compelling position as a trusted, tech-driven loan matching service for borrowers who are underserved by the traditional financial system. By providing access to a wide lender network, avoiding hard credit checks during initial inquiry, and offering same-day funding potential, it checks many of the boxes that modern borrowers are searching for.

    Some of the most notable advantages include:

    • Fast and mobile-friendly application
    • No cost to use or apply
    • No initial hard credit pull
    • Broad lender access for applicants with poor or no credit
    • Loan amounts up to $10,000
    • Transparent offers with no obligation to accept

    CashUSA’s strength lies in its simplicity and inclusivity — it’s a platform that serves real-world needs without gatekeeping access to capital.

    Who Should Seriously Consider CashUSA

    CashUSA is ideal for:

    • Borrowers with low or no credit scores
    • Freelancers or gig workers with non-traditional income streams
    • Individuals facing urgent financial needs who don’t have time to wait weeks for bank approval
    • Anyone who wants to compare multiple loan offers without commitment

    For those who fit this profile, CashUSA offers one of the most accessible and streamlined paths to personal loan funding available in 2025.

    Who Might Want to Explore Other Options

    CashUSA may not be the best fit for:

    • Borrowers with excellent credit who can qualify for lower rates from credit unions or direct banks
    • People seeking secured loans or loans over $10,000
    • Those who prefer to work with a local lender in-person rather than an online interface

    If you prioritize ultra-low interest rates and have strong credit, you may get better long-term value from a traditional financial institution. However, even in those cases, CashUSA can serve as a useful comparison tool.

    Disclaimer: Always compare multiple lending options and review all associated terms and costs before choosing any personal loan provider.

    Verdict: A Top-Tier Choice for 2025’s Financial Realities

    In a year defined by inflation pressures, non-traditional work, and rising financial emergencies, CashUSA delivers what most borrowers actually need — speed, flexibility, and access without judgment. It stands out not just for what it offers, but for what it removes: complexity, gatekeeping, and credit-score shame.

    For borrowers navigating unpredictable terrain, CashUSA is one of the most reliable no credit check lending platforms of 2025, offering a bridge to liquidity when it’s needed most.

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Thursday, 8 May 2025 – Strasbourg – Revised edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     490k  558k
    Thursday, 8 May 2025 – Strasbourg
    1. Opening of the sitting
      2. Composition of political groups
      3. Composition of committees and delegations
      4. 80 years after the end of World War II – freedom, democracy and security as the heritage of Europe (debate)
      5. Old challenges and new commercial practices in the internal market (debate)
      6. Resumption of the sitting
      7. Voting time
        7.1. Arrest and risk of execution of Tundu Lissu, Chair of Chadema, the main opposition party in Tanzania (RC-B10-0260/2025, B10-0260/2025, B10-0261/2025, B10-0262/2025, B10-0263/2025, B10-0264/2025, B10-0265/2025) (vote)
        7.2. Return of Ukrainian children forcibly transferred and deported by Russia (RC-B10-0249/2025, B10-0247/2025, B10-0249/2025, B10-0250/2025, B10-0252/2025, B10-0255/2025, B10-0258/2025) (vote)
        7.3. Violations of religious freedom in Tibet (RC-B10-0248/2025, B10-0248/2025, B10-0251/2025, B10-0253/2025, B10-0254/2025, B10-0256/2025, B10-0259/2025) (vote)
        7.4. Ninth report on economic and social cohesion (A10-0066/2025 – Jacek Protas) (vote)
        7.5. CO2 emission performance standards for new passenger cars and new light commercial vehicles for 2025 to 2027 (vote)
        7.6. The protection status of the wolf (Canis lupus) (vote)
        7.7. The role of gas storage for securing gas supplies ahead of the winter season (A10-0079/2025 – Borys Budka) (vote)
        7.8. Screening of foreign investments in the Union (A10-0061/2025 – Raphaël Glucksmann) (vote)
        7.9. Suspending certain parts of Regulation (EU) 2015/478 as regards imports of Ukrainian products into the European Union (A10-0059/2025 – Karin Karlsbro) (vote)
        7.10. Competition policy – annual report 2024 (A10-0071/2025 – Lara Wolters) (vote)
        7.11. Banking Union – annual report 2024 (A10-0044/2025 – Ralf Seekatz) (vote)
        7.12. Objection pursuant to Rule 115(2) and (3): genetically modified soybean MON 87705 × MON 87708 × MON 89788 (B10-0244/2025) (vote)
        7.13. Old challenges and new commercial practices in the internal market (B10-0246/2025) (vote)
      8. Resumption of the sitting
      9. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting
      10. EU action on treating and preventing diseases such as cancer, cardiovascular neurological diseases and measles (debate)
      11. Explanations of vote
        11.1. Ninth report on economic and social cohesion (A10-0066/2025 – Jacek Protas)
        11.2. The role of gas storage for securing gas supplies ahead of the winter season (A10-0079/2025 – Borys Budka)
        11.3. Competition policy – annual report 2024 (A10-0071/2025 – Lara Wolters)
        11.4. Old challenges and new commercial practices in the internal market (B10-0246/2025)
      12. Approval of the minutes of the sitting and forwarding of texts adopted
      13. Dates of the next part-session
      14. Closure of the sitting
      15. Adjournment of the session

       

    FORSÆDE: CHRISTEL SCHALDEMOSE
    Næstformand

     
    1. Opening of the sitting

       

    (Mødet åbnet kl. 9:00)

     

    2. Composition of political groups

     

      President. – Volker Schnurrbusch is a member of the ESN Group as of 8 May 2025.

     

    3. Composition of committees and delegations

     

      President. – The ESN Group has notified the President of a decision relating to changes to appointments within committees. This decision will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

     

    4. 80 years after the end of World War II – freedom, democracy and security as the heritage of Europe (debate)


     

      Sebastião Bugalho, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, in the history books, the post-war world means not just the world after the war, but a world without it.

    Today, 80 years after the surrender of the Nazi regime, we live in a world that faces a darkness most of us can’t recall. 50 million lives in six years made us say ‘never again’. The Second World War confronted mankind with humanity, patriotism with fascism, truth with anger. The Great War was brought to an end with peace, with a hard lesson. Those who chose to resist forgave those who refuse to forget.

    And that, dear colleagues, is the founding principle of our Union. That those who weld against invasion are here bounded together with those who commit, never to commit it again. That those who said we shall never surrender are here side by side with those who say, we shall always remember.

    The Ukrainian people know as we know, that the courage to carry on is the same courage not to let history be rewritten. And we are to keep that in our minds that their fight was once our fight. That their freedom is also our freedom. That their victory will be our peace. They may not be our fathers or our sons, but they are our brothers, our brothers in arms and in rights, our brothers in their hope and in their defiance.

    In this world, in this war, we may be lonely but never alone. 80 years ago we too faced that loneliness and defeated a great evil on this VE Day. Today it’s the survival of freedom, of democracy now and then at stake in our continent.

    So today, from this time and place, let it be known that victory for Europe Day stands not only for the victory that once was, but also for the victory that must be. Let it be known that the torch of history lights this common cause, that the words VE Day will also, and soon enough mean, Slava Ukraini.

     
       

     

      Marc Angel, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, 80 years ago, the guns fell silent across Europe, marking the end of the most devastating war our continent has ever known. And today we honour the memory of those who were murdered, who suffered and perished. And we reflect also on the long, difficult path from destruction to peace.

    Out of the ashes of conflict, Europe chose reconciliation over revenge. Former enemies reached out in solidarity, laying the foundations for a united, peaceful continent. The European Union stands today not only as a political and an economic alliance, but as a powerful symbol of what unity, mutual respect and shared values can achieve.

    Today, this legacy is under threat. Across our continent, the far right and nationalism are once again gaining ground, fuelling hatred and division. But we must not forget where such ideologies once led us. The horrors of the past are not just history – they are warnings.

    On this important anniversary, let us reaffirm our commitment to a strong, united Europe, one that champions peace, democracy, equality and the dignity of all its people. Let our history be our guide and our unity be our strength.

    Today we must also pay tribute to the brave people of Ukraine, victims of the brutal aggression of Russia’s autocratic regime.

     
       

     

      Kinga Gál, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök Asszony! A második világháború elképzelhetetlen pusztítása és szenvedése után Európa romokban hevert. Soha többé! Az alapító atyák, felismerve a pusztítás következményeit, létrehozták a közös Európát, melynek fő célja a tartós béke, biztonság és jólét biztosítása kontinensünkön. A májusi örömünnepnek nyolcvan éve, a háború vége viszont nem hozott valódi békét és jólétet minden európai nemzetnek. Hiszen Közép-Kelet-Európában, így nekünk, magyaroknak nem ért véget a szenvedés. A kommunizmus sötét évei következtek, férfiak és nők ezreinek gulágra hurcolása, kitelepítések, megtorlás, politikai tisztogatások és a szabadság korlátozása tartották félelemben az embereket még évtizedekig.

    Szüleink és nagyszüleink, de még a mi emlékezetünkben is ezek az érzések ma is élénken élnek. Méltán vágytak tehát az Unióba, a vasfüggönyön túlra, ami a szabadság, béke, biztonság és jólét szimbóluma volt számukra. Erre viszont még sokáig, 2004-ig várni kellett, ezért érint meg minket különösen fájdalmasan, ha úgy érezzük, hogy ezek az értékek most veszélyben vannak, hiszen béke helyett háború dúl a szomszédunkban. Biztonság helyett az illegális migráció egyre nagyobb fenyegetést jelent a közbiztonságra. Jólét helyett pedig gazdasági gyengüléssel kell szembenéznünk. Vissza kell térnünk az alapokhoz: a kölcsönös tiszteletre és szuverén nemzetek jóhiszemű együttműködésére épülő Unióhoz. Amely nem kioktat, hanem tisztel és támogat. Csak így maradhat Európa továbbra is a béke, a biztonság és a jólét otthona.

     
       

     

      Patryk Jaki, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, on the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, you are talking about responsibility, courage, justice. But those are only words. We are still waiting for action. Poland, the country where the war was started, was divided between Germany and Russia after the Ribbentrop‑Molotov Pact. From the first to the last day of the war, Poland was on the right side. It had no institutional collaborators and lost almost 30 % of its pre-war resources – the most in Europe – and six million citizens. One third of this territory was taken and given to Russia.

    Until today, Poland has not received any reparation – no real compensation, only symbolic. Instead of giving justice and equal chances to Polish citizens, instead of helping new generations of Poles who should not pay for the fact that their parents stayed on the right side and did not collaborate with evil, the EU spent billions on silly ideology because the Earth will burn. This is not responsibility or justice which you are talking about so much. This unfair advantage built through a barbaric attack on the other nations must finally be reduced. This is not only about Poland, but also about Greece, the Baltic states and other victims.

    This 80th anniversary should finally bring real action to clean this stain. It is time to create compensation and an equal‑opportunity budget in Europe instead of a special budget for green ideology. To make up for the guilt, the effects of the evil must be removed completely.

     
       

     

      Marie-Pierre Vedrenne, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, héritière de celles et de ceux qui ont vécu la guerre et la barbarie au plus profond de leur chair, héritière du silence autour de ces blessures enfouies et longtemps tues, je commémore aujourd’hui et avec vous, ici, dans cet hémicycle de Strasbourg, les héros dont les noms traversent nos manuels et nos rues, comme les anonymes restés dans l’ombre de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

    Être héritière de ces morts et traumatismes, c’est se voir conférer une responsabilité sacrée: celle de ne jamais être un simple témoin, ni dans le présent, ni dans l’avenir. Être héritière de celles et de ceux qui ont œuvré pour la liberté, un projet de réconciliation, c’est se voir assumer un devoir exigeant, celui de ne jamais céder au «deux poids, deux mesures».

    Être héritière d’une anonyme, en ce 8 mai 2025, c’est faire entendre, en se tenant devant vous, que cet anniversaire nous engage, nous, parlementaires européens. C’est un appel à regarder en face la réalité brutale du monde, un appel à nous battre à notre tour pour la démocratie, pour la liberté, pour la sécurité, pour l’universalisme, et ceci pour tous nos héritiers.

     
       

     

      Thomas Waitz, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, colleagues, the Second World War was raw brutality. It was demonisation and dehumanisation of big parts of society. It was devastating warfare, total destruction and mass murder. That’s what it was. Fascism didn’t happen overnight. It was carefully woven into parts of society or into society, piece by piece, many years before the Nazis took over Germany and Austria, driven by blind hatred, by white supremacy and racism. Countless people were targeted and killed.

    But based on acknowledgement of crime, reconciliation and forgiveness, we are building this, our European Union. Yes, to forgive, but never to forget. Because remembrance is not an act of the past, it’s a pact with the future.

    But, colleagues, somehow I have the impression that we did not learn. Once again, strong men have returned – in the US, in Russia, in China, in Hungary. Based on hatred and on disrespect for human rights, we once again see the rising forces of anti-democratic and anti-human policies. Even here in this House we hear hate speech, we hear blunt, fearmongering propaganda.

    But freedom is still strong and the fight for freedom is still strong. The freedom to love who you love, the freedom to decide over your own body, the freedom to live the life that you want to live, and the freedom to learn from history and the freedom to strive for peace. Because ‘never again’ is now!

     
       

     

      Konstantinos Arvanitis, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, 80 χρόνια από τη λήξη του Β΄ Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου αλλά και 80 χρόνια από τη μεγάλη αντιφασιστική νίκη. Ας θυμηθούμε, λοιπόν, τις αιτίες. Να ξαναδιαβάσουμε την ιστορία· να μην ξαναγράψουμε την ιστορία όπως επιτάσσουν συμφέροντα, ώστε να μην επαναλάβουμε τα ίδια λάθη γιατί αυτό θα συνιστά έγκλημα στο έγκλημα.

    Να θυμηθούμε πως οι αντιθέσεις του κεφαλαίου σε Ευρώπη και Αμερική ενίσχυσαν, χρηματοδότησαν και γιγάντωσαν τον φασισμό και τον ναζισμό στην ήπειρό μας. Να θυμηθούμε και να τιμήσουμε τα θύματα αυτής της θηριωδίας: τους Εβραίους, τους κομμουνιστές, τους σοσιαλιστές, τους δημοκράτες, τους δημοκράτες αντιναζί, τη ΛΟΑΤΚΙ κοινότητα, τους διαφορετικούς, τους ανήμπορους. Θύματα στο ιδεολόγημα της αθλιότητας περί καθαρής φυλής, αρίας φυλής. Να τιμήσουμε τα εκατομμύρια των θυμάτων, απλούς στρατιώτες, νέα λαϊκά παιδιά που δεν χάρηκαν τη ζωή. Να τιμήσουμε τους παρτιζάνους, τους αντάρτες, τις γυναίκες, τους άνδρες που βγήκαν στα βουνά για να αντισταθούν και να αντιμετωπίσουν τη ναζιστική φασιστική θηριωδία.

    Η χώρα μου, μια μικρή χώρα, έχασε το ένα έβδομο του πληθυσμού της. Τουλάχιστον 650.000 εκτελέστηκαν, πέθαναν από την πείνα, δολοφονήθηκαν. Κλάπηκε όλος ο ελληνικός θησαυρός και έμειναν πίσω καμένες εστίες, καμένα χωριά, μαρτυρικά χωριά.

    Με αφορμή τη σημερινή επέτειο, εδώ, από το βήμα του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, επαναφέρω το θέμα των ελληνικών αξιώσεων που αφορούν αποζημιώσεις και επανορθώσεις για ζημιές που υπέστη η χώρα μου και οι πολίτες της κατά τον Α΄ και Β΄ Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο, για πολεμικές αποζημιώσεις για τα θύματα, τους απογόνους των θυμάτων της γερμανικής Κατοχής, την αποπληρωμή του κατοχικού δανείου και την επιστροφή των κλοπιμαίων και παράνομα αφαιρεθέντων αρχαιολογικών και πολιτιστικών αγαθών. Από τη χώρα μου, την Ελλάδα, που σήκωσε το ανάστημά της απέναντι στον ναζισμό και τον φασισμό. Είναι δίκαιο· και η Ευρώπη χωρίς δικαιοσύνη δεν υπάρχει.

     
       

     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Am 8. Mai 1945 endete mit der bedingungslosen Kapitulation der Wehrmacht die militärische Herrschaft des Nationalsozialismus. Auch in diesem Jahr gedenken wir der Millionen gefallenen Soldaten und getöteten Zivilisten des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Wir erkennen zunehmend auch die doppelte Bedeutung dieses Tages an: Der 8. Mai bedeutete für Westeuropa langfristig Freiheit, für Mittel‑ und Osteuropa jedoch die Zementierung einer 45-jährigen russischen Gewaltherrschaft.

    Richard von Weizsäcker verwies in seiner berühmten Rede am 8. Mai 1985 zu Recht darauf, dass dieser Tag untrennbar mit dem 30. Januar 1933, dem Beginn der nationalsozialistischen Diktatur, verbunden sei. Aber das ist nur ein Teil. Denn so gewiss der 8. Mai das Ende der NS‑Diktatur markierte, so gewiss schuf er zugleich die Grundlage für kommunistische Diktaturen. Ohne den 8. Mai 1945 hätte es durch Russland keine Verschleppung zehntausender baltischer Familien im März 1949 gegeben, keine russische Niederschlagung des Volksaufstandes in der DDR am 17. Juni 1953, keinen russischen Einmarsch in Ungarn 1956, keine russischen Panzer in Prag 1968 und keine Unterdrückung der Solidarność‑Bewegung in Polen.

    Heute gedenken wir der Opfer des Zweiten Weltkriegs vom 1. September 1939 bis zum 8. Mai 1945. Zugleich danken wir allen Männern und Frauen, die in Mittel‑ und Osteuropa nach dem 8. Mai 1945 mutig gegen die kommunistische Diktatur und die russische Vorherrschaft aufgestanden sind. Ihr Einsatz für Freiheit und nationale Selbstbestimmung bleibt ein unverzichtbarer Teil des europäischen Erbes.

     
       


     

      Javi López (S&D). – Señora presidenta, hoy conmemoramos el 80.º aniversario del fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la guerra que desoló Europa, que mostró la cara más cruel del ser humano y de los espeluznantes horrores de los que somos capaces, de los que el hombre es capaz. La guerra no solo asesina a los vivos, acaba perdurando sobre las futuras generaciones.

    Hoy enormes cicatrices de esta guerra perduran aquí, en Europa. De aquella oscuridad y de las cenizas de esa guerra construimos las instituciones que hoy disfrutamos, la Europa de la paz y la dignidad, de la democracia y las libertades: la Europa de la reconciliación.

    Es una Europa que vuelve a estar amenazada por el totalitarismo y el autoritarismo que padecimos entonces, de líderes autoritarios que desde fuera amenazan la seguridad europea, de líderes autoritarios que también tienen peones aquí, en las instituciones europeas, y que amenazan con liquidar la democracia y las libertades que hoy disfrutamos. Son autoritarios que utilizan las mismas ideas e instrumentalizan el aislamiento, el miedo y la mentira para sembrar el odio frente a lo que nosotros reivindicamos: la verdad, la justicia y la memoria. Una Europa unida es la única respuesta frente a la barbarie.

     
       

     

      Hermann Tertsch (PfE). – Señor presidente, hace ochenta años la derrota militar del nacionalsocialismo alemán cerró una de las páginas más monstruosas de la historia de la humanidad, generada, recuérdenlo, en Europa y por Europa. Fue la nación de los poetas y los pensadores la causante del genocidio industrializado que fue el Holocausto del pueblo judío y el incendio de todo el continente. Fue la arrogancia del idealismo totalitario la que prima la utopía humana sobre la sacralidad de la vida hasta caer al agujero negro del crimen total.

    Iban al mundo ideal. «Am deutschen Wesen soll die Welt genesen»: la esencia alemana sanará al mundo. Resuena inquietante en la arrogancia de los que hoy marginan al discrepante. Aquella guerra mató a sesenta millones de personas. El nazismo sucumbió en doce años, pero quedó el comunismo, la otra ideología redentora en pos del ideal que solo genera infiernos. El comunismo asesinó a más de cien millones, sigue hoy vivo y presente y está también aquí en esta sala. Porque el 8 de mayo se liberó una parte de Europa, pero, en la otra, solo se cambió una tiranía por la otra.

    El comunismo se transformó y, si en Rusia tenemos una oligarquía agresora y criminal, hoy en Occidente lo tenemos disfrazado de ingeniería social, del igualitarismo colectivista, del socialismo que persigue los mismos fines. En honor de tantos millones de víctimas, defendamos la libertad y la verdad, las armas supremas frente a ideologías redentoras, totalitarias y criminales siempre.

     
       

     

      Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, există un citat anonim celebru care descrie cumva ciclicitatea războiului pe tărâm european: „Vremurile bune creează oameni puternici, oamenii puternici creează vremuri bune. Vremurile bune creează oameni slabi și oamenii slabi creează vremuri grele.”

    Într-o Europă a prosperității, la 80 de ani de la sfârșitul celui de-al Doilea Război Mondial, cu o inconștiență veselă, proiectul nostru se îndreaptă pe bâjbâite către un nou conflict paneuropean. Și asta din cauza unei conduceri a Uniunii Europene rupte de realitate și de voința cetățenilor europeni.

    M-am bucurat să aud vorbindu-se despre ce am reușit să construim în ultimii 80 de ani pe continent: libertate, prosperitate, securitate. Era bine dacă insistam pe cuvântul pace, care lipsește din descrierea acestui eveniment. Cât despre democrație, aș fi vrut să văd în ultima jumătate de an mai multe reacții față de abuzurile antidemocratice comise de puterea politică din România. Nu cum a făcut Bruxelles-ul, care a închis ochii sau chiar a aplaudat anularea voinței cetățenilor români. Din fericire, vocea lor s-a făcut auzită pe 4 mai și se va face auzită și pe 18 mai.

     
       

     

      Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin! „Es ist geschehen, und folglich kann es wieder geschehen.“ – So warnte der italienische Schriftsteller und Auschwitzüberlebende Primo Levi davor, den Zivilisationsbruch der Nazis zu vergessen, denn das Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs erinnert an die Befreiung vom nationalsozialistischen Terror. Und daher erinnern wir auch an die Jahre vor 1945. Wie konnten zivilisierte Menschen zu diesem Grauen fähig sein? 80 Jahre später wird in Deutschland die AfD vom Verfassungsschutz als rechtsextrem eingestuft. Rechte Kräfte sind in ganz Europa seit Jahren auf dem Vormarsch. In den USA regiert ein Präsident, der offensichtlich das Autoritäre liebt.

    Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die EU ist das größte und wunderbarste Friedensprojekt der Welt. Gerade uns sollte die Vergangenheit mahnen, was passieren kann, wenn Demokratien zerbrechen und autoritäre Regime an ihre Stelle treten. Lassen Sie uns deswegen wehrhaft sein, nach außen wie nach innen, damit das, was geschehen ist, nie wieder geschieht.

    (Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, auf mehrere Fragen nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

     
       

     

      Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Pani Poseł! Jest Pani przedstawicielką narodu, państwa, które wywołało II wojnę światową, wyrządziło ogromne cierpienia dla mojego narodu, dla Polski, ale również dla innych narodów europejskich, dla Grecji.

    Dlaczego Niemcy nie chcą zapłacić reparacji wojennych Polsce – odszkodowania za II wojnę światową?

    Państwa naród, naziści, wymordowali 6 milionów Polaków, zniszczyli Polskę i do dzisiaj nie chcą się z Polską rozliczyć. Kiedy zapłacicie swój dług wobec Polski i Grecji?

     
       

     

      Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (Renew), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Vielen Dank für Ihre Einlassung. Deutschland hat gerade nach dem Fall der Mauer mit Unterstützung der Vereinigten Staaten, der Franzosen und auch der Briten gelernt, was Demokratie bedeutet. Ich glaube, wenn ich zurückschaue nach 80 Jahren, dass wir im Austausch mit unseren Nachbarn, mit unseren Nationen alles getan haben, was man tun muss, um in Frieden und Freiheit gemeinsam zu leben. Und deswegen: Ja, ich stehe hier als deutsche Staatsbürgerin, und ich war seinerzeit noch nicht geboren. Wir haben in Deutschland die Geschichte 80 Jahre lang – und das ist gut so – aufgearbeitet, bis heute. Ich bezweifle, dass es Länder gibt, wo die Geschichte des Mittuns aufgearbeitet worden ist. Wir haben es getan, und wir werden in Deutschland dafür sorgen, dass nie vergessen wird, was die Nazis diesem Kontinent und darüber hinaus angetan haben. Denn es ist richtig: Über 60 Millionen Menschen haben das Leben verloren. Deutschland ist ein demokratischer Staat, und wir sind in Verantwortung. Wir sind glücklich, hier Teil der Europäischen Union zu sein.

     
       


     

      Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (Renew), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sie sind Mitglied einer Partei, die als gesichert rechtsextrem gilt. Ich glaube, Ihre Immunität ist gerade aufgehoben worden – korrigieren Sie mich, wenn das falsch ist. Dass Sie überhaupt die Traute haben, so zu sprechen. Ich habe gerade, wenn Sie zugehört haben, gesagt, in den USA regiert ein Präsident, der offensichtlich das Autoritäre liebt, so wie Sie es lieben. Und ich sage Ihnen: Die Mehrheit in diesem Hause wird nicht zulassen, dass Politiker wie Sie und Ihre Partei – die hier sitzt, die hier sich hat reinwählen lassen, nicht um Europa nach vorne zu bringen, sondern um dieses Europa von innen zu zerstören – diese Europäische Union zerstören. Deswegen sage ich: Wir haben nicht nur nach außen wehrhaft zu sein, sondern auch nach innen, damit solche Politiker wie Sie diese Europäische Union nicht zerstören.

     
       

     

      Nela Riehl (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, what is the most important EU value to you? To that question, young Europeans answered: human rights, democracy and peace. Eighty years after World War II, these values are still our most important heritage.

    But as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has shown, peace and democracy are not a given – they call for a commitment. A commitment to not remain silent when extremist regimes deliberately starve civilians and commit war atrocities. A commitment from democratic forces to raise strong firewalls against the far right in Europe. And a commitment to remain vigilant when our allies progressively turn their back on democracy, censoring researchers and activists or threatening the rights of minorities and women.

    But what does this actually mean for us? It means we cannot compromise on the freedom of our artists, our universities, our citizens. Europe must remain a hub of creativity, of knowledge and also of democracy, providing equal opportunities for all. It means we cannot let foreign forces interfere in our democratic processes, be it in the ballots or on social media. And it means we cannot be complicit when fundamental rights are being walked over, all in this very Union.

    Turning a blind eye would be a betrayal to the lessons our grandparents painfully learned. Our European Union youth is rightfully demanding us to stay loyal to this heritage. More than a celebration, today’s anniversary is a reminder of Europe’s responsibility.

     
       

     

      Marina Mesure (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, nous ne devons jamais oublier l’horreur de cette guerre. Ne jamais oublier le visage de tous ces innocents qui ont péri dans les camps ou sur les champs de bataille, ni celui de celles et ceux qui ont résisté avec courage pour notre liberté. Ne jamais oublier que cette guerre totale fut provoquée par des régimes d’extrême droite, car, oui, ce qui fait le ciment de nos sociétés européennes est de nouveau menacé. Le retour en force de l’extrême droite met en péril l’unité des peuples en désignant, comme en 1940, des ennemis de l’intérieur et en rejetant l’état de droit, garant des libertés fondamentales. En s’alimentant sur la montée des inégalités, en banalisant les discours de haine, ils créent le ferment de la division.

    Face à cette menace, rappelons-nous que du chaos de la Seconde Guerre mondiale est sorti un héritage commun, celui des Nations unies, un internationalisme guidé par un idéal de paix, de coopération, de solidarité entre les peuples. Un héritage qui nous montre la voie et qu’il convient de protéger.

    Ainsi, en cette journée de commémoration, ne laissons pas l’oubli envahir nos cœurs. Gardons cette mémoire vive et continuons à lutter avec force et détermination pour un projet humaniste et universaliste.

     
       


     

      Ruth Firmenich (NI). – Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Heute vor 80 Jahren wurde Deutschland vom Faschismus befreit. Heute ist der Tag, den Befreiern aus der Sowjetunion, den USA, Großbritannien und Frankreich sowie den Partisanen zu danken, die für unsere Freiheit gekämpft haben. Es war die Sowjetunion, die die Hauptlast im Kampf gegen den Hitlerfaschismus getragen hat. Über 27 Millionen Sowjetbürger, die meisten davon Zivilisten, starben beim Feldzug der Nazis, der die slawischen Völker versklaven und vernichten sollte – mehr als eine Million allein bei der Blockade Leningrads. Doch die deutsche Bundesregierung weigert sich, dieses Verbrechen als Völkermord anzuerkennen.

    Die Erinnerung an die Geschichte ist in Gefahr. Leider gibt es – auch hier im Haus – Versuche, den Anteil der Sowjetunion am Sieg über Nazideutschland kleinzureden. Aber es war die Rote Armee, die das Vernichtungslager Auschwitz und das Konzentrationslager Sachsenhausen bei Berlin befreite. Es ist eine Schande, wenn Vertreter Russlands, des größten Nachfolgestaats der Sowjetunion, am 80. Jahrestag der Befreiung vom Gedenken ausgeschlossen werden. Wir dürfen es nicht zulassen, dass die Geschichte verfälscht wird. Das sind wir auch den Millionen Opfern des deutschen Faschismus schuldig.

     
       

     

      Łukasz Kohut (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Wojna nie jest rozwiązaniem – zawsze jest okrucieństwem. Wojna niszczy to, co piękne, poddaje w wątpliwość to, co słuszne, i nie pozostawia wyboru dla tego, co konieczne. Wojna nie nauczyła nas niczego, co wartościowe. Uświadomiła nam jednak, na co już nigdy nie możemy pozwolić i co za wszelką cenę musimy powstrzymać.

    80 lat temu zakończyły się działania wojenne. Nie wszędzie przyniosły pokój. Są miejsca w Europie, gdzie Armia Czerwona kontynuowała to, co rozpoczął Adolf Hitler. Tak było na Śląsku, gdzie Sowieci popełniali najobrzydliwsze zbrodnie na miejscowej ludności. Takich miejsc jak Śląsk było więcej. Jeden terror zastąpił drugi.

    Wojna w Ukrainie przypomina nam, że nic nie jest dane raz na zawsze, że pokój nie spada z nieba. Więcej: pokój wymaga ciągłej pracy, ciągłej walki, nieustannych kompromisów czy rezygnacji z wybujałych ambicji.

    80 lat temu okrucieństwa wojny zmieniły nie tylko układ sił, granic, wygląd miast, ale także nas samych, Europejczyków. Wolność, demokracja, bezpieczeństwo – te trzy elementy składają się na nasze wspólne europejskie dziedzictwo, któremu nadaliśmy konkretną nazwę: Unia Europejska.

    To jest droga, którą podążamy. Może bywa wyboista i trudna, bo nic, co wartościowe, nie przychodzi łatwo, ale nie ma większego sukcesu Europejczyków niż pokój, który nam zapewnia.

     
       


     

      António Tânger Corrêa (PfE). – Senhora Presidente, caros colegas, celebra-se hoje — e é motivo para celebrar — o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, a maior guerra que o mundo já conheceu até hoje.

    Não, não foram 50 milhões, não foram 60 milhões, foram 75 milhões, entre militares, civis e genocídios. 3 % da população mundial na altura morreu devido à guerra. Isto não se pode repetir.

    Mas, se o fim da guerra foi uma boa notícia, a melhor notícia foi a criação de um espaço de paz e prosperidade chamado União Europeia. E a União Europeia tem de ser reforçada, mas tem de ser reforçada com países soberanos, e não com estruturas federais ou federalistas que nos querem impor soluções. Nós somos diferentes uns dos outros e temos muita honra nessas diferenças, e queremos mantê-las — pela positiva, com colaboração, mas cada um de nós é diferente do outro, e isso é altamente positivo para a criação de um corpo como a União Europeia.

    Por outro lado, em termos de defesa, é bom que não inventemos muito. Nós temos a NATO, que é uma organização fiel a si própria e a nós próprios, e que tem sempre acorrido quando nós precisamos dela. E não nos esqueçamos de que os Estados Unidos da América do Norte têm sido o garante da nossa liberdade, e nós, a partir de agora, temos de ser também os garantes da nossa liberdade, para que nunca mais se repitam os horrores desta guerra cujo fim agora celebramos.

     
       


     

      Michał Kobosko (Renew). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Jestem z Polski, kraju, który najbardziej ucierpiał podczas II wojny światowej. Miliony istnień ludzkich – Polaków, ale i Żydów – zostało zabitych w imię nienawiści i podziałów – społeczność, która od wieków znajdowała swoje miejsce właśnie w Polsce, w kraju porozumienia i tolerancji.

    Po zagładzie milionów ludzi, destrukcji setek miast i traumie na pokolenia przyszedł pokój. To właśnie dlatego dokładnie 75 lat temu zaczęła powstawać Unia Europejska. By budować pokój i wspólnotę.

    Nie łudźmy się: eurosceptycyzm karmiony radykalizmem, napędzany pieniędzmi z Moskwy, to droga w przeszłość, droga do katastrofy. Dlatego z całą mocą potępiam dziś haniebne antysemickie wystąpienia posła Grzegorza Brauna. To nie tylko mowa nienawiści, to atak na wartości, na których zbudowana jest Europa.

    Apeluję też do eurosceptyków: otwórzcie podręczniki historii, zobaczcie, jak wiele dał nam projekt europejski – gwarantuje wolność, bezpieczeństwo i współpracę, jak nigdy wcześniej w dziejach Europy.

     
       

     

      Benedetta Scuderi (Verts/ALE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la Seconda guerra mondiale non è arrivata per la mera follia di un paio di dittatori: è stato anche il calcolo miope di chi, pur di fermare l’avanzata delle istanze sociali, ha preferito cedere spazio ai fascisti.

    Liberali e popolari pensavano di poterli usare come argine e usare la loro violenza a favore di un proprio profitto momentaneo. Il capitale ha scelto di sostenerli. Ma l’argine ha ceduto e si sono ritrovati complici di una catastrofe, il cui prezzo l’hanno pagato milioni di persone.

    Chi scioperava o dissentiva veniva schedato, perseguito. La polizia entrava nelle università, i giornalisti venivano spiati. L’odio diventava linguaggio politico, i diritti una concessione temporanea, le donne ancor più discriminate, l’omosessualità sempre più illegale. La corsa al riarmo venne definita giustificata, inevitabile. E poi la pagina più buia: il genocidio, coperto da un silenzio complice.

    Never again, abbiamo detto. Eppure questa descrizione potrebbe essere il telegiornale di oggi. Contro quella guerra, quegli orrori, il fascismo nasce questa istituzione; un’istituzione che doveva proteggere la pace, il disarmo, l’unione tra popoli, combattere per il diritto internazionale e contro ogni genocidio. Lo stiamo facendo?

    Colleghi e colleghe, rileggiamo la storia e guardatevi bene dentro e ditemi se pensate che questa sia la direzione giusta. Ogni volta che scegliete di stare dalla parte di chi priva della libertà e dello Stato di diritto, la parte di Meloni, Orban, Trump, Putin e tutti gli altri, state svendendo libertà, pace e democrazia.

     
       

     

      Danilo Della Valle (The Left). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, forse c’è un piccolo misunderstanding nella discussione di oggi. Noi festeggiamo la fine della Seconda guerra mondiale: ma non dobbiamo mai dimenticare che è stata l’Europa che ha partorito il mostro del nazifascismo. Hitler e Mussolini non erano dei pazzi venuti da Marte ma il prodotto di un’ideologia suprematista che sopravvive ancora oggi e non sopravvive solo in chi aderisce alle formazioni estremiste.

    Dobbiamo ricordare perché solo con la memoria possiamo evitare di ricadere nel baratro del passato. Dobbiamo ricordare cosa accadde nei lager e il genocidio che ne scaturì, nei quali persero la vita 6 milioni di ebrei, mezzo milione di sinti e milioni di cittadini sovietici. Oggi qualcuno vorrebbe riscrivere quella storia, escludendo dai festeggiamenti gli ex popoli sovietici, i russi e i popoli slavi, ma per pure ragioni di convenienza geopolitica.

    Quello che accade oggi in Ucraina non può essere la scusa per cancellare il contributo di vite umane che i russi, i polacchi, i popoli slavi e sovietici tutti hanno pagato per liberare tutti noi dal nazifascismo: 27 milioni di sovietici, uomini, donne e bambini massacrati, bruciati vivi nei villaggi, mandati al fronte a difendere un’Europa che forse non li considerava neanche dei pari, ma che hanno contribuito a liberare.

    Quelle morti meritano il rispetto e il nostro ricordo. La memoria ci obbliga alla pace, alla verità e al rispetto di tutti i popoli che hanno pagato il prezzo per la libertà.

     
       

     

      Zsuzsanna Borvendég (ESN). – Elnök Asszony! A történelmi bűnökből okulni kell, nem megismételni. Miközben a békét hirdetik, az emberiséget egy újabb világháború felé sodorják. Magyarországon a második világháború vége szovjet megszállást hozott. A nagyhatalmak a megkérdezésünk nélkül döntöttek a sorsunkról. Megtanultuk, hogy a háborúk soha nem az igazságról, hanem a pénzről, a hatalomról és a politikai érdekekről szólnak, ahogy sajnos a békék is. Mégis, mindent meg kell tennünk a fegyvernyugvásért.

    De Európa nem tanult a múltból, újra fegyverkezéssel akarja megoldani a gazdasági problémáit, természetellenes ideológiákkal harcol a gondolatszabadság ellen, asszisztál a politikai ellenvélemények elhallgattatásához, és tagadja a realitásokat. Európa alapvető érdeke a békés gazdasági együttműködés Oroszországgal. Ahányszor ez megvalósulóban volt a történelem során, kitört egy háború. Most is ez történt. Idegen érdekek rángatják dróton Európát, miközben a végromlásba döntenek minket. Vessünk végre véget ennek! Ne beszéljünk a békéről, hanem valósítsuk meg!

     
       

     

      Ondřej Dostál (NI). – Paní předsedající, vážení kolegové, za vítězství nad nacismem položily své životy miliony spojeneckých vojáků. Bohužel zapomínáme na ty, kteří přinesli obětí nejvíce. Stydím se za kolegy, kteří tvrdí, že Československo osvobodili jen Američané. Řekli byste to matkám sovětských padlých při osvobození naší země? Řekli byste zbídačelým vězňům v Osvětimi, že příchodem sovětské armády nebyli osvobozeni, ale okupováni? Stydím se za svou vládu, že neuctí padlé z řad sovětské armády, a jsem rád, že tak za bývalé Československo učiní premiér Robert Fico, ač je za to ostouzen. Rozhodl jsem se proto, že i já zítra položím květy k hrobu Neznámého vojína v Moskvě. Činím tak ze tří důvodů. Zaprvé, z osobního přesvědčení, že na padlé se nezapomíná. Za druhé, z vůle mých voličů, kteří mají hrůzy nacismu stále v paměti. Zatřetí, z vůle po míru. Oslava 80. výročí porážky nacismu nás spojuje a může otevřít cestu k míru, k diplomacii, k vyřešení nynějšího konfliktu, který vojenské řešení nemá. Přeji šťastnou cestu všem státníkům, ať už míří na oslavy kamkoli, a prosím je, aby šířili vůli po míru v souladu s principy Charty OSN. Já tak zítra učiním.

     
       

     

      Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, vandaag herdenken we het einde van de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Tachtig jaar geleden, in de puinhopen van 1945, kozen visionaire leiders zoals Adenauer, Schuman en De Gasperi voor verzoening, verzoening boven wraak, samenwerking boven conflict, democratie boven dictatuur.

    Hun radicale antwoord legde de kiem van waar wij vandaag nog steeds de vruchten van plukken. Een Europese Unie van gedeelde soevereiniteit, democratie en menselijke waardigheid. Die keuze blijft brandend actueel, want extremen in Europa – we hebben het hier vandaag in het debat opnieuw gezien – willen onze rechtsstaat ondermijnen en proberen de banden te breken die ons juist samenhouden.

    En de agressie tegen Oekraïne dwingt ons tot een sterker defensiebeleid, juist om een nieuwe oorlog te voorkomen. Een slagkrachtiger Europa is niet de vijand van de subsidiariteit, maar het is juist de voorwaarde van subsidiariteit. Alleen via samenwerking kunnen we onze veiligheid, onze grondrechten en onze welvaart garanderen.

    Ik heb drie kinderen en ik hoop dat ze kunnen opgroeien in een Europa waarin vrijheid, democratie en menselijke waardigheid geen uitzondering zijn, maar de regel blijven. Laten we daarom vastberaden verder investeren in de Unie. Een Unie die uit deze puin verrezen is, want het is de beste garantie voor onze toekomst.

     
       

     

      Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, em 18 de junho do já longínquo verão de 1940, um general do exército francês, à revelia do poder instituído, lançou um repto aos seus compatriotas: «não se rendam.» Charles de Gaulle constitui uma das mais sugestivas manifestações do papel do indivíduo na história e da importância da ação livre no curso dos acontecimentos humanos.

    Hannah Arendt, depois de assistir ao julgamento de Adolf Eichmann em Israel, desenvolveu a ideia da banalidade do mal. O homem que aceita ser uma peça acrítica num mecanismo institucional monstruoso torna-se irremissivelmente um agente do mal. Não há inocência na aceitação pacífica da perfídia. Eichmann, na sua pavorosa normalidade, representa o ser humano burocratizado e reduzido a uma condição não moral.

    De Gaulle representa o contrário de tudo isto. Ele sabia os riscos que corria. Numa conversa com amigos, terá dito «vão tomar-me por um aventureiro e, contudo, nunca fui um aventureiro. Dirão que sou um rebelde porque me recuso a obedecer a certas ordens. Mas os verdadeiros rebeldes são os que não obedecem ao dever mais sagrado: defender o seu país até à derradeira possibilidade, ao lado do seu último aliado. Vão talvez condenar-me à morte. Até aqui, os generais condenavam à morte os simples soldados que iam abandonar o campo de batalha. Desta vez vão condenar um general que se recusou a fugir desse mesmo campo de batalha».

    Essa é a grande lição de Charles de Gaulle. Nós, em certas circunstâncias, não podemos fugir do campo de batalha.

    (O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       


     

      Francisco Assis (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Caro Deputado Sebastião Bugalho e caro amigo, eu julgo que há determinadas circunstâncias em que nós temos de saber transcender aquilo que são os nossos posicionamentos políticos. Há momentos para a disputa política mais banal e mais quotidiana, e há outros momentos em que temos de estar acima disso.

    E, se há exemplo na Europa — e neste último século há vários —, um deles foi e é indiscutivelmente o do general De Gaulle. Estando hoje aqui em Estrasburgo, estando hoje aqui em França, parecer-me-ia uma enorme injustiça que neste Parlamento ninguém se referisse a essa figura absolutamente extraordinária do século XX europeu que foi o general Charles de Gaulle.

    De Gaulle representa tudo, representa o que de mais relevante um homem de Estado pode representar, a luta pela liberdade, a coragem, a disponibilidade para correr o risco de vida em nome de valores mais altos.

     
       

     

      Anders Vistisen (PfE). – Fru formand! I dag markerer vi 80-året for nazisternes kapitulation. Et historisk øjeblik, hvor Europas frie nationer og modige folk besejrede en af de mest brutale ideologier, som verden har kendt. Det burde være en dag dedikeret til de, der kæmpede, led og døde for et frit Europa. Men i stedet for har huset her lavet det om til en trang til at promovere jeres eget føderale projekt. Intet symboliserer det bedre end den bevilling, I har givet til Huset for Europæisk Historie. Et såkaldt museum, som I har brugt mere end 400 millioner kroner af skatteborgernes penge på. Her forsøger I at skrive historien om. Det fremstår som om, at Europas historie begynder i 1945 og som om, at det ikke er nationalstaterne, der er udgangspunktet for den civilisation, fred og fremgang, Europa har kendt. Det er historisk manipulation og ideologisk propaganda, og det er en hån imod de generationer, der i over tusinde år har opbygget de nationer, kæmpet for den frihed og skabt den kulturarv, som Europa udgør. EU er ved at udvaske det hele i jagten på en føderal superstat.

     
       

     

      Rihards Kols (ECR). – Madam President, dear colleagues, for Western Europe World War Two ended in May 1945, but for millions in Central and Eastern Europe, Latvia included, the end of the tyranny meant the beginning of another. Soviet tanks replaced Nazi boots. Freedom was postponed for nearly five decades.

    Nazi crimes were prosecuted at Nuremberg, justice was served, and rightly so. But there was no Nuremberg for Communism, no tribunal for the gulags, the deportations, the erasure of Baltic independence.

    Europe’s memory remains divided. This is no accident; it’s by design. The Kremlin today wages war not only on Ukraine, but on historical truth itself. It denies the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, glorifies Stalinism under the banner of liberation, and brands our resistance as fascism.

    Historical revisionism is a weapon, a tool to legitimise aggression, blur guilt and erase the suffering of nations. A united Europe demands a united memory, one that condemns all totalitarian regimes. There can be no reconciliation without truth and no security if lies go unchallenged.

     
       

     

      Charles Goerens (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, voici ce que nous inspire le 80ᵉ anniversaire de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale: premièrement, de la reconnaissance en saluant les mérites de ceux qui nous ont libérés. J’entends par là, bien entendu, la résistance dans tous nos États membres, l’apport des Américains et aussi celui de l’Armée rouge – l’Armée rouge, dans le temps, était différente de ce que font les soldats russes en Ukraine actuellement.

    Deuxièmement, retenir les leçons de l’histoire. L’«appeasement» ne peut en aucun cas être le fil conducteur de la politique extérieure de l’Union européenne aujourd’hui. Nous avons vu où cela a mené dans les années 1930.

    Troisièmement, dans un monde où seul semble compter le rapport de force, nous devons être plus solidaires et développer davantage le projet européen.

    Quatrièmement, l’Europe est seule, mais elle est encore là. Il faut continuer à travailler sur le projet.

    Ce matin, en venant ici, j’ai entendu sur Deutschlandfunk une phrase historique prononcée par Richard von Weizsäcker il y a 40 ans:

    „Der 8. Mai war ein Tag der Befreiung.“

    Je crois qu’il faut que nous nous inspirions de cette phase, qui a une profondeur historique exemplaire.

     
       


       

    IN THE CHAIR: ESTEBAN GONZÁLEZ PONS
    Vice-President

     
       


     

      Jaume Asens Llodrà (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, hoy no basta con recordar. Hay que reconocer el mal cuando se repite con otras víctimas y con otros rostros. La memoria debe servir para prevenir el mal, no como coartada para practicarlo. Eso nos lo recuerdan algunos intelectuales judíos de Israel como Idith Zertal o Meir Margalit cuando nos dicen que Israel utiliza el pasado como escudo para no rendir cuentas con el presente y que Europa —y especialmente Alemania— se aferra a su culpa histórica para seguir manteniendo su lealtad a un Gobierno que está practicando otro genocidio, y así traiciona precisamente aquello que prometió no volver a repetir: nunca más el exterminio de un pueblo, nunca más la complicidad de las democracias europeas.

    Pero ahora, a diferencia de entonces, no podemos decir que no sabíamos nada, porque Europa sigue mandando armas, sigue manteniendo el acuerdo comercial con Netanyahu. ¿Qué culpa tienen los palestinos de lo que hicieron en el pasado los europeos, de lo que hicieron algunos, que son los padres ideológicos de los que están hoy aquí sentados y que justifican otra vez otro genocidio? Como entonces, la historia les está mirando a ustedes y les va a volver a juzgar.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, a evocação dos 80 anos do dia da vitória sobre o nazifascismo tem de servir para lembrar as duras lições aprendidas pela humanidade com a tragédia dessa guerra, para que os povos possam evitar a sua repetição.

    O legado da barbárie nazifascista é uma destruição sem precedentes — o genocídio, os campos de concentração, as dezenas de milhões de mortos. Com 20 milhões de mortos, foi a União Soviética quem suportou o maior sacrifício do conjunto da coligação de países aliados formada durante a guerra.

    Democratas de vários quadrantes construíram a luta de resistência. O papel destacado assumido pelos comunistas foi determinante e, por isso, ainda hoje, os herdeiros das forças nazifascistas e os seus cúmplices destilam ódio anticomunista.

    Nos 80 anos do dia da vitória, é imprescindível relembrar que o combate ao nazismo e ao fascismo, às forças reacionárias e obscurantistas também se faz dando resposta aos problemas dos trabalhadores e dos povos, com a melhoria das suas condições de vida, a garantia dos direitos sociais, o respeito pelo direito dos Estados ao seu desenvolvimento, com a defesa intransigente da paz e da cooperação.

    O rasto de morte e destruição da barbárie nazifascista tem de ser suficiente para que hoje façamos tudo para defender a paz, a segurança coletiva e a resolução política dos conflitos. Estas são lutas que partilhamos com as gerações anteriores e, tal como há 80 anos, os comunistas cá continuarão para as travar.

     
       


     

      Danuše Nerudová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, kolegové, dnes si připomínáme konec druhé světové války. Den vítězství, odvahy a naděje těch, kteří bojovali za svobodu a demokracii, protože věřili, že po porážce nacismu přijde svobodný svět. Jenže do střední a východní Evropy místo svobody přišla další temnota. Ti, kterým jsme desítky let museli říkat osvoboditelé, přinesli jen nový teror, popravy, lágry a totalitu. Zlo vystřídalo jen další zlo. Jejich oběťmi se stali skuteční hrdinové, letci RAF, legionáři nebo odbojáři. Ti všichni byli pronásledováni, vězněni a trestáni, protože pro totalitní režim znamenali vše, co moskevské loutky neměly – svobodu, hrdinství a lásku k demokracii. Dnes, 80 let poté, se kolaborace se zlem znovu stává závažným problémem celé Evropy. Naše demokracie dokonce umožňuje, že někteří podporovatelé fašismu a komunismu pořád sedí s námi tady v Evropském parlamentu a mají tu drzost šířit ruskou propagandu a lež. Přála bych si, abychom i my, stejně jako naši váleční hrdinové, měli odvahu čelit zlu. Začněme nazývat věci správnými jmény. Skutečný osvoboditel nikdy nemůže přinést novou totalitu. Svůj proslov věnuji všem československým hrdinům, včetně letců RAF, kteří po skončení druhé světové války byli zavražděni a umučeni komunisty.

     
       

     

      Cecilia Strada (S&D). – Signor presidente, onorevoli colleghi, se l’Europa si occuperà solo dei problemi interni dei singoli Paesi, resteranno in piedi le cause di conflitti, di militarismi, di guerre. Così scrivevano Altiero Spinelli e gli altri fondatori del Movimento federalista europeo nel pieno della Seconda guerra mondiale, finita 80 anni fa. Una triste profezia.

    Oggi i ragazzi e le ragazze d’Europa studiano gli orrori della Seconda guerra mondiale, il genocidio degli ebrei, lo sterminio di disabili, rom, sinti, omosessuali e si chiedono: qualcuno poteva fermare questo orrore e non l’ha fatto?

    Fra qualche anno anche noi saremo sui libri di storia: Commissione, Consiglio, questo Parlamento. Saremo su una pagina nera. Ottant’anni dopo l’Olocausto i cittadini del mondo guardano il genocidio della popolazione palestinese teorizzato e portato avanti dal governo di Israele e ci chiedono: perché non fermate la strage? Perché continuate a vendere armi a Israele? Perché siete complici di tutto questo? Perché?

    Sono passati 80 anni e, come diceva Gramsci, la storia insegna ma non ha scolari. Che vergogna!

     
       

     

      Alexandre Varaut (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, au moment d’évoquer l’anniversaire de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, je veux d’abord évoquer les soldats, les civils, les résistants français, acteurs ou victimes de cette guerre, et avoir une pensée personnelle pour mon grand-père, décoré de la Croix de guerre pour sa contribution à la Résistance.

    Nous commémorons aujourd’hui la liberté comme patrimoine pour l’Europe; pour l’Europe, mais pas pour les millions d’Européens de l’Est livrés à Staline, qui fut l’allié de Hitler jusqu’à l’été 1941, ne l’oublions pas. Aujourd’hui, le soviétisme a disparu à son tour, mais à quel profit?

    La liberté et la démocratie sont refusées par les libéraux et les démocrates prétendus à leurs adversaires en Roumanie ou en Hongrie, montrant que, dans leur bouche, ces principes universels sont un capital politique qu’ils exploitent, mais ne respectent pas. La sécurité est absente de nos sociétés fracturées par l’immigration de masse. Les crimes se multiplient.

    Ce bilan prouve que les leçons de la guerre n’ont pas été tirées. Il prouve que les idéologues modernes persistent à sacrifier des hommes et des vies à leurs utopies désastreuses. Il prouve que, de plus en plus contestés dans leur dogme, c’est à la répression idéologique ou juridique qu’ils recourent et qu’ils n’hésiteront pas, pour édifier leur paradis terrestre, à faire de l’Europe un purgatoire.

     
       


     

      Dan Barna (Renew). – Domnule președinte, comemorăm astăzi 80 de ani de la Al Doilea Război Mondial, dar lecțiile sale sunt mai actuale ca niciodată. În ’38, când Germania nazistă anexa Austria, nu a fost doar un act de forță, el fusese pavat de o campanie neîncetată de propagandă și dezinformare. Regimul nazist a portretizat o narațiune falsă a unui popor austriac dornic de unire, fabricând crize și suprimând orice știre care contrazicea povestea oficială. Naziștii controlau informația și controlau percepția, făcând agresiunea lor să pară justificată, ba chiar binevenită.

    În zilele noastre, lupta pentru adevăr s-a mutat pe ecranele din viața noastră. Dezinformarea, amplificată de viteza și amplitudinea rețelelor sociale, erodează încrederea în instituții și în democrație și poate destabiliza societăți. Tacticile evoluează – de la emisiuni radio și fotografii trucate, la deepfake-uri și bule conduse de algoritmi – dar scopul de a manipula adevărul pentru putere rămâne înfiorător de familiar.

    Trecutul ne oferă o lecție dură și urgentă: trebuie să fim consumatori critici de informație. Trebuie să punem întrebări, trebuie să verificăm și trebuie să înțelegem agendele care se pot ascunde în spatele narațiunilor care ne sunt prezentate. Istoria ne arată că atunci când adevărul este compromis, libertatea și pacea sunt grav periclitate. Trebuie să învățăm din tenebrele trecutului pentru a proteja prezentul și viitorul.

     
       

     

      Anna Strolenberg (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, ‘never again’ are words often spoken, but difficult to uphold. We are here amongst Europeans and we all have different war traumas, be it Nazism, Fascism, Communism or colonialism. These stories make us who we are, and these histories also put a great responsibility upon us to act when we see that freedom is taken away from others.

    We are not doing that enough, Europe is not doing it enough. We are too silent about Netanyahu’s war crimes in Gaza. We are too timid in supporting Ukraine in defeating Russian imperialism.

    We can do so much more, and I am proud that I can stand here and be critical, because this freedom is a luxury for some. I am proud that I am European, and that we managed to turn our history into the biggest peace project there is.

    But I would be even prouder if we managed to live up to our responsibility and to show actions that speak louder than these words. Let’s live up to our responsibility, and let’s remember that ‘never again’ is not a prayer to the past, but a promise to the future.

     
       


     

      Paulius Saudargas (PPE). – Mr President, honourable colleagues, eighty years ago Europe rose from the ashes of the most brutal war in human history. However, in some European countries, the suffering was not over. For Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, Ukrainians, Poles and many other nations occupied by the Soviet Union, it was the beginning of the new wave of Stalin’s repressions. Imprisonment in gulags, mass deportations to extreme exile demolished millions of lives. But we resisted; we fought the enemy. We fought alone. In Lithuania and Ukraine the partisan war lasted for a decade, taking away thousands of the bravest.

    We must remember this in the context nowadays, because the enemy is the same. The peacemakers of the Second World War declared ‘we will never let this happen again’. Well, today these very foundations are under attack once more. The unprovoked and unjust invasion of Ukraine, war crimes, genocide of the Ukrainian people and mass propaganda mirrors the aggression and the suffering we once said would never be tolerated.

    I ask everyone here today to keep that promise. Not any peace, but a just peace must be our ultimate goal, and only then, for the final time, can we say ‘never again’.

     
       

     

      René Repasi (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 80 Jahre nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs verlassen uns die letzten Überlebenden der Schoah, der Konzentrationslager des Krieges. Mit ihnen verlieren wir nicht nur Zeitzeugen. Wir verlieren Stimmen, die aus erster Hand gewarnt haben, was passieren kann, wenn Hass und Gleichgültigkeit zusammenkommen. Wir dürfen niemals zulassen, dass ihre Erlebnisse verstummen. Wir müssen ihre Augen, ihre Herzen, ihre Gedanken sein. Sie haben das Unfassbare gesehen. Sie haben gelitten. Sie haben gewarnt. Und sie haben auf uns gehofft.

    Jetzt mehr denn je ist es Zeit, diese Erinnerung nicht in Vergessenheit geraten zu lassen. Für uns Deutsche war das Ende des Weltkrieges eine Niederlage – nicht im Sinne nationaler Schmach, sondern als notwendiger Bruch mit einem verbrecherischen System. Die europäische Integration, die auf den Trümmern des Weltkrieges entstand, wurde geboren, um den Nationalismus, der nur das Trennende kennt und uns auf den Weg zum Krieg führt, zu überwinden. Es ist unsere Verantwortung, dieses Friedenswerk zu schützen und zu stärken. Denn Frieden ist nicht alles, aber ohne Frieden ist alles nichts!

    (Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf mehrere Fragen nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

     
       


     

      René Repasi (S&D), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege! Das, was Nazideutschland der Welt angetan hat, ist im Sinne von Kompensation niemals wiedergutmachbar. Dieses Verbrechen hat eine Intensität, dass es uns Deutsche, aber mit uns Deutschen uns Europäerinnen und Europäer und alle Bürgerinnen und Bürger dieser Welt niemals verlassen kann, weil es eine Verantwortung für unser alltägliches Handeln darstellt. Deswegen kann man sich von dieser Verantwortung auch nicht freikaufen, auch nicht freireden und heute auch nicht sagen, alles wäre jetzt wieder gut. Das ist es nicht, und das wird es nie sein. Das ist die politische Verantwortung, die wir als Deutsche, aber eben auch als Bürgerinnen und Bürger dieser Europäischen Union für immer tragen werden.

     
       

     

      Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Mam pytanie, czy ma Pan świadomość, że obecnie polskie ofiary II wojny światowej nie mają dostępu do drogi sądowej, nie mają możliwości dochodzenia roszczeń? Znam osobiście takie ofiary poszkodowane przez Pana dziadków, pradziadków. Czy ma Pan świadomość, że Niemcy nie zawarły nigdy z Polską żadnej umowy o naprawie szkód i zadośćuczynieniu ofiarom? Czy ma Pan świadomość, że Niemcy nie zapłaciły nic polskim ofiarom ani Polsce? Czy nie jest Wam, Niemcom, wstyd? Czy nie jest wstyd Unii Europejskiej za to, że odwraca głowę od tej sprawy?

     
       



     

      Aurelijus Veryga (ECR). – Ponas pirmininke, 45-ųjų metų gegužės aštuntą dieną pasirašytas kapituliacijos aktas Lietuvai ir kitoms Baltijos šalims nereiškė nei karo pabaigos, nei laisvės. Save pristatantys išlaisvintojais sovietai „pamiršo“ išeiti iš išlaisvintų šalių, ir išlaisvintojai ėmėsi uoliai naikinti visus bent kiek pilietiškai nusiteikusius žmones. Tūkstančiai gyvuliniais vagonais buvo išvežti į Sibirą. Atimta žemė ir namai, sunaikinta pilietinė visuomenė, nevyriausybinės organizacijos bandė pasipriešinti ginklu miškuose, buvo nukankinti kalėjimuose, nužudyti ir išniekinti miestų aikštėse. Buvo bandoma sunaikinti kalbą, ribojama religijos laisvę, žiniasklaida tapo propagandos ruporais, klastojama istorija ir klastotėmis plaunamos vaikų smegenys. Tą teko patirti ir man, tuomet dar vaikui, augusiam sovietų okupuotoje Lietuvoje. Deja, Sovietų Sąjunga už visus nusikaltimus savo Niurnbergo neturėjo, o komunizmas visuotinai nebuvo pasmerktas. Vadinamasis išlaisvinimas mums virto ilgais dešimtmečiais okupacijos. Todėl raginame pasaulį išmokti Antrojo pasaulinio karo pamokas ir jų nekartoti.

     
       


     

      Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolegice i kolege, 80 godina od najkrvavijeg rata u ljudskoj povijesti Europa je podigla najhrabriji projekt mira, ali danas taj projekt je na iskušenju. Dok rat ponovo tutnji na europskom tlu gledamo porast populizma i autoritarizma. Strah zamjenjuje razum. Moramo se zapitati hoćemo li braniti ono što nas čini Europljanima.

    Europa nije samo zajednica tržišta, već zajednica vrijednosti. Europa nije samo geografski prostor. Europa je ideja, ideja da razlike nisu slabost, već snaga i da se sloboda ne podrazumijeva. Mi to dobro znamo u Hrvatskoj. Kada govorimo o slobodi i o miru znamo koliko su sloboda i mir dragocjeni jer, nažalost, iskusili smo brutalnost velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku prije samo tridesetak godina. I pobijedili smo. Ali sjećamo se i žrtava nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Sjećam se Macelja, Bleiburga i križnog puta.

    Stoga svi moramo imati na umu da Europa nije gotova priča. Europa se piše svakog dana, a pitanje je jednostavno: hoćemo li biti njezini autori ili promatrači?

     
       

     

      Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Labai ačiū, gerbiamasis posėdžio pirmininke, gerbiamas komisare, kolegos, išties kalbėsiu kaip laisvės kovų dalyvis, disidentas, kurį septynis kartus tardė KGB, du kartus suėmė, kuris devyniasdešimtųjų kovo vienuoliktąją pasirašė Nepriklausomybės deklaraciją, Petrai Gražuli. Taigi keturiasdešimt pirmų metų birželio keturioliktą Hitleris okupavo Paryžių. Tą pačią dieną Stalinas pateikė ultimatumą Lietuvai ir mano tėvai 17 metų praleido Stalino gulaguose. Džiaugiuosi, kad mano tėvas buvo 45 pabaltijiečių memorandumo signataras. Ir ačiū Europos Parlamentui, kuris 1983 m. sausio 13 d. priėmė rezoliuciją dėl Estijos, Latvijos, Lietuvos laisvės. Džiaugiuosi ir dėl to, kad šiame Parlamente skamba dvi pavardės: Simone Weil ir Altero Spinelli. Ir taigi šios dvi pavardės didingai mums primena, ką mes turime padaryti. For Free and United Europe – taip vadinosi Altiero Spinelli manifestas. Ir šiandien reikia aiškiai pasakyti: istorija man neskolinga, aš skolingas istorijai, kad būtų taika, demokratija ir laisvė.

     
       

     

      Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Mr President, in an alternative reality we would be living today under Hitler’s rule – not just all of Europe, but maybe even the whole world.

    In that reality, I wouldn’t be standing here. I would have been killed in a gas chamber, my ashes drifting in the air. Many of you also would not be here, because of your ethnicity, your sexuality or disability.

    That reality nearly came true. Too many in Europe believed Hitler would stop on his own. They spoke of peace and diplomacy. But reality struck, and the price was great, far greater.

    Now, 80 years later, Europe faces its worst attack since World War Two, and history is repeating itself. Today, it is the Left who lives in an alternative reality. You oppose European militarisation and sending weapons to Ukraine, and call for peace talks with Putin.

    But you should never negotiate with dictators – you must stop them!

    (The speaker declined to take a blue-card question from Petras Gražulis)

     
       

     

      Martin Hojsík (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, pred osemdesiatimi rokmi v Európe skončili hrôzy vojny. Ak však chceme chrániť mier, nesmieme si pripomínať len koniec, ale myslieť aj na to, prečo táto vojna začala. Vojna, ktorú môj dedo prežil v Mauthausene, kde moja babička musela počúvať zvuky vychádzajúce z gestapáckych výsluchovní. A ona začala už v roku 39. Keď Hitler spolu áno, aj s klérofašistickým Slovenským štátom, a áno, aj so Sovietskym zväzom napadol Poľsko. Ona začala preto, že sa Západ díval preč, keď takpovediac ustupoval diktátorom, pretože obetoval tých menších a slabších. Dnes stojíme znova na križovatke. Na križovatke, ktorá bude znamenať to, že či sa Európa znova rozdelí, či Putin získa znovu sovietsku sféru vplyvu, alebo bude silná a jednotná. Aby sa nestalo to, čo po druhej svetovej vojne zažil napríklad pán Skúpi z Moravského Lieskového, keď ho NKVD odviedlo do gulagu len preto, že pomáhal americkému letcovi.

     
       

     

      Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, colleagues, today, 8 May, is the time to commemorate. This is a time to remember, but also a moment to reflect on the lessons – the evil the Second World War emerged from. And it is a time to warn against the far-right ideologies that once drove our continent to the edge of complete self-destruction. The same ideology that, unfortunately, is embraced by some – even here in this Parliament, in Europe in 2025.

    The generations that survived the Second World War, those who knew the very essence of ‘never again’, understood that the tragedy of the 20th century did not begin with bombs or bullets. It began with words, with rising intolerance, and it continued to mass killing of men, women and children by the thousands, by the millions.

    In our European society today, we are once again witnessing this rise of political forces that set people against people. Colleagues, do not forget that EU was built to ensure that ‘never again’ means ‘never again’. Let’s ensure that ‘never again’ is transferred into words every day, with every action that we take.

    (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

     
       

     

      Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Bardzo uważnie słuchałem Pani wypowiedzi. Chciałem w ciągu 20 sekund opowiedzieć Pani pewną historię i na końcu zadam pytanie.

    Jest 1944 rok. Jasło, moje miasto, w którym mieszkam, jest pod okupacją niemiecką. Walter Gentz, starosta niemiecki, wydaje rozkaz: wysiedlić kilkanaście tysięcy ludzi. Drugi rozkaz: zaminować całe Jasło. Trzeci rozkaz: okraść całe Jasło. Wszystko, co ukradli, spisali i wywieźli w ponad tysiącu wagonów. Wszystko wiemy – wiemy, dokąd te rzeczy pojechały, do których miast niemieckich.

    I pytanie: czy Pani uważa, że Niemcy powinni te rzeczy zwrócić albo przynajmniej zapłacić odszkodowanie za spalenie, zburzenie i okradzenie miasta Jasła?

     
       


     

      Adam Bielan (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! 8 maja 1945 r. zakończyła się II wojna światowa, najbardziej krwawa i wyniszczająca wojna w dziejach ludzkości. Dla Europy Zachodniej jest to dzień zwycięstwa odniesionego dzięki pomocy Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dla narodów Europy Centralnej i Wschodniej to symboliczny początek niemal półwiecznej okupacji przyniesionej przez Armię Czerwoną.

    Tę rocznicę obchodzimy w cieniu innej wojny, wojny toczonej na Ukrainie. Wczoraj na ten temat debatowaliśmy. Rozmawialiśmy również o tym, w jaki sposób agresor, czyli Rosja, powinna zadośćuczynić i wynagrodzić Ukrainie szkody, które wyrządziła. Ja te głosy oczywiście wspierałem, ale zastanówmy się, czy po II wojnie światowej agresor, czyli Niemcy, zadośćuczyniły szkodom, które one wyrządziły.

    Niemcy zamordowali ponad 6 mln polskich obywateli. Wyrządzili szkody – według oficjalnego polskiego raportu polskiego rządu – na ponad półtora biliona euro. Do dzisiaj nie zapłaciły reparacji. A wczoraj nowy kanclerz w Warszawie po raz kolejny postanowił nas upokorzyć i w obecności polskiego premiera oświadczył, że ta sprawa dla Niemiec jest zakończona. Otóż, panie kanclerzu Merz, nie jest zakończona. Będziemy się domagać zadośćuczynienia, a proniemiecki premier Donald Tusk prędzej czy później straci władzę.

    (Mówca zgodził się na pytanie zasygnalizowane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki)

     
       

     

      Petras Gražulis (ESN), pakėlus mėlynąją kortelę pateiktas klausimas. – Gerbiamas pranešėjau, jau 80 metų kaip Europa išsivadavo iš nacistinės Vokietijos, tačiau mūsų šalis Lietuva, tame tarpe ir Lenkija, pateko į Sovietų Sąjungos įtaką, kur taip pat buvo persekiojamas tikėjimas, žodžio laisvė. Kovojo lietuviai ir lenkai įvairiose organizacijose už savo laisvę. Atgavus mums nepriklausomybę, mes patekome į kitą ideologinę priespaudą – genderizmą. Kaip manot, ar Europa išsivaduos iš tos genderistinės ir leftistinės ideologijos, ar jinai joje ir mirs?

     
       


     

      Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Séjourné! Vielen Dank, dass Sie heute bei uns sind. 80 Jahre nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges erinnern wir uns und gedenken wir hier im Parlament einer sehr wichtigen Sache. Millionen von Menschen, Millionen von unschuldigen Menschen wurden brutalst ermordet aufgrund von Ideologien. Sie wurden überfallen. Ihnen wurde alles weggenommen – am Ende auch das Leben. Und dieses Gedenken muss uns eine Mahnung sein – eine Mahnung sein, was Ideologien anrichten. Und viele – auch in diesem Haus – haben scheinbar dieses Gedenken nicht richtig wahrgenommen, denn sie sind in ihren Mitgliedstaaten wieder mit Hass, Ideologien und einfachen Lösungen unterwegs, spalten die Europäische Union und verraten ihr eigenes Volk, indem sie sagen: Wir haben die einfache Lösung.

    Ich appelliere daran: Wir müssen gemeinsam – gerade jetzt in der heutigen Zeit, wo die Bedrohung an den Grenzen der Europäischen Union wieder so groß ist wie noch nie – die Gemeinsamkeiten der Europäischen Union suchen und aufhören mit der Mahnung, die wir heute hier in diesem Haus gehört haben. Wir müssen gemeinsam die Lösung suchen ohne Ideologien.

     
       

     

      Nils Ušakovs (S&D). – Priekšsēdētāja kungs! Cienījamie kolēģi! Šajās dienās cilvēki visā Eiropā svin uzvaru pār nacismu, piemin antihitleriskās koalīcijas karavīrus, pretošanās dalībniekus, partizānus, katru, kas cīnījās un krita, karojot pret šo absolūto ļaunumu. Eiropas Savienība tika izveidota tieši šīs uzvaras rezultātā, un viss, kas ir labs Eiropā, ir, pateicoties karavīriem, kas uzvarēja Hitleru.

    Viss, kas mums ir slikts, tas ir jau mūsu pašu neveiksmju un kļūdu rezultāts. Katru reizi, kad mums kaut kas neizdodas, cīnoties ar pavisam cita mēroga izaicinājumiem, ar ko saskaras patreiz Eiropas Savienība, mēs pieminam tos, kas pirms 80 gadiem upurēja absolūti visu, lai mēs un mūsu bērni varētu dzīvot mierā un drošībā. Veidojot labāku Eiropu, dzīvosim un strādāsim tā, lai mums nav kauns šo karavīru priekšā, ka mēs neizdarījām, nebijām spējīgi. Paldies antihitleriskās koalīcijas karavīriem, pretošanās dalībniekiem, partizāniem. Jūs esat un būsiet vienmēr mūsu varoņi.

     
       

     

      Christophe Grudler (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, le 8 mai marque la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale en Europe en 1945. Il est de notre devoir d’honorer la mémoire des soldats et de tous ceux qui, au prix de leur vie, se sont battus pour défendre la liberté et retrouver le chemin de la paix.

    Le 8 mai 1945 annonçait la victoire des Alliés sur le nazisme. N’oublions jamais les actes de barbarie dont ont été victimes les peuples d’Europe, perpétrés par des régimes autoritaires sans scrupule, avant et après 1945.

    Aujourd’hui, que voit-on, 80 ans après? Une montée en puissance des nationalismes, des autoritarismes, de la violence, des volontés d’hégémonie les plus primitives. Ils menacent directement la stabilité, la liberté et l’état de paix connus des citoyens européens.

    Ne reproduisons pas les erreurs du passé. Ces prédateurs n’auront pas raison de la belle Europe, car nous, fervents défenseurs de la démocratie, saurons nous tenir prêts pour la protéger. Restons unis pour ne jamais oublier! Restons unis pour ne jamais répéter!

     
       

     

      Nikos Papandreou (S&D). – Mr President, I find it very interesting that just a few minutes ago we had a Member who was born in the gulag who spoke here. We have two Members whose families were involved in the plot to assassinate Hitler. This Chamber is haunted by those memories. My grandmother told me stories of the Great Famine in Athens in 1941. My grandfather was chased by Kurt Waldheim and escaped to Egypt, and then was lucky enough to be prime minister on Liberation Day and lift the Greek flag over the Acropolis. So those are the memories that haunt us.

    Yet we still have this big divide, and it happens to be Russia and the Soviet Union. The problem with that – and that’s my problem – is that, yes, the Soviet Union helped defeat the Nazis, and that’s a plus, but then they dominated Eastern Europe and made a totalitarian world. So that tears us in half; it’s a ‘yes’ and a ‘no’, and we have to condemn atrocities whenever we see them if we are democratic people and believe in the European values. It does not matter if they had a victory star; they also have something very bad.

    Today we have a Fifth Column. It is not necessarily with weapons, it’s with suits, tweets and explosions of falsehoods. It promises easy solutions to complex problems. We see little men and little women who want to use freedoms to abolish freedoms. Our speeches today are part of the act of resistance.

     
       

     

      Thomas Pellerin-Carlin (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, quand j’avais dix ans, mon regard interrogea les lignes blanches et rouges d’un drapeau qui flottait dans le vent de ma Normandie natale. Je savais déjà ce qu’était la Seconde Guerre mondiale, mais ce drapeau-là, je ne le connaissais pas.

    Aujourd’hui, je pense aux soldats polonais de la première division blindée du général Maczek. Au mont Ormel, ils se battirent avec une bravoure rare. Sur les 1 500 soldats engagés, 60 seulement étaient encore en état de combattre après leur victoire. Je sais ce que je leur dois. Je sais qu’ils ont permis à mon grand-père de vivre dans une France libre. Je sais aussi que beaucoup d’entre eux n’ont jamais revu la Pologne libre.

    L’histoire ne se répète pas, mais les criminels d’hier ont leurs héritiers, qui sont aujourd’hui tentés par la récidive. Vladimir Poutine et Donald Trump trouvent des appuis ici même, au Parlement européen, dans cette extrême droite héritière des pires heures de notre histoire.

    Dans le combat pacifique que nous menons aujourd’hui pour la démocratie, rappelons-nous de ces héros polonais tombés au mont Ormel. Montrons-nous dignes de leur courage.

     
       

     

      Matjaž Nemec (S&D). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, these days we celebrate a victory day. But considering the world around us, there isn’t really much to celebrate. Much of the responsibility for this lies with the inaction of the European institutions led by the Commission President von der Leyen.

    When the allies fought for peace 80 years ago, our common European project was born. Europe was meant to safeguard peace, freedom, rule of law and human rights. It was not meant to become a project of double standards and opportunistic political interests. Instead of demanding accountability, Europe’s top officials only repeat hollow rhetoric about upholding anti-fascist and anti-Nazi values. This is not the way forward.

    This anniversary must serve as a wake up call for the European Union to break free from the grip of hypocrisy. Europe was able to call out war crimes in Rwanda, Yugoslavia and Ukraine. Your leadership must clearly condemn and stop a genocide enfolding before our eyes in Gaza. A war crime is a war crime, whether done by Russia or by Israel.

    Europe must again become a source of pride, not shame. We owe this to our people and those who fought and died for Europe 80 years ago. We must end all wars. Peace must prevail again.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       

     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, se cumplen ochenta años de la derrota del horror nazi, pero no del fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cuya devastación fue planetaria, porque solo concluyó después de dos bombas atómicas en Japón en agosto de 1945. Nie wieder. Never again. Nunca más.

    Este no puede ser un mantra para esta Unión Europea, que recibió el Premio Nobel de la Paz en 2012, exactamente para avivar nuestra conciencia de que tenemos que estar permanentemente alerta contra el rebrote del autoritarismo y del totalitarismo en Europa y, por supuesto, de la guerra en todas partes. Ahí donde se perpetra un genocidio —como en Gaza— o una guerra —como la de agresión de Rusia contra Ucrania—, la Unión Europea tiene que tener una propuesta de paz activa.

    Por tanto, no puede ser un mantra repetir una y otra vez «Nie wieder» si no tenemos una política de la memoria que nos ayude a estar permanentemente contra cualquier forma de totalitarismo, contra cualquier amenaza a los valores fundadores de la Unión Europea. Allí donde el Consejo de Europa nació para la paz ha conocido la guerra entre miembros del Consejo de Europa. No puede pasar que la Unión Europea, círculo duro de integración basado, precisamente, en valores y en la paz, no tenga una política y un proceso de paz activo en la guerra contra Ucrania.

     
       

     

      Viktória Ferenc (PfE). – Elnök Úr! Ma a második világháború lezárására emlékezünk, és azokra az áldozatokra, katonákra és civilekre, akik átélték és megszenvedték történelmünk egyik legsötétebb időszakának borzalmait. Mennyire ironikus, hogy miközben a 80 évvel ezelőtt beköszöntött békét méltatjuk az Unió szomszédságában, a több mint három éve dúló orosz-ukrán háború még mindig emberéleteket követel.

    Nincs béke párbeszéd nélkül – hangzik Ferenc pápa üzenetében, aki élete utolsó napjáig azért küzdött, hogy békét teremtsen a világban, azon belül Ukrajnában is. Magyarország is a kezdetektől ezen az állásponton van. Diplomáciai eszközökkel, politikai támogatással és közös összefogással azért kell dolgoznunk, hogy elhallgattassuk a fegyverek zaját. Ukrajna lakossága már túl régóta szenved.

     
       

     

      Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Wysoka Izbo! II wojna światowa to wciąż nierozliczona karta w relacjach europejskich. Mój kraj, Polska, w wyniku agresji niemieckiej poniósł niewyobrażalne straty: 6 mln zamordowanych polskich obywateli. 11 mln musiało wyjechać na emigrację. 50% terytoriów, które Polska utraciła. 40% PKB, które zostało zniszczone. Miliony kalek, miliony sierot, 200 tysięcy zgermanizowanych dzieci. 2 mln Polaków było wywiezionych na pracę przymusową. Miliony Polaków, które zginęły w obozach koncentracyjnych w wyniku chorób. Niemcy nigdy nie zapłaciły za swoje zbrodnie wojenne. To jest wyzwanie dla Unii Europejskiej, żeby nie odwracać oczu od tej sprawy, bo i Polska, i Grecja domagają się od Niemiec reparacji wojennych. Ja, Pani Komisarz, przekażę ten raport o polskich stratach wojennych. Oczekuję, że Unia Europejska stworzy mechanizm do zachęcenia Niemiec do rozmów o zapłacie odszkodowania dla Polski i Grecji. Nie odwracajcie Państwo od tego oczu ani głowy.

     
       


     

      Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, 80 χρόνια από την 9η Μάη 1945, όταν η ναζιστική Γερμανία παραδόθηκε άνευ όρων. Δεν πρόκειται για Ημέρα της Ευρώπης, όπως ισχυρίζεται η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, αλλά για τη μεγάλη αντιφασιστική νίκη των λαών. Οι λαοί δεν ξεχνούν τα εκατομμύρια που έπεσαν στον αγώνα για να συντριβεί ο φασιστικός άξονας. Τιμούν την τεράστια προσφορά του Κόκκινου Στρατού, του σοβιετικού λαού, των εθνικοαπελευθερωτικών κινημάτων όπου πρωτοστάτησαν οι κομμουνιστές, όπως στην Ελλάδα.

    Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση προκλητικά κάνει την ανήξερη για πολεμικές επανορθώσεις της ναζιστικής Γερμανίας. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο απέρριψε αναφορά της ΠΕΑΕΑ, την οποία στήριξε το ΚΚΕ, για τις δίκαιες αξιώσεις του ελληνικού λαού. Σέρνετε τους λαούς στον πόλεμο, μπροστά σε νέα κρίση και σφοδρούς ανταγωνισμούς με Κίνα, Ρωσία αλλά και τις ΗΠΑ, που πληρώνουν οι εργαζόμενοι.

    Με τη διαστρέβλωση της ιστορίας, τον αντικομμουνισμό, την ταύτιση φασισμού και σοσιαλισμού, μάταια στοχεύετε να κρύψετε ότι υπάρχει διέξοδος σήμερα από την καπιταλιστική βαρβαρότητα, που η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και οι αστικές κυβερνήσεις υπερασπίζονται. Απέναντι στο σκοτάδι των πολέμων, της εκμετάλλευσης, των κρίσεων, φωτεινό μέλλον της ανθρωπότητας είναι ο νέος κόσμος· ο σοσιαλισμός.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, liebe Menschen Europas! Wir Deutschen kennen unsere Geschichte. Wir kennen die Verbrechen unseres Volkes unter den Nationalsozialisten. Und deshalb haben wir manchmal eine menschliche, aber gefährliche Angewohnheit: Wir erzählen uns, unsere Vorfahren hätten nicht mitgemacht, hätten nichts gewusst. Wir erzählen uns, wir selbst hätten im Widerstand gekämpft. Aber die Wahrheit ist: Die meisten deutschen Familien hatten Mitglieder in der SS, und die meisten von uns wären dabei gewesen.

    Schauen Sie auf mich. Meine Vorfahren haben ausschließlich in Deutschland gelebt. Ich habe mich nach der Schule freiwillig zum Militärdienst gemeldet. Ich liebe mein Land, meine Sprache, meine Kultur. Wäre ich, Lukas Sieper, vor 100 Jahren geboren, ich hätte wahrscheinlich die Propaganda geglaubt. Ich wäre wahrscheinlich ein weiterer Soldat in Hitlers Armeen gewesen. Wir sind immer nur eine Wahl von einer Diktatur entfernt. „Nie wieder“ ist nicht Erinnerung. „Nie wieder“ ist jetzt.

     
       

       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

     

    5. Old challenges and new commercial practices in the internal market (debate)


     

      Anna Cavazzini, author. – Mr President, dear colleagues, we are facing numerous challenges in the EU. Looming trade wars, high energy prices, a lack of innovation and public investment, the China shock and shortages of skilled labour makes businesses suffer and results in rising costs of living for consumers. The climate crisis is accelerating and adding additional risks.

    The good news is the single market remains our best answer to geopolitical insecurity and to tackle those challenges. Nearly 450 million citizens, 23 million businesses with a GDP of EUR 17 trillion. These numbers make the single market one of the three largest economies in the world, and we need to use this unique resource to the benefit of people, businesses and the planet.

    Let me make four points on how the IMCO Committee in this resolution sees the way forward for the single market.

    One, reinforcing the single market. We need to make it easier, especially for small and medium sized enterprises to operate in it. Simplification is the core idea embedded in the creation of the single market. One rule instead of 27 means less administrative burden, less costs, and a better level playing field.

    But currently diverging implementation and fragmentation of legislation by the Member States create barriers in the single market. Therefore, the Commission needs to base its single market strategy on the idea of more Europe in legislation, implementation and enforcement.

    My second point, enforcing and developing the digital single market. Last term’s milestone legislations, the Digital Services Act, the Digital Markets Act and the world’s first AI Act now need to be enforced to ensure fair competition and a safe and trustful online environment. We therefore highly welcome the recent decision of the Commission to impose fines against Apple and Meta for their non-compliance with the Digital Markets Act, and we expect a continuous, rigorous enforcement also in other cases.

    And let me say it very clearly, especially regarding the pressure from the other side of the Atlantic. We do not let ourselves blackmail. We don’t trade away our tech regulation. Our laws are not for sale because they protect consumers, democracy and smaller companies.

    Three. The green transition. Also, the reports of Letta and Draghi make clear the transition towards a green and circular economy is a must, and to ensure our future competitiveness, we need to prepare for the economic disruptions the climate crisis will bring.

    Following a clear and predictable path for businesses accompanied by investment and strengthened public services, next to better labelling and fighting greenwashing, we need to create a real single market for second-hand goods and the Circular Economy Act. Digital tools can smoothen the complex processes of public procurement. Thus, we can simplify and create lead markets for sustainable products, quality jobs and regional value at the same time.

    Four consumer protection. A flourishing single market and high consumer protection are two sides of the same coin. A single market cannot function without strong consumer protection in both online and offline markets. So our resolution asks the Commission to come up in due course with a Digital Fairness Act. Targeted advertising, advertising of influencers, dark patterns and dynamic pricing, as well as the protection of minors, are challenges that this act needs to tackle.

    With a rapidly rising share of e-commerce, millions of parcels land directly at the consumer’s doorsteps, often from China, often not complying with our standards. This leads to safety risks and creates an uneven level playing field for European businesses.

    Therefore, the Commission must act. We need a swift implementation of the communication on e-commerce. We need to faster deploy the digital product passport and tracing laws to finalise the customs reform and to step up enforcement.

    More e-commerce leads to completely overloaded national market surveillance authorities. And that is why we need more European enforcement in order to live up to the giant online platforms, which is why the IMCO Committee, in our resolution, we call to reform the Consumer Protection Cooperation Network and for harmonised investigation to better fight unsafe products.

    Only joint action on EU level can get the tsunami of packages under control. So this is what the Imco committee suggests, and we hope that the Commission takes it into account in its upcoming single market strategy.

     
       

     

      Stéphane Séjourné, Vice-président exécutif de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je remercie évidemment le Parlement européen pour ce débat, et je vous remercie en particulier, Madame la Présidente Cavazzini, car votre question orale couvre tous les grands enjeux relatifs au marché intérieur. Elle réaffirme d’ailleurs son rôle essentiel pour la prospérité de l’Europe.

    C’est aussi l’ambition que portera la stratégie pour le marché unique que la Commission présentera dans deux semaines exactement. Une ébauche de cette stratégie a, vous le savez, déjà fuité dans la presse. Je vais donc en dire quelques mots avant de répondre très concrètement à l’ensemble des questions qui sont posées par la rapporteure.

    Revenons ensemble sur le contexte, tout d’abord, puisque, après les excellents rapports, qui ont été unanimement salués, d’Enrico Letta et de Mario Draghi, les tensions et la fragmentation géopolitiques nous rappellent que le marché intérieur est notre premier atout et que les meilleurs partenaires des Européens sont les Européens eux-mêmes. Face à l’urgence de mieux puiser dans ce formidable espace économique, je propose donc une méthode ainsi qu’un certain nombre de compromis que nous devons collectivement trouver ensemble. D’abord, la méthode, qui consiste à s’attaquer aux barrières les plus coûteuses et les plus concrètes pour notre marché intérieur. Puis des compromis, qu’il faut que l’on fasse également, entre les États, avec les États membres, mais également entre les groupes politiques.

    Il est également question d’avoir moins de barrières internes contre plus de protection à l’extérieur. Vous parliez éminemment du commerce extérieur et du e-commerce, qui est probablement la cause, dans ce moment précis, d’un certain nombre de dérégulations de notre marché intérieur. Se protéger davantage de l’extérieur, mais dans un esprit d’ouverture aux nouveaux partenariats commerciaux, tout en adoptant une doctrine de la préférence européenne, du «made in Europe», pour certains secteurs stratégiques.

    Je serai ravi de revenir vers cette assemblée lors de la miniplénière du mois de mai pour présenter très officiellement la stratégie sur le marché intérieur. Je vais maintenant revenir sur les questions que vous avez posées dans votre résolution.

    Vous le savez, les efforts pour renforcer notre marché intérieur doivent être partagés par tous les acteurs de l’Union européenne. Au sein de la Commission, mes collègues et moi-même avons compté et savons pouvoir compter sur l’engagement du Parlement européen sur cette question. Bien évidemment, les États membres sont des acteurs centraux et, je le dis sans ambages, trop souvent encore, la lettre et l’esprit des règles adoptées au niveau européen se perdent au niveau national, souvent en raison d’une sous-transposition, parfois d’une surtransposition, parfois même d’une absence totale de transposition.

    Quelques mots sur les biens et les services en général. La libre circulation est effective pour les biens. Néanmoins, comme vous l’avez souligné très justement, Madame la Rapporteure, nous devons faire face à l’émergence de nouvelles problématiques, notamment en termes de conformité, de durabilité et également de transparence envers les consommateurs.

    En ce qui concerne la conformité, je pense par exemple à l’explosion du e-commerce, comme je l’évoquais en introduction. Elle exige de notre part des douanes fortes, des contrôles homogénéisés partout en Europe. Ce n’est pas encore le cas aujourd’hui et je voudrais vraiment remercier le Parlement européen pour sa proposition ambitieuse sur le sujet. La balle est maintenant dans le camp des États membres pour ce qui est de la réforme des douanes et nous allons également porter cette dynamique. La montée du e-commerce exige également des mécanismes de surveillance du marché plus harmonisés et plus performants.

    En matière de durabilité, un marché intérieur pour l’économie circulaire est nécessaire pour mettre en œuvre le droit à la réutilisation ainsi qu’à la réparation. Nous y travaillerons également avec vous.

    Quant à la transparence, je pense évidemment à la «shrinkflation», ce phénomène sur lequel vous avez souhaité interpeller la Commission, mais aussi à la «skimpflation». Le premier consiste à réduire la quantité à prix constants et, le second, à réduire le niveau de service sans réduire le prix. Ce sont de nouveaux mots-valises qui mettent le doigt sur un manque de transparence grandissant pour les consommateurs, sur lequel le Parlement européen et les institutions doivent se pencher. Des garde-fous réglementaires existent déjà à l’échelle de l’Union européenne pour mieux protéger les consommateurs et les États membres doivent mettre en place les dispositions que nous avions proposées – et les mettre en place pleinement. La Commission continuera en tout cas, de son côté, à aider les États membres, à travers des réseaux dédiés de coopération en la matière, et nous veillerons également à inscrire ces problématiques au cœur de l’agenda des consommateurs pour la période 2025-2030, sous la responsabilité du commissaire McGrath.

    Ensuite, Monsieur le Président, après les biens, quelques mots sur les services. Là aussi, vous interpellez la Commission sur les risques persistants de fragmentation de notre marché. Il est vrai que la situation actuelle est loin d’être satisfaisante. Près de deux tiers des barrières qui existent aujourd’hui sont les barrières qui existaient il y a 20 ans et qui persistent encore aujourd’hui. En particulier, l’accès à près de 5 700 services réglementés est encore très entravé au niveau des États membres, tandis que l’hétérogénéité des régimes concernant les travailleurs détachés ou les saisonniers complique encore un peu plus les services et les investissements transfrontaliers. Nous devons y remédier une bonne fois pour toutes. C’est pour cela que nous proposerons des solutions concrètes pour faciliter le recrutement des travailleurs et la reconnaissance des compétences et des qualifications dans les professions réglementées. Elles s’inscriront dans l’initiative de la Commission pour la portabilité des compétences, qui sera publiée à la fin de l’année prochaine. Nous allons également privilégier une approche sectorielle dans les services pour être plus efficaces.

    Votre question orale évoquait également la protection des consommateurs, en particulier eu égard aux usages numériques. J’ai parlé de l’explosion du commerce en ligne, mais, vous le savez, nous avons également voté, lors de la dernière mandature, le règlement sur les services numériques (DSA). L’Union européenne s’est dotée d’un outil unique au monde qui responsabilise les plateformes. Nous disposons également d’un règlement sur les marchés numériques (DMA), qui permet au plus grand nombre d’acteurs, quelle que soit leur taille ou leur statut, d’entrer sur le marché, lequel était jusque-là verrouillé par ceux qu’on appelle les «gate keepers». La mise en œuvre du DSA et du DMA démarre à peine, mais nous continuons et continuerons à porter exactement la même ambition pour ces deux textes que lors de la mandature précédente. Ils seront mis en œuvre par les différentes directions de la Commission et sous la supervision d’Henna Virkkunen, responsable de ces questions-là.

    Madame la Rapporteure, Monsieur le Président, je voudrais terminer par un mot, puisque je l’évoquais également en introduction: lors de la présentation de la stratégie sur le marché unique, qui occupera une place essentielle dans nos débats vers la fin de l’année, ce sera l’occasion pour nous d’accorder également une place à la question de la simplification. C’est du reste pour cela que nous présenterons, le 21 mai, le quatrième train de mesures omnibus de simplification. Son objectif est assez clair: pour nous, il s’agit de libérer le potentiel de toutes les entreprises qui font et organisent le marché unique et qui y opèrent. Nous travaillons sur deux enjeux en particulier: la définition des petites entreprises à moyenne capitalisation, qui est très attendue par les parlementaires, et la numérisation des procédures administratives et la mise en conformité pour les produits entrant sur le marché. Je sais pouvoir compter sur l’approche constructive du Parlement européen pour faire avancer ce dossier rapidement. Je me réjouis de cette opportunité de pouvoir recueillir, lors de ce débat, vos suggestions et vos priorités.

     
       

     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Alle Jahre wieder kommt eine neue Binnenmarktstrategie, und häufig steht in der neuen genau das drin, was in der alten auch drinstand. Insofern freue ich mich, Herr Kommissar, dass Sie in Ihrer Analyse des Europäischen Binnenmarktes für Güter und Dienstleistungen doch einige erfrischende neue Analysepunkte aufgegriffen haben. Allerdings bleibt das Problem so, wie Sie es beschrieben haben, das gleiche: Viel europäische Rechtsetzung verliert sich in ihrem Geist in den Mitgliedstaaten. Deswegen wird es entscheidend darauf ankommen, dass die Mitgliedstaaten, gerade auch die großen wie Deutschland und Frankreich, ihrer Verantwortung gerecht werden.

    Und das Zweite ist, dass wir es uns nicht zu leicht machen dürfen, hier im Europäischen Parlament über die Zölle der Amerikaner zu lamentieren – die möglicherweise 10 Prozent weitere Hindernisse bedeuten –, aber gleichzeitig die 40 Prozent vergessen, die wir selber innerhalb des europäischen Marktes noch immer nicht beiseite geräumt haben. Deswegen ist es eine harte Arbeit, mit der Binnenmarktstrategie zu versuchen, konkrete Anknüpfungspunkte für eine Vereinfachung zu finden. Die Entsendung von Arbeitnehmern, die ja vor allem in den Grenzregionen ein großes Problem ist, haben Sie bereits mit einem Vorschlag angegangen. Wir müssen alles dafür tun, dass alle Mitgliedstaaten dabei mitmachen, weil ansonsten der Vorschlag nicht die gewünschte Wirkung mit sich bringt.

    Wir müssen die europäische Zollpolitik neu bewerten, weil wir mit einer einheitlichen Zollorganisation natürlich sehr viel effektiver gegen Temu und Shein vorgehen könnten, wenn wir den Tsunami der vielen kleinen Pakete aus Fernost bekämpfen wollen. Aber, Herr Kommissar, gemeinsam mit Ihrem für den Zoll zuständigen Kollegen arbeiten wir daran schon seit über 15 Jahren. Und die Mitgliedstaaten haben jedes Mal Schwierigkeiten bereitet, wenn es um mehr Vereinheitlichung gegangen wäre.

    Das Dritte ist: Natürlich ist es populär, im Digitalraum jetzt Forderungen aufzustellen. Aber der Kern, wo wir neues Wachstum in Europa recht einfach generieren können, bleibt der klassische Binnenmarkt für Güter und Dienstleistungen. Deswegen müssen wir dort unbedingt ran. Deswegen hoffe ich, dass Ihre Strategie uns neue Wege aufzeigt.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor vicepresidente, la semana pasada, en España, tuvimos un apagón que dejó al país sin luz, sin teléfono y sin transporte. Yo estuve allí y tuve suerte, pero millones de personas se quedaron sin conexión, caminando horas desde sus lugares de trabajo a sus casas. Y en esta situación de emergencia, empresas como Cabify, Uber o Bolt aumentaron los precios de sus servicios un 300 %. Esta es una nueva práctica comercial derivada de la economía digital llamada «precios dinámicos», que hemos querido recoger en la Resolución que hoy votamos.

    Este Parlamento pide a la Comisión Europea que proponga regulación para abordar este problema y proteger a los consumidores, especialmente en la futura Ley de Equidad Digital, que también tiene que proteger a los menores en línea, porque la simplificación no nos va a salvar de todos los males. Nosotros —los consumidores, las familias— esperamos leyes que nos protejan de los abusos de las grandes compañías tecnológicas.

     
       

     

      Klara Dostalova, za skupinu PfE. – Pane předsedající, kolegyně, kolegové, návrh usnesení slibuje řešení starých výzev a nových obchodních postupů, ale zatím zůstává u prázdných slov. A právě to je dnes bohužel typické pro přístup Komise ke všemu, co vzejde z Parlamentu – skvělé slogany, málo výsledků. Ano, oceňuji důraz na snižování administrativní zátěže a podporu malých podnikatelů. Ano, naše spotřebitelské právo je silné, ale Komise opět ukazuje, že slyší jen to, co chce slyšet. Ochrana spotřebitelů je sice důležitá, ale v realitě dnes lidé čelí dramatickému růstu životních nákladů a nejsou schopni naplnit ani základní potřeby. A co na to Komise? Nic. Ani zmínka o tom, že přemrštěné ekologické ambice je potřeba přehodnotit. V tomto ohledu Komise zcela selhává.

    A Ukrajina? Její začlenění na jednotný trh je vydáváno za politický triumf. Ale nikdo se vážně neptá: Jakou cenu za to zaplatíme? Zavírání očí před rozdílnými standardy a problémy zničí rovné podmínky pro naše podniky. Pokud má jednotný trh fungovat, potřebujeme méně ideologických experimentů a víc zdravého rozumu. Komise musí přestat přehlížet realitu a začít chránit to, na čem Evropanům skutečně záleží – férové pracovní podmínky, konkurenceschopné firmy a dostupné bydlení. Slova nestačí. Potřebujeme činy a odvahu přiznat si, kde Komise opakovaně selhává.

     
       

     

      Stefano Cavedagna, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, mentre qui a livello parlamentare si parla troppo spesso di dazi, si parla di imposizioni sull’import, si parla tantissimo di Green Deal, si parla di tanti agenti extra mercato europeo, ci dimentichiamo di quello che noi siamo e di quello che dobbiamo essere. E purtroppo i dati sono molto chiari.

    Mentre il resto del mondo cresce, l’Europa è sostanzialmente ferma in stagnazione economica. Va avanti grazie solo ad alcuni Paesi, tra i quali l’Italia, ma la crescita è comunque modesta, generalizzata nel nostro continente.

    Vogliamo meno burocrazia, vogliamo una migliore semplificazione, vogliamo lasciare le imprese europee libere di poter lavorare e di poter competere ad armi pari con il resto del mondo. E sono sicuro che lo faremo al meglio.

    Chiediamo anche un grande investimento in termini di intelligenza artificiale, con delle vere e proprie infrastrutture europee che ci permettano di non dipendere dall’altra parte dell’oceano o dall’Oriente che troppo spesso è più un pericolo che una risorsa.

     
       

     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In geopolitisch unsicheren Zeiten müssen wir unseren Binnenmarkt radikal ausbauen. Unsere wirtschaftliche Stärke macht uns erst zu einem attraktiven Partner. Und wenn Partner wie die USA eben nicht mehr verlässlich sind, müssen wir unseren Heimatmarkt attraktiver machen, auch für unsere eigenen Unternehmen. Es muss endlich Schluss sein mit dieser regulatorischen Kleinstaaterei – ein Produkt, eine Dienstleistung, ein Markt nach denselben Regeln.

    Wir müssen rigoros Bürokratie abbauen, alle Binnenmarktgesetze auf den Prüfstand stellen. Und ich möchte vor allen Dingen daran erinnern: Wettbewerbsfähigkeit kommt von Wettbewerb. Ich bin ein bisschen skeptisch gegenüber unverhältnismäßigen staatlichen Eingriffen wie bei Leitmärkten. Das ist kein Garant, dass sich am Ende das beste Produkt zum besten Preis durchsetzt, sondern eben das politisch gewollte Produkt. Und ich baue wirklich auf die Kommission und Kommissar Séjourné, dass Sie den Mut haben, den Binnenmarkt groß zu machen. Denken Sie die Strategie groß, doktern Sie nicht nur an Kleinigkeiten herum. Wir müssen unseren Binnenmarkt jetzt stärken, damit wir in der Welt stärker werden. Andersrum gilt: Wer jetzt den Binnenmarkt nicht stärkt, schwächt uns in der Welt.

     
       


     

      Hanna Gedin, för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman! Ibland undrar jag om vi lever i samma verklighet. Frågar man kommissionen eller EPP eller högern i mitt hemland om vad som hotar EU:s ekonomi, så får man höra att miljökraven är för höga för företagen, att det är för svårt att konkurrensutsätta offentlig sektor, att det behövs färre regler och fler avregleringar. Men jag ser en helt annan verklighet.

    Jag ser människor som knappt får lönen att räcka till mat, jag ser arbetare som tvingas flytta från land till land, från gig till gig i en marknad där trygghet ses som hinder för flexibilitet. Jag ser en inre marknad som snarare än att lyfta villkoren för alla driver ett race to the bottom: på löner, arbetsrätt, välfärd och miljö.

    Det vi debatterar i dag genomsyras av samma logik. Färre hinder, snabbare upphandlingar, mer flexibilitet, mindre demokratiskt inflytande – allt för marknaden. Men vad händer när vi river regler för företagen? Vi river också ofta skydd för människor. Vi river regler som finns där för att trygga vår vardag, för att säkra schysta arbetsvillkor, för att bevara vår miljö och för att hålla demokratin levande.

    Vi i vänstern vill säga att det här är fel väg. Vi behöver inte färre regler, vi behöver rätt regler: regler som skyddar människor, inte vinstmarginaler, regler som sätter klimat, jämlikhet och trygghet över marknadslogik. För det är inte vi som är orealistiska – det är den blinda tron på avreglering som är det verkliga hotet mot framtiden.

     
       

     

      Pablo Arias Echeverría (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, en 2023 celebramos el trigésimo aniversario del mercado único. La construcción de esta Unión de libre circulación de bienes, servicios, capitales y personas refleja los valores y principios que compartimos; un proyecto que se ha convertido en el faro que guía la economía de la Unión Europea.

    Pero también existen sombras —sombras que debemos disipar—. Draghi y Letta lo han dejado muy claro: buscamos ser competitivos, sí, pero tenemos un mercado fragmentado. Buscamos ser innovadores, sí, pero ponemos trabas a nuestras pymes, start-upsscale-ups, y dejamos que el talento se nos escape. Buscamos liderazgo, sí, pero ponemos cargas administrativas que ralentizan el crecimiento de nuestras empresas. Buscamos un mercado único, sí, pero nos encontramos con un exceso de normas desiguales en ese mismo mercado y proteccionismos nacionales.

    Lo que antes era capaz de aguantar nuestro mercado, hoy se antoja imposible. La coyuntura actual a nivel global nos exige abordar estas sombras con diligencia y determinación. La tarea no es sencilla: simplificación, menos burocracia, facilidades para financiar iniciativas digitales privadas, innovación, retención y atracción de talento. Necesitamos menos normas, pero iguales para todo el mercado, con el mismo nivel de garantías y protección. En definitiva, más seguridad jurídica.

    Los Estados miembros y las instituciones europeas tenemos que tener la suficiente altura de miras para abordar estas reformas estructurales, porque no nos jugamos mucho; probablemente, nos lo jugamos todo, señor comisario.

    Cuando todos dimos la bienvenida a los informes Letta y Draghi, ¿era solo una foto o era un compromiso? En el caso del Partido Popular, se lo aseguro: un compromiso. Espero que también lo sea para la Comisión y para el Consejo.

     
       

     

      Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). – Sur President, Is-suq uniku Ewropew jibqa’ wieħed mill-aktar elementi importanti fil-proġett Ewropew għaċ-ċittadini tagħna. Però huwa importanti li dan is-suq jibqa’ jevolvi, ir-regoli tiegħu jibqgħu jevolvu, sabiex fl-aħħar mill-aħħar naraw illi r-realtajiet tal-iktar Stati Membri li jinsabu fil-fruntiera, il-gżejjer, dawn l-istess regoli jkunu qegħdin jaħdmu favur tagħhom ukoll.

    U hawnhekk nixtieq nitkellem ukoll fuq realtajiet partikolari differenti li Stati Membri żgħar bħal Malta qegħdin jaffaċċjaw, b’mod speċjali minħabba żidiet fil-prezzijiet, inflazzjoni tal-aktar prodotti essenzjali f’dan is-suq komuni. U allura huwa importanti li naraw li jkollna aktar flessibilità fejn jidħlu r-regolamenti tas-suq uniku Ewropew sabiex jaraw illi Stati Membri żgħar u gżejjer ikunu fl-aħħar mill-aħħar jistgħu jibbenefikaw minn dan id-dritt, id-dritt tal-moviment u l-libertà tal-moviment għall-prodotti u s-servizzi, kif fl-aħħar mill-aħħar jibbenefikaw pajjiżi ferm ikbar minna.

    Imma fl-aħħar mill-aħħar ukoll huwa essenzjali li naraw illi jkollna regoli aktar stretti fejn jidħol ukoll l-importazzjoni tal-prodotti barra mill-Unjoni Ewropea. F’suq fejn qed imur aktar fuq bażi online milli fil-ħwienet tradizzjonali huwa importanti li naraw illi jkollna l-istess tip ta’ regoli u l-istess tip ta’ drittijiet għall-konsumaturi li jixtru fuq bażi online u dawk illi jixtru fuq bażi offline.

    Imma dan ma nistgħu nagħmluh qatt billi ngħabbu b’aktar piżijiet, speċjalment piżijiet finanzjarji, lill-konsumaturi tagħna.

     
       


     

      Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the internal market is one of our greatest achievements and yet our businesses and our consumers still face barriers, are confronted with unpredictable legislative changes and a lack of consistency in the implementation of our single market rules.

    We need to simplify our rules we currently have in place, making sure that we keep those that protect consumers and entrepreneurs, but remove those that create excessive burdens. It is not enough to cut norms on paper, to delay them or to simply exempt certain categories. We need to change them in substance in order to make them easier to comply with.

    Online, our businesses face the challenge of complying with all these norms while foreign traders, especially from Asia, China ignore our rules and yet face little or no consequences at all. This is not a fair situation.

    The Commission is currently working on a new Digital Fairness Act (DFA). Before this is presented, the Commission should present a plan to cut unnecessary norms and only then legislate, in a very targeted manner. The next DFA cannot be another DSA. Businesses and consumers need predictability and a level playing field through the enforcement of existing norms.

     
       


     

      Elisabeth Dieringer (PfE). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Wieder einmal erleben wir, wie die EU mit ihrem Entschließungsantrag zum Binnenmarkt große Worte schwingt, aber an den eigentlichen Problemen unserer Wirtschaft und unserer Bürger vorbeigeht. Seit Jahren hören wir Versprechen über Bürokratieabbau und weniger Belastung für unsere Unternehmen. Doch die Realität sieht anders aus: immer neue Vorschriften, immer mehr Regulierung, immer weniger Freiheit für unsere heimischen Betriebe.

    Der Binnenmarkt soll ein Motor für Wohlstand und Wachstum sein, doch stattdessen werden unsere kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen durch eine zu große Anzahl an EU‑Regeln und Berichtsanforderungen ausgebremst. Die Kommission redet von Innovation und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Aber in Wahrheit profitieren vor allem die Großkonzerne, während unsere regionalen Betriebe mit immer neuen Hürden kämpfen müssen. Wir fordern: Schluss mit der Überregulierung und den realitätsfernen Vorgaben aus Brüssel! Der Binnenmarkt muss endlich wieder den Menschen und Unternehmen dienen, die hier arbeiten und Steuern zahlen, nicht den Interessen globaler Konzerne oder den ideologischen Träumereien einer EU‑Elite. Weniger Bürokratie, mehr Eigenverantwortung und echte Wettbewerbsfähigkeit – das ist unser Weg für einen starken Binnenmarkt.

    (Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

     
       



     

      Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, Draghijevo izvješće jasno je pokazalo da troškovi koji proizlaze iz prevelikog broja propisa, kako europskih tako i nacionalnih, i dalje su vrlo visoki za europska poduzeća. To regulatorno opterećenje i fragmentacija posebno opterećuju mala i srednja poduzeća, koče inovacije i slabe našu konkurentnost na globalnoj razini.

    Prošlo je više od četiri godine otkako sam kao izvjestitelj Kluba EPP‑a za usluge na jedinstvenom tržištu upozoravao na prepreke slobodnom kretanju usluga. Nažalost, uslužni sektor koji zapošljava dvije trećine radne snage i stvara 9 od 10 novih radnih mjesta i dalje ostaje najslabije razvijen dio jedinstvenog tržišta. To je nedopustivo jer propuštamo priliku za rast, zapošljavanje i globalnu konkurentnost. Stoga je krajnje vrijeme da uklonimo preostale prepreke i taj golemi gospodarski potencijal pretvorimo u nova radna mjesta, veće ulaganje i gospodarski rast Unije.

    Bez pravog jedinstvenog tržišta nećemo se moći natjecati s globalnim konkurentima, a posebno je važno osiguravanje poštene tržišne utakmice. Karteli multinacionalnih kompanija koji održavaju visoke cijene hrane i drugih proizvoda apsolutno su nedopustivi. Također, implementacija Zakona o digitalnim tržištima, kojim će se stati na kraj zlouporabama od strane digitalnih divova, mora biti prioritet. Osim toga, u uvjetima brutalne globalne kompeticije, davanje prednosti europskim proizvodima i uslugama sasvim je legitimna opcija za zaštitu naših interesa.

    Na kraju, moramo zaštititi potrošače od nekvalitetnih i često opasnih proizvoda kupljenih preko interneta iz trećih država. Digitalne platforme moraju snositi odgovornost za štetu koju takvi proizvodi nanesu kupcima. Jedino tako ćemo ih natjerati da ozbiljno kontroliraju što se preko njih prodaje i zaštititi naše potrošače.

     
       

     

      Pierre Jouvet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, envoyer un colis de Pékin à Strasbourg coûte moins cher qu’affranchir une carte postale pour écrire dans son propre pays.

    En 2024, 4,6 milliards de paquets expédiés par Temu, Shein ou AliExpress sont entrés en Europe: c’est 300 % d’augmentation en quatre ans. Ces produits sont fabriqués à perte puis expédiés grâce aux subventions publiques. Leurs producteurs détruisent la planète et pratiquent aussi l’esclavage moderne. Comble de l’absurdité et de l’hypocrisie, et signe aussi de notre complicité, ces colis d’une valeur de moins de 150 euros sont exonérés de droits de douane.

    Ces colis sont un poison lent qui tue notre planète, notre économie et nos emplois. Camaïeu, ChaussExpo, Casa, Jennifer: combien d’autres PME encore allons-nous laisser disparaître? Ces petits colis sont un grand poison et nous devons, en Europe, sortir de cette naïveté, changer nos règles douanières et assumer de protéger nos consommateurs, nos entreprises et nos emplois.

     
       

     

      Zala Tomašič (PPE). – Gospod predsednik. Leta 2023 je bilo na dnevni ravni približno 12 milijonov spletnih naročil z evropskega trga v tretje države, od tega 91 % iz Kitajske. Ko pogledamo te številke, je logično, da naši cariniki ne morejo kontrolirati vsega. Vemo tudi, da velikokrat izdelki iz Kitajske ne dosegajo evropskih standardov.

    Jaz verjamem v prosti trg in verjamem, da regulacija oziroma več regulacije ni odgovor na vse. Kot tudi ni odgovor na vse pritisk na naše platforme za težave, ki so povzročene drugje, posebej v državah, kjer imamo probleme z zagotavljanjem legitimnosti certifikatov.

    Mislim, da moramo nazaj prinesti tudi osebno odgovornost vseh nas potrošnikov in se moramo zavedati, da s tem, ko naročamo s kitajskih platform, ne škodimo le evropejski industriji, ampak tudi na koncu samemu sebi in našemu zdravju. Poleg tega pa tudi rabimo na evropski ravni rešitev glede vprašanja vplivnežev, a da bo to poenoteno in da bo tudi priznan njihov status kot ustvarjalcev vsebin, in ne le kot oglaševalcev.

     
       

     

      Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Αντιπρόεδρε της Επιτροπής, τα εμπόδια εντός της ενιαίας αγοράς της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης ισοδυναμούν με δασμούς 45% για τη μεταποίηση και 110% για τις υπηρεσίες. Οι αριθμοί είναι αποκαλυπτικοί και μας υπενθυμίζουν σε ποια κατεύθυνση πρέπει να κινηθούμε.

    Για αυτό τον λόγο χαίρομαι, γιατί το ψήφισμα που έχουμε στα χέρια μας κάνει συγκεκριμένη αναφορά στους γεωγραφικούς και εδαφικούς περιορισμούς, οι οποίοι συρρικνώνουν την αγοραστική δύναμη των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών και πλήττουν τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις. Είναι ένα θέμα που πολλοί συνάδελφοι έχουμε επισημάνει, ζητώντας μέτρα. Είναι απαράδεκτο, σε μια ενιαία αγορά, ορισμένες πολυεθνικές εταιρείες να εκμεταλλεύονται τη θέση τους προκειμένου να χρεώνουν εξαιρετικά διαφορετικές τιμές για ίδια προϊόντα, ανάλογα με το μέγεθος της αγοράς και εις βάρος των καταναλωτών. Ενόψει και της στρατηγικής για την ενιαία αγορά, αναμένουμε τη νομοθετική πρόταση για να βάλουμε τέλος σε αυτές τις πρακτικές.

    Δεύτερον, χρειάζονται ακόμα πιο φιλόδοξα μέτρα για την απλοποίηση των κανόνων και τη μείωση του διοικητικού φόρτου που αντιμετωπίζουν οι μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις. Η μείωση της γραφειοκρατίας κατά 35% είναι αδήριτη ανάγκη να επιτευχθεί.

    Τρίτον, παρά το γεγονός ότι η Ένωση έχει το πιο στιβαρό πλαίσιο προστασίας των καταναλωτών, μόνο το 28% έχει καλή γνώση των δικαιωμάτων του.

    Και, τέλος, χρειαζόμαστε ενίσχυση της εφαρμογής του ψηφιακού νομοθετικού πλαισίου με συντονισμένους ελέγχους από τις αρμόδιες υπηρεσίες και καλύτερη συνεργασία μεταξύ τους, για να διασφαλίσουμε ότι η νομοθεσία εφαρμόζεται στην πράξη.

     
       

     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, when it comes to commercial practices, online is the only show in town. But when it comes to consumer fraud, online spaces still remain a Wild West. We need all actors on board to ensure that we have a shared responsibility. Because today, citizens in Europe are subject to fake advertising and online scams on a near daily basis, often via social media platforms.

    Our own Irish Data Protection Commission has already issued over EUR 3.5 billion worth of fines, as well as corrective measures. But it’s all too easy to put fake advertisements purporting to be from regulated institutions online, and for unsuspecting citizens to be scammed out of their own money before the advert just simply disappears. Three in every four Irish people have encountered some form of suspicious activity online, whilst 45 % of Europeans stated they have experienced more suspicious activity compared with last year.

    We know that such incidents are hard to track and almost impossible to reverse after they happen. The Digital Services Act obliges platforms to take down illegal content once it has been reported. However, it creates few proactive obligations prior to publication or even reporting by individuals. So we need to look at ways to ensure that electronic communications providers verify with national competent authorities that advertisements purporting to be from regulated entities are, in fact, legitimate, so that we can protect our people and their hard earnings.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       

     

      Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, you rightly mentioned that we are still 20 years speaking about the same problems. But now the digital union is not completed. The energy union is not completed. I know our railway infrastructure is in difficulties, and when we are speaking about the necessity to do something more, first of all, we need to stress very much that we need to develop pan‑European infrastructures in digital, in energy, in transport.

    And, of course, also Letta rightly mentioned the ‘fifth freedom’: freedom for research, investment and innovation. But it requires also infrastructure in our research and innovations. It means the life sciences strategy should be connected with the internal market strategy hand in hand, otherwise we can lose once again competitiveness, investment and progress. Made in Europe requires more integration.

     
       





       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

    Written Statements (Rule 178)

     
       

     

      Stéphane Séjourné, Vice-président exécutif de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur Sieper, je suis désolé, je vais parler français, mais je crois que vous avez la traduction.

    Je vais peut-être vous donner quelques convictions suite à ce débat. D’abord, une conviction, c’est que nous ne pouvons pas regarder notre stratégie du marché intérieur en silos, comme cela s’est probablement beaucoup fait lors des dernières mandatures.

    Au vu du contexte international que nous connaissons, un nouvel équilibre économique est à trouver. Il s’agit à la fois d’œuvrer pour plus de marché intérieur et donc, je le répète, d’aller plus loin en ce qui concerne les biens et les services ou l’union des marchés des capitaux, d’organiser et de faciliter les déplacements des biens et des services plus largement, de retirer les barrières qui contraignent notamment la circulation des marchandises et des biens, dans le cadre de nos travaux et des compétences de l’Union européenne.

    Il s’agit aussi de travailler, au niveau national, sur les différences de réglementations qui créent des contraintes et – je crois que l’un de vous l’a expliqué assez justement – sur l’équivalent en droits de douane des différentes réglementations nationales, puisqu’il est d’actualité de parler en termes d’équivalent en droits de douane et que cela montre qu’il est urgent que nous agissions. 40 à 50 % de droits de douane sur les biens, plus de 100 % sur les services: je vois le coût que cela peut engendrer pour une entreprise de produire dans un pays européen et de commercialiser dans un autre. Le paradoxe de la situation, c’est qu’il est probablement plus rentable aujourd’hui de produire en Chine et d’exporter un petit colis vers les pays européens que de mettre en place toute la réglementation européenne pour commercialiser depuis la France, l’Allemagne, la Pologne ou l’Italie. C’est ce que nous devons régler dans les prochains mois.

    En parallèle, il faut protéger les frontières commerciales extérieures de l’Union européenne et donc avancer sur la réforme douanière. Elle est aujourd’hui bloquée au Conseil et les États membres doivent avancer, je l’ai dit en introduction de ce débat. Je consacrerai beaucoup de capital politique à ce que la réforme des douanes puisse progresser au même rythme que notre réforme et notre stratégie sur le marché intérieur. D’un côté, libéralisation et rupture des barrières restantes sur le marché intérieur, de l’autre, protection des frontières européennes en ce qui concerne l’e-commerce, notamment en avançant sur la question du contrôle. Je pense que c’est le bon équilibre qu’il faut pouvoir trouver collectivement dans cette maison.

    Un autre équilibre – le dernier, j’en resterai là – auquel travailler également dans les prochains mois et les prochaines semaines concerne les nouveaux accords commerciaux et la diversification que nous devons opérer alors que le monde est de plus en plus protectionniste. Oui, des accords avec de nouveaux pays, portant sur des secteurs particuliers, doivent être trouvés. La présidente de la Commission s’emploie, avec mon collègue Maroš Šefčovič, à trouver de nouveaux débouchés pour nos industries et nos entreprises à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne, à condition que nous puissions opérer une préférence européenne et donc choisir le «made in Europe» dans un certain nombre de secteurs stratégiques.

    Pour résumer, voilà, en quelque sorte, notre nouvel équilibre, qu’il faut que nous puissions trouver entre nous, collectivement: à la fois l’approfondissement du marché intérieur, la protection des frontières extérieures par rapport au e-commerce, pour protéger notre marché, et la diversification des accords commerciaux, alors que le commerce devient de plus en plus compliqué et que la guerre tarifaire et la guerre douanière entre la Chine et les États-Unis peuvent avoir un impact important sur notre économie, en contrepartie d’une préférence européenne sur un certain nombre d’achats publics. Vous aurez notamment, dans ce cadre-là, à travailler sur la réforme des marchés publics que la Commission présentera dans les prochains mois.

    Je remercie le Parlement, particulièrement la présidente Cavazzini, pour cette discussion et, encore une fois, je reviendrai parmi vous pour présenter très officiellement la stratégie de la Commission sur le marché intérieur, le 21 mai, à Bruxelles.

     
       


     

     

      Vasile Dîncu (S&D), în scris. – Piața internă europeană trebuie să servească oamenilor, nu invers. Dincolo de eficiență și competitivitate, trebuie să evaluăm cine câștigă și cine pierde în acest model economic.

    Trei provocări majore amenință să adâncească fragmentările sociale și economice dintre cetățenii europeni:

    1. fragmentarea digitală: platformele digitale domină piața, dar beneficiile sunt distribuite inegal. IMM-urile din estul Europei, cetățenii din zone rurale sau periferice sunt adesea excluși. Aplicarea fermă a DSA și DMA este necesară pentru o piață digitală incluzivă – unde toți au acces la oportunități.

    2. tranziția verde și riscul de a produce o Europă cu două viteze: Pactul Verde este necesar, dar aplicarea sa trebuie adaptată. Regiunile industriale care încă se recuperează după tranziția post-comunistă (Valea Jiului, zone monoindustriale din România, Bulgaria, Polonia) necesită sprijin specific, direcționat și just. Nu putem cere aceleași sacrificii de la cei care au mai puține resurse.

    3. drepturile lucrătorilor în economia digitală: prea mulți europeni trăiesc în precaritate – livratori, freelanceri algoritmizați, angajați temporari. Drepturile fundamentale – salariu decent, protecție socială, stabilitate – trebuie garantate și în economia digitală.

    Avem nevoie de o piață internă bazată pe echitate, solidaritate și demnitate umană. Este timpul pentru mai multă politică și mai puțină tehnocrație. Avem nevoie de curaj.

     
       

       

    (The sitting was suspended at 11:51)

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: JAVI LÓPEZ
    Vice-President

     

    6. Resumption of the sitting

       

    (The sitting resumed at 12:04)

     
       


     

      René Aust (ESN). – Herr Präsident, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Letzte Woche, am 30. April, kam es im Paul‑Henri‑Spaak‑Gebäude vor den Büros unserer Mitarbeiter zu massiven Lärmbelästigungen und auch Drohungen gegenüber einem unserer Mitarbeiter. Gegen 18.00 Uhr hat eine große Gruppe von Besuchern der Linken, unterstützt von akkreditierten Assistenten und Mitarbeitern der Linken, eine Art Demonstration durchgeführt und abgehalten. Die Besucher, oder besser gesagt die Aktivisten, wanderten dann die Treppen nach oben Richtung Ausgang und haben dabei noch eine EU‑Flagge, die auf dem Ehrentisch mit dem Bild und dem Gedenkbuch für den verstorbenen Papst aufgestellt war, heruntergerissen und die Treppe hinuntergeworfen. Einer unserer Mitarbeiter, der die Aktivisten um Ruhe bat, wurde von einer Demonstrantin mit den Worten „Du wirst sterben!“ sogar mit dem Tode bedroht.

    Sehr geehrter Herr Präsident! So ein Verhalten ist völlig inakzeptabel und hat in unserem Haus nichts zu suchen. Ich ersuche Sie sicherzustellen, dass solche Aktionen künftig unterbunden werden und die Sicherheit aller Mitarbeiter und ein normales Arbeitsklima zu jedem Zeitpunkt gewährleistet sind.

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much. The President is aware about the incident. We will inform about the point of order. The services of the House will draw up a report and she will follow up.

    We have no more points of order.

     

    7. Voting time

     

      President. – The next item is the vote.

     

     

      President. – The first vote is on the joint motion for a resolution tabled by five groups on the arrest and risk of execution of Tundu Lissu, Chair of Chadema, the main opposition party in Tanzania (see minutes, item 7.1).

     

     

      President. – The next vote is on the joint motion for a resolution tabled by five groups on the return of Ukrainian children forcibly transferred and deported by Russia (see minutes, item 7.2).

     


       

    – Before the vote on the motion for a resolution:

     
       



       

    (Parliament did not agree to put the oral amendment to the vote)

     

    7.4. Ninth report on economic and social cohesion (A10-0066/2025 – Jacek Protas) (vote)

     

      President. – The next vote is on the ninth report on economic and social cohesion (see minutes, item 7.4).

     

    7.5. CO2 emission performance standards for new passenger cars and new light commercial vehicles for 2025 to 2027 (vote)

     

      President. – The next vote is on CO2 emission performance standards for new passenger cars and new light commercial vehicles for 2025 to 2027 (see minutes, item 7.5).

     

    7.6. The protection status of the wolf (Canis lupus) (vote)

     

      President. – The next vote is on the protection status of the wolf (Canis lupus) (see minutes, item 7.6).

     

    7.7. The role of gas storage for securing gas supplies ahead of the winter season (A10-0079/2025 – Borys Budka) (vote)



       

    (Parliament approved the request for referral back to committee)

     

    7.8. Screening of foreign investments in the Union (A10-0061/2025 – Raphaël Glucksmann) (vote)



       

    (Parliament approved the request for referral back to committee)

     

    7.9. Suspending certain parts of Regulation (EU) 2015/478 as regards imports of Ukrainian products into the European Union (A10-0059/2025 – Karin Karlsbro) (vote)


     

      Hans Neuhoff, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, geschätzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich beantrage gemäß Artikel 206 Absatz 4 der Geschäftsordnung die Vertagung der Abstimmung über diesen Punkt der Tagesordnung. Gestatten Sie mir zur Begründung wenige Worte: Solidarität mit Drittstaaten darf nicht zur Selbstaufgabe Europas werden. Unsere Unternehmen, vom industriellen Mittelstand über die Landwirtschaft bis hin zu großen industriellen Arbeitgebern, spüren die Folgen einer Handelspolitik, die einseitig auf die Ukraine ausgerichtet ist. Dumpingimporte gefährden nicht nur einzelne Branchen wie die Stahlrohrhersteller. Sie treffen die gesamte europäische Wertschöpfungskette, von den Grundstoffindustrien bis zu den weiterverarbeitenden Sektoren und Zulieferern.

    Diese Politik gefährdet Arbeitsplätze und Existenzen in ganz Europa – auch in der Landwirtschaft, auch im verarbeitenden Gewerbe. Wer heute für die weitere Aussetzung der Schutzmaßnahmen stimmt, entscheidet sich nicht nur gegen faire Wettbewerbsbedingungen, sondern auch gegen Menschen in unseren Regionen, die für Wohlstand und …

    (Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

     
       



       

    (Le Parlement rejette la demande)

     
       

       

    – Before the vote:

     
       


       

    – Before the vote:

     
       

     

      Costas Kadis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, the European Commission would like to make the following statement before the vote:

    “Should the Commission consider that extending the suspension of Regulation (EU) 2015/478 as regards imports of Ukrainian products into the European Union beyond 5 June 2028 is warranted in view of the situation at that point of time, the Commission will endeavour to submit to the European Parliament and the Council any proposal to that effect not later than nine months before the end of the application of this Regulation.”

    I would like also to clarify two very separate issues: namely the suspension of the general safeguard regulation or under its other name, the common rules for imports regulation, and the Article 29 consultation process.

    Regarding the draft Regulation that is being submitted to the vote now, I would like to clarify that once adopted, it would suspend the application of the basic safeguard regulation to imports of goods from Ukraine. While the suspension of the general safeguard regulation is of general nature, currently there is only one safeguard measure for steel products that would be affected by the suspension. Suspending the general safeguard regulation was technically the only way to suspend the application of the steel safeguard measure concerning Ukraine.

    Trade in agricultural products is being discussed in a separate framework, namely the Article 29 consultation process with Ukraine.

    To conclude, today’s draft regulation has no implication for the Article 29 process.

     

    7.10. Competition policy – annual report 2024 (A10-0071/2025 – Lara Wolters) (vote)


       

    – Before the vote on Amendment 1:

     
       

     

      Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, il y a urgence: il faut sauver l’acier européen! Le directeur d’ArcelorMittal a annoncé que tous les sites sidérurgiques en Europe étaient menacés. La France risque de perdre l’ensemble de ses hauts-fourneaux. Comme l’a fait le Royaume-Uni, nous devons réagir vite. C’est pourquoi je vous propose l’amendement suivant au paragraphe 8 du rapport que nous votons:

    «le Parlement exprime sa profonde désapprobation face à la décision du groupe ArcelorMittal de supprimer jusqu’à 1 400 emplois en Europe occidentale, dont près de la moitié en France; souligne que le groupe a réalisé un bénéfice de 1,3 milliard d’euros et versé plus de 1,5 milliard d’euros à ses actionnaires en 2024; demande à la Commission et aux États membres de prendre des mesures pour que les entreprises bénéficiant d’aides publiques ne puissent pas, comme le fait ArcelorMittal, fermer des sites industriels, élaborer des plans de licenciement, délocaliser leurs activités, verser des dividendes à leurs actionnaires et renoncer à leurs objectifs de transition écologique; demande au gouvernement français de prendre toutes les mesures en son pouvoir pour protéger les travailleurs et préserver la sidérurgie en tant qu’industrie stratégique;»

     
       

       

    (Parliament agreed to put the oral amendment to the vote)

     

    7.11. Banking Union – annual report 2024 (A10-0044/2025 – Ralf Seekatz) (vote)

     

      President. – The next vote is on the banking union – annual report 2024 (see minutes, item 7.11).

     

    7.12. Objection pursuant to Rule 115(2) and (3): genetically modified soybean MON 87705 × MON 87708 × MON 89788 (B10-0244/2025) (vote)

     

      President. – The next vote is on the objection pursuant to Rule 115(2) and (3): genetically modified soybean MON 87705×MON 87708×MON 89788 (see minutes, item 7.12).

     

    8. Resumption of the sitting

       

    (Posiedzenie zostało wznowione o godz. 15.00)

     

    9. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

     

      Przewodnicząca. – Protokół wczorajszego posiedzenia oraz teksty przyjęte są już dostępne.

    Czy są jakieś uwagi? Nie widzę.

    Protokół został przyjęty.

     

    10. EU action on treating and preventing diseases such as cancer, cardiovascular neurological diseases and measles (debate)


     

      Costas Kadis, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, in a strong European Health Union we should work to protect EU citizens from diseases, promote healthy living and foster innovation that supports these goals. The Commission is committed to delivering a European Health Union that helps improve the health of all our citizens, no matter where they live in the European Union.

    Cardiovascular diseases are the leading cause of death in the EU. Many of these deaths are premature. In the EU, 24 % of deaths among men before the age of 65 and 17 % of deaths among women before the age of 65 are due to cardiovascular diseases. Cardiovascular diseases and neurological disorders share common risk factors such as hypertension, diabetes, smoking and obesity.

    Vascular dementia is the second most common type of dementia, accounting for around 15-20 % of dementia cases in Europe. The Commission has started work on an ambitious and robust EU cardiovascular health plan. It will draw inspiration from the success of Europe’s Beating Cancer plan. Like the cancer plan, we will look at addressing key issues like prevention, early detection and screening, and treatment and care. We see a key role for innovative and personalised tools, including the European health data space, as well as new technologies like digital technologies and artificial intelligence. The cardiovascular plan will also build on existing efforts, in particular the Healthcare Together initiative, which helps Member States and stakeholders take action on non-communicable diseases.

    The second leading cause of death in the EU is cancer. The cancer plan was adopted in 2021, backed by significant EU funding. We published a review of the cancer plan in February which showed that 90 % of its actions have either been concluded or are ongoing in the area of prevention. This includes the Council recommendation on vaccine‑preventable cancers. This aims to encourage higher uptake of vaccinations against HPV and hepatitis B.

    Moreover, the Council recommendation on smoke- and aerosol‑free environments is a step towards a tobacco‑free generation by 2040. To build on this, we will evaluate and revise the EU’s tobacco legislation to enable every cancer patient to access high quality diagnosis and treatment. Member States will this year set up an EU network of comprehensive cancer centres under a joint action funded with EUR 90 million.

    The European Health Union is also about tackling infectious diseases. Measles is a serious disease and highly contagious. The recent spike in measles cases in Europe has already caused several deaths in Romania this year, yet measles can be avoided through vaccination. The outbreaks experienced by some Member States over the last 12 months can be linked to vaccination coverage below recommended levels, so I encourage everyone to ensure that they and their families are protected against this life‑threatening disease. The Commission will continue to work with Member States to improve vaccination coverage. We will also promote robust vaccination programmes and secure supplies of vaccines in the EU.

    As we build our European Health Union, we should put innovation at its heart. One promising avenue is biotechnology. Biotechnology could help us to better identify diseases, step up prevention, develop new, increasingly personalised medicines and provide new ways to develop, test and administer treatments. But the EU is not yet making the most of biotech. EU companies are not competitive enough and face too many barriers when it comes to turning ideas into products. This is why the Commission will propose a European Biotech Act. It will help companies bring products from the lab to the factory and onto the market.

    The Biotech Act will complement the ongoing revision of the pharmaceutical legislation. This already includes many measures to streamline and modernise the regulatory framework for medicines, especially for breakthrough therapies. Innovation will be a driving principle of the upcoming targeted review of the Medical Devices Regulation. The new rules will be more fit for the purpose. They will deliver medical devices to the patients in a more timely manner, and will create a more competitive environment for our industries.

    On breakthrough technologies, we have adopted regulatory pathways to quickly reach patients, especially children and rare‑disease patients, without compromising safety. Europe is losing ground in the field of clinical trials. Therefore, we will carry out an assessment of the current legislation and amend it to provide for a more efficient framework to make Europe a world leader in medical research and innovation.

    Honourable Members, we are better able to face public health challenges if we act together. This is why the Commission is committed to building a strong and innovative European Health Union. Thank you for your attention and I look forward to receiving your views.

     
       

     

      Tomislav Sokol, u ime kluba PPE. – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, Europska unija je kroz godine pokazala da zajedničkim djelovanjem može postići velike rezultate za zdravlje naših građana. Jedan od najvažnijih primjera je europski plan za borbu protiv raka koji predstavlja prvu sveobuhvatnu strategiju protiv ove opake bolesti, od prevencije i istraživanja preko liječenja do poboljšanja kvalitete života osoba koje su preboljele rak.

    Sljedeći korak je donošenje europskog plana za kardiovaskularne bolesti koje su vodeći uzrok smrtnosti u Europi. On mora imati jasno definirane ciljeve, konkretno financiranje i jasan vremenski okvir za provedbu. Samo tako možemo postići stvarni napredak i smanjiti teret koji ove bolesti predstavljaju za naše zdravstvene sustave, gospodarstvo i obitelj.

    Uz to, inzistiramo, kao što smo više puta rekli na ovoj govornici, na donošenju europskog plana za rijetke bolesti jer su oboljeli od rijetkih bolesti i njihove obitelji predugo bili na margini zdravstvenih politika, često prepušteni sami sebi, suočeni s nedostatkom dijagnoza, terapija i sustavne podrške. Za 95 % njih još uvijek ne postoji lijek i vrijeme je da se to promijeni.

    Na kraju, građani od nas s pravom očekuju konkretan europski plan za neurološke bolesti koji bi svakako trebao uključiti i mentalne bolesti koje su u dramatičnom porastu, osobito među mladima.

    Da bismo sve ovo ostvarili zdravstvo mora ostati prioritet i u okviru sljedećeg sedmogodišnjeg proračuna jer ulaganje u njega nije trošak, već jedna od najisplativijih investicija, što pokazuju brojne studije. Ne smijemo dopustiti da se zdravstvo utopi u različite proračunske programe jer bi to značilo da se vraćamo u vrijeme kad je ono predstavljalo marginalnu temu u EU institucijama.

    Kolegice i kolege, zdravstvo mora ostati prioritet u djelovanju EU‑a i pozivam na zajedničko djelovanje svih političkih grupacija da se to i ostvari.

     
       

     

      Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, dear Commissioner, colleagues, the rise of certain non‑communicable diseases in the European Union is increasingly concerning. If we fail to act and learn from past experiences, like the COVID‑19 pandemic, we risk facing new outbreaks and epidemics.

    Twenty years ago, the European Union made a commitment to eliminate measles – to be measles‑free. Yet we are still far from that goal. The situation is further aggravated by growing societal scepticism, fuelled by misinformation and spread of unproven claims. In 2024, measles cases in the EU surged dramatically with over 32 000 reported diagnoses. This sharp increase highlights serious gaps in vaccination coverage, as 86 % of those infected had not been vaccinated.

    In an age where measles is entirely preventable through vaccination, it is unacceptable that this disease continues to spread, especially knowing that measles is highly contagious and can lead to severe complications such as pneumonia, encephalitis, and even death. To prevent further outbreaks, it is essential to ensure that at least 95 % of the population is vaccinated.

    Unfortunately, vaccination rates remain insufficient in many European countries. Governments must prioritise strong vaccination campaigns and actively combat vaccine hesitancy to protect public health. The measles, mumps and rubella vaccine remains the most effective tool to prevent measles, and we must also work to harmonise vaccination schedules across Member States to ensure this.

    This is why it is crucial to foster collaboration among Member States, recognising that in the Schengen zone, where people can move freely across borders, disease can easily spread between countries. Additionally, the shortage of healthcare professionals, especially in regions with insufficient medical staff, particularly nurses, further contributes to lower vaccination rates. The recent outbreaks in Romania, along with nearly 20 preventable deaths, serve as a stark reminder to the urgency of this issue. These tragic losses highlight the need for immediate actions.

    HERA must also address the state of crisis preparedness and take steps to prevent the situation from escalating further. In a world where vaccines are widely available, measles should no longer be a threat. As cases continue to rise, collective action is urgently needed to protect vulnerable populations.

     
       

     

      Margarita de la Pisa Carrión, en nombre del Grupo PfE. – Señora presidente, señor comisario, señorías, Europa no puede mirar hacia otro lado cuando hablamos de excelencia en salud. Nuestra cultura ha estado siempre orientada al desarrollo de la ciencia y las humanidades. Hemos formado generaciones de investigadores y profesionales sanitarios con talento, guiados por el compromiso con el bien común.

    Tenemos una responsabilidad de liderazgo, no solo por capacidad, también por principios, para que la salud esté guiada por el deseo de sanar, de proteger la vida, de acompañar y aliviar el sufrimiento, para que esté al servicio de la persona, y no de intereses ajenos a ella.

    Es imprescindible recordar que el cáncer se cobra la vida de casi 1,3 millones de personas en la Unión Europea al año. Las enfermedades cardiovasculares siguen siendo la principal causa de muerte y los trastornos neurológicos afectan a más de siete millones de personas. Debemos, como Europa, avanzar conjuntamente, compartir buenas prácticas entre Estados miembros. Apostemos por una Europa de cooperación, que intercambie experiencias eficaces y que se apoye mutuamente, siempre teniendo en cuenta las particularidades y necesidades de cada país.

    Los próximos años pueden ser revolucionarios para la medicina. Las nuevas herramientas —como la biotecnología o la medicina personalizada— ya hacen posible que nos enfrentemos a enfermedades que antes eran intratables. Sin embargo, su potencial se ve limitado por un marco regulatorio que dificulta transformar la investigación en soluciones reales para los pacientes. Las pymes, que lideran la innovación, se ven especialmente afectadas, también por la falta de financiación en las primeras etapas del desarrollo. Si queremos que Europa avance en salud y en innovación, necesitamos un entorno coherente y favorable que facilite la inversión y acelere la llegada de nuevos tratamientos a los pacientes.

    Por supuesto, se exige también una apuesta igualmente clara por los cuidados. Tenemos la posibilidad de ofrecer opciones esperanzadoras a todos aquellos que sufren enfermedades, no solo en cuanto a diagnóstico y a tratamiento, sino también en cuanto a acompañamiento.

    No es casualidad que cuanto menos se valora la vida, más se deterioran los sistemas sanitarios. En España, tenemos problemas gravísimos: listas de espera interminables, falta de profesionales sanitarios —y los que hay tienen que hacer jornadas maratonianas de trabajo—, miles de personas que mueren esperando acceder a cuidados paliativos… Pero, claro, ¿quién va a querer invertir en salud si no valoramos la vida? Resulta espeluznante pensar que hay países —como España— en los que la única alternativa que se ofrece a las personas con enfermedades graves sea la muerte, sea la eutanasia. No podemos resignarnos a un modelo sanitario que mida su eficacia por costes o por ideologías, sino por su capacidad de cuidar, de sanar, de respetar profundamente la vida humana en todas sus etapas.

    Frente al sufrimiento, nuestra respuesta debe ser más humanidad, más compromiso, más inversión en salud, investigación y también cuidados paliativos. Si Europa quiere ser referente en innovación, también debe ser referente en el respeto a la dignidad de la persona.

     
       

     

      Aurelijus Veryga, ECR frakcijos vardu. – Kolegos. Sveikata yra ne viskas, bet be sveikatos viskas yra niekas. Deja, dažnu atveju tą suprantame pavėluotai. Gaila, kad ir šiandien plačios ir labai skirtingos sveikatos temos – infekcinės ir lėtinės neinfekcinės ligos, kurioms reikalingi labai skirtingi sprendimai, yra suplaktos į vieną diskusiją. Labai gerai, kad Europos Komisija turi ambiciją šioje kadencijoje išplėsti veiklą, įtraukiant ne tik onkologinių ligų, bet ir širdies kraujagyslių ligų įveikos planą. Ir šioje kadencijoje bus ne viena proga pademonstruoti mūsų rimtą nusiteikimą imtis šių sveikatos problemų sprendimo. Pradėkime nuo to, kad jokiomis aplinkybėmis nebegalima leisti pasikartoti, kad būtų sumažintas finansavimas sveikatos programų ir mokslinių tyrimų finansavimui. Norėčiau tikėti ir tikėtis, kad išlaidos sveikatai sekančiame MFF neliks paskutinėje vietoje, kaip ši diskusija plenarinėje sesijoje, nes visada atsiranda svarbesnių reikalų. O nuveikti reikia labai daug. Ir nors sveikata yra šalių narių kompetencija, tačiau yra sričių, kur bendras veikimas galėtų prisidėti prie visų šalių narių problemų sprendimo. Turėsime ieškoti sveikatos specialistų trūkumo problemos sprendimų. Iš siūlymų, kuriuos šiandien girdžiu, jie ne tik nespręstų problemas, bet jas gilintų. Labai džiaugiuosi Komisijos ambicija dėl ypatingos reikšmės vaisto akto, kuris gali ir turėtų sukurti galimybę vaistų gamintojams sugrįžti ir veikti Europos Sąjungoje, o bendri vaistų pirkimai gali pagreitinti inovatyvių vaistų prieinamumą valstybėse narėse, ypač mažosiose, kurios šiuo metu yra nepatrauklios kaip mažos rinkos. XXI amžiuje onkologiniai pacientai skirtingose šalyse turi skirtingas galimybes gauti gydymą ir pagalbą, o kai kurie yra priversti net bylinėtis, kad tokią pagalbą gautų. Tai yra nepriimtina. Šiandien daug ir pagrįstai kalbame apie gynybos pajėgumų didinimą ir saugumo stiprinimą. Tačiau realybė yra tokia, kad negebama užauginti sveikos jaunosios kartos. Ir nemaža dalis jų dėl sveikatos problemų yra netinkami karinei tarnybai. Šioje kadencijoje turėsime galimybę peržiūrėti Tabako produktų direktyvą, ir noriu tikėti, kad ją peržiūrint sveikata bus prioritetas ir kad užteks išminties tvarkytis su Europa užplūdusi naujais produktais, tokiais kaip elektroninės cigaretės, nes jau šiandien turime daugiau nei pakankamai duomenų, kad jos nesprendžia, o kuria naujas sveikatos problemas.

     
       

     

      Vlad Vasile-Voiculescu, în numele grupului Renew. – Doamnă președintă, de obicei nu avem timp de povești aici. O să încep astăzi cu o poveste: pe 21 septembrie 2016 eram ministrul sănătății în România. 2016! Institutul Național de Sănătate Publică m-a informat atunci despre o creștere de la 7 la 675 de cazuri de rujeolă confirmate în România. Din 21 septembrie 2016 am declarat epidemie de rujeolă în România. De atunci, epidemia de rujeolă din România nu s-a încheiat. Au urmat mai multe guverne conduse, culmea, de socialiști. Acei socialiști, aceiași socialiști care astăzi refuză să sprijine singurul candidat pro-european din cursa pentru prezidențiale. Iar astăzi, conform Organizației Mondiale a Sănătății, România conduce clasamentul cazurilor de rujeolă raportate în 2024 – peste 30 000. Următoarele state sunt Kazahstan, Federația Rusă, Azerbaidjan și Marea Britanie.

    Dacă Uniunea Europeană, doamnelor și domnilor, face ceva în domeniul sănătății, atunci una dintre priorități trebuie să fie bolile infecțioase. În țara mea, rata de vaccinare împotriva rujeolei cu prima doză este de 78 %, cu a doua este de 62 %. Doar patru țări din UE, din întreaga Uniune Europeană, ating pragul de recomandat de 95 %. Aceste țări merită felicitări și aceste țări sunt: Ungaria, Malta, Portugalia și Slovacia.

    Dar din totalul de cazuri de rujeolă în toată Uniunea Europeană, 87 % provin din România în 2024, 87 %!

    În Uniunea Europeană, doamnelor și domnilor, și în întreaga lume astăzi se duce o bătălie împotriva adevărului și împotriva științei. Am văzut în România, am văzut și în alte state de peste tot de pe glob cum adevărul științific este călcat în picioare de politicieni și de alte forțe din societate. Dacă vrem o Uniune Europeană care protejează cu adevărat cetățenii, atunci, doamnelor și domnilor, asta este bătălia pe care trebuie să o câștigăm. Forțele politice responsabile și societatea civilă onestă trebuie să acționeze ferm împotriva dezinformării criminale cu falsuri medicale, pentru că cele mai multe forțe extremiste de care vorbim astăzi, cele mai multe forțe politice care cresc pe minciună și dezinformare, forțe politice pe care le combatem și aici, și în țările noastre, haideți să fim onești, au crescut pe spinarea celui mai traumatic eveniment planetar din ultimul deceniu. Și acesta a fost, cu siguranță, pandemia.

    Dacă pierdem știința și adevărul ca bază fundamentală a realității, societatea în sine, toate societățile noastre nu vor putea supraviețui.

     
       

     

      Tilly Metz, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear Commissioner, when we speak about diseases like cancer, heart conditions, neurological disorders or measles, we don’t speak in abstract terms – we are speaking about our neighbours, our parents, our children. Every one of us has a story. Every one of us knows someone affected. That’s why our response must be human, bold and forward-looking.

    Let’s start with the obvious: prevention works, and yet it’s still the most neglected part of our health system. We spend billions on treatment, but far too little on stopping disease before it begins. We need to invest in the conditions that keep people healthy: clean air, clean water, affordable and healthy food, decent housing.

    That is why policies like the European Green Deal and the common agricultural policy play a crucial role. Those are not environmental luxuries; they are essential tools for protecting public health.

    We need also to address one of the elephants in the room: tobacco. It’s still one of the leading causes of preventable deaths in Europe. It’s time to stop dancing around this issue. We urgently need to revise the EU’s tobacco legislation, including tax rules. Recently, 16 Member States called for a revision – higher taxes, plain packaging, a total ban on advertising, including for newer products like heated tobacco or e-cigarettes. Our legislation must catch up with reality.

    Dear colleagues, prevention alone is not enough. We must guarantee affordable and timely access to effective treatment for all, regardless of income or geography. That means making pharmaceutical legislation and innovation conditional on affordability. It means demanding transparency on pricing and research and development costs. Yes, it also means redesigning the way we reward medical innovation so that public investment leads to public benefit.

    Finally, we need to stop only reacting to crises and start planning ahead. So Europe needs a comprehensive strategy on non-communicable diseases – we need to stop thinking in silos – that looks across health systems, environment, agriculture and education and social policy.

    Prevention and treatment must include protection also for women’s health. That is another aspect; a gender-sensitive approach is needed.

    So let’s act with courage, let’s act with care and let’s act now, because lives depend on it.

     
       

     

      Milan Mazurek, za skupinu ESN. – Vážená pani predsedajúca, myslíte, že ľudia zabudli, že vám skutočne ľudia odpustili a že si nepamätajú, čo Leyenovej Európska komisia urobila stovkám miliónov obyvateľov Európskej únie počas doby, ktorú ja nazývam doba korona-teroru? Myslíte, že zabudli, že to bola Európska komisia, ktorá vzala stovkám miliónov obyvateľov ľudské práva a rovnako ako v minulosti nacisti či komunisti rozdelila ľudí na hodných a nehodných, na tých, ktorí si mohli ľudské práva nechať, a tých, ktorým boli vzaté? Bol som jeden z tých, ktorý nemohol navštevovať ani telocvične, verejné podujatia a nemohol vychádzať z domu, pretože vaše projekty covidpasov vzali ľuďom práva a keď sa ľudia nezaočkovali, keď ľudia nepodstupovali nezmyselné testy, tak ste im jednoducho neumožňovali žiť normálny život. Spomeňte si na to, koľkým desiatkam miliónov ľudí ste zruinovali ich podnikanie, koľkým deťom ste vzali budúcnosť, koľko sociálnych samovrážd ľudí, ktorých ste dotlačili na dno, ste spôsobili? Koľko zla, násilia a nenávisti ste v spoločnosti napáchali? A to len preto, aby Európska komisia mohla do svojich rúk získať ďalšie práva, ďalšiu kontrolu nad životmi slobodných ľudí, obmedziť národné štáty a robiť si nechutný miliardový biznis cez esemesky prostredníctvom pani Leyenovej. Gigantický konflikt záujmov, ktorý v tomto pléne stále nebol vyšetrený, na ktorého vyšetrenie čakajú občania vo všetkých členských štátoch. Len vy kryjete zločinnosti tejto Európskej komisie. A potom, keď tu predstúpite a poviete, že vy chcete predchádzať chorobám, že vy chcete chrániť zdravie ľudí a hovoríte, že chcete podporovať napríklad fyzickú kondíciu? Vy, tí istí ľudia, ktorí zakazovali ľuďom športovať, ktorí prikazovali ľudí trestať len preto, že chceli ísť cvičiť, športovať či behať niekde na verejnosť. Kto vám má po tom všetkom ešte veriť? Každý zmýšľajúci občan už vidí, že kedykoľvek, keď Európska komisia začne hovoriť o tom, že by mala získať ďalšiu kontrolu, právomoci a možnosti pre to, aby chránila ľudí, tak je v skutočnosti presný opak pravdou. V skutočnosti chcete kompetencie a možnosti pre to, aby ste mohli opätovne robiť svoje biznisy. Aby opätovne niektorí vyvolení mohli rozkrádať peniaze daňových poplatníkov a chcete ďalšiu kontrolu a moc, aby ste ľuďom mohli vziať ich práva a uvrhnúť ich život do absolútnej totality, pretože to je skutočná podstata a charakter tejto Komisie. Museli by mi skutočne ruky dolámať, aby som hlasoval za ďalšie právomoci a kompetencie či rozpočet pre takúto Európsku komisiu.

     
       

     

      Seán Kelly (PPE).A Uachtaráin, Commissioner, across Europe, millions of citizens are affected by diseases that could be prevented, treated earlier and managed better if we act together.

    That is why I fully support the EU’s stepped-up efforts on health, particularly in tackling cancer, cardiovascular and neurological diseases and preventing avoidable illnesses like measles. Cancer alone claims nearly 1.3 million lives in the EU each year, but through initiatives like Europe’s Beating Cancer Plan, we are finally taking a coordinated approach and investing in research, screening, early detection and better access to treatment across Member States.

    I am proud that Irish researchers, institutions and clinicians are playing a key role in this. Cardiovascular and neurological diseases are among the leading causes of disability and death in Europe. Yet too often, they do not get the attention they deserve.

    We need targeted strategies, strong support for cross-border research, and public-awareness campaigns that reach citizens in every region, including rural communities, like many in my own constituency in Ireland South.

    Let us be clear. The resurgence of measles in parts of Europe is both tragic and preventable. We must not allow misinformation to roll back decades of progress in public health. Vaccination saves lives. Full stop. We must ensure that no matter where you live in Europe, you have access to the care you need.

     
       

     

      Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, la révolution que j’appelle de mes vœux, c’est la révolution de la prévention. Car soigner est indispensable et il faut le faire mieux, mais ce n’est pas une fin en soi. L’objectif, c’est de bien vivre et de bien vieillir, en bonne santé. Cela passe par la prévention, qui est le meilleur des investissements, tandis que la non-action, au contraire, se traduit par des millions de morts et par des milliards d’euros de dépenses inutiles.

    Alors oui, nous avons besoin des grands programmes de santé publique existants – comme celui contre le cancer – ou annoncés par la Commission. Pour nous, la priorité, c’est un grand programme pour la santé mentale et un grand programme pour la santé des femmes.

    Cependant, nous devons avant tout prévenir les maladies en agissant sur les déterminants de la santé. Agir contre la pauvreté, la précarité, le mal-logement, la précarité énergétique et alimentaire, le rationnement des soins. Agir contre le tabac et la malbouffe: ce sont des catastrophes sanitaires qui résultent de décennies de lobbying et de manipulation par les grands intérêts économiques. Il nous faut impérativement réviser la directive sur le tabac pour combattre les fausses alternatives à la cigarette, qui sont des dangers majeurs pour la santé publique. Nous avons aussi besoin d’un programme législatif concernant l’alimentation, pour combattre les pratiques et les produits dangereux, mieux informer les consommateurs et interdire – oui, interdire! – la publicité pour la malbouffe.

    Enfin, nous devons agir contre les effets cumulés de notre environnement sur nos organismes, cette cause émergente de l’explosion des maladies chroniques, des cancers, mais aussi des maladies dégénératives ou des maladies de la douleur. Alors oui, les pollutions, les pesticides, les produits chimiques, les PFAS sont un cocktail terrible qui ruine notre santé. Dans ce domaine, c’est la santé qui doit être la ligne directrice de notre action. Nous sommes à la veille de choix politiques drastiques: prévenir, prévenir et prévenir, c’est le seul choix possible pour le bien-être des Européens.

     
       

     

      Manuela Ripa (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Krebs und Herz-Kreislauf-Erkrankungen gehören zu den Gesundheitsgefahren unserer Zeit. Gut ist: Viele dieser Erkrankungen sind vermeidbar. Ein zentraler Hebel dabei ist gesunde Ernährung. Doch gesunde Ernährung darf kein Luxus sein. Wenn wir es ernst meinen mit der Vorsorge, dann müssen wir gesunde Lebensmittel günstiger machen, zum Beispiel durch die Senkung der Mehrwertsteuer auf Obst und Gemüse. Gleichzeitig müssen wir ungesunde, stark verarbeitete Produkte angehen. Denn sie belasten nicht nur unseren Körper, sondern auch unser Gesundheitssystem und damit die Allgemeinheit.

    Besonders schutzbedürftig sind unsere Kinder. Werbung für ungesunde Lebensmittel, die sich gezielt an sie richtet, muss nicht sein. Kinder sollen lernen, was ihrem Körper guttut, nicht, was sich am besten verkauft. Genauso wichtig ist der informierte Verbraucher. Wer gesund einkaufen will, braucht klar verständliche Nährwertkennzeichnungen.

    Doch wir müssen auch über psychische Erkrankungen sprechen und hier über den übermäßigen Konsum sozialer Medien, gerade bei Jugendlichen. Studien zeigen, dass ständiges Scrollen, Reizüberflutung und digitaler Stress das Risiko für Depressionen und Konzentrationsprobleme erhöhen können. Deshalb müssen wir auf europäischer Ebene dringend dafür sorgen, dass unsere Kinder besser geschützt werden. Dazu gehört Aufklärung in der Schule, aber auch Aufklärung der Eltern und eine stärkere Verantwortung der Plattformen. Süchtig machende Algorithmen ebnen den Weg zu einer neuen Volkskrankheit, und das schon in sehr jungen Jahren. Gesundheit ist mehr als die Abwesenheit von Krankheit. Sie beginnt mit Bildung, Schutz und den richtigen politischen Rahmenbedingungen für ein gesundes Europa.

     
       

     

      Laurent Castillo (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, tout le monde parle de prévention, mais trop peu la mettent en œuvre. Pourquoi? Parce que ses effets prennent du temps et trop d’élus préfèrent des résultats immédiats. Pourtant, c’est là que tout commence: mieux vivre, désengorger les hôpitaux, réduire les coûts. 1 euro investi en prévention, c’est jusqu’à 6 euros d’économies. Prévenir, c’est voir loin.

    Si certains États manquent de courage, alors soyons exemplaires à l’échelle européenne. Après le plan cancer, engageons-nous avec la même ambition contre les maladies cardiovasculaires. Lançons un vrai plan européen de lutte contre l’obésité. La santé des Européens n’est pas un slogan, c’est un combat. Et ce combat commence par la prévention.

     
       

       

    Zgłoszenia z sali

     
       

     

      András Tivadar Kulja (PPE). – Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, I’m a bit disappointed to see so few of us here in person for this debate, especially as we are talking about diseases that pose an increasing burden on our ageing society across Europe.

    Cancer, cardiovascular diseases and neurological conditions cause the death of more than 3 million Europeans each year. In the case of cardiovascular diseases alone, 1.3 million of these deaths could be avoided with better prevention, early detection and access to modern, affordable healthcare.

    That’s why, along with the European Beating Cancer Plan, we also need strong support and funding for the European Cardiovascular Health Action Plan. To achieve our goals, we must have a truly holistic approach to recognise how physical, mental and brain health are deeply connected.

    We have a great responsibility: people are counting on us to act on healthcare, and we also see that where healthcare is declining, extremism is growing. Strengthening healthcare not only helps people, it also protects democracy.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Menschen Europas, verehrter Herr Kommissar! Ich danke Ihnen und den ganzen Kollegen hier für die wichtige Arbeit. Ich möchte zum Abschluss noch einmal das Licht auf zwei Aspekte werfen, die auch angesprochen wurden: Das eine ist die Aufklärung, und das andere ist auch die psychologische Betreuung, die im Umfeld von Krankheiten relevant werden kann.

    Wir haben da gerade ein leuchtendes Beispiel gesehen bei der Rede des Kollegen Mazurek, der offensichtlich aufgrund mangelnder Aufklärung nicht den Mut hatte, eine wichtige Impfung vorzunehmen, und aufgrund dessen dann gezwungen war, über eine lange Zeit zu Hause zu bleiben, dem sozialen Leben entrissen war und bis heute sichtbar schwere Nachwirkungen davonträgt. Ich denke, wir müssen alle zusammenarbeiten, um den Menschen in Europa die Gesundheit zu geben, die sie verdienen, weil Gesundheit etwas ist, was uns alle angeht.

     
       

     

      Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI). – Doamnă președintă, da, îi acuzi pe alții că sunt bolnavi mintal dar tu nu te duci să te cauți.

    Este impardonabil că permiteți aici jignirea unui coleg, în condițiile în care numai dacă ești medic și numai dacă s-a consultat la tine ai posibilitatea să îți expui un punct de vedere. Din punctul meu de vedere, ca avocat, eu l-aș baga direct în închisoare pe domnul care a vorbit înainte de Mazurek. Este impardonabil ceea ce acceptați, aceste jigniri.

    Doi la mână, vorbiți de prevenție. Nu veți face niciodată prevenție, pentru că dumneavoastră aveți relații cu Big Pharma. Și acestea au reieșit foarte clar în cazul vaccinării anti-Covid, un vaccin experimental. Dacă vă interesa, în conformitate cu articolul 5 din Convenția de la Oviedo, toate vaccinurile erau experimentale. Eu însămi am luat informațiile de pe site-ul Pfizer și Modena și toate celelalte producătoare.

    Vreau să vă spun că, pe cât acuzați dumneavoastră Cuba de dictatură, Cuba a reușit să eradicheze rujeola, în timp ce în Europa este explozie de rujeolă. Foarte interesant. Da, dați cu bastonașul, că pe noi ne interziceți, iar pe ai dumneavoastră îi lăsați. E rușinos ce faceți cu afacerile cu vaccinuri.

     
       

       

    (Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

     
       

     

      Costas Kadis, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, thank you. I will be very brief.

    First, let me thank you for your insight. It is obvious also from this discussion that diseases, both infectious and non-infectious, are a key public health challenge. During this mandate, the Commission will step up work on promoting health and preventing diseases. We will also ensure that innovation does not stay in the laboratory but can reach and help patients.

    To this end. As I mentioned in my introductory remarks, the Commission intends to propose a European Biotech Act. Together, we can work towards better policies, programs and initiatives that support patients.

    In turn, that will also reduce the social and economic costs of these diseases. And I’m sure our conversations on this important topics will continue.

     
       


     

      Przewodnicząca. – Zamykam debatę.

     

    11. Explanations of vote

     

      Przewodnicząca. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dziennego są wyjaśnienia dotyczące stanowiska zajętego w głosowaniu.

     

    11.1. Ninth report on economic and social cohesion (A10-0066/2025 – Jacek Protas)


     

      Seán Kelly (PPE). – Bhí áthas orm vótáil ar son an naoú tuarascáil ar chomhtháthú.

    This report reaffirms the vital role of EU cohesion policy in promoting balanced development, reducing regional disparities and building long term socioeconomic resilience across the Union.

    The report rightly highlights the policy’s positive impact on growth, productivity and employment, while stressing the importance of its core principles, such as the bottom-up approach and partnership model that underpin effective and inclusive governance.

    Importantly, it calls for greater flexibility to help cohesion policy respond to crises like pandemics, wars and climate change. It also addresses the ongoing challenges facing regions in transition, especially those affected by industrial decline or near the EU’s external borders.

    Simplifying administrative procedures is also key to improving access and reducing barriers.

    Tríd is tríd, is tuarascáil mhaith chiallmhar í seo agus bhíos sásta tacaíocht a thabhairt di.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, dear people of Europe, cohesion is not charity. It is a political promise that no region, no person is left behind.

    This report reminds us that the gaps between European regions are still real in innovation, in jobs, in future prospects, and that’s not acceptable. We need a cohesion policy that matches the challenges of our time, green transition, digital transition and demographic change.

    That means simpler access to EU funds, stronger roles for local and regional actors, and long-term thinking, not just emergency response.

    Because when we invest in cohesion, we don’t just invest in roads or statistics. We invest in dignity, in democracy and in equal chances all across Europe.

     

    11.2. The role of gas storage for securing gas supplies ahead of the winter season (A10-0079/2025 – Borys Budka)


     

      Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, Arís bhí áthas orm vótáil ar son na tuarascála seo …

    Because it extends and revises the EU Gas Storage Regulation as it balances energy security with changing market conditions.

    Measures introduced during the 2022 gas crisis, especially mandatory storage targets, proved effective in stabilising supply and protecting citizens from price shocks. Extending them beyond 2025 is a smart step to prepare for future risks.

    I support the added flexibility, including the adjusted 83 % target and limited scope for Member State deviations in difficult conditions. These updates respect national contexts while maintaining a strong collective baseline.

    The proposal also advances EU goals by phasing out Russian fossil fuels and supporting a return to market-based mechanisms. By cutting red tape and reinforcing subsidiarity, it empowers Member States while ensuring effective oversight.

    Bhí bród orm vótáil ar son na tuarascála praiticiúla seo a thugann tacaíocht don Trasdul Glas.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Señora presidenta, queridos pueblos de Europa, el invierno en Europa puede ser duro: las familias necesitan calor, las empresas necesitan energía segura. Necesitamos reglas claras sobre el gas almacenado porque la energía es parte de la seguridad social y económica.

    Sí, el futuro es energía limpia y renovable, pero hoy necesitamos soluciones prácticas para proteger a las personas cuando hace frío y para evitar crisis. Más reglas no es más burocracia, es más seguridad para todos. Mientras cambiamos el sistema energético, necesitamos estabilidad.

     

    11.3. Competition policy – annual report 2024 (A10-0071/2025 – Lara Wolters)


     

      Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, tacaím leis an rún seo toisc go gcuireann sé cur chuige straitéiseach agus cothrom chun cinn chun iomaíochas an Aontais a neartú i dtimpeallacht dhomhanda atá ag athrú go tapaidh. Cuireann sé béim ar chomh tábhachtach atá an iomaíocht chóir, ní hamháin chun an nuálaíocht a spreagadh ach chun tomhaltóirí a chosaint, ach chun athléimneacht eacnamaíochta fhadtéarmach a fhorbairt ar fud an Aontais freisin. Thar aon ní eile, ceanglaíonn sé tosaíochtaí comhshaoil agus digiteacha leis an gcreat iomaíochta. Trínár straitéis eacnamaíoch a ailíniú leis an gComhaontú Glas don Eoraip agus le Compás Digiteach 2030, cabhraímid leis an Eoraip a bheith ina ceannaire domhanda san aon bhunaíocht agus sa teicneolaíocht. Má thacaímid leis an rún seo, beimid ag seasamh an fhóid ar son fás inbhuanaithe, margaí cothroma, agus iomaíochas domhanda an Aontais.

     

    11.4. Old challenges and new commercial practices in the internal market (B10-0246/2025)


     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, cari popoli d’Europa, il mercato unico è una delle cose migliori dell’Unione europea, ma il mercato deve essere giusto per tutti. Oggi ci sono nuove sfide: le piattaforme digitali, le pratiche sleali, le regole poco chiare.

    Questa risoluzione è importante. Serve per aiutare le piccole imprese, per proteggere i consumatori e per avere un mercato ben funzionante. Un mercato moderno deve essere anche trasparente e aperto a tutti, non solo ai grandi.

     

    12. Approval of the minutes of the sitting and forwarding of texts adopted

     

      Przewodnicząca. – Protokół dzisiejszego posiedzenia zostanie przedłożony Parlamentowi do zatwierdzenia na początku następnego posiedzenia.

    Jeśli nie wpłynie żaden sprzeciw, przekażę rezolucje przyjęte na dzisiejszym posiedzeniu osobom i organom w nich wymienionym.

     

    13. Dates of the next part-session

     

      Przewodnicząca. – Kolejna sesja miesięczna odbędzie się 21 i 22 maja 2025 roku w Brukseli.

     

    14. Closure of the sitting

       

    (Posiedzenie zostało zamknięte o godz. 15.50)

     

    15. Adjournment of the session

     

      Przewodnicząca. – Zamykam posiedzenie.

    Ogłaszam przerwę w obradach Parlamentu Europejskiego.

    Dziękuję bardzo. Do zobaczenia na następnym posiedzeniu.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Stats NZ information release: LGBT+ population of Aotearoa New Zealand: Year ended June 2023

    Source: Statistics New Zealand

    LGBT+ population of Aotearoa New Zealand: Year ended June 20239 May 2025 – LGBT+ population of Aotearoa New Zealand provides key demographic and economic characteristics of the LGBT+ population as a whole, of the transgender and non-binary populations, and of the sexual minorities’ populations. The statistics include qualifications and income, as well as experiences of depression and anxiety for those who are part of the LGBT+ population.

    This release includes tables of data based on questions on sexual identity and gender included in the Household Economic Survey (HES) for the year ended June 2023 – a survey of about 14,100 responding households (including more than 28,670 people aged 18 and over).

    In 2025, HES data about the LGBT+ population has been included in a larger analytical report based predominantly on 2023 Census data. This report is due to be published in June.

    Files:

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Text of the Vice-President’s interaction with Kautilya Fellows from Indian Foundation, New Delhi (Excerpts)

    Source: Government of India

    Posted On: 08 MAY 2025 6:27PM by PIB Delhi

    Good afternoon,  
     
    Shri Ram Madhav,  Director, India Foundation. His public life has been dotted with contributions all throughout for larger public welfare but he can legitimately be counted as authentic part of Indian intelligentsia.
     
    Distinguished guests from abroad, and Distinguished members of this group.
     
    Greetings to our foreign guests to Bharat, home to one-sixth of humanity, Global epicenter of culture. We legitimately take pride in being a civilization of thousands of years old and we are unique in several ways, you would have already got some inkling of it. My very distinguished predecessor Venkaiah Naidu ji, a tall figure in Indian politics set very high benchmark as Chairman, Rajya Sabha. He started a bond as he has the good fortune to host two cohorts. Anything done by him carries sublimity and  worth. I am delighted to continue this bond which will be enduring, and it is the fifth one. I am particularly fascinated by the name Kautilya fellowship program and more fascinated by the demographic upper sealing it has for 35 years. 35 years would mean all of you can qualify in the right age to be member of Lok Sabha, 25 years is the age. 

    At 30 you can be a member of the upper house. Unfortunately, you can’t contest the election to be the President. There you have to be more than 35 years of age. You are in a land which basically believes in universal brotherhood–Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam. When India hosted and set very high benchmark for G20, the G20 motto was One Earth, One family, One future. This has been exemplified by us over thousands of years, and also in contemporaneous times. At the moment we have global turbulence, Global disturbance.  There are global conflagrations, nations are getting ambitious, they are getting in expansion mode and therefore Kautilya’s words of wisdom have great relevance.

     
    Wisdom of Kautilya stands out not as ancient relic but as living guidance. I am sure you must have all studied on Kautilya and his thought process. His philosophy, his Arthashastra remains unmatched in its precision on governance, revealing a mind that understood powers essential in nature and while never forgetting its purpose.  Power is defined by limitations. Democracy is nurtured ever mindful of the limitations of power.  If you will go deep into Kautilya’s philosophy you will find all this converges only to one essence- nectar of governance, welfare of the people.  Kautilya declared, “The happiness of the King lies in the happiness of his people”
     
    If you look at Constitutions of any country that are democratic, you will find this philosophy is the underlying spirit and essence of Democratic governance and democratic values. This people centric foundation reminds us that legitimacy flows not on account of being elected to governance, not on account of being in seat of power but it flows when you get involved passionately in mission mode with deep commitment to execution and public welfare activities.
     
    Democracy is nurtured best when expression and dialogue complement each other, this distinguishes democracy from any other form of governance and in India democracy did not start with our constitution coming into force or we getting Independence from foreign rule. We have been a democratic nation in spirit for thousands of years and this expression and dialogue, complementary mechanism, अभिव्यक्ति, वाद-विवाद has been known in Vedic culture as Anantvad. I am therefore extremely optimistic, brimming with confidence that a world that I described is so torn. If young minds can get together from several countries,  get to know each other and that too in Land of Civilization, cradle of Civilization, crucible of innovation  where the only thought process resonating over the years is welfare of all.
     
    You would have felt by now, Atithi Devo Bhava. Guest for us is God. You would have felt it on any part of the country.  The format will be different, mechanism will be different but the spirit will be the same.  I therefore beseech you to look at Bharat, what it was, lost way somewhere in between.  There was a time when India contributed to the extent of one third of the global economy,  there was a time when India was global destination for knowledge & wisdom. Our educational institutions – Nalanda, Takshashila to name only two, were glorified but about 1300 years ago Nalanda was put in flames. Precious library was lost, Marauders came, they made an effort to revenge our culture, tyrannical, barbaric in their approach but the land survived.

    You see recent decades, we were a fragile economy counted or stigmatized as being part of fragile five. Now we are the fourth largest global economy on way to becoming the third.  You have to understand Bharat at the moment. No nation in the world has grown so exponentially in last decade as Bharat. Among the larger economies, our pace of growth, our economic upsurge has been at the front. This has converted Bharat into the most aspirational nation in the world at the moment. And primarily because of the segment you represent. Bharat’s demographic dividend is envy of the world. You all are stakeholders in governance in future of the world more than us. You have to drive the growth engine for larger prosperity of the world. Today you see a Bharat at the moment where developmental impact is being felt in the villages.

    Imagine all village households having access to minimum 4G internet technology. Imagine a nation which contributes more than 50% of global technological transactions. Imagine a country of 1.4 billion which just a decade ago did not have all households connected to electricity, to pipe water, had no toilet facility, no gas connection. Now they have. 

    This transformation has brought about equality. This transformation has cut into inequities. Bharat is a growth story accoladed by the world. To be emulated by many nations and they have expressed desire. Global institutions, the World Bank, the IMF, they have recognised this spinal strength of human genius of Bharat. Strength and resilience of its economy. And that is why IMF declared India that is the Bharat as a global shining centre of investment and opportunity.

    Boys and girls you are in this land. Our Prime Minister, a great visionary believes in big scale. He believes in massive transformation. He believes in the transformation of the world and after a decade of governance the results are writing on the wall. It is after a long gap of several decades, that we have a Prime Minister continually in the third term and that is making all the difference. And this is what Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, “Democracy is in our DNA”

    Why in our DNA? Because from ancient Vedic Sabhas and Samitis to our contemporary electoral system. Boys and girls examine. This is the only country in the world that has constitutionally prescribed democratic system at the village level, at the district level, at the state level, at the national level.

    This was brought in effect in our country about three and a half decades ago. We started initially with electoral system, democratic process for Parliament and state legislatures but now it has permeated and all this is Constitutionally prescribed. A stable, robust constitutional mechanism has to ensure governance at the village level, at taluk level, at district level. Let me indicate some statistics that will buttress my point. Our electoral process stands as a marvel of scale and inclusion.

    The number of registered voters is 990 million. We will be touching a billion. And in the last election in 2024, 642 million people cast votes. This is twice the size of the population of United States. Globally in democratic process there is a declining trend of participation but Bharat defeats this trend. Participatory democracy is blossoming in Bharat and the turnout is rising. It is currently close to 65 percent. Our commitment to gender equity is now constitutionally codified. Women reservation in legislature and Parliament is to the extent of one third now. This is a facet of empowerment of women.

    Humanity cannot grow equitably without a fair share of participation by women. But what you need to learn more particularly is reservation to the extent of one third in Lok Sabha and State legislatures is not the upper limit. In the other two third category women can participate. So their number will be more than two third, more than one third, but a striking feature of this reservation is it is horizontal and vertical. Marginalised sections, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, they will have reservation in themselves but there will be reservation for women in that category also.

     So boys and girls, this is epochal development. This will be game changing and this will impact this country in a manner that we will regain our past glory as Vishwaguru. Bharat is not a nation with potential. It is a nation on the rise. The rise is unstoppable. The rise is incremental. Making India a developed nation at 2047 when we complete centenary of our independence is not a dream.
     
    It is our destination. Everyone in the country is confident we will achieve it in 2047 if not earlier. In doing all this, our Prime Minister has exemplified in action Kautilyan philosophy. Kautilya’s thought process is a treatise in governance virtually encyclopedic for every facet of governance, state craft, security, role of the king, now those elected. In our multipolar world, we are shifting alliances; you know more than I do. We had a concept, fly by night concept. Same can be seen with alliances. But Kautilya imagined then that this will be our shifting.

     

    Let me quote Kautilya, “Neighbouring state is an enemy and the enemy’s enemy is a friend”, which country knows better than Bharat. We always believe in global peace, global fraternity, global welfare and that is why I said our motto for G20 reflected that 100%. We must go by results. How many people have been hand held to lead a life of dignity, to come out of poverty and that is decided by certain indicators. The number is 248 million. This has been done by a multi pronged strategy. They have been hand held and they have come out. The number will keep on growing. I do not wish to take more time but indicate to you that perhaps what is your median age? 28, around. I say so because this is median age of our demographic dividend. This will take us to our destination.

    I will conclude by giving you one illustration, How Prime Minister Modi followed Chanakya Kautilya. When the world faced a non-discriminatory challenge in the shape of COVID, the challenge was much bigger for a nation of 1.4 billion people, and this is what Narendra Modi did. His first step was people’s curfew. People were amazed. Why India’s Prime Minister is thinking of people’s curfew? It was not state sponsored, not administration enforced. He appealed to the people.
    Not a soul was on the street. There was near 100% compliance. This motivated the people. This gave strength to a leadership that had vision. Determined to fight COVID at a time when there was no vaccine. No immediate solution in sight.

    I know it because then I was boys and girls, Governor of the State of West Bengal. I was looking at the problem that was staring us. I had the good fortune to see in city of joy, Kolkata, curfew being 100% by the people but the underlying spirit of the Prime Minister was it is for the people. It is for the benefit of the people. Can there be greater awareness of the problem than this? This one step by visionary Prime Minister enlightened everyone about the gigantic scale of the problem. Secondly, lighting of candles. I as governor did it. And that was symbolising hope that there may be darkness of COVID, but there will be light. We have Indian tradition when there is some happiness lie when a child is born, how do you light a candle? How would the villagers know? So the house that is honoured by arrival of a newborn, they will take a thali, a metal plate and do it, we did that. At that time, some people did not see the underlying rationale of the Prime Minister. In retrospect they know the man was present Kautilya. He was present, Chanakya. Same about economy. Economy of this country has risen like a plateau. He realised, as Kautilya instructed in Arthashastra, if the last mile people do not rise, economy cannot get quantum jump. 

    Just imagine, and I will urge all of you to study, the impact of Mudra Loan. How it has converted 50% beneficiaries who are women into entrepreneurs. How it has led women and others to self-economic independence. I am extremely delighted to be amongst you because you constitute the intellectual capital of the world. This convergence is motivated by not welfare of one nation, one race, one caste, one creed, one religion. It is meant in the true spirit of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’, the world is one family. We aspire for welfare of the entire world.

     
    Kautilya had one great emphasis. Democracy has to be participatory. Development equally has to be participatory. He laid great emphasis on individuals contributing for national welfare. A nation is defined by decorum, discipline that is individualistic in nature. Similarly, I quote Kautilya, “Just as one wheel alone does not move a cart,” those were the days only of cart, not of automobiles.

    Administration cannot be accomplished single-handedly. This nation has an administration which is innovative. In the country we had some districts that were lagging behind. Bureaucrats did not venture into those areas. Prime Minister Modi created a nomenclature for those districts. ‘Aspirational Districts’ and now those ‘Aspirational Districts’ have turned out to be leader districts in development.

    Prime Minister Modi certainly thought that people are going to metros. Tier 2, Tier 3 cities must also be hub of economic activity. He devised a mechanism of smart cities. Smart cities were not in the context of infrastructure or beauty. It was in the context of facilities being available for entrepreneurs, for students, so that they do not have to go to metros.

    There was a time when in this country for security purposes we used to call our villages on the border as the last village. He changed it. He changed it into first village, a vibrant village. So boys and girls, make most of your time while you are here and I am sure you will carry fond memories. Nurture the bonds you create here. These bonds will help you all your lives, trust me. Do you have an alumni culture of your cohorts? Develop that. I am extremely privileged to be part of this discourse. I will say three things and conclude. One — it is for the first time in G20, India took the initiative to make African Union a member of G20. It is for the first time that Prime Minister Modi took the initiative to put the consensus of the Global South on international radar. And last, while you were battling COVID, this country helped 100 other countries with COVID vaccine.
     
    Thank you so much

    ****

    JKRC/SM

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Stats NZ information release: LGBT+ population of Aotearoa New Zealand: Year ended June 2023

    Source: Statistics New Zealand

    LGBT+ population of Aotearoa New Zealand: Year ended June 2023 9 May 2025 – LGBT+ population of Aotearoa New Zealand provides key demographic and economic characteristics of the LGBT+ population as a whole, of the transgender and non-binary populations, and of the sexual minorities’ populations. The statistics include qualifications and income, as well as experiences of depression and anxiety for those who are part of the LGBT+ population.

    This release includes tables of data based on questions on sexual identity and gender included in the Household Economic Survey (HES) for the year ended June 2023 – a survey of about 14,100 responding households (including more than 28,670 people aged 18 and over).

    In 2025, HES data about the LGBT+ population has been included in a larger analytical report based predominantly on 2023 Census data. This report is due to be published in June.

    Files:

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Murphy: The Trump Administration Is Undoing The Biggest Two-Year Decline In Gun Violence In U.S. History

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Connecticut – Chris Murphy
    [embedded content]
    WASHINGTON—U.S. Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) spoke on the U.S. Senate floor on Thursday to sound the alarm over a coordinated effort by the Trump administration and Congressional Republicans to dismantle the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act (BSCA), the most comprehensive gun safety law passed in decades. Pointing to clear evidence that the law is saving lives, Murphy slammed the effort as a reckless attempt to score points with the gun lobby, no matter the cost to American families.
    Murphy highlighted BSCA’s success, underscoring how the legislation contributed to the largest two-year decline in gun violence in American history: “In 2023 there were 659 mass shootings in America. In 2024, there were 500. That’s a 24% one-year decline in mass shootings. That means that there were 160 mass shootings that didn’t happen. 160 communities that were not terrorized in 2024. And this bill had a lot to do with it. Overall gun deaths went down from 2023 to 2024 from 19,000 to 16,700. That was a 12% reduction. We’ve never in this country’s history seen one-year declines in gun homicides in the neighborhood of 12%. Certain cities saw astronomical declines. In Hartford, we saw a 39% drop in homicides from 2023 to 2024. This year, 2025, Hartford is on track to have the lowest recorded instances of gun violence – that’s homicides and nonfatal shootings – since 2006. New Haven saw a 39% drop in homicides. As I think I said, overall in Connecticut, we had 167 homicides in 2023. In 2024 we had 63. It’s wild. And this happened in Baltimore. This happened in Chicago. In most of the major cities in this country, and in rural areas as well, we saw this dramatic, dramatic decline. So it is just something to celebrate because it’s not easy to get that kind of consensus. It’s not easy to get that kind of consensus, and we should celebrate the fact that there are literally thousands of people, largely young men, who are alive today because of the bill that we passed.”
    Murphy blasted the administration’s cuts to lifesaving violence prevention programs, accusing Republicans of abandoning a long-standing bipartisan commitment to mental health and community support: “I understand we’ve got a difference – the President and I have a difference – on what our gun laws should be. But there is consensus – I thought there was consensus – that we should support investment in mental health. I thought there was a consensus, that we all believed that there were good community groups that were doing totally apolitical work, not related at all to gun laws, to try to interrupt cycles of violence. The reason that these numbers have been going down is not just the changes in gun laws. The reason that our communities are safer all across the country is because we are finally putting real money into school-based mental health, into children’s mental health, and into the groups in our communities that are keeping kids alive.”
    On the cruelty of the administration’s actions, Murphy added: “There are literally going to be thousands of children – traumatized children, children with serious mental illness, with cycles and histories of abuse in their household – who have created this relationship with an adult, this adult that is helping them address their potential tendency to act out in violent ways due to their mental illness, their trauma. And one day these kids are going to show up at school, and that adult is going to be gone. That trusted adult that had created that bond, that relationship, that is helping that child, is keeping that school safe– that relationship, that bond, is destroyed. Because in cutting these grants off with no warning, there is no way, in the middle of a school year, for a school mental health clinic to find the money under the mattress. It’s illogical. It’s going to drive up gun violence rates. And it’s cruel to our poorest and most at-risk communities, and to the kids. And to the kids – the traumatized kids, the kids with serious mental illness – the kids that we should think first about when we wake up in the morning.”
    Murphy concluded: “What’s the point of running for the United States Senate, what’s the point of working to forge this compromise, if the president can just ignore it? And by the way, if Donald Trump gets away with it, mark my words: a Democratic president will do the same thing. If this becomes standard practice, if our laws just become advisory, then there’s no reason for any of us to show up any longer. Why do you work so hard, why do you care so much about getting to this place, if you don’t care when the president just ignores the laws that we pass? It is very hard to find consensus here, especially on an issue as important and as politically sensitive as gun violence. So, when we do find that consensus, on behalf of the kids and families out there who are begging us to work together to save lives, we should protect that consensus.”
    A full transcript of his remarks can be found below:
    MURPHY: “Thank you, Mr. President. 
    “Mr. President, I want to come to the floor today to talk about a success story. But potentially a success story interrupted. Back in 2022, we all were shocked to watch news playing out, during an afternoon that we were here working in the Senate, of another mass shooting. This one of just unthinkable size and scope in Uvalde, Texas. I was actually sitting in the presiding officer’s chair when I saw word of the shooting scroll across my smartphone screen.
    “And gratefully, in the wake of that shooting, a group of us, Republicans and Democrats, were able to come together and set aside the differences that we had, and still have, on the issue of gun violence in this country, decided not to argue about an assault weapons ban for instance, and instead we decided to work on finding a ‘least common denominator,’ as we called it. Trying to find a set of common sense changes to our gun laws, common sense investments in our communities, that would hopefully together try to put a downward pressure on what, up until then, had been annual spiking rates of homicides and mass shootings.
    “It’s just true that in this country you are ten times more likely to be shot in your school, in your neighborhood, at a movie theater, than you are in any other high-income developed nation. That’s a choice. That’s not bad luck. That’s not happenstance. That’s because in America we decide to have a ton of weapons in the hands of very dangerous people. And we also don’t spend enough time trying to unwind some of the reasons why young people in particular get into lives of really risky and potentially violent behavior. 
    “So we came together in 2022 and we passed the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act. It was a big bipartisan vote. It wasn’t close. The final tally was 65 to 33, nearly two-thirds of the Senate voting in favor of this common sense gun safety measure. And it wasn’t anything close to what I see as necessary in order to tackle this epidemic in this country, but it was significant. It was five changes in gun laws, supporting state red flag laws, stopping domestic abusers from getting their hands on guns, putting a short but meaningful waiting period when young people are hastily buying an assault weapon, making it easier for law enforcement to go after drug trafficking rings. It was five meaningful changes. 
    “But it was also a big investment. A big investment in the kind of services that can help interrupt violence. A lot of my Republican friends said ‘We don’t believe it’s the guns. We think it’s mental illness.’ Well, I don’t agree, but this is how you put together a compromise. So we passed the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act, which included a landmark, $14 billion investment, most of it in mental health; most of it directed toward kids – school-based mental health, but also significant investments in school safety, just hardening schools to make it harder for a shooter to get inside; and community anti-gun-violence initiatives, the work that local community groups are doing in North Carolina, in Connecticut, all across the country to just try to wrap services around people who might be at risk of gun violence or stop the cycle of violence once the first shooting happens.
    “So we passed this legislation and we crossed our fingers. We said let’s hope that we’re right and that these changes in gun laws and these investments we’re making in our communities will make a difference. 
    “Well, what happened after we passed that law was absolutely stunning. The biggest two-year decline in gun violence in the history of recorded statistics in the United States of America. That’s extraordinary. That’s extraordinary. And I’m not going to sit here and claim that the entire reason was the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act, but it was a big part of the reason because we did make it harder for bad people to get their hands on guns. We did deliver the kind of services that are necessary. 
    “You’re seeing this downward trajectory, but let me just put the numbers on it. In 2023 there were 659 mass shootings in America. In 2024, there were 500. That’s a 24% one-year decline in mass shootings. That means that there were 160 mass shootings that didn’t happen. 160 communities that were not terrorized in 2024. And this bill had a lot to do with it. Overall gun deaths went down from 2023 to 2024 from 19,000 to 16,700. That was a 12% reduction. We’ve never in this country’s history seen one-year declines in gun homicides in the neighborhood of 12%. Certain cities saw astronomical declines. In Hartford, we saw a 39% drop in homicides from 2023 to 2024. This year, 2025, Hartford is on track to have the lowest recorded instances of gun violence – that’s homicides and nonfatal shootings – since 2006. New Haven saw a 39% drop in homicides. As I think I said, overall in Connecticut, we had 167 homicides in 2023. In 2024 we had 63. It’s wild. And this happened in Baltimore. This happened in Chicago. In most of the major cities in this country, and in rural areas as well, we saw this dramatic, dramatic decline. So it is just something to celebrate because it’s not easy to get that kind of consensus. It’s not easy to get that kind of consensus, and we should celebrate the fact that there are literally thousands of people, largely young men, who are alive today because of the bill that we passed.
    “But this progress is in threat of being interrupted. And the reason is that the Trump administration has reversed course. I want to talk specifically about how they are undoing the progress of this bill, but their attempt to try to reverse the broader progress that we have made on reducing gun violence is pretty comprehensive. Let me just give you a handful of the ways in which the Trump administration is trying to make our communities less safe. 
    “First, they closed the Office of Gun Violence Prevention. This was something the Biden Administration set up to try to better implement the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act. This wasn’t a terribly political office. It was just trying to coordinate all the work being done across agencies to reduce violence in our communities. Trump would have taken this office in a different direction, but he didn’t. He just shuttered it. There’s no Office of Gun Violence Prevention anymore in the federal government. 
    “On March 20th, the administration announced that they’re going to start a process of restoring firearms rights to individuals who have had them taken away because they had a serious criminal record. This is likely illegal. There’s an appropriations bill rider that says the ATF can’t do this, but the message was sent: we actually think that dangerous people should be able to get their gun rights back. That same day Trump’s Department of Justice filed a motion in federal court trying to overturn a decision to say that silencers are not protected by the Second Amendment. Trying to say that no state legislature could ban or regulate the use of silencers. Silencers are broadly used by killers– by criminals who are trying to hide the fact that they are engaged in criminal, lethal conduct. 
    “On April 7, DOJ announced that it was repealing a policy from the Biden administration that said simply this: If you’re a gun dealer and you’re engaged in illegal conduct, we’re going to pull your license. And we’re not going to give you two or three or four shots. We’re going to have a zero tolerance policy for gun dealers that are selling guns on the black market. That’s a policy most Americans would see as common sense. But the DOJ announces that it is going to let off the hook gun dealers that are violating the laws. 
    “Now throughout the last 100 days, the Trump administration has been sending all sorts of signals that they are deprioritizing the work of ATF. Most recently, on April 9th, they announced that the Army Secretary would now be the acting head of ATF, basically telling ATF agents, ‘We don’t care about your work. We’re not going to have a full-time ATF head. We’re putting somebody with a big other important job in charge of the ATF. You’re not going to have any real supervision or direction.’ 
    It was just a signal of deprioritization of the enforcement of our gun laws. That caused, the next day, the second-highest ranking official at the ATF, who had served admirably for 35 years, to resign in protest. 
    “And then, maybe most unconscionably and most cruelly, just a few days ago ATF took down the memorial wall dedicated to victims of gun violence. I mean, there were names up there, tributes to moms and dads, brothers and sisters who had been killed in episodes of gun violence. That was really important to hundreds of families out there who knew that their loved one’s name was part of that wall. Now the wall comes down. For what? Just to send another signal that the administration doesn’t care about attacking gun violence. 
    “But I really wanted to come to the floor today to talk about the two most important assaults that the Trump administration has made on our work to try to keep our communities safe. And those are the twin announcements that the administration made, that they were going to end two of the key streams of funding for community groups in the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act. First, the administration announced it was ending $1 billion in grants under the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act to invest in school mental health, and then that they were ending $800 million of DOJ grants to try to drive down violence through supporting community efforts to do that work. 
    “This makes no sense. I understand we’ve got a difference – the President and I have a difference – on what our gun laws should be. But there is consensus–I thought there was consensus–that we should support investment in mental health. I thought there was a consensus, that we all believed that there were good community groups that were doing totally apolitical work, not related at all to gun laws, to try to interrupt cycles of violence. The reason that these numbers have been going down is not just the changes in gun laws. The reason that our communities are safer all across the country is because we are finally putting real money into school-based mental health, into children’s mental health, and into the groups in our communities that are keeping kids alive.
    “In Oakland, they have seen a stunning 32% drop in homicides. And it is a result of groups like Youth Alive. This is a nonprofit that is working to prevent and disrupt the cycle of gun violence. So you go into a community, you go into a place where a shooting has happened, and you do work with the victim of that incident to make sure that it doesn’t become a cycle of violence. These are often called ‘hospital-based violence intervention programs.’ When there’s a shooting, you have a social worker or community anti-gun violence worker go to the hospital–that’s often where the community is the most angry, the friends of that victim may be planning for revenge–and you do the work to stop that cycle of violence. It was working in Oakland. Youth Alive was preventing gun violence. Last year, of the 113 clients they served, only one of them was injured a second time. And yet, in the middle of a three-year, $2 million grant that Youth Alive was getting, it was suspended, terminated. They’re going to have to lay off their staff. That program is being shut down in Oakland. And I’ll just tell you, I would bet you homicides are going to start going back up in Oakland. 
    “Baltimore has seen a similar massive decline in gun violence: a 43% reduction since 2010. What a success story–Baltimore, one of the most violent communities in terms of rates of gun violence in the country–a 43% decline. Center for Hope is a group in Baltimore that provides prevention and healing services for children who have been the witnesses or victims of gun violence. And they were getting, again, a $2 million grant to work with the victims of gun violence, to try to heal those communities, and again, to stop that cycle of retributive violence that often happens in places like Baltimore. Donald Trump cut their grant. So in the middle of the grant, they are losing $1.2 million and they are going to have to lay off seven employees. Center for Hope runs six of the city’s ten Safe Street Sites. These operate in the pockets of Baltimore that see the most shooting. Because of these Center for Hope sites–these Safe Street Sites–between 2023 and 2024, four of the sites run by the Center for Hope saw zero homicides, and now they’re having to lay off people. Guess what is going to happen: those shootings are going to go up again. 
    “We had to work really hard to find this consensus on a very difficult issue. It is illegal, what the president has done. He is not allowed, under the Constitution, to decide unilaterally to cancel spending that has been authorized and appropriated by Congress. So maybe the first and most important thing to say about what the president has done to cancel mental health grants and anti-violence grants is that it is illegal. He can’t do it, and it is likely that a court will turn these grants back on. But it is also such bad policy. It is cruel and inhumane, but it is also illogical. We literally are seeing the fruits of the labor of these groups. And not just in saving a life or two. You’re talking about 30% and 40% reductions in violence in these cities. And what will happen is unmistakable. You stop funding these groups that are doing the mental health work in the schools, that are doing the anti-gun violence work, and these rates will start to go back up again. That’s illogical. 
    “But it’s cruel as well. Because what the president is doing, for instance, in cutting off the school mental health grants, is that he’s cutting off existing grants. It’s not that he’s announcing ‘I’m not giving any new grants.’ There are schools all across this country which have set up new mental health clinics because of the grants they got. They were five-year grants, and one or two or three years into those grants, Donald Trump is shutting the programs down. So there are literally going to be thousands of children–traumatized children, children with serious mental illness, with cycles and histories of abuse in their household–who have created this relationship with an adult, this adult that is helping them address their potential tendency to act out in violent ways due to their mental illness, their trauma. And one day these kids are going to show up at school, and that adult is going to be gone. That trusted adult that had created that bond, that relationship, that is helping that child, is keeping that school safe– that relationship, that bond, is destroyed. Because in cutting these grants off with no warning, there is no way, in the middle of a school year, for a school mental health clinic to find the money under the mattress. It’s illogical. It’s going to drive up gun violence rates. And it’s cruel to our poorest and most at-risk communities, and to the kids. And to the kids – the traumatized kids, the kids with serious mental illness – the kids that we should think first about when we wake up in the morning. 
    “And I guess the final thing to say is this, Mr. President: we’re putting ourselves out of business. We’re putting ourselves out of business. What is the point of passing a law by a 65-33 vote if the President of the United States can just ignore it? As I said, that is illegal, and the courts will likely tell him you can’t shut off the funding that we appropriated and authorized. But this should matter to Republicans and Democrats. 
    “Every single one of my Republican colleagues worked really hard to get this job, worked really hard to become a United States Senator. Those of us who work on these bipartisan pieces of legislation work really hard to pass them. What’s the point of running for the United States Senate, what’s the point of working to forge this compromise, if the president can just ignore it? And by the way, if Donald Trump gets away with it, mark my words: a Democratic president will do the same thing. If this becomes standard practice, if our laws just become advisory, then there’s no reason for any of us to show up any longer. Why do you work so hard, why do you care so much about getting to this place, if you don’t care when the president just ignores the laws that we pass? 
    “It is very hard to find consensus here, especially on an issue as important and as politically sensitive as gun violence. So, when we do find that consensus, on behalf of the kids and families out there who are begging us to work together to save lives, we should protect that consensus. 
    “I yield the floor.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: NuVista Energy Ltd. Announces Strong First Quarter 2025 Results and Significant Progress on Our Shareholder Return Strategy

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    CALGARY, Alberta, May 08, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — NuVista Energy Ltd. (“NuVista” or the “Company“) (TSX: NVA) is pleased to announce strong financial and operating results for the three months ended March 31, 2025, and to provide an update on our operational performance. Our high-quality asset base continues to deliver strong returns across commodity price cycles, supported by the consistent achievement of new production milestones. We made significant progress on our NCIB to return capital to shareholders and further enhanced our financial strength by successfully amending and renewing our three-year covenant-based credit facility. Having completed a strong first quarter, we are pleased to reaffirm our annual capital and production guidance.  

    Operational and Financial Highlights

    During the first quarter ended March 31, 2025, NuVista:

    • Achieved our highest-ever quarterly average production of 89,516 Boe/d, surpassing our guidance range of 87,000 – 88,000 Boe/d and representing a 12% increase in production compared to the first quarter of 2024. The production composition for the first quarter was 28% condensate(1), 10% NGLs and 62% natural gas;
    • Executed a net capital expenditure(3) program of $153.4 million, resulting in the drilling and completion of 9 and 24 wells, respectively;
    • Generated adjusted funds flow(2) of $191.9 million ($0.94/share, basic(4)), reflecting a 42% increase compared to the first quarter of 2024;
    • Realized free adjusted funds flow(3) of $35.0 million ($0.17/share, basic(4));
    • Delivered a strong operating netback(5) at $28.41/Boe and a corporate netback(5) at $23.84/Boe, reflecting increases of 30% and 28%, respectively, compared to the first quarter of 2024;
    • Repurchased and cancelled 3.6 million common shares, at an average price of $12.86 per common share, for a total cost of $45.8 million. Since the inception of the Company’s normal course issuer bid (“NCIB”) in 2022, we have repurchased and cancelled 40.5 million common shares for an aggregate cost of $487.3 million or $12.04 per share;
    • Strengthened our financial position through the amendment and renewal of our three-year covenant-based credit facility, increasing the facility size to $550 million and extending its maturity by one year to May 8, 2028;
    • Exited the period with $2.7 million of available cash and net debt(2) of $267.6 million, maintaining a favorable net debt to annualized first quarter adjusted funds flow(2) ratio of 0.3x; and
    • Achieved net earnings of $112.2 million ($0.55/share, basic), reflecting a 214% increase compared to the first quarter of 2024;

    Notes:

    (1) Natural gas liquids are defined by National Instrument 51-101 –Standards of Disclosure for Oil and Gas Activities to include ethane, butane, propane, pentanes plus and condensate. Unless explicitly stated in this press release, references to “NGL” refers only to ethane, butane and propane and references to “condensate” refers to only to condensate and pentanes plus. NuVista has disclosed condensate and pentanes plus values separately from ethane, butane and propane values as NuVista believes it provides a more accurate description of NuVista’s operations and results therefrom.
    (2) Each of “adjusted funds flow”, “net debt” and “net debt to annualized first quarter adjusted funds flow” are capital management measures. Reference should be made to the section entitled “Specified Financial Measures” in this press release.
    (3) Each of “free adjusted funds flow” and “net capital expenditures” are non-GAAP financial measures that do not have any standardized meanings under IFRS Accounting Standards and therefore may not be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies where similar terminology is used. Reference should be made to the section entitled “Specified Financial Measures” in this press release.
    (4) Each of “adjusted funds flow per share” and “free adjusted funds flow per share” are supplementary financial measures. Reference should be made to the section entitled “Specified Financial Measures” in this press release.
    (5) Each of “operating netback” and “corporate netback” are non-GAAP ratios that do not have any standardized meanings under IFRS Accounting Standards and therefore may not be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies where similar terminology is used. Reference should be made to the section entitled “Specified Financial Measures” in this press release.
       

    Operations Update

    Operations during the first three months of 2025 have progressed well. We have reached new corporate production milestones facilitated by the consistent utilization of our two drilling rigs and established completions crew.

    Notable operational achievements in the first quarter ended March 31, 2025, included:

    • Sustaining production above 90,000 Boe/d for the month of March, which exhibits our productive capability prior to our planned expansions coming on-stream later in the second quarter of 2025;
    • Drilling a 4-well Lower and Mid-Montney co-developed pad in Gold Creek, which is slated to come on-stream early in the third quarter of 2025. This pad offsets a 6-well co-developed pad, that in its first year produced an average of 1,250 Boe/d per well (50% condensate), which is 45% above the Gold Creek historical average;
    • Completing and bringing a 5-well pad in Elmworth online early in the second quarter of 2025. Notably, execution performance on this pad continued to set new benchmarks for the area. These improvements have resulted in average drilling and completion costs per well on the pad coming in 17% below the offsetting pad, which was executed in 2024. Production from this pad will be an important datapoint as development moves toward the higher condensate weighted portion of Elmworth;
    • Bringing a 5-well pad in Bilbo online in January, which targeted three benches, including the Lower Montney. The pad has reached its IP60 milestone producing on average 1,580 Boe/d per well, including 46% condensate. Importantly, the Lower Montney exceeded the IP60 average, producing 1,850 Boe/d and over 50% condensate; and
    • Completing a 14-well pad and commencing the drilling of an additional 8-well pad in Pipestone. These wells will underpin our growth into the newly expanded Pipestone infrastructure beginning later in the second quarter.

    Return of Capital to Shareholders and Balance Sheet Strength

    NuVista’s approach to capital allocation remains unchanged, maintaining a clear focus on the compounding benefits of absolute growth and reducing outstanding shares to deliver industry-leading total returns. We intend to allocate a minimum of $100 million in 2025, to the repurchase of the Company’s common shares under our NCIB and will allocate at least 75% of any incremental annual free adjusted funds flow above $100 million towards additional share repurchases.

    Given our strong operational and financial performance year-to-date, and based on our current commodity outlook at US$60/Bbl WTI and US$3.50/MMBtu NYMEX, we expect to generate over $200 million in free adjusted funds flow in 2025, positioning us to materially exceed our minimum threshold for the year.

    We remain focused on our disciplined and value-adding growth strategy, and providing significant shareholder returns. We continue to view share repurchases as the most effective initial method of returning capital to shareholders and will reassess this approach as our growth plan progresses.

    As at March 31, 2025, we maintained a strong financial position with $2.7 million in cash and no amounts drawn on our covenant-based credit facility, resulting in net debt of $267.6 million. This remains well below our net debt soft ceiling of $350 million, reinforcing our ability to keep net debt to adjusted funds flow at or below 1.0x, even in a stress case of US$45/Bbl WTI and US$2.00/MMBtu NYMEX. For the first quarter, our net debt to annualized adjusted funds flow was 0.3x.

    Further strengthening our financial position, on May 8, 2025, we renewed and amended our three-year, covenant-based credit facility, increasing its facility size by $100 million from $450 million to $550 million and extending the maturity by one year to May 8, 2028.

    Board Retirement Update

    After 22 years of leadership at NuVista, Mr. Ronald (Ron) Poelzer has decided to retire from our Board, and as such, will not be standing for re-election at this year’s annual shareholders’ meeting. Ron has been a distinguished leader and steadfast advocate for the oil and gas industry, leaving a lasting legacy through the many individuals he has worked with and mentored. As a co-founder of NuVista, he has played a vital role on our board and has been instrumental in shaping NuVista into the strong industry player we are today. His strategic insight, vision, and leadership have helped guide our growth and position us for long-term success.

    The Board of Directors, management team, and all of us at NuVista extend our deepest gratitude to Ron for his invaluable contributions since the Company’s inception in 2003, and we thank him for his long and impactful service while wishing him and his family continued success and happiness in retirement.

    2025 Guidance Update

    Production thus far in 2025 has continued to perform well, with NuVista exceeding first quarter guidance. As previously communicated, the majority of our 2025 growth will come from the Pipestone area with the start-up of a third-party gas plant (“Pipestone Plant”), which is expected to be online late in the second quarter of 2025. Additionally, our annual guidance reflects the planned 4-year turnaround operations that are scheduled to impact production from our Pipestone South, Gold Creek and Elmworth operations during June and July. As such, our second quarter production guidance is 75,000 – 77,000 Boe/d. Subsequent to the planned turnaround and commissioning of the Pipestone Plant, the infrastructure will be in place to support production of approximately 100,000 Boe/d in the fourth quarter of 2025. We reiterate our annual production guidance of approximately 90,000 Boe/d.

    Further we reaffirm our annual net capital expenditure guidance target of approximately $450 million, which will allow us to continue to prioritize at least a triple-digit return of capital to shareholders through the repurchase of our outstanding common shares. However, given recent volatility we continue to monitor the macro environment with a focus on prioritizing economics and returns, as such, if commodity prices continue to weaken and persist, we have the flexibility to adjust our capital program to maximize shareholder returns and preserve our growth economics for a more robust price environment.

    Please note that our updated corporate presentation will be available at www.nuvistaenergy.com on May 8, 2025. NuVista’s management’s discussion and analysis, condensed consolidated interim financial statements for the three months ended March 31, 2025 and notes thereto, will be filed on SEDAR+ (www.sedarplus.ca) on May 8, 2024 and can also be obtained at www.nuvistaenergy.com.

    FINANCIAL AND OPERATING HIGHLIGHTS      
      Three months ended March 31  
    ($ thousands, except otherwise stated) 2025   2024   % Change  
    FINANCIAL      
    Petroleum and natural gas revenues 371,405   309,024   20  
    Cash provided by operating activities 232,663   147,893   57  
    Adjusted funds flow (3) 191,886   135,413   42  
    Per share, basic (6) 0.94   0.65   45  
    Per share, diluted (6) 0.94   0.64   47  
    Net earnings 112,152   35,769   214  
    Per share, basic 0.55   0.17   224  
    Per share, diluted 0.55   0.17   224  
    Total assets 3,579,218   3,134,976   14  
    Net capital expenditures (1) 153,411   187,856   (18 )
    Net debt (3) 267,568   261,171   2  
    OPERATING      
    Daily Production      
    Natural gas (MMcf/d) 334.8   292.8   14  
    Condensate (Bbls/d) 25,178   24,220   4  
    NGLs (Bbls/d) 8,542   7,022   22  
    Total (Boe/d) 89,516   80,042   12  
    Condensate & NGLs weighting 38%   39%    
    Condensate weighting 28%   30%    
    Average realized selling prices (5)      
    Natural gas ($/Mcf) 3.91   3.08   27  
    Condensate ($/Bbl) 98.17   95.10   3  
    NGLs ($/Bbl) (4) 40.53   27.23   49  
    Netbacks ($/Boe)      
    Petroleum and natural gas revenues 46.10   42.43   9  
    Realized gain (loss) on financial derivatives 2.18   (0.18 ) (1,311 )
    Other income 0.01   0.05   (80 )
    Royalties (3.89 ) (4.47 ) (13 )
    Transportation expense (4.75 ) (4.47 ) 6  
    Net operating expense (2) (11.24 ) (11.51 ) (2 )
    Operating netback (2) 28.41   21.85   30  
    Corporate netback (2) 23.84   18.58   28  
    SHARE TRADING STATISTICS      
    High ($/share) 14.51   12.11   20  
    Low ($/share) 10.61   9.59   11  
    Close ($/share) 13.60   11.88   14  
    Common shares outstanding (thousands of shares) 200,664   206,332   (3 )

    Notes:

    (1) Non-GAAP financial measure that does not have any standardized meaning under IFRS Accounting Standards and therefore may not be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies where similar terminology is used. Reference should be made to the section entitled“Specified Financial Measures”.
    (2) Non-GAAP ratio that does not have any standardized meaning under IFRS Accounting Standards and therefore may not be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies where similar terminology is used. Reference should be made to the section entitled“Specified Financial Measures”.
    (3) Capital management measure. Reference should be made to the section entitled“Specified Financial Measures”.
    (4) Natural gas liquids (“NGLs”) includes butane, propane and ethane revenue and sales volumes, and sulphur revenue.
    (5) Product prices exclude realized gains/losses on financial derivatives.
    (6) Supplementary financial measure. Reference should be made to the section entitled“Specified Financial Measures”.
       

    Advisories Regarding Oil and Gas Information

    BOEs may be misleading, particularly if used in isolation. A BOE conversion ratio of 6 Mcf: 1 Bbl is based on an energy equivalency conversion method primarily applicable at the burner tip and does not represent a value equivalency at the wellhead. As the value ratio between natural gas and crude oil based on the current prices of natural gas and crude oil is significantly different from the energy equivalency of 6:1, utilizing a conversion on a 6:1 basis may be misleading as an indication of value.

    Any references in this press release to initial production rates are useful in confirming the presence of hydrocarbons, however, such rates are not determinative of the rates at which such wells will continue production and decline thereafter. While encouraging, readers are cautioned not to place reliance on such rates in calculating the aggregate production for NuVista.

    This press release contains certain oil and gas metrics, which do not have standardized meanings or standard methods of calculation and therefore such measures may not be comparable to similar measures used by other companies and should not be used to make comparisons. Such metrics have been included herein to provide readers with additional measures to evaluate NuVista’s performance; however, such measures are not reliable indicators of NuVista’s future performance and future performance may not compare to NuVista’s performance in previous periods and therefore such metrics should not be unduly relied upon. Management uses these oil and gas metrics for its own performance measurements and to provide security holders with measures to compare NuVista’s operations over time. Readers are cautioned that the information provided by these metrics, or that can be derived from the metrics presented in this presentation, should not be relied upon for investment or other purposes.

    In this press release reference is made to 2025 price outlook in the forecast of annual free adjusted funds flow. The forecast is based on 2025 price assumptions of: US$60/Bbl WTI, US$3.50/MMBtu NYMEX, C$1.95/GJ AECO and 1.38:1 CAD:USD FX.

    Basis of presentation

    Unless otherwise noted, the financial data presented in this press release has been prepared in accordance with Canadian generally accepted accounting principles (“GAAP”) also known as International Financial Reporting Standards (“IFRS”).

    Natural gas liquids are defined by National Instrument 51-101 – Standards of Disclosure for Oil and Gas Activities” to include ethane, butane, propane, pentanes plus and condensate. Unless explicitly stated in this press release, references to “NGL” refers only to ethane, butane and propane and references to “condensate” refers to only to condensate and pentanes plus. NuVista has disclosed condensate and pentanes plus values separately from ethane, butane and propane values as NuVista believes it provides a more accurate description of NuVista’s operations and results therefrom.

    Production split for Boe/d amounts referenced in the press release are as follows:

    Reference Total Boe/d Natural Gas
    %
    Condensate
    %
    NGLs
    %
             
    Q1 2025 production – actual 89,516 62 % 28 % 10 %
    Q1 2025 production – guidance 87,000 – 88,000 63 % 28 % 9 %
    Q2 2025 production – guidance 75,000 – 77,000 62 % 29 % 9 %
    2025 annual production guidance ~90,000 61 % 30 % 9 %

    Advisory regarding forward-looking information and statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements and forward-looking information (collectively, “forward-looking statements”) within the meaning of applicable securities laws. The use of any of the words “will”, “expects”, “believe”, “plans”, “potential” and similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements. More particularly and without limitation, this press release contains forward looking statements, including but not limited to:

    • that the amendment and renewal of our three-year covenant-based credit facility will strengthen our financial position;
    • our expectation that a 4-well Lower and Mid-Montney co-development pad in Gold Creek will be brought on-stream in the second quarter;
    • our expectation that an 8-well pad in Pipestone will be brought on-steam late in the third quarter and the anticipated benefits therefrom;
    • our expectations regarding production from the 5-well pad in Elmworth and the anticipated benefits therefrom;
    • our expectation that we will generate $200 million in free adjusted funds flow in 2025;
    • our intention to allocate $100 million to repurchase our common shares in 2025, with at least 75% of any incremental free adjusted funds flow also allocated to the repurchase of our common share pursuant to our NCIB;
    • our expectation that we will have fulfilled the $100 million repurchase commitment to shareholders in the first half of the year;
    • that our soft ceiling net debt will allow our current production levels to be sustainable and maintain an adjusted funds flow ratio below 1.0x in a stress test price environment of US$45/Bbl WTI and US$2.00/MMBtu NYMEX;
    • NuVista’s ability to continue directing free adjusted funds flow towards a prudent balance of return of capital to shareholders and debt reduction, while investing in high return growth projects;
    • the anticipated allocation of free adjusted funds flow;
    • guidance with respect to second quarter 2025 production and production mix;
    • the expected timing of start-up of the Pipestone Plant and the anticipated benefits thereof;
    • our expectations that following the planned turnaround and commissioning of the Pipestone Plant, the infrastructure will be in place to support production of approximately 100,000 Boe/d in the fourth quarter of 2025;
    • our 2025 full year production, full year production mix and net capital expenditures guidance ranges;
    • our plan to continue to maintain an efficient drilling program by employing 2-drill-rig execution;
    • our future focus, strategy, plans, opportunities and operations; and
    • other such similar statements.

    The future acquisition of our common shares pursuant to a share buyback (including through our normal course issuer bid), if any, and the level thereof is uncertain. Any decision to acquire common shares pursuant to a share buyback will be subject to the discretion of the Board of Directors and may depend on a variety of factors, including, without limitation, the Company’s business performance, financial condition, financial requirements, growth plans, expected capital requirements and other conditions existing at such future time including, without limitation, contractual restrictions and satisfaction of the solvency tests imposed on the Company under applicable corporate law. There can be no assurance of the number of common shares that the Company will acquire pursuant to a share buyback, if any, in the future.

    By their nature, forward-looking statements are based upon certain assumptions and are subject to numerous risks and uncertainties, some of which are beyond NuVista’s control, including the impact of general economic conditions, industry conditions, current and future commodity prices and inflation rates; that (i) the tariffs that are currently in effect on goods exported from or imported into Canada continue in effect for an extended period of time, the tariffs that have been threatened are implemented, that tariffs that are currently suspended are reactivated, the rate or scope of tariffs are increased, or new tariffs are imposed, including on oil and natural gas, (ii) the U.S. and/or Canada imposes any other form of tax, restriction or prohibition on the import or export of products from one country to the other, including on oil and natural gas, and (iii) the tariffs imposed or threatened to be imposed by the U.S. on other countries and retaliatory tariffs imposed or threatened to be imposed by other countries on the U.S., will trigger a broader global trade war which could have a material adverse effect on the Canadian, U.S. and global economies, and by extension the Canadian oil and natural gas industry and the Company, including by decreasing demand for (and the price of) oil and natural gas, disrupting supply chains, increasing costs, causing volatility in global financial markets, and limiting access to financing; the impact of ongoing global events, including Middle East and European tensions, with respect to commodity prices, currency and interest rates, anticipated production rates, borrowing, operating and other costs and adjusted funds flow; the timing, allocation and amount of net capital expenditures and the results therefrom; anticipated reserves and the imprecision of reserve estimates; the performance of existing wells; the success obtained in drilling new wells; the sufficiency of budgeted net capital expenditures in carrying out planned activities; access to infrastructure and markets; competition from other industry participants; availability of qualified personnel or services and drilling and related equipment; stock market volatility; effects of regulation by governmental agencies including changes in environmental regulations, tax laws and royalties; the ability to access sufficient capital from internal sources and bank and equity markets; that we will be able to execute our 2025 drilling plans as expected; our ability to carry out our 2025 production and capital guidance as expected, and by extension the oil and gas industry; and including, without limitation, those risks considered under “Risk Factors” in our Annual Information Form.

    Readers are cautioned that the assumptions used in the preparation of such information, although considered reasonable at the time of preparation, may prove to be imprecise and, as such, undue reliance should not be placed on forward-looking statements. NuVista’s actual results, performance or achievement could differ materially from those expressed in, or implied by, these forward-looking statements, or if any of them do so, what benefits NuVista will derive therefrom. NuVista has included the forward-looking statements in this press release in order to provide readers with a more complete perspective on NuVista’s future operations and such information may not be appropriate for other purposes. NuVista disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as required by law.

    This press release also contains financial outlook and future oriented financial information (together, “FOFI”) relating to NuVista including, without limitation, net capital expenditures in 2025, production and free adjusted funds flow which are based on, among other things, the various assumptions disclosed in this press release including under “Advisory regarding forward-looking information and statements” and including assumptions regarding benchmark pricing as it relates to the 2025 capital allocation framework. Notwithstanding the foregoing, the FOFI contained in this press release does not include the potential impact of tariff or trade-related regulation that have been announced by the U.S. and Canada, including the tariffs imposed by the U.S. on Canada effective March 4, 2025. Readers are cautioned that the assumptions used in the preparation of such information, although considered reasonable at the time of preparation, may prove to be imprecise and the impact of the tariffs on NuVista’s business operations and financial condition, while currently unknown, may be material and adverse and, as such, undue reliance should not be placed on FOFI. NuVista’s actual results, performance or achievement could differ materially from those expressed in, or implied by, these FOFI, or if any of them do so, what benefits NuVista will derive therefrom. NuVista has included the FOFI in order to provide readers with a more complete perspective on NuVista’s future operations and such information may not be appropriate for other purposes.

    These forward-looking statements and FOFI are made as of the date of this press release and NuVista disclaims any intent or obligation to update any forward-looking statements and FOFI, whether as a result of new information, future events or results or otherwise, other than as required by applicable securities law.

    Specified Financial Measures

    This press release uses various specified financial measures (as such terms are defined in National Instrument 52-112 – Non-GAAP Disclosure and Other Financial Measures Disclosure (“NI 51-112”)) including “non-GAAP financial measures”, “non-GAAP ratios”, “capital management measures” and “supplementary financial measures” (as such terms are defined in NI 51-112), which are described in further detail below. Management believes that the presentation of these non-GAAP measures provides useful information to investors and shareholders as the measures provide increased transparency and the ability to better analyze performance against prior periods on a comparable basis.

    (1)   Non-GAAP financial measures

    NI 52-112 defines a non-GAAP financial measure as a financial measure that: (i) depicts the historical or expected future financial performance, financial position or cash flow of an entity; (ii) with respect to its composition, excludes an amount that is included in, or includes an amount that is excluded from, the composition of the most directly comparable financial measure disclosed in the primary financial statements of the entity; (iii) is not disclosed in the financial statements of the entity; and (iv) is not a ratio, fraction, percentage or similar representation.

    These non-GAAP financial measures are not standardized financial measures under IFRS Accounting Standards and might not be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies where similar terminology is used. Investors are cautioned that these measures should not be construed as alternatives to or more meaningful than the most directly comparable GAAP measures as indicators of NuVista’s performance. Set forth below are descriptions of the non-GAAP financial measures used in this press release.

    • Free adjusted funds flow

    Free adjusted funds flow is adjusted funds flow less net capital expenditures, power generation expenditures, and asset retirement expenditures. Each of the components of free adjusted funds flow are non-GAAP financial measures. Please refer to disclosures under the headings “Capital management measures” and “Net capital expenditures” for a description of each component of free adjusted funds flow. Management uses free adjusted funds flow as a measure of the efficiency and liquidity of its business, measuring its funds available for additional capital allocation to manage debt levels and return capital to shareholders through its NCIB program and/or dividend payments. By removing the impact of current period net capital and asset retirement expenditures, management believes this measure provides an indication of the funds NuVista has available for future capital allocation decisions.

    The following table sets out our free adjusted funds flow compared to the most directly comparable GAAP measure of cash provided by operating activities less cash used in investing activities for the applicable periods:

      Three months ended March 31  
    ($ thousands) 2025   2024  
    Cash provided by operating activities 232,663   147,893  
    Cash used in investing activities (178,028 ) (166,027 )
    Excess cash provided by operating activities over cash used in investing activities 54,635   (18,134 )
         
    Adjusted funds flow 191,886   135,413  
    Net capital expenditures (153,411 ) (187,856 )
    Power generation expenditures   (1,680 )
    Asset retirement expenditures (3,480 ) (6,450 )
    Free adjusted funds flow 34,995   (60,573 )
    • Net Capital expenditures

    Net capital expenditures are equal to cash used in investing activities, excluding changes in non-cash working capital, other asset expenditures, and power generation expenditures. The Company includes funds used for property acquisitions or proceeds from property dispositions within net capital expenditures as these transactions are part of its development plans. NuVista considers net capital expenditures to represent its organic capital program inclusive of capital spending for acquisition and disposition proposes and a useful measure of cash flow used for capital reinvestment. There were no differences between capital expenditures and net capital expenditures for the three months ended March 31, 2025, and March 31, 2024, as NuVista did not complete any property acquisitions or dispositions during these periods.

    The following table provides a reconciliation between the non-GAAP measure of net capital expenditures to the most directly comparable GAAP measure of cash used in investing activities for the applicable periods:

      Three months ended March 31  
    ($ thousands) 2025   2024  
    Cash used in investing activities (178,028 ) (166,027 )
    Changes in non-cash working capital (398 ) (23,509 )
    Other asset expenditures 25,015    
    Power generation expenditures   1,680  
    Net capital expenditures (153,411 ) (187,856 )

    The following table provides a breakdown of net capital expenditures and power generation expenditures by category for the applicable periods:

      Three months ended March 31
    ($ thousands, except % amounts) 2025 % of total 2024 % of total
    Land and retention costs 964
    Geological and geophysical 363 185
    Drilling and completion 131,494 86 128,965 69
    Facilities and equipment 19,720 13 56,101 30
    Corporate and other 1,834 1 1,641 1
    Net capital expenditures 153,411   187,856  
    Power generation expenditures   1,680  

    (2)   Non-GAAP ratios

    NI 52-112 defines a non-GAAP ratio as a financial measure that: (i) is in the form of a ratio, fraction, percentage or similar representation; (ii) has a non-GAAP financial measure as one or more of its components; and (iii) is not disclosed in the financial statements of the entity. Set forth below is a description of the non-GAAP ratios used in this MD&A.

    These non-GAAP ratios are not standardized financial measures under IFRS Accounting Standards and might not be comparable to similar measures presented by other companies where similar terminology is used. Investors are cautioned that these ratios should not be construed as alternatives to or more meaningful than the most directly comparable IFRS Accounting Standards measures as indicators of NuVista’s performance.

    Per Boe disclosures for petroleum and natural gas revenues, realized gains/losses on financial derivatives, royalties, transportation expense, G&A expense, financing costs, and DD&A expense are non-GAAP ratios that are calculated by dividing each of these respective GAAP measures by NuVista’s total production volumes for the period.

    Non-GAAP ratios presented on a “per Boe” basis may also be considered to be supplementary financial measures (as such term is defined in NI 51-112).

    • Operating netback and corporate netback (“netbacks”), per Boe NuVista calculated netbacks per Boe by dividing the netbacks by total production volumes sold in the period. Each of operating netback and corporate netback are non-GAAP financial measures. Operating netback is calculated as petroleum and natural gas revenues, realized financial derivative gains/losses and other income, less royalties, transportation expense and net operating expense. Corporate netback is operating netback less general and administrative expense, cash share-based compensation expense (recovery), financing costs excluding accretion expense, and current income tax expense (recovery).

      Management believes both operating and corporate netbacks are key industry benchmarks and measures of operating performance for NuVista that assists management and investors in assessing NuVista’s profitability, and are commonly used by other petroleum and natural gas producers. The measurement on a Boe basis assists management and investors with evaluating NuVista’s operating performance on a comparable basis.

    • Net operating expense, per BoeNuVista calculated net operating expense per Boe by dividing net operating expense by NuVista’s production volumes for the period.

      Management believes that net operating expense, calculated as gross operating expense less processing income and other recoveries, which are included in NuVista’s statements of earnings, is a meaningful measure for investors to understand the net impact of the Company’s operating activities. The measurement on a Boe basis assists management and investors with evaluating NuVista’s operating performance on a comparable basis.

    (3)   Capital management measures

    NI 52-112 defines a capital management measure as a financial measure that: (i) is intended to enable an individual to evaluate an entity’s objectives, policies and processes for managing the entity’s capital; (ii) is not a component of a line item disclosed in the primary financial statements of the entity; (iii) is disclosed in the notes to the financial statements of the entity; and (iv) is not disclosed in the primary financial statements of the entity.

    NuVista has defined net debt, adjusted funds flow, and net debt to annualized fourth quarter adjusted funds flow ratio as capital management measures used by the Company in this press release.

    • Adjusted funds flow

    NuVista considers adjusted funds flow to be a key measure that provides a more comprehensive view of the company’s ability to generate cash flow necessary for financing capital expenditures, meeting asset retirement obligations, and fulfilling its financial commitments. Adjusted funds flow is calculated by adjusting cash flow from operating activities to exclude changes in non-cash working capital and asset retirement expenditures. Management believes these elements are subject to timing variations in collection, payment, and occurrence. By excluding them, management is able to provide a more meaningful performance measure of NuVista’s ongoing operations. Specifically, expenditures on asset retirement obligations may fluctuate depending on the company’s capital programs and the maturity of its operating areas, while environmental remediation recovery is tied to an infrequent incident that management does not expect to recur regularly. The settlement of asset retirement obligations is managed through NuVista’s capital budgeting process, which incorporates the available adjusted funds flow.

    A reconciliation of adjusted funds flow is presented in the following table:

      Three months ended March 31
        2025   2024
    Cash provided by operating activities $ 232,663 $ 147,893
    Asset retirement expenditures   3,480   6,450
    Change in non-cash working capital (44,257) (18,930)
    Adjusted funds flow $ 191,886 $ 135,413

    Net debt is used by management to provide a more comprehensive understanding of NuVista’s capital structure and to assess the company’s liquidity. NuVista calculates net debt by considering cash and cash equivalents, accounts receivable, prepaid expenses, accounts payable and accrued liabilities, long-term debt (the credit facility), senior unsecured notes, and other liabilities. Management uses total market capitalization and the ratio of net debt to annualized adjusted funds flow for the current quarter to analyze balance sheet strength and liquidity.

    The following is a summary of total market capitalization, net debt and net debt to annualized current quarter adjusted funds flow:

      March 31, 2025 December 31, 2024
    Basic common shares outstanding (thousands of shares)   200,664   203,701
    Share price(1) $ 13.60 $ 13.82
    Total market capitalization $ 2,729,030 $ 2,815,148
    Cash and cash equivalents $ (2,677) $
    Accounts receivable and other   (135,657)   (132,538)
    Prepaid expenses   (47,985)   (45,584)
    Accounts payable and accrued liabilities   256,804   206,862
    Current portion of other liabilities   16,907   18,351
    Long-term debt     5,353
    Senior unsecured notes   163,698   163,258
    Other liabilities   16,478   16,801
    Net debt $ 267,568 $ 232,503
    Annualized current quarter adjusted funds flow $ 767,544 $ 548,236
    Net debt to annualized current quarter adjusted funds flow   0.3   0.4

    (1)  Represents the closing share price on the TSX on the last trading day of the period.

    (4)  Supplementary financial measures

    This press release may contain certain supplementary financial measures. NI 52-112 defines a supplementary financial measure as a financial measure that: (i) is intended to be disclosed on a periodic basis to depict the historical or expected future financial performance, financial position or cash flow of an entity; (ii) is not disclosed in the financial statements of the entity; (iii) is not a non-GAAP financial measure; and (iv) is not a non-GAAP ratio.

    NuVista calculates “adjusted funds flow per share” by dividing adjusted funds flow for a period by the number of weighted average common shares of NuVista for the specified period by dividing operating netback for a period by the number of weighted average common shares of NuVista for the specified period.

    FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT:
       
    Mike J. Lawford Ivan J. Condic
    President and CEO VP, Finance and CFO
    (403) 538-1936 (403) 538-1945

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: VAALCO Energy, Inc. Announces First Quarter 2025 Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    HOUSTON, May 08, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — VAALCO Energy, Inc. (NYSE: EGY, LSE: EGY) (“Vaalco” or the “Company”) today reported operational and financial results for the first quarter of 2025.

    First Quarter 2025 Highlights and Recent Key Items:

    • Reported net income of $7.7 million ($0.07 per diluted share), Adjusted Net Income of $6.3 million ($0.06 per diluted share) and Adjusted EBITDAX(1)of $57.0 million;
    • Produced 17,764 net revenue interest (NRI)(2)barrels of oil equivalent per day (“BOEPD”), above the high end of guidance, or 22,402 working interest (WI)(3)BOEPD, toward the high end of guidance;
    • Sold 19,074 NRI BOEPD, toward the high end of guidance;
    • Entered into new reserves based revolving credit facility with an initial commitment of $190 million with the ability to grow to $300 million, secured against certain Vaalco assets;
    • Reduced full year capital expenditure guidance by about 10%, without impacting full year production or sales guidance;
    • Acquired 70% WI(3)in and will operate the CI-705 block in offshore Côte D’Ivoire;
    • Declared quarterly cash dividend of $0.0625 per share of common stock to be paid on June 27, 2025; and
    • Announced that it will host a Capital Markets Day presentation on Wednesday, May 14, 2025.
    (1) Adjusted EBITDAX, Adjusted Net Income, Adjusted Working Capital and Free Cash Flow are Non-GAAP financial measures and are described and reconciled to the closest GAAP measure in the attached table under “Non-GAAP Financial Measures.”
    (2) All NRI sales and production rates are Vaalco’s working interest volumes less royalty volumes, where applicable.
    (3) All WI production rates and volumes are Vaalco’s working interest volumes, where applicable.

    George Maxwell, Vaalco’s Chief Executive Officer commented, “We delivered another successful quarter, once again meeting or exceeding our guidance. Sales for the first quarter were toward the high end of guidance and our NRI production was above the high end of guidance, leading to solid net income of $0.07 per diluted share and Adjusted EBITDAX of $57.0 million. We continue to execute our strategic vision, with multiple accomplishments achieved in the first quarter that lay the foundation for profitable growth in 2025 and beyond. We entered into a new credit facility that will supplement our internally generated cash flow and cash balance to assist in funding our robust organic growth projects. In Côte D’Ivoire, we commenced the FPSO refurbishment project and are preparing for a drilling campaign in 2026 to augment the production and economic life of the Baobab field. In Gabon, we are preparing for the 2025/2026 drilling program which is scheduled to begin in Q3 2025. While we are continuing with these two major projects, we have decided to reduce our capital expenditure budget for 2025 by about 10%. We are delaying discretionary capital spending and are deferring our capital program in Canada. We are doing all of this without impacting production or sales forecasts for 2025 due to the strong performance of our assets in Gabon and Egypt.”

    “We believe that we are well positioned to fund the meaningful growth and opportunities that we have planned over the next few years which should lead to even greater growth and value for the remainder of the decade. We look forward to providing additional details at our Capital Markets Day next week describing our diversified asset portfolio and the upside that we believe is available to drive future organic growth.”

    Operational Update

    Egypt

    The start of the 2024 drilling campaign was deferred until late 2024. In Q4 2024, we completed one well. In Q1 2025, we completed an additional five wells. Four of the five wells that were completed in Q1 2025 were brought online and had an average initial production rate for the first 30 days of approximately 135 barrels of oil per day (“BOPD”). The fifth well was brought online in early Q2 2025. In addition to all new wells successfully increasing production levels, new reserves and a new production zone were discovered in the Bakr formation. The Company is reviewing several options to improve flow as the reservoir contains heavier oil.

    The Company continues to perform detailed technical reviews of its newly drilled and existing wells while also continuing to work on enhancing production through a series of planned workovers and recompletions.

    Canada

    In the first half of 2024, Vaalco drilled and completed four 2.75 mile lateral wells in Canada. These wells continue to meet production expectations and the Company is monitoring their longer-term performance for future drilling opportunities. In 2025, Vaalco has decided to defer the drilling of additional wells in Canada to reduce the Company’s overall capital expenditures.

    Gabon

    The Company secured a drilling rig in December 2024 in conjunction with its 2025/2026 drilling program, which is planned to begin in Q3 2025 to drill multiple development wells, and appraisal or exploration wells, as well as to perform workovers, with options to drill additional wells. Vaalco plans to drill the wells at both the Etame platform and at the Seent platform, and perform a re-drill and several workovers in the Ebouri field to access production and reserves that were previously shut in and removed from proved reserves due to the presence of hydrogen sulfide (“H2S”).

    In Q1 2025, Vaalco conducted an extended flow test on the Ebouri 4-H well to gather information on the H2S concentrations at this location to aid in equipment design and to evaluate Vaalco’s chemical crude sweetening process. The well has flowed for over four months, and the H2S concentration is within modeling expectations, demonstrating Vaalco’s ability to treat the oil. The well has provided additional production, with some additional operating costs associated with the chemical treatment, adding to the Company’s strong first quarter results.

    Côte d’Ivoire

    As part of the planned dry dock refurbishment, the Baobab Floating Production Storage and Offloading vessel (“FPSO”) ceased hydrocarbon production on January 31, 2025 and the final lifting of crude oil from the FPSO took place in February 2025. The vessel departed from the field in late March 2025 and is now currently under tow to the shipyard in Dubai for the refurbishment. Significant development drilling is expected to begin in 2026 after the FPSO is expected to return to service with potential meaningful additions to production from the main Baobab field in CI-40, as well as a potential future development of the Kossipo field, which is also on the license.

    In March 2025, Vaalco announced that it had farmed into the CI-705 block offshore Côte d’Ivoire. Vaalco is the operator of the block with a 70% WI and a 100% paying interest through a commercial carry arrangement and is partnering with Ivory Coast Exploration Oil & Gas SAS and PETROCI. The CI-705 block is located in the prolific Tano basin and is approximately 70 kilometers (“km”) to the west of Vaalco’s CI-40 Block, where the Baobab and Kossipo oil fields are located, and 60 km west of ENI’s recent Calao discovery. Block CI-705 covers approximately 2,300 km2 and is lightly explored with three wells drilled to date on the block. The water depth across the block ranges from zero to 2,500 meters. Vaalco has invested $3 million to acquire its interest in the new block, which it believes has significant prospectivity.

    Financial UpdateFirst Quarter of 2025

    Vaalco reported net income of $7.7 million ($0.07 per diluted share) for Q1 2025, which was down 34% compared with net income of $11.7 million ($0.11 per diluted share) in Q4 2024 and up modestly compared to $7.7 million ($0.07 per diluted share) in Q1 2024. The decrease in earnings compared with Q4 2024 was driven by lower sales volume in Q1 2025 of 1,717 MBOE compared to a sales volume of 1,872 MBOE in Q4 2024 and higher production expense, partially offset by lower depreciation, depletion and amortization (“DD&A”) and lower income tax expense.

    Adjusted EBITDAX totaled $57.0 million in Q1 2025, a 25% decrease from $76.2 million in Q4 2024. The decrease was primarily due to lower sales volumes and higher production expense. Adjusted EBITDAX was down 8% from $61.7 million generated in Q1 2024.


    Quarterly Summary – Sales and Net Revenue
                           
    $ in thousands Three Months Ended March 31, 2025   Three Months Ended December 31, 2024
      Gabon   Egypt   Canada   Côte d’Ivoire   Total   Gabon   Egypt   Canada   Côte d’Ivoire   Total
    Oil Sales   59,864       57,656       5,325       18,042   $ 140,887       54,172       59,010       6,685       28,045   $ 147,912  
    NGL Sales               1,808           1,808                   1,965           1,965  
    Gas Sales               636           636                   421           421  
    Gross Sales   59,864       57,656       7,769       18,042     143,331       54,172       59,010       9,071       28,045     150,298  
                                           
    Selling Costs & Carried Interest         (149 )     (232 )         (381 )     450       (130 )     (319 )         1  
    Royalties & Taxes   (7,677 )     (23,587 )     (1,357 )         (32,621 )     (7,455 )     (19,899 )     (1,224 )         (28,578 )
                                           
    Net Revenue   52,187       33,920       6,180       18,042     110,329       47,167       38,981       7,528       28,045     121,721  
                                           
    Oil Sales MMB (working interest)   757       920       80       238     1,995       733       923       99       379     2,134  
    Average Oil Price Received $ 79.09     $ 62.49     $ 66.17     $ 75.87   $ 70.61     $ 73.92     $ 63.92     $ 67.68     $ 73.90   $ 69.30  
    Change                   2 %                    
    Average Brent Price                 $ 75.87                     $ 74.66  
    Change                   2 %                    
                                           
    Gas Sales MMCF (working interest)               413           413                   431           431  
    Average Gas Price Received             $ 1.54         $ 1.54                 $ 0.98         $ 0.98  
    Change                   57 %                    
    Average Aeco Price ($USD)             $ 1.43         $ 1.43                 $ 1.36         $ 1.36  
    Change                   5 %                    
                                           
    NGL Sales MMB (working interest)               69           69                   75           75  
    Average Liquids Price Received             $ 26.39         $ 26.39                 $ 26.22         $ 26.22  
    Change                   1 %                    
     
    Revenue and Sales Q1 2025   Q1 2024   % Change Q1 2025 vs. Q1 2024   Q4 2024   % Change Q1 2025 vs. Q4 2024
    Production (NRI BOEPD)   17,764     16,848   5 %     20,775   (14 %)
    Sales (NRI BOE)   1,717,000     1,490,000   15 %     1,872,000   (8 %)
    Realized commodity price ($/BOE) $ 64.27   $ 66.43   (3 %)   $ 64.77   (1)%
    Commodity (Per BOE including realized commodity derivatives) $ 64.34   $ 66.41   (3 %)   $ 64.48   %
    Total commodity sales ($MM) $ 110.3   $ 100.2   10 %   $ 121.7   (9 %)

    In Q1 2025, Vaalco had a net revenue decrease of $11.4 million or 9% compared to Q4 2024 as total NRI sales volumes of 1,717 MBOE was 8% lower than the Q4 2024 volumes of 1,872 MBOE but was 15% higher compared to 1,490 MBOE for Q1 2024, primarily due to production from the Cote d’Ivoire assets acquired in April 2024. Q1 2025 NRI sales were toward the high end of Vaalco’s guidance.

    Costs and Expenses Q1 2025   Q1 2024   % Change Q1 2025 vs. Q1 2024   Q4 2024   % Change Q1 2025 vs. Q4 2024
    Production expense, excluding offshore workovers and stock comp ($MM) $ 44.7     $ 32.1     39 %   $ 36.5     23 %
    Production expense, excluding offshore workovers ($/BOE) $ 26.08     $ 21.58     21 %   $ 19.52     34 %
    Offshore workover expense ($MM) $     $ (0.1 )   %   $ 0.1     %
    Depreciation, depletion and amortization ($MM) $ 30.3     $ 25.8     17 %   $ 37.0     (18 %)
    Depreciation, depletion and amortization ($/BOE) $ 17.65     $ 17.30     2 %   $ 19.79     (11 %)
    General and administrative expense, excluding stock-based compensation ($MM) $ 7.8     $ 5.9     31 %   $ 7.1     9 %
    General and administrative expense, excluding stock-based compensation ($/BOE) $ 4.51     $ 3.90     16 %   $ 3.80     19 %
    Stock-based compensation expense ($MM) $ 1.4     $ 0.9     50 %   $ 1.4     (3 %)
    Current income tax expense (benefit) ($MM) $ 17.7     $ 25.7     (31 %)   $ 26.2     (32)%
    Deferred income tax expense (benefit) ($MM) $ (1.6 )   $ (3.4 )   (53 %)   $ (9.0 )   (82 %)

    Total production expense (excluding offshore workovers and stock compensation) of $44.7 million in Q1 2025 increased by 23% compared to Q4 2024 and 39% compared to Q1 2024. The increase in Q1 2025 compared to Q1 2024 was primarily driven by higher expenses in Gabon related to government audit settlements of approximately $4.7 million (net to Vaalco), additional chemical costs associated with the H2S treatment and to the increased sales associated with the purchase of the Côte d’Ivoire asset. The increase in Q1 2025 compared to Q4 2024 was driven by higher expenses in Gabon related to the government audit settlements and higher chemical costs.

    DD&A expense for Q1 2025 was $30.3 million which was lower than $37.0 million in Q4 2024 and higher than $25.8 million in Q1 2024. The decrease in Q1 2025 DD&A expense compared to Q4 2024 is due primarily to the impact of the year end 2024 depletion adjustments based on the year end reserve reports. The increase in Q1 2025 DD&A expense compared to Q1 2024 is due to higher depletable costs in Côte d’Ivoire partially offset by lower depletable costs in Gabon, Egypt, and Canada.

    General and administrative (“G&A”) expense, excluding stock-based compensation, increased slightly to $7.8 million in Q1 2025 from $7.1 million in Q4 2024 and increased from $5.9 million in Q1 2024. The increase in G&A expenses compared to Q1 2024 was primarily due to higher professional service fees, salaries and wages, and accounting and legal fees. Q1 2025 cash G&A was within the Company’s guidance.

    Non-cash stock-based compensation expense was $1.4 million for Q1 2025 compared to $0.9 million for Q1 2024. Non-cash stock-based compensation expense for Q4 2024 was $1.4 million.

    Other income (expense), net, was an expense of $2.4 million for Q1 2025, compared to an expense of $2.3 million during Q1 2024 and an expense of $9.7 million for Q4 2024. Other income (expense), net, normally consists of foreign currency losses and interest expense, net. Also in Q4 2024, the Company recorded a reduction in the bargain purchase gain of $6.4 million as a result of the change in fair value estimates of the net assets acquired in the Svenska acquisition.

    Income tax expense (benefit) was an expense for Q1 2025 of $16.1 million and is comprised of current expense of $17.7 million and deferred tax benefit of $1.6 million. In Q1 2024, income tax expense was $22.3 million and is comprised of current expense of $25.7 million and deferred tax benefit of $3.4 million. Q4 2024 income tax expense was $17.2 million, and is comprised of current tax expense of $26.2 million and deferred tax benefit of $9.0 million.

    Taxes paid by jurisdiction are as follows:

    (in thousands)   Gabon   Egypt   Canada   Equatorial Guinea   Cote d’Ivoire   Corporate and Other   Total  
    Cash/In Kind Taxes Paid:                              
    Three months ended March 31, 2025   $ 30,253   6,953       $ 790     $ 37,996  


    Capital Investments/Balance Sheet

    For the first quarter of 2025, net capital expenditures totaled $58.5 million on a cash basis and $51.3 million on an accrual basis. These expenditures were primarily related to costs associated with project costs and long lead items for Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire and the development drilling program in Egypt.

    At the end of the first quarter of 2025, Vaalco had an unrestricted cash balance of $40.9 million. Working capital at March 31, 2025 was $23.2 million compared with $56.2 million at December 31, 2024, while Adjusted Working Capital at March 31, 2025 totaled $40.4 million.

    In March 2025, Vaalco entered into a new reserves based revolving credit facility (the “new facility”) with an initial commitment of $190 million and the ability to grow to $300 million, led by The Standard Bank of South Africa Limited, Isle of Man Branch with other participating banks and financial partners. The new facility, which is subject to customary administrative conditional precedents, replaces the Company’s existing undrawn revolving credit facility that was provided by Glencore Energy UK Ltd. The Company arranged the new facility primarily to provide short-term funding that may be needed from time-to-time to supplement its internally generated cash flow and cash balance as it executes its planned investment programs across its diversified asset base over the next few years.

    Quarterly Cash Dividend

    Vaalco paid a quarterly cash dividend of $0.0625 per share of common stock for the first quarter of 2025 on March 28, 2025. The Company also recently announced its next quarterly cash dividend of $0.0625 per share of common stock for the second quarter of 2025 ($0.25 annualized), to be paid on June 27, 2025 to stockholders of record at the close of business on May 23, 2025. Future declarations of quarterly dividends and the establishment of future record and payment dates are subject to approval by the Vaalco Board of Directors.

    Hedging

    The Company continued to opportunistically hedge a portion of its expected future production to lock in strong cash flow generation to assist in funding its capital and shareholder return programs.

    The following includes hedges remaining in place as of the end of the first quarter of 2025:

                        Weighted Average Hedge Price ($/Bbl)
    Settlement Period   Commodity   Type of Contract   Index   Average Volumes Hedged (Bbl)   Floor   Ceiling
    April 2025 – June 2025   Oil   Collars   Dated Brent   70,000   $ 65.00   $ 81.00
    July 2025 – September 2025   Oil   Collars   Dated Brent   60,000   $ 65.00   $ 80.00

    Subsequent to March 31, 2025, the Company entered into the following additional derivative contracts to cover its future anticipated production:

    Settlement Period   Commodity   Type of Contract   Index   Average Volumes Hedged (GJ)(a)   Weighted Average Hedge Price (CAD/GJ)
    May 2025 – October 2025   Natural Gas   Swap   AECO (7A)   114,000   $ 2.15

    a) One gigajoule (GJ) equals one billion joules (J). A gigajoule of natural gas is approximately 25.5 cubic meters standard conditions.

    Settlement Period   Commodity   Type of Contract   Index   Average Volumes Hedged (Bbl)   Weighted Average Hedge Price ($/Bbl)
    July 1, 2025 – July 31, 2025   Oil   Swap   Dated Brent   100,000   $ 65.45


    Capital Markets Day Presentation

    Vaalco announced that it will host a Capital Markets Day presentation on Wednesday, May 14, 2025. The presentation will begin at 8 a.m. Central Time (2 p.m. London Time) and is expected to conclude around 10:00 a.m. Central Time. The agenda will include presentations by key members of management on Vaalco’s longer-term vision including growth across its diversified, multi-country asset base.

    Participation in the Capital Markets Day is directed to Vaalco’s shareholders, buy side and sell side analysts, as well as large institutional investors and portfolio managers. The session will be web cast live along with related presentation materials through Vaalco’s web site at www.vaalco.com in the “Investors” section of the web site. A replay will be archived on the site shortly after the presentation concludes.

    2025 Guidance:

    The Company has provided second quarter 2025 guidance and updated its full year 2025 guidance. All of the quarterly and annual guidance is detailed in the tables below.

          FY 2025   Gabon   Egypt   Canada   Côte d’Ivoire
    Production (BOEPD) WI   19250 – 22310   7000 – 8300   9750 – 11100   2200 – 2600   300 – 310
    Production (BOEPD) NRI   14500 – 16710   6200 – 7100   6200 – 7200   1800 – 2100   300 – 310
    Sales Volume (BOEPD) WI   19850 – 22700   7300 – 8300   9750 – 11100   2200 – 2600   600 – 700
    Sales Volume (BOEPD) NRI   14900 – 17200   6300 – 7200   6200 – 7200   1800 – 2100   600 – 700
    Production Expense (millions) WI & NRI   $148.5 – $161.5 MM                
    Production Expense per BOE WI   $18.00 – $21.50                
    Production Expense per BOE NRI   $24.00 – $28.00                
    Offshore Workovers (millions) WI & NRI   $0 – $10 MM                
    Cash G&A (millions) WI & NRI   $25.0 – $31.0 MM                
    CAPEX excluding acquisitions (millions) WI & NRI   $250 – $300 MM                
    DD&A ($/BOE) NRI   $16.00 – $20.00                
          Q2 2025   Gabon   Egypt   Canada   Côte d’Ivoire
    Production (BOEPD) WI   20000 – 22100   7800 – 8600   10100 – 11200   2100 – 2300  
    Production (BOEPD) NRI   15400 – 16800   6800 – 7500   6900 – 7400   1700 – 1900  
    Sales Volume (BOEPD) WI   22800 – 24900   10600 – 11400   10100 – 11200   2100 – 2300  
    Sales Volume (BOEPD) NRI   17800 – 19300   9200 – 10000   6900 – 7400   1700 – 1900  
    Production Expense (millions) WI & NRI   $39.5 – $48.0 MM                
    Production Expense per BOE WI   $18.00 – $23.00                
    Production Expense per BOE NRI   $23.00 – $29.00                
    Offshore Workovers (millions) WI & NRI   $0 – $0 MM                
    Cash G&A (millions) WI & NRI   $6.0 – $8.0 MM                
    CAPEX excluding acquisitions (millions) WI & NRI   $65 – $85 MM                
    DD&A ($/BOE) NRI   $16.00 – $20.00                


    Conference Call

    As previously announced, the Company will hold a conference call to discuss its first quarter 2025 financial and operating results, Friday, May 9, 2025, at 9:00 a.m. Central Time (10:00 a.m. Eastern Time and 3:00 p.m. London Time). Interested parties may participate by dialing (833) 685-0907. Parties in the United Kingdom may participate toll-free by dialing 08082389064 and other international parties may dial (412) 317-5741. Participants should request to be joined to the “Vaalco Energy First Quarter 2025 Conference Call.” This call will also be webcast on Vaalco’s website at www.vaalco.com. An archived audio replay will be available on Vaalco’s website.

    A “Q1 2025 Supplemental Information” investor deck will be posted to Vaalco’s website prior to its conference call on May 9, 2025 that includes additional financial and operational information.

    About Vaalco

    Vaalco, founded in 1985 and incorporated under the laws of Delaware, is a Houston, Texas, USA based, independent energy company with a diverse portfolio of production, development and exploration assets across Gabon, Egypt, Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Nigeria and Canada.

    For Further Information

    Vaalco Energy, Inc. (General and Investor Enquiries) +00 1 713 543 3422
    Website: www.vaalco.com
       
    Al Petrie Advisors (US Investor Relations) +00 1 713 543 3422
    Al Petrie / Chris Delange  
       
    Buchanan (UK Financial PR) +44 (0) 207 466 5000
    Ben Romney / Barry Archer VAALCO@buchanan.uk.com


    Forward Looking Statements

    This press release includes “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, which are intended to be covered by the safe harbors created by those laws and other applicable laws and “forward-looking information” within the meaning of applicable Canadian securities laws(collectively, “forward-looking statements”). Where a forward-looking statement expresses or implies an expectation or belief as to future events or results, such expectation or belief is expressed in good faith and believed to have a reasonable basis. All statements other than statements of historical fact may be forward-looking statements. The words “anticipate,” “believe,” “estimate,” “expect,” “intend,” “forecast,” “outlook,” “aim,” “target,” “will,” “could,” “should,” “may,” “likely,” “plan” and “probably” or similar words may identify forward-looking statements, but the absence of these words does not mean that a statement is not forward-looking. Forward-looking statements in this press release include, but are not limited to, statements relating to (i) estimates of future drilling, production, sales and costs of acquiring crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids; (ii) expectations regarding Vaalco’s ability to effectively integrate assets and properties it has acquired as a result of the Svenska acquisition into its operations; (iii) expectations regarding future exploration and the development, growth and potential of Vaalco’s operations, project pipeline and investments, and schedule and anticipated benefits to be derived therefrom; (iv) expectations regarding future acquisitions, investments or divestitures; (v) expectations of future dividends; (vi) expectations of future balance sheet strength; and (vii) expectations of future equity and enterprise value.

    Such forward-looking statements are subject to risks, uncertainties and other factors, which could cause actual results to differ materially from future results expressed, projected or implied by the forward-looking statements. These risks and uncertainties include, but are not limited to: risks relating to any unforeseen liabilities of Vaalco; the ability to generate cash flows that, along with cash on hand, will be sufficient to support operations and cash requirements; risks relating to the timing and costs of completion for scheduled maintenance of the FPSO servicing the Baobab field; and the risks described under the caption “Risk Factors” in Vaalco’s most recent Annual Report on Form 10-K.

    Dividends beyond the second quarter of 2025 have not yet been approved or declared by the Board of Directors for Vaalco. The declaration and payment of future dividends remains at the discretion of the Board and will be determined based on Vaalco’s financial results, balance sheet strength, cash and liquidity requirements, future prospects, crude oil and natural gas prices, and other factors deemed relevant by the Board. The Board reserves all powers related to the declaration and payment of dividends. Consequently, in determining the dividend to be declared and paid on Vaalco common stock, the Board may revise or terminate the payment level at any time without prior notice.

    Any forward-looking statement made by Vaalco in this press release is based only on information currently available to Vaalco and speaks only as of the date on which it is made. Except as may be required by applicable securities laws, Vaalco undertakes no obligation to publicly update any forward-looking statement, whether written or oral, that may be made from time to time, whether as a result of new information, future developments or otherwise.

    Other Oil and Gas Advisories

    Investors are cautioned when viewing BOEs in isolation. BOE conversion ratio is based on an energy equivalency conversion method primarily applicable at the burner tip and does not represent a value equivalency at the wellhead. Given that the value ratio based on the current price of crude oil as compared to natural gas is significantly different from the energy equivalencies described above, utilizing such equivalencies may be incomplete as an indication of value.

    Inside Information

    This announcement contains inside information as defined in Regulation (EU) No. 596/2014 on market abuse which is part of UK domestic law by virtue of the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 (“MAR”) and is made in accordance with the Company’s obligations under article 17 of MAR. The person responsible for arranging the release of this announcement on behalf of Vaalco is Matthew Powers, Corporate Secretary of Vaalco.

    VAALCO ENERGY, INC AND SUBSIDIARIES
    Condensed Consolidated Balance Sheets

      As of March 31, 2025   As of December 31, 2024
      (in thousands)
    ASSETS      
    Current assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 40,914   $ 82,650
    Receivables:      
    Trade, net of allowances for credit loss and other of $0.2 million and $0.2 million, respectively   120,252     94,778
    Accounts with joint venture owners, net of allowance for credit losses of $1.8 million and $1.5 million, respectively   2,847     179
    Egypt receivables and other   3,235     35,763
    Other current assets   33,590     24,557
    Total current assets   200,838     237,927
    Crude oil, natural gas and NGLs properties and equipment, net   562,926     538,103
    Other noncurrent assets:      
    Right of use operating lease assets   16,303     17,254
    Right of use finance lease assets   78,862     79,849
    Deferred tax assets   48,364     55,581
    Other long-term assets   19,810     26,236
    Total assets $ 927,103   $ 954,950
    LIABILITIES AND SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY      
    Current liabilities $ 177,675   $ 181,728
    Asset retirement obligations   81,053     78,592
    Operating lease liabilities – net of current portion   12,915     13,903
    Finance lease liabilities – net of current portion   66,198     67,377
    Deferred tax liabilities   85,168     93,904
    Other long-term liabilities       17,863
    Total liabilities   423,009     453,367
    Total shareholders’ equity   504,094     501,583
    Total liabilities and shareholders’ equity $ 927,103   $ 954,950


    VAALCO ENERGY, INC AND SUBSIDIARIES

    Consolidated Statements of Operations

      Three Months Ended
      March 31, 2025   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2024
      (in thousands except per share amounts)
    Revenues:          
    Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids sales $ 110,329     $ 100,155     $ 121,721  
    Operating costs and expenses:          
    Production expense   44,806       32,089       36,641  
    Exploration expense         48        
    Depreciation, depletion and amortization   30,305       25,824       37,047  
    Transaction costs related to acquisition         1,313        
    General and administrative expense   9,051       6,710       8,454  
    Credit losses and other   (27 )     1,812       1,082  
    Total operating costs and expenses   84,135       67,796       83,224  
    Other operating income, net         (166 )     10  
    Operating income   26,194       32,193       38,507  
    Other income (expense):          
    Derivative instruments gain (loss), net   (74 )     (847 )     (365 )
    Interest expense, net   (1,295 )     (935 )     (1,092 )
    Bargain purchase gain               (6,366 )
    Other income (expense), net   (1,012 )     (487 )     (1,828 )
    Total other income (expense), net   (2,381 )     (2,269 )     (9,651 )
    Income before income taxes   23,813       29,924       28,856  
    Income tax expense   16,083       22,238       17,192  
    Net income $ 7,730     $ 7,686     $ 11,664  
    Other comprehensive income (loss):          
    Currency translation adjustments   117       (2,454 )     (5,975 )
    Comprehensive income $ 7,847     $ 5,232     $ 5,689  
               
    Basic net income per share:          
    Net income per share $ 0.07     $ 0.07     $ 0.11  
    Basic weighted average shares outstanding   103,758       103,659       103,743  
    Diluted net income per share:          
    Net income per share $ 0.07     $ 0.07     $ 0.11  
    Diluted weighted average shares outstanding   103,785       104,541       103,812  


    VAALCO ENERGY, INC AND SUBSIDIARIES

    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Cash Flows

      Three Months Ended March 31,
        2025       2024  
      (in thousands)
    CASH FLOWS FROM OPERATING ACTIVITIES:      
    Net income $ 7,730     $ 7,686  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income to net cash provided by operating activities:      
    Depreciation, depletion and amortization   30,305       25,824  
    Exploration expense   146        
    Deferred taxes   (1,519 )     (3,441 )
    Unrealized foreign exchange loss   1,673       (102 )
    Stock-based compensation   1,475       898  
    Cash settlements paid on exercised stock appreciation rights         (154 )
    Derivative instruments (gain) loss, net   74       847  
    Cash settlements paid on matured derivative contracts, net   123       (24 )
    Cash settlements paid on asset retirement obligations         (29 )
    Credit losses and other   (27 )     1,812  
    Other operating loss, net         166  
    Equipment and other expensed in operations   972       302  
    Change in operating assets and liabilities   (8,246 )     (11,953 )
    Net cash provided by operating activities   32,706       21,832  
    CASH FLOWS FROM INVESTING ACTIVITIES:      
    Property and equipment expenditures   (58,527 )     (16,618 )
    Acquisition of crude oil and natural gas properties   (247 )      
    Net cash used in investing activities   (58,774 )     (16,618 )
    CASH FLOWS FROM FINANCING ACTIVITIES:      
    Proceeds from the issuances of common stock         447  
    Dividend distribution   (6,570 )     (6,463 )
    Treasury shares   (155 )     (6,344 )
    Deferred financing costs   (5,118 )      
    Payments of finance lease   (2,943 )     (2,095 )
    Net cash used in in financing activities   (14,786 )     (14,455 )
    Effects of exchange rate changes on cash   27       (208 )
    NET CHANGE IN CASH, CASH EQUIVALENTS AND RESTRICTED CASH   (40,827 )     (9,449 )
    CASH, CASH EQUIVALENTS AND RESTRICTED CASH AT BEGINNING OF PERIOD   97,726       129,178  
    CASH, CASH EQUIVALENTS AND RESTRICTED CASH AT END OF PERIOD $ 56,899     $ 119,729  

    VAALCO ENERGY, INC AND SUBSIDIARIES
    Selected Financial and Operating Statistics
    (Unaudited)

      Three Months Ended
      March 31, 2025   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2024
    NRI SALES DATA          
    Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids sales (MBOE) 1,717   1,490   1,872
    Average daily sales volumes (BOE) 19,074   16,374   20,352
               
    WI PRODUCTION DATA          
    Etame Crude oil (MBbl) 767   819   791
    Gabon Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 8,522   9,001   8,598
               
    Egypt Crude oil (MBbl) 920   950   923
    Egypt Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 10,225   10,440   10,035
               
    Canada Crude Oil (MBbl) 80   61   99
    Canada Natural Gas (MMcf) 413   469   431
    Canada Natural Gas Liquid (MBOE) 69   76   75
    Canada Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids (MBOE) 218   215   246
    Canada Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 2,420   2,363   2,669
               
    Côte d’Ivoire Crude oil (MBbl) 111     368
    Côte d’Ivoire Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 1,235     3,997
               
    Total Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids production (MBOE) 2,016   1,984   2,328
    Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 22,402   21,804   25,300
               
    NRI PRODUCTION DATA          
    Etame Crude oil (MBbl) 667   713   688
    Gabon Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 7,414   7,835   7,481
               
    Egypt Crude oil (MBbl) 642   641   644
    Egypt Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 7,131   7,044   7,001
               
    Canada Crude Oil (MBbl) 66   51   85
    Canada Natural Gas (MMcf) 338   392   371
    Canada Natural Gas Liquid (MBOE) 56   63   64
    Canada Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids (MBOE) 179   179   211
    Canada Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 1,984   1,971   2,296
               
    Côte d’Ivoire Crude oil (MBbl) 111     368
    Côte d’Ivoire Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 1,235     3,997
               
    Total Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids production (MBOE) 1,599   1,533   1,911
    Average daily production volumes (BOEPD) 17,764   16,850   20,775
    AVERAGE SALES PRICES:          
    Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids sales (per BOE) – WI basis $ 67.03   $ 69.62   $ 65.69
    Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids sales (per BOE) – NRI basis $ 64.27   $ 66.43   $ 64.77
    Crude oil, natural gas and natural gas liquids sales (Per BOE including realized commodity derivatives) – NRI basis $ 64.34   $ 66.41   $ 64.48
               
    COSTS AND EXPENSES (Per BOE of sales):          
    Production expense   26.10   $ 21.54   $ 19.57
    Production expense, excluding offshore workovers and stock compensation*   26.05   $ 21.56   $ 19.49
    Depreciation, depletion and amortization   17.65   $ 17.33   $ 19.79
    General and administrative expense**   5.27   $ 4.50   $ 4.52
    Property and equipment expenditures, cash basis (in thousands) $ 58,527   $ 16,618   $ 41,466

    * Offshore workover costs excluded for the three months ended March 31, 2025 and 2024 and December 31, 2024 are $0.0 million, $(0.1) million and $0.1 million, respectively.
    * Stock compensation associated with production expense excluded from the three months ended March 31, 2025 and 2024 and December 31, 2024 are immaterial.
    ** General and administrative expenses include $0.76, $0.58 and $0.72 per barrel of oil related to stock-based compensation expense in the three months ended March 31, 2025 and 2024 and December 31, 2024, respectively.

    NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES

    Management uses Adjusted Net Income to evaluate operating and financial performance and believes the measure is useful to investors because it eliminates the impact of certain non-cash and/or other items that management does not consider to be indicative of the Company’s performance from period to period. Management also believes this non-GAAP measure is useful to investors to evaluate and compare the Company’s operating and financial performance across periods, as well as to facilitate comparisons to others in the Company’s industry. Adjusted Net Income is a non-GAAP financial measure and as used herein represents net income, plus deferred income tax expense (benefit), unrealized derivative instrument loss (gain), bargain purchase gain on the Svenska Acquisition, FPSO demobilization, transaction costs related to the Svenska acquisition and non-cash and other items.

    Adjusted EBITDAX is a supplemental non-GAAP financial measure used by Vaalco’s management and by external users of the Company’s financial statements, such as industry analysts, lenders, rating agencies, investors and others who follow the industry. Management believes the measure is useful to investors because it is as an indicator of the Company’s ability to internally fund exploration and development activities and to service or incur additional debt. Adjusted EBITDAX is a non-GAAP financial measure and as used herein represents net income, plus interest expense (income) net, income tax expense (benefit), depreciation, depletion and amortization, exploration expense, FPSO demobilization, non-cash and other items including stock compensation expense, bargain purchase gain on the Svenska Acquisition, other operating (income) expense, net, non-cash purchase price adjustment, transaction costs related to acquisition, credit losses and other and unrealized derivative instrument loss (gain).

    Management uses Adjusted Working Capital as a transition tool to assess the working capital position of the Company’s continuing operations excluding leasing obligations because it eliminates the impact of discontinued operations as well as the impact of lease liabilities. Under the applicable lease accounting standards, lease liabilities related to assets used in joint operations include both the Company’s share of expenditures as well as the share of lease expenditures which its non-operator joint venture owners’ will be obligated to pay under joint operating agreements. Adjusted Working Capital is a non-GAAP financial measure and as used herein represents working capital excluding working capital attributable to discontinued operations and current liabilities associated with lease obligations.

    Management uses Free Cash Flow to evaluate financial performance and to determine the total amount of cash over a specified period available to be used in connection with returning cash to shareholders, and believes the measure is useful to investors because it provides the total amount of net cash available for returning cash to shareholders by adding cash generated from operating activities, subtracting amounts used in financing and investing activities, effects of exchange rate changes on cash and adding back amounts used for dividend payments and stock repurchases. Free Cash Flow is a non-GAAP financial measure and as used herein represents net change in cash, cash equivalents and restricted cash and adds the amounts paid under dividend distributions and share repurchases over a specified period.

    Free Cash Flow has significant limitations, including that it does not represent residual cash flows available for discretionary purposes and should not be used as a substitute for cash flow measures prepared in accordance with GAAP. Free Cash Flow should not be considered as a substitute for cashflows from operating activities before discontinued operations or any other liquidity measure presented in accordance with GAAP. Free Cash Flow may vary among other companies. Therefore, the Company’s Free Cash Flow may not be comparable to similarly titled measures used by other companies.

    Adjusted EBITDAX and Adjusted Net Income have significant limitations, including that they do not reflect the Company’s cash requirements for capital expenditures, contractual commitments, working capital or debt service. Adjusted EBITDAX, Adjusted Net Income, Adjusted Working Capital and Free Cash Flow should not be considered as substitutes for net income (loss), operating income (loss), cash flows from operating activities or any other measure of financial performance or liquidity presented in accordance with GAAP. Adjusted EBITDAX and Adjusted Net Income exclude some, but not all, items that affect net income (loss) and operating income (loss), and the calculation of these measures may vary among other companies. Therefore, the Company’s Adjusted EBITDAX, Adjusted Net Income, Adjusted Working Capital and Free Cash Flow may not be comparable to similarly titled measures used by other companies.

    The tables below reconcile the most directly comparable GAAP financial measures to Adjusted Net Income, Adjusted EBITDAX, Adjusted Working Capital and Free Cash Flow.

    VAALCO ENERGY, INC AND SUBSIDIARIES
    Reconciliations of Non-GAAP Financial Measures
    (Unaudited)
    (in thousands)

      Three Months Ended
    Reconciliation of Net Income to Adjusted Net Income March 31, 2025   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2024
    Net income $ 7,730     $ 7,686     $ 11,664  
    Adjustment for discrete items:          
    Unrealized derivative instruments loss (gain)   198       823       96  
    Bargain purchase gain               6,366  
    Deferred income tax expense (benefit)   (1,610 )     (3,441 )     (11,781 )
    Transaction costs related to acquisition   22       1,313       508  
    Other operating (income) expense, net         166       (10 )
    Adjusted Net Income $ 6,340     $ 6,547     $ 6,843  
               
    Diluted Adjusted Net Income per Share $ 0.06     $ 0.06     $ 0.07  
    Diluted weighted average shares outstanding (1)   103,785       104,541       103,812  

    (1)  No adjustments to weighted average shares outstanding

      Three Months Ended
    Reconciliation of Net Income to Adjusted EBITDAX March 31, 2025   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2024
    Net income $ 7,730     $ 7,686   $ 11,664  
    Add back:          
    Interest expense, net   1,295       935     1,092  
    Income tax expense   16,083       22,238     17,192  
    Depreciation, depletion and amortization   30,305       25,824     37,047  
    Exploration expense         48      
    Non-cash or unusual items:          
    Stock-based compensation   1,352       899     1,196  
    Unrealized derivative instruments loss   198       823     96  
    Bargain purchase gain             6,366  
    Other operating (income) expense, net         166     (10 )
    Transaction costs related to acquisition   22       1,313     508  
    Credit losses and other   (27 )     1,812     1,082  
    Adjusted EBITDAX $ 56,958     $ 61,744   $ 76,233  

    VAALCO ENERGY, INC AND SUBSIDIARIES
    Reconciliations of Non-GAAP Financial Measures
    (Unaudited)
    (in thousands)

    Reconciliation of Working Capital to Adjusted Working Capital March 31, 2025   December 31, 2024   Change
    Current assets $ 200,838     $ 237,927     $ (37,089 )
    Current liabilities   (177,675 )     (181,728 )     4,053  
    Working capital   23,163       56,199       (33,036 )
    Add: lease liabilities – current portion   17,249       16,895       354  
    Adjusted Working Capital $ 40,412     $ 73,094     $ (32,682 )
       
      Three Months Ended March 31, 2025
    Reconciliation of Free Cash Flow (in thousands)
    Net cash provided by Operating activities $ 32,706  
    Net cash used in Investing activities   (58,774 )
    Net cash used in Financing activities   (14,786 )
    Effects of exchange rate changes on cash   27  
    Total net cash change   (40,827 )
       
    Add back shareholder cash out:  
    Dividends paid   6,570  
    Total cash returned to shareholders   6,570  
       
    Free Cash Flow $ (34,257 )

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