The seasonally adjusted unemployment rate edged up 0.1 percentage point from November 2024 to January 2025 to 3.2% for the December 2024 to February 2025 period, the Census & Statistics Department announced today.
The underemployment rate remained at 1.1%.
Total employment was 3,709,500, down 7,100 from November 2024 to January 2025, while the labour force also dropped 5,400 to 3,821,300.
The number of unemployed people increased from 110,100 to 111,700. Meanwhile, the number of underemployed people decreased from 43,000 to 40,700.
Secretary for Labour & Welfare Chris Sun said the labour market should remain largely stable in the near term, although some businesses would be affected by the uncertainties stemming from US trade protection measures.
Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe
The forty-sixth session of the joint FAO/UNECE Working Party on Forest Statistics, Economics and Management will be held from 14 to 15 May 2025 in Geneva, Switzerland.
When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.
However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.
A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.
Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.
This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.
And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.
Buying time
The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.
Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.
But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.
Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.
This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.
Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.
On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.
Political and military maneouvering
Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.
Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.
It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.
And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.
During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasinglydraconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.
On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.
In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.
In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.
Be careful what you wish for
While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.
There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.
A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.
Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.
However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.
A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.
Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.
This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.
And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.
Buying time
The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.
Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.
But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.
Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.
This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.
Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.
On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.
Political and military maneouvering
Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.
Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.
It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.
And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.
During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasinglydraconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.
On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.
In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.
In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.
Be careful what you wish for
While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.
There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.
A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.
Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.
However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.
A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.
Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.
This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.
And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.
Buying time
The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.
Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.
But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.
Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.
This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.
Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.
On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.
Political and military maneouvering
Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.
Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.
It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.
And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.
During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasinglydraconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.
On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.
In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.
In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.
Be careful what you wish for
While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.
There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.
A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.
Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The National Rugby League has recently made headlines for trying to crack the American sporting landscape by hosting matches in Las Vegas.
But the NRL’s great rival, the Australian Football League (AFL), has been the Australian export influencing American sport in a much greater fashion in the 21st century.
While casual American football fans might not put much thought into the kicking aspect of the sport, increasingly, Australian rules players have been identified for their unique skills to fulfil the role of punter.
A punter is a specialist kicker, who punts the ball downfield with the aim of limiting the opponent’s field position.
This has led to an influx of Australians in United States college football teams, with some making it to the National Football League (NFL).
NIL refers to a person’s legal right to control how their image is used, including commercially. Until recently, college athletes were not allowed to profit from their fame but the rules have been relaxed.
This has increased scrutiny within the US about who should be given those opportunities.
Recent deterrents aimed to solve this dilemma include a class-action lawsuit aiming to limit Australian imports.
The class action is based on six legal claims, including age discrimination, anti-trust and unfair trade practices laws, as well as violation of the US Constitution’s 14th Amendment, which states “no state shall deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws”.
transcripts that had been submitted to American universities that were doctored to improve athlete grades compared to their actual grades
Prokick (the main Australian company bringing athletes into the US system) misleading college football coaches by overstating athletes’ remaining years of eligibility, and omitting information about whether prospective punters previously attended university in Australia.
Many US college football teams have recruited Australian punters.
Why Aussies are so appealing
In the US, punting is a niche skill that gains very little attention. However, many Australians grow up kicking a ball instinctively and learning a variety of techniques.
These skills have translated into punting, where hang time (how long the ball stays in the air), placement and spin are valuable.
Former NFL punter and popular media personality Pat McAfee has often celebrated the AFL and touted the influence of the sport on punting.
What began as just a handful of former AFL players leaving Australia to pursue college football and NFL opportunities has turned into a pipeline where Australians are beginning to dominate the position.
A New York Times article in 2023 stated 61 out of 133 Division 1 (top tier) football programs had an Australian punter on their roster.
In seven of the past 11 seasons, an Australian won the Ray Guy Award as the top punter in Division 1 football.
Of the Australians who have gone on to play in the NFL, the Seattle Seahawks’ Dickson – who recently signed a four-year, $US14.5 million ($A22.9 million) contract – is recognised as one of the best in the league.
Dickson has gone viral multiple times, which is extremely rare for a punter, for plays including a drop-kick and a one-handed scoop and kick.
Punting pathways
To play college football, Australians must deal with National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) eligibility requirements. These include academic standards and amateur status.
Many enter the system as mature-aged athletes, often in their early 20s (compared to 18-19 year old Americans competing for the same scholarships and roster spots), which gives them a physical and mental advantage over younger recruits.
Prokick identifies and trains athletes with the potential to transition into American football, coaching them in punting mechanics, the rules of the game and the university recruiting process.
Prokick has created established partnerships with coaching staff across the US, giving their clients an inside track on scholarship opportunities.
Their website touts success stories, which include representing 270 athletes getting full scholarships with an estimated value of more than $A50 million.
Beyond being good at kicking a football, a key step in being allowed to play for an US university involves submitting immigration materials to the US State Department. This includes academic documentation.
This has led to several attempts to push back on Prokick’s influence in this space, including the class action.
Where to from here?
With college football and NFL teams placing increasing value on field position, the demand for Aussie punters is unlikely to slow down.
As long as pathways like Prokick remain viable, Australians should continue to dominate one of the most specialist roles in American football, unless sweeping changes and restrictions are put in place.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Keith Rankin, trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
Former ambassador Phil Goff is the latest (so far) and (probably) the least of many ‘statesmen’ who have invoked Munich and the ‘resolute’ Winston Churchill (a backbench MP in 1938) in the cause of good-war mongering. (Refer Winston Peters sacks Phil Goff as UK High Commissioner RNZ 6 March 2025, and What Was Actually Wrong With What Phil Goff Said?, Giles Dexter, RNZ and Scoop, 7 March 2025.)
The Munich narrative is central to the ‘Good War’ morality trope, through which democracies (especially the United States) justified wars of aggression; what used to be called ‘gunboat-diplomacy’ in the British days of empire. It’s the now-commonplace narrative that frames any putative war to be fought by a ‘liberal democracy’ against an ‘autocracy’ (ie fought by us against them) as a contest between Good and Evil; and if we don’t “stand up to” Evil – anywhere and everywhere – then Evil goes on to ‘win’, and subsequently to dominate and exact tribute as a regional or global hegemon.
The corollary of the Munich narrative is that Good should never give up, even if Evil is winning on the battlefield; Good neither surrenders to Evil nor negotiates with Evil. Not ‘at any cost’. The logical conclusion of this is that, if that’s what it requires for Good to prevail, life on Planet Earth could be forfeit; better Dead than Red or Black. Earth’s tombstone, left for a future intergalactic explorer to discover, might read: “At Least ‘Atila the Hun’ [substitute any Eurasian ‘Devil’] Did Not Win”. Peter Hitchen (see below, p.27) notes: “one day, this dangerous fable of the glorious anti-fascist war against evil may destroy us all [through our rulers’ vanity]”.
Phil Goff is an example of persons who know just enough fragments of popular history to think they can use a historical argument to substantiate their rhetoric. A little knowledge is a dangerous thing, meaning that superficial knowledge may be more problematic than ignorance. On the Munich question, Phil Goff is in good company. Peter Hitchens, in The Phoney Victory (p8, p20), cites the former Prince of Wales (now King) as making the same mistaken views about World War Two and the Ukraine-Russia War, as moral crusades.
(Meanwhile, as well as trying to cut disability benefits as a result of boxing itself into a corner, Keir Starmer UK government – unlike the political leadership of Canada and the European Union – is doing everything it can to appease Donald Trump on international trade and other matters.)
For readers’ interest, Stevan and Hugh Eldred-Grigg have written a New Zealand take on World War Two that does not follow the ‘Good War’ trope: Phoney Wars: New Zealand Society during the Second World War, Otago University Press 2017.
Were Neville Chamberlain’s actions at the September 1938 Munich Conference wrong?
No, neither with foresight nor hindsight. If Britain and/or France had signed a pact with Czechoslovakia similar to the one they signed with Poland in 1939, they would have been committed to declaring at most a phoney war. Neither had the capacity to wage war on Germany nor to come to Czechoslovakia’s aid. At best, British hostilities against Germany in 1938 would have been as ineffective as they were in Archangel, Russia, in 1918.
Popular sentiment was absent in 1938 in the United Kingdom towards war with Germany. That situation had changed by March 1939 after Germany fully annexed Bohemia and Moravia, the territories that make up twenty-first century Czechia. Due in part to changed popular sentiment, the British and French responded differently when Poland was similarly threatened in 1939. The western ‘powers’ declared war on Germany following the first attack on Poland, but did almost nothing to fight Germany or to protect Poland during what became known as the ‘Phoney War’. (The phoney war ended with the German conquest of France in May 1940.)
The 1939 declaration of war was arguably more duplicitous than the 1938 declaration of peace. Poland’s half-century-long tragedy – far worse than anyone today, except for a few professional and amateur historians, realise – began to unfold. (France briefly invaded Germany’s Saarland in 1939, southeast of Luxembourg, before withdrawing. Nowhere near Poland.) The war in 1939 in Poland, remote to the United Kingdom, was far from ‘phoney’.
Examples of invoking or evoking ‘appeasement’ and /or ‘Munich’ and/or Churchill on behalf of ‘democracy’:
Peter Hitchens gives these post-WW2 examples (pp.13-17):
President Harry S Truman, in December 1950, re the continuation of the Korean War
Anthony Eden, 1956, to justify the Suez War (which first brought Israel into an external war of aggression)
President Lyndon Johnson in July 1965, justifying the escalation of the Vietnam War
US Secretary of State George Shultz in February 1984, re conflict in Nicaragua
US Deputy Secretary of State, Lawrence Eagleburger, in August 1989, before the US invasion of Panama
George Bush (senior) in June 1990, re the first war against Iraq (noting that the initial response to the immanent invasion of Kuwait was not unlike Churchill’s lesser-known response in 1938, to the German reoccupation of the Rhineland [“more talks”])
Bill Clinton’s 1999 comparison of Slobodan Milosevic to Hitler, in the context of the probable secession of Kosovo from Milosevic’s Serbia
UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, in 2003, justifying the second invasion of Iraq
President Trump’s aids in June 2017, referring to Barack Obama’s Cuba initiative
Winston Churchill’s worst Appeasement, and Atrocities
The worst act of appeasement that I can think of was Winston Churchill’s kowtowing to Joseph Stain at Yalta (Crimea) in the second week of February 1945 (ref Hitchens p.6 and Wikipedia citing Leo McKinstry, “Attlee and Churchill: Allies in War, Adversaries in Peace”, Atlantic Books, 2019, Ch 22). According to McKinstry “When Churchill arrived at Yalta on 4 February 1945, the first question that Stalin put to him was: ‘Why haven’t you bombed Dresden?’.”
Ten days later, Churchill did indeed firebomb Dresden, immolating 25,000 people – mostly civilians and refugees. Stalin (metaphorically) said “jump”, Churchill said “how high?”. And Churchill delivered.
Dresden was far from Churchill’s only actual or intended atrocity. Operation Gomorrah, on Hamburg at the end of July 1943, was a worse 24-hour atrocity than Dresden. The malevolent intent of that ‘raid’ lies in the biblical name given to the operation. While it was largely a test-run and forerunner for later bombings – including a forerunner of the firebombing of Tokyo exactly 80 years ago – it killed more than 35,000 mostly civilians “in their homes”.
(As a single event the firebombing of Tokyo on the night of 9 March 1945 – Operation Meetinghouse – caused easily more deaths [100,000] than Dresden, Hamburg, Hiroshima [70,000] or Nagasaki [35,000]. In the mainstream media, I saw no 80th-anniversary commemoration stories of this ‘worst-ever in the history of the world’ attack on civilians. Now is a timely time for us to be reminded about this kind of aerial megadeath.)
The third Churchill atrocity to mention was the Bengal famine of 1943, which killed three million people. Encyclopedia Britannica says that “the 1942 halt in rice imports to India did not cause the famine, and the 1943 crop yield was actually sufficient to feed the people of Bengal. It was ultimately special wartime factors that caused this difficult situation to become a disastrous famine. Fearing Japanese invasion, British authorities stockpiled food to feed defending troops, and they exported considerable quantities to British forces in the Middle East”. Churchill’s atrocities have been justified on the basis that the casualties were to them while saving some of our lives. But the people of Bengal were, at least notionally part of us, citizens and civilians of the British Empire.
In Wikipedia: “Madhusree Mukerjee makes a stark accusation: “The War Cabinet’s shipping assignments made in August 1943, shortly after Amery had pleaded for famine relief, show Australian wheat flour travelling to Ceylon, the Middle East, and Southern Africa – everywhere in the Indian Ocean but to India.” Indeed, Bengal was required to export rice to Ceylon to support British naval operations there. Of Churchill’s major atrocities, this was the only one to be mentioned in Netflix’s recent over-the-top account Churchill at War.
The Netflix ‘docuseries’ does at least mention Churchill being sidelined by the Americans in late 1943 and 1944. Churchill was sidelined from the top table of war-command largely on the basis of his penchant for atrocities and his unwillingness to confront Germany head-on (an unwillingness that could have been interpreted as ‘appeasement’, and probably was understood as such by the Americans). Churchill indulged in a number of side-wars, including a successful invasion of Madagascar in 1942; an invasion that put paid forever to the 1940 German fantasy of resettling Eastern European Jews there.
The Americans took much longer than Churchill to become convinced about the merits of holocaust-scale bombing than did the British. It would seem that the British burning of Hamburg – which was bombed because it was there, easily accessible from Britain – left quite a bad taste upon some American commanders, and indeed upon President Roosevelt himself. (We note that the atrocious American incendiary bombings of Japan in March 1945 were undertaken after Harry Truman became Vice President, and in the context that Roosevelt was seriously ill, and died soon after the February Yalta ‘Peace’ Conference.)
Churchill’s final atrocity to mention here never actually happened, except to create an environmental disaster on a Scottish Island (Gruinard, Britain’s mysterious WW2 ‘island of death’ Myles Burke, BBC, 22 April 2024). It partly explains some of Churchill’s reticence towards the D-Day invasion of Occupied France. Churchill had another plan, which he seems to have kept secret from his Allies: biological warfare, Anthrax.
“The plan was to infect linseed cakes with Anthrax spores and drop them by plane into cattle pastures around Germany. … The proposed plan would have decimated Germany’s meat supply, and triggered a nationwide anthrax contamination, resulting in an enormous [civilian] death toll. … The secret trials carried on until 1943, when the military deemed them a success, and scientists packed up and returned to Porton Down. As a result, five million linseed cakes laced with Anthrax were produced but the plan was ultimately abandoned as the Allies’ Normandy invasion progressed, leading the cakes to be destroyed after the war.” The test programme on Gruinard was cynically called ‘Operation Vegetarian’. “Gruinard was not the only site where the UK conducted secret biological warfare tests, but it was the first. The consequences of what happened there stand as a grim testament to both the dangers of biological warfare and humanity’s capacity for destruction.”
Have Bill Clinton and subsequent US presidents drawn inspiration from Brezinski’s 1997 essay as a clarion call for world domination?
Zbigniew Brezinski’s call for US world hegemony seems not much different to what Richard Evans claims was Hitler’s aim: “Hitler’s obvious drive for European and eventually world conquest.” (Zbigniew Brzezinski, “A Geostrategy for Eurasia,” Foreign Affairs, 76:5, September/October 1997; review of Peter Hitchens’s Eurosceptic take on the Second World War, by Richard J Evans, New Statesman, 26 Sep 2018.)
Evans’ claim about Hitler is obvious hyperbole; Germany never could have had the capacity to “conquer” the world. (Think of the socio-geographic limits to the Roman Empire.) But the Nazi imperial vision for Germany was to create a mega-state in Central Eurasia that would have hegemony over the rest of the world. Is there any country in the twentieth or twenty-first century which has sought such ‘unipolarity’; sought to be the world’s one-and-only superpower, which expects other countries to say “how high?” whenever it says “jump”?
Perhaps there is? Did Brezinski – Henry Kissinger’s 1970s’ foreign policy rival – spell it out in 1997?
Finally
‘Appeasement’ is like ‘Antisemitism’; the powers-that-be only have to say either word to silence commonsense debate about peace and war and genocide. As Hitchens points out (p.27): “We have mythologised the experience so completely that [politicians] only have to say the word ‘appeasement’ to silence opponents and bring legislators and journalists to their side, on any wild adventure.” Phil Goff is a hapless victim of what Joseph Mali and Shlomo Sand have called “mythistory”.
Wars since the 1930s are no more ‘moral’ than were wars before that time. (Indeed, if we wish to personalise it, WW2 at its core was a war between Hitler and Stalin; neither men are commonly described as ‘moral’.) In fact, recent wars are less moral. WW2 became the first major war in which civilians were actively targeted as a predominant military gambit. This approach to war is now becoming entrenched, with drones replacing soldiers, and civilians evermore in the firing line.
We should not be coerced into supporting wars on the basis of narratives by powerful know-not-much persons or cliques dropping words like ‘appeasement’, ‘Munich’, ‘Churchill’ or ‘Hitler’. Wars are very costly, but the costs are not usually paid – at least in the short term – by those elites who promote them from far away.
*******
Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
Keith Rankin, trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
As most of us appreciate, there is a whole geopolitical world that overlays the formal political world of about 200 ‘nation states’ (aka ‘polities’). Geopolitical fractures – a result of the ‘big games’ over and above the ‘rules-based order’ – occur in all sorts of places, sometimes through provinces, even counties. Their significances wax and wane, as geopolitics itself is a dynamic game of changing exceptions and allegiances, and the expansions or contractions of ‘real estate assets’.
How about this one, given the apparent detaching of the United States of America from the liberal democratic western alliance? (Is the western alliance – which includes Canada – in the process of becoming a set of American proxies, like certain Latin American countries, rather than a partnership? Or is it a process of divorce?) Point Roberts is a United States enclave within the Greater Vancouver urban area. Should Canada – or British Columbia – file for Point Roberts? It would be the tidy thing to do, as part of the divorce settlement.
Geopolitics operates on at least two levels. There are the big fractures, where potential world wars – hot and cold – are simmering. Then there are the smaller fractures, such as those between the European Union and its neighbours: Northern Ireland, Gibraltar, Cyprus. And those within the world’s mini-empires: Denmark vis-à-vis Greenland; Australia vis-à-vis Norfolk Island; New Zealand vis-à-vis Cook Islands; France vis-à-vis New Caledonia.
At an intermediate level are boundary disputes between Japan and Russia (Kuril Islands), India and Pakistan (Kashmir), India and China (Himalayas), and Rwanda and the DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo). Then there are new hot-fractures being created through civil wars; such as that between the Arabic and African worlds within Sudan, Islamic and Buddhist populations within Myanmar, and different ethno-cultural minorities within (and on the edges of) Syria and in the west of China.
There’s also a growing north-south sectarian divide in Nigeria (reflecting complex geopolitical game-playing in the Sahel, to Nigeria’s north and northwest), Africa’s most populous country. And there are geopolitical pushes and pulls in the non-EU Balkans. Albania, Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina (European countries with majority Islamic populations) have become effective proxies of the United States; the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina is fractured almost fifty-fifty, the other part being the autonomous though unrecognised Russian-aligned Republika Srpska. (China is currently building a north-south railway through the Balkans from Piraeus in Greece to Budapest in Hungary, while the European Union is sponsoring a new railway from Albania in the Adriatic Sea to Bulgaria’s Black Sea coast.)
Finally, there’s a big geopolitical tension within the core Islamic world, which has led to the long-running civil war in Yemen; the two sides being proxies for Iran and for Saudi Arabia; for Tehran and for Riyadh.
The players – the ‘Great Powers’
At present, it would seem, the United States of America, which sees itself as the world’s preeminent geopolitical player, is impatient for conflicts in Ukraine and Palestine to end, so that it can get on with its ‘game of choice’, namely the ‘new cold war’ conflict with China.
We should note that, in Geopolitics, the players are typically identified by the countries’ capital cities. Thus, the United States becomes Washington, the United Kingdom becomes London, and the European Union becomes Berlin or Brussels. Sometimes the players are or have been referred to by power-centres within cities, such as the Kremlin (Moscow), or the Quai d’Orsay (Paris). (The New Zealand equivalent might be ‘Bowen Street’!)
Beijing and Taiwan; and Washington
I saw this Daily Telegraph story in the New Zealand Herald last weekend: Chinese navy practices amphibious landings with new barges in South China Sea. To this end Taiwan is the American proxy through which the conflict may be waged; just as Ukraine and Israel are American proxies; proxies in the most visible of the world’s current geopolitical hot wars.
From the story: ‘Emma Salisbury, a sea power research fellow at the Council on Geostrategy’ says “The fact Beijing has permitted details of these barges to become public signals the threat China poses in the region.” No, it doesn’t. It indicates that China is – had has been for decades – playing the geopolitical game of ‘optics’. Beijing is saying to Washington “don’t mess with us”, rather than “we are going to mess with you”.
Kinmen and Lienchiang Counties, Fujian. But what country?
Is this the world’s least understood geopolitical faultline?
The central piece of geography in the New Cold War is understood to be the Taiwan Strait; indeed we routinely see pictures of that Strait on our news bulletins. Usually, they look like these BBC versions:
The clear tale being told here in these maps is that there is a simple border in the Taiwan Strait between Taiwan and China, and that there are two countries, Taiwan and China. The constitutional reality is that there are two regimes claiming constitutional sovereignty over a single estate. We may call these regimes China-Taipei and China-Beijing. (In the Olympic Games and other sports, Taiwan competes as Chinese-Taipei.) The official name of the two regimes are Republic of China (RoC), and Peoples Republic of China (PRC). (I once watched a story on TV3 News involving some Beijing-Chinese people in New Zealand. TV3 mistakenly showed pictures of a China Airlinesaircraft, when it should have been Air China.)
The BBC’s two-country optics are neat and tidy (compared to the one-territory two-regime reality), but is negated by the presence of two Taiwanese counties in the territory of Fujian province, PRC; Kinmen and Lienchiang (although Kinmen is sometimes called Jinmen or Quemoy, and in China Lienchiang is spelt ‘Lianjiang’). At its closest point, Kinmen (Taiwan) is 4km from the large Chinese city of Xiamen (and 190 km from the Taiwanese mainland); indeed Kinmen is located in Xiamen harbour, just as Rangitoto Island is in Auckland’s Waitemata Harbour. (Xiamen has the same population size as New Zealand, just over five million people.) Lienchieng is the Taiwanese portion of Lianjiang county, a subdivision of Fujian. (We note that Taiwan still uses the ‘postal’ style of anglicisation of Chinese names that was generally used before the 1970s; eg Peking instead of the Pinyin form, Beijing.)
From the inception of the United nations in 1945, until 1971, China-Taipei (aka Taiwan) held a permanent seat on the Security Council, with the right of veto). This only changed in 1971 after US President Nixon, committing to reality over narrative, moved towards rapprochement towards China (although the United States was not ready for the UN recognition switch in 1971); while at the same time fudging the issue of the status of Taiwan. That fudge remains the official status quo in the international ‘rules-based-order’.
We should also note that Taiwan (RoC) withdrew from the Montreal 1976 Olympic Games, due to its erosion of status as a recognised nation-state, with particular note that Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada, had led the realpolitik move, recognising China in 1970.
This map correctly shows all of Taiwan, noting the black dashed lines. And this shows Taiwanese Fujian. This huge geopolitical boundary between West and East passes through the Chinese province of Fujian.
Geopolitical Implications
Presumably the people in these counties, for the most part, prefer the status quo and hope that it can be maintained indefinitely, and without military hostilities.
If there was a push for Taipei to repudiate its constitutional claim to all of China – for example as a means to de jureindependence as its own sovereign state – it is difficult to see how this could happen without Taipei ceding Kinmen and Lienchiang counties to Beijing. That would indeed be the minimum price Taipei would have to pay for Beijing to abandon its claim over all of Taiwan.
In effect, these two counties are hostages to both regimes. If the United States or any other United States’ aligned nation-state invaded China, then it would be realistic to expect that Kinmen and Lienchiang would be snaffled-up by Beijing; maybe one county immediately and, for leverage, the other staying on as a hostage.
On the other hand, if the United States was to escalate its optical war against Beijing into a fully-fledged ‘cold war’, it might install threatening military equipment into Kinmen or Lienchiang, much as the Soviet Union did in Cuba in 1962. Thus these counties represent leverage of Taipei (acting as a proxy for the United States) over China.
It would be hard to see China not-responding to such provocation. Further, in such a hostile context, China would be tempted to activate its claim over the whole of Taiwan, and not just the two counties in Fujian.
So, the untidy one-country two-regime status quo should be simply left as it is. Speculative political rhetoric against Beijing or Taipei should be treated by the international community as tantamount to diplomatic ‘hate-speech’. And simplistic media stories which represent Taiwan only as an island 100 kilometres away from China, should be corrected. Responsible media – unlike the BBC or the Daily Telegraph – do not distort the known truth.
We don’t want to end up in a major geopolitical conflict as a result of politicians and political journalists not even knowing or understanding the location of the China/Taiwan border. The border anomalies result from the pragmatic settlement of a military conflict between the two Chinese regimes; a conflict that took place in the decade after 1949.
Lessons for the Ukraine-Russia conflict
The present military boundary between Ukraine and Russia passes inside three recognised provincial boundaries of Ukraine: Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson. (The provinces of Luhansk and Crimea should be off the negotiating table; the world has to accept that they are now, for better or worse, de facto or de jure, territories of Russia; albeit unrecognised in the same way that South Ossetia and Abkhazia are Russian territories unrecognised by the United Nations. (And Northern Cyprus for that matter, as an unrecognised Turkish territory inside the European Union nation of Cyprus; a territory which untidily passes through the Cyprus’s capital, Nicosia.)
Successful negotiations to end wars have to take account of military realities. China’s 1950s’ concessions to Taiwan over Kinmen and Lienchiang show that such splits need not impede a long-lasting and workable peace. What does impede a transition to peace is the insistence on substantial one-sided deviations from the military reality at the time of a ‘cease-fire’; certainly, the side that is at a military disadvantage should not be demanding one-sided concessions from the other side.
Lessons for Palestine-Israel conflict
In 1967 and 1973, there were major wars between, in essence, Israel and Egypt. The lands most under contention were those that we call ‘Occupied Palestine’ (and ‘Occupied East Jerusalem’) today; though other lands were captured (especially the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt and the Golan Heights from Syria). The 1967 War was started by Israel under the pretext that Egypt was about to invade Israel. Israel unambiguously won this war. (In 1967, Israel even attacked – deliberately – an American naval vessel: USS Liberty.)
Israel had not thought-through the strategic consequences of its annexation (from Egypt and Jordan) of Gaza and the West Bank. Israel was working towards an acceptable way of incorporating Palestinian Israelis into the ‘Jewish State’. Now, all of a sudden, they found themselves with an enlarged country with a majority (or near-majority) Palestinian population. A legal fiction – replacing the language of ‘annexation’ with that of ‘occupation’ – enabled the non-Jewish populations of the ‘occupied territories’ to be treated as, at best, third -class citizens.
The 1973 War – started by Egypt, principally to regain its Sinai territory – triggered changes to the global architecture of capitalism. After the advantage switched from Egypt to Israel, Israeli troops crossed the Suez Canal and were heading towards Cairo when the cease-fire was called. Subsequent negotiations, over six years, saw Israel’s military successes eroded into something like the present situation in which Palestinians living in Palestine are citizens of nowhere.
After two military victories, through the 1978 Camp David Accords, Israel found that it had forfeited almost all its military gains; for Israel it felt like they had won the war but lost the peace. The result of the process was a substantial and unfortunate switch to the Right in Israeli politics. Since then, especially since the 1990s, Israel has been looking for ways to annex a Palestine free of Palestinians; to cleanse Palestine of Palestinians as part of an unapologetic annexation process undertaken with the full blessing of its geopolitical patron.
Proxy Warfare
Most wars today, including ‘civil wars’, are proxy-wars funded (on one side at least) by external patrons. While Ukraine has been a proxy of the United States for most of this century, Ukraine is now morphing into a proxy of Brussels and London; of the barely-elected Starmer (one-third of the vote in a low turn-out election) and an unelected Ursula von de Leyen (a bureaucrat who’s not even a Member of the European Parliament).
On Al Jazeera News (6am New Zealand summer time, 18 March 2025), it was reported that Donald Trump posted this message on his favoured social-media platform: “Every shot fired by the Houthis will be looked upon, from this point forward, as being a shot fired from the weapons and leadership of IRAN, and IRAN will be held responsible, and suffer the consequences, and those consequences will be dire!” (See this quote on U.S. Air Campaign Against Houthis Continues Into Third Day, TWZ, The War Zone.)
This is a clear statement that the United States President, at least, believes that the patrons of proxies are the real antagonists, and should be deemed responsible – indeed ‘criminally responsible’ for misdeeds of aggression – for acts performed by their proxies. It should be quite easy to apply this dictum, at least allegorically, to the big hot wars of the moment: Ukraine and Palestine.
Conclusion
We can avoid most wars by finding pragmatic solutions to geopolitical conflicts, accepting realities as they stand, and avoiding inflammatory rhetoric towards others. We have avoided violent conflict in and around the Fujian geopolitical faultline by not, so far, trying to find and impose final tidy solutions.
Likewise, to find peace in the world’s current military hotspots, we have to accept and negotiate around the current realities of those situations. Most importantly, we follow the ‘first law of holes’: ‘if you are in a hole, stop digging’. Inflaming sensitive situations through speculative assertions about the other side’s escalating malevolence are unhelpful.
In today’s wars the western ‘liberal democratic’ side is not even close to being the ‘good guys’ in wars framed as good-versus-evil. The conflicts in Ukraine and Palestine demonstrate that these wars – like most past wars – represent the ‘hot’ phases of geopolitical game playing; wars are ‘bad guys’ versus ‘bad guys’, and such wars end through transactional deals. (The antagonists may be different shades of bad; and there are always good victims, though many of these are not ‘perfect victims’.) The ‘bad guys’ include the patrons of the proxies. Further, contemporary warfare targets civilians rather than soldiers.
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Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
The Chinese economy has maintained good growth momentum, starting the year on a steady note with sound industrial performances and impactful macro policies, official data revealed on Monday.
During January and February 2025, most key indicators saw solid increases, employment remained generally stable, and new quality productive forces continued to grow, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Given the economy’s sound performance in the first two months, China has more favorable conditions to achieve its full-year growth target of around 5 percent for 2025, NBS spokesperson Fu Linghui said at a press conference.
A good start
In the first two months of 2025, China’s value-added industrial output, an important economic indicator, increased 5.9 percent year on year. In February, industrial output grew 0.51 percent from January.
The country’s fixed-asset investment totaled 5.2619 trillion yuan (about 734 billion U.S. dollars) during the January-February period. It increased 4.1 percent year on year and was 0.9 percentage points higher than the full-year growth rate of 2024.
Investment in infrastructure construction rose 5.6 percent from a year ago during the two months, and manufacturing investment increased 9 percent.
An aerial drone photo shows a view of Yangpu International Container Port in the Yangpu Economic Development Zone in Danzhou, south China’s Hainan Province, Jan. 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
The services sector also registered accelerated growth in the period, with its official production index growing 5.6 percent year on year at a rate 0.4 percentage points faster than the 2024 whole-year growth rate.
Retail sales of consumer goods, a major indicator of a country’s consumption strength, climbed 4 percent year on year in the first two months of 2025 to over 8.37 trillion yuan, according to the NBS data.
The country’s overall employment landscape has remained stable, with the average surveyed urban unemployment rate standing at 5.3 percent, level with the January-February period of last year.
Fu attributed the upbeat momentum to the synergistic effects of existing and incremental policies, highlighting the implementation of a more proactive fiscal policy and a moderately loose monetary policy this year.
Job seekers attend a job fair held in Huaibei, east China’s Anhui Province, Jan. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
Favorable growth conditions
The country’s sound economic performance in the first two months has laid a good foundation for success in meeting its annual growth target, given that the synergistic effects of macro policies have gained momentum, that reform and opening up have been deepened comprehensively, and that confidence has strengthened, Fu said.
Looking ahead, China possesses multiple favorable conditions to maintain stable, healthy economic development, the spokesperson added.
Highlighting its solid industrial foundations and strengthened new growth drivers, Fu said that China is the only country in the world with all industrial categories listed in the United Nations Industrial Classification, and its manufacturing scale has led globally for 15 consecutive years, with “Made in China” products meeting both domestic and global demand.
China’s integration of advanced manufacturing and production services is progressing rapidly, and policies focusing on the improvement of livelihoods have created favorable conditions for consumer services, Fu noted.
Breakthroughs in the field of artificial intelligence have amplified opportunities for industrial upgrading, the spokesperson said.
This photo taken on March 6, 2025 shows an automated production site at the final assembly workshop of Chang’an Auto Digital Intelligence Factory, in Yubei District of southwest China’s Chongqing. [Photo/Xinhua]
In terms of the market and consumption, Fu said that China’s market offers immense growth potential, with a population of over 1.4 billion and a per capita GDP exceeding 13,000 U.S. dollars. The expansion of new types of consumption such as spending in the green and digital sectors, as well as services consumption in areas such as elderly care and childcare will become a significant driving force for consumption growth.
Reform and opening up remain the lifeblood of China’s progress, according to the spokesperson. Over 300 reform initiatives put forward at the third plenary session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in July last year will stimulate productivity further and inject vitality into the economy.
The incremental policy packages that China unveiled last year have revitalized market confidence and spurred market vitality, Fu said, adding that 2025 marks the final year of China’s 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025), and that work to achieve the national growth target of around 5 percent requires arduous efforts.
Fu stressed the importance of seizing the current opportunities in economic recovery, enhancing the implementation of various macroeconomic policies, and deepening comprehensive reform further, among other efforts, to achieve the country’s economic and social development goals.
The State Council Information Office holds a press conference on boosting consumption in Beijing, capital of China, March 17, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
A new plan to expand consumer spending unveiled on Sunday is expected to encourage consumption and drive economic growth in China. The country has maintained its position as the world’s second-largest consumer market and largest e-commerce market for over a decade.
Data released on Monday shows that retail sales of consumer goods — a major indicator of the country’s consumption strength — climbed 4 percent year on year in the first two months of 2025, 0.5 percentage points higher than the same period in 2024.
Despite the positive data, consumer confidence remains weak due to multiple factors, and it remains imperative that consumption is boosted and domestic demand is expanded, Li Chunlin, deputy director of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), said at a press conference on Monday.
The plan is composed of 30 policies across eight sections, the first seven of which outline specific actions for implementation, including demand-side initiatives such as income enhancement for urban and rural residents, and measures to support consumption capacities.
On the supply side, actions are aimed at improving the quality of services consumption, upgrading bulk consumption and enhancing consumption quality.
The eighth section emphasizes the need to enhance supportive policies related to investment, finance, credit and statistics.
Stock, real estate market stability
For the first time, the consumption support plan emphasizes the need to stabilize the stock and real estate markets.
Previous consumption policies focused primarily on the supply side, emphasizing that supply drives demand creation. However, the latest policies also prioritize the demand side, aiming to boost household incomes and ease financial burdens, Li noted.
He cited measures such as those related to reasonable wage growth and scientifically adjusted minimum wages, both of which are highlighted in the consumption support plan.
To enhance property incomes, the plan calls for a multifaceted approach, including the stabilization of the stock market, strengthened strategic reserves and market stabilization mechanisms, and the accelerated removal of barriers preventing long-term funds — such as commercial insurance funds, the national social security fund and the basic pension insurance fund — from entering the market.
To meet housing consumption needs in an improved manner, efforts will focus on curbing the downturn and restoring the stability of the real estate market, according to the plan.
Financial authorities have been encouraging medium and long-term funds to enter the capital market to stabilize stock performance further.
Since last year, Chinese policymakers have introduced a range of measures, including financial stimuli and regulatory adjustments, to bolster the property sector. These include mortgage rate cuts, decreased down payment requirements, eased purchasing restrictions and financing coordination mechanisms to enhance funding support for developers.
Better consumption, well-being
By connecting consumer spending to broader social goals like elderly care improvement, child care support and work-life balance, the plan embeds consumption growth within China’s broader development objectives, signaling that consumption is being positioned not just as an economic goal but as a means to enhancing quality of life.
Solid investments will continue to be made. For example, ultra-long special treasury bonds totaling 300 billion yuan (41.67 billion U.S. dollars) will be issued to support consumer goods trade-in programs in 2025, doubling the 2024 figure.
The programs, which kicked off last March, drove equipment purchases and investment up by 15.7 percent in 2024, contributing 67.6 percent of overall investment growth, and boosted sales of bulk durable consumer goods by over 1.3 trillion yuan, according to the NDRC.
Following its “employment first” policy, the central government plans to allocate 66.74 billion yuan in employment subsidies in 2025 to support local employment and startup assistance programs, said Fu Jinling, an official of the Ministry of Finance.
China will consider establishing a child care subsidy system. It will guide eligible regions to include rural migrant workers, individuals engaged in flexible employment, and individuals engaged in new forms of employment who are covered by the basic medical insurance for employees, in the country’s childbirth insurance program, according to the plan.
Regarding elderly care, the country will increase fiscal subsidies for basic old-age benefits and basic medical insurance for rural and non-working urban residents in 2025. Additionally, basic pension benefits for retirees will be raised appropriately.
The country will work to implement its paid annual leave system, ensuring that workers’ rights to rest and vacation are legally protected. It will also prohibit the unlawful extension of working hours, according to the plan.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ilan Noy, Chair in the Economics of Disasters and Climate Change, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington
Following the Trump administration’s abrupt cuts to USAID funding last month, the online international disaster database EM-DAT (normally funded by USAID) went dark for a week.
EM-DAT collates data on the occurrence and impacts of thousands of mass disasters worldwide and records both human and economic losses in a publicly available dataset. It relies on various sources, including United Nations agencies and non-governmental organisations, but also news reports.
The vulnerability of this database to the Trump administration’s cuts highlights the need for New Zealand to take charge of its own data on the damage caused by extreme events.
Currently, New Zealand has no dedicated disaster loss database. This means we don’t know how much extreme weather events and other types of disasters are costing us.
Two events in 2023 – Cyclone Gabrielle and the Auckland floods – illustrate this problem. They were by far the costliest weather disasters in New Zealand’s modern history and we know they were exceptionally damaging.
But we don’t know the aggregate financial losses they caused, and the different sources shown in the table below provide conflicting numbers, none of them comprehensive.
Without understanding the magnitude of the problem, our ability to prevent damage or recover from extreme weather is diminished. It is indeed difficult to manage what we don’t measure.
In the face of these unknowns, most other countries, including Australia, are investing in the collection, collation and analysis of their own data to make informed decisions about disaster risk management. It is high time New Zealand did the same.
The limits of New Zealand’s data on loss and damage
Currently, data on extreme weather costs have come primarily from the Insurance Council of New Zealand (ICNZ) or from EM-DAT, whose data sometimes come from less reliable sources. New Zealand’s reliance on a private source and an international organisation leaves us with data that could charitably be described as fragmented, incomplete and unreliable.
ICNZ figures showing insurance payouts for disasters are commonly used by the government and media as a proxy for total cost. But private insurance accounts for only a small share of the losses resulting from some extreme weather. Roads, bridges and many other parts of public infrastructure are not insured; many private assets are not insured either.
Furthermore, wealthier communities tend to be better insured and hence receive higher payouts. The ICNZ data imply they experience more damages than poorer, less insured communities, even when that is not the case.
As climate change brings more extreme weather, more homes will likely be under-insured. Phil Walter/Getty Images
Globally, insurance tends to retreat when the risks become too high to be covered affordably. We expect that in the future a higher number of homes and businesses will be under-insured. Relying solely on data on insured damages will hence provide us with an increasingly partial picture of damages caused by extreme weather.
The second main source of disaster loss data is EM-DAT. In principle, it aims to include all damage costs (not just insured ones), but the approach does not necessarily result in more accurate numbers.
As the graph below shows, ICNZ can be counted on to provide reliable data for all large events, but there are frequent gaps in EM-DAT’s data for New Zealand. It is also clear that the difference between ICNZ private insurance payouts and total cost estimates from EM-DAT is too small to accurately reflect uninsured losses.
In previous research (co-authored with Rebecca Newman) we identified other gaps in the EM-DAT international estimates of extreme-weather costs, most notably for wildfires, droughts and heatwaves.
Damages from these events are largely uninsured and so are not included in the ICNZ data either. Yet their likelihood is increasing because of dramatic changes in our climate.
We only have a partial picture, and a potentially very misleading one at that – both in terms of the size of the problem and how the problem is changing.
Nevertheless, the data from the ICNZ and EM-DAT are still the best we have for understanding what is happening.
When EM-DAT temporarily went offline last month following the termination of its funding from USAID, we received a crude reminder of how critical this resource is in the global context. How can we talk about disaster risk management and risk reduction when we have no idea what is going on?
Effective policy relies on accurate data
There are myriad ways in which a disaster-loss database for New Zealand could be used effectively by central and local government, insurance and banking companies, weather-exposed industries such as agriculture, community organisations and by individuals.
Policies about flood protection, planned relocation (managed retreat), climate adaptation, insurance pricing, banking regulation, home loans and infrastructure maintenance should all be informed by knowledge of the risks from extreme-weather events and other hazards.
A concrete example of how useful this data would be is for planned relocations. We need a clear perspective of the history of flood events in different communities and comprehensive assessments of past damages in order to quantify the future costs of relocations. Without these data, how can we decide which financial arrangements for relocation are fiscally sound?
A comprehensive New Zealand disaster-loss database is possible. As a nation we have the datasets we need, but these are held within different government agencies and other organisations, with no centralised collection or reporting.
Hidden there is everything we need to understand the current situation and plan better for the future. We just have to make the decision to invest in collecting and curating this data.
Stats NZ would be the data’s logical host, given the agency’s extensive experience in collecting and posting data to help us organise our society. Cyclone Gabrielle and the Auckland floods should have convinced us we need this. Maybe EM-DAT going dark, and thus obscuring a worldwide risk, should convince us even more.
I am grateful for the contribution of Jo-Anne Hazel (writing) and Tom Uher (data collection).
Ilan Noy is a member of the scientific committee of EM-DAT (pro bono).
What was left unsaid is that the individuals would be knowingly placed into a prison system in which a range of sources have reported widespread human rights abuses at the hands of state forces.
A first transfer of U.S. deportees from Venezuela has now arrived into that system. On March 16, the U.S. government flew around 250 deportees to El Salvador despite a judge’s order temporarily blocking the move. Bukele later posted a video online showing the deportees arriving in El Salvador with their hands and feet shackled and forcibly bent over by armed guards.
We have also heard firsthand of the human rights abuses that deportees and Salvadorans alike say they have suffered while incarcerated in El Salvador, and we have worked on hundreds of asylum cases as expert witnesses, testifying in U.S. immigration court about the nature and scope of human rights abuses in the country. We are deeply concerned both over the conditions into which deportees are arriving and as to what the U.S. administration’s decision signals about its commitments to international human rights standards.
For the past three years, Bukele has governed with few checks and balances under a self-imposed “state of exception.” This emergency status has allowed Bukele to suspend many rights as he wages what he calls a “war on gangs.”
The crackdown manifests in mass arbitrary arrests of anyone who fits stereotypical demographic characteristics of gang members, like having tattoos, a prior criminal record or even just “looking nervous.”
As a result of the ongoing mass arrests, El Salvador now has the highest incarceration rate in the world. The proportion of its population that El Salvador incarcerates is more than triple that of the U.S. and double that of the next nearest country, Cuba.
Safest country in Latin America?
Bukele’s tough-on-gangs persona has earned him widespread popularity at home and abroad – he has fostered an immediate friendship with the new U.S. administration in particular.
But maintaining this popularity has involved, it is widely alleged, manipulating crime statistics, attacking journalists who criticize him and denying involvement in a widely documented secret gang pact that unraveled just before the start of the state of exception.
Bukele and pro-government Salvadoran media insist that the crackdown on gangs has transformed El Salvador into the safest country in Latin America.
But on the ground, Salvadorans have described how police, military personnel and Mexican cartels have taken over the exploitative practices previously carried out by gangs like MS-13 and Barrio 18. One Salvadoran woman whose son died in prison just a few days after he was arbitrarily detained told a reporter from Al Jazeera: “One is always afraid. Before it was fear of the gangs, now it’s also the security forces who take innocent people.”
Bukele has ordered a communication blackout between incarcerated people and their loved ones. This means no visits, no letters and no phone calls.
Such lack of contact makes it nearly impossible for people to determine the well-being of their incarcerated family members, many of whom are parents with young children now cared for by extended family.
Despite the blackout, scholars, international and national rights’ groups and investigative journalists have been able to build up a picture of conditions inside El Salvador’s prisons through interviews with victims and their family members, medical records and forensic analysis of cases of prison deaths. What they describe is a hellscape.
Incarcerated Salvadorans are packed into grossly overcrowded cells, beaten regularly by prison personnel and denied medicines even when they are available. Inmates are frequently subjected to punishments including food deprivation and electric shocks. Indeed, a U.S. State Department’s 2023 country report on El Salvador noted the “harsh and life-threatening prison conditions.”
The human rights organization Cristosal estimates that hundreds have died from malnutrition, blunt force trauma, strangulation and lack of lifesaving medical treatment.
Often, their bodies are buried by government workers in mass graves without notifying families.
Although El Salvador is a signatory to the United Nations’ Convention Against Torture, Amnesty International concluded after multiple missions to the country and interviews with victims and their families that there is “systemic use of torture” in Salvadoran prisons.
Likewise, a case-by-case study by Cristosal, which included forensic analysis of exhumed bodies of people who died in prison, determined in 2024 that “torture has become a state policy.”
‘At risk of irreparable harm’
What makes this all the more worrying is the scale of potential abuse.
El Salvador now houses a prison population of around 110,000 – more than three times the number of inmates before the state of exception began.
To increase the country’s capacity for ongoing mass incarceration, Bukele built and opened the Terrorism Confinement Center mega-prison in 2023. An analysis of the center using satellite footage showed that if the prison were to reach its full supposed capacity of 40,000, each prisoner would have less than 2 feet of space in their cells.
It is to this prison that deportees from the U.S. have been taken.
There are serious concerns over both the process and the legality of transferring U.S. prisoners to a nation that has not protected the human rights of its detained population.
Moreover, the agreement through which the Trump administration is seeking to moving migrants detained in the U.S. to El Salvador faces scrutiny under international law, given what is known about the country’s prison conditions.
International human rights is governed by laws that prohibit nations from transferring people into harm’s way, be it returning foreign nationals to countries where “there are substantial grounds for believing that the person would be at risk of irreparable harm,” or transferring detainees to jurisdictions in which they are at risk of being tortured or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
The efforts of human rights organizations, journalists and scholars to document prison conditions point to an unequivocal conclusion: El Salvador does not meet the terms necessary to protect the human rights of deported and incarcerated migrants.
Mneesha Gellman received funding from Emerson College’s Faculty Development Fund. She is the Director of the Emerson Prison Initiative.
Sarah C. Bishop has received research funding from the Fulbright Organization, The Waterhouse Family Institute for the Study of Communication and Society at Villanova University, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Foundation, and the Professional Staff Congress at the City University of New York. She serves on the board of directors of the nonprofit organization Mixteca.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jonathan Cazabonne, Doctorant en mycologie et écologie des vieilles forêts, Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue (UQAT)
Fungi are among the most important organisms on Earth. Even though most of the world’s described 157,000 fungal species are only visible with a microscope, these organisms are essential to our ecosystems, our societies and economies.
Fungi are also important to human cultures — including as a source of food, medicine and art. Economically, fungi also support a growing economy centred around mycotourism — with a growing number of travellers visiting Canada and Spain each year to forage for wild mushrooms.
All the benefits fungi provide to humans are estimated to be worth the equivalent of US$54.57 trillion. This is why it’s an understatement to say that the world’s ecosystems and human societies are shaped by fungi.
And yet fungi continue to be an important but overlooked element of conservation strategies.
Why fungi are forgotten
Conservation efforts have long focused on protecting well-studied animals and plants. This is reflected in the number of species that have been assigned a conservation status by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN).
Around 84 per cent of known species of vertebrates have received an IUCN conservation status. But just 0.5 per cent of all described fungi — 818 fungal species — are currently present on the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. Considering scientists estimate that there could be around 2.5 million fungal species in the world — of which we currently only know about six per cent of them — this means just 0.03 per cent of all fungi have been assigned a conservation status.
Several factors explain this alarming reality.
Fungi are difficult to study in both nature and under experimental conditions. This is because of many species’ microscopic size, their short lifespan and the hidden habitats they call home — such as soils, the tissues of other organisms and dung deposits.
Many species of fungi are difficult to study because of their microscopic size. (Shutterstock)
Fungi are also considered “uncharismatic” — meaning they don’t have the level of human appeal that some other species have. Much of their diversity is cryptic, as well. This means that while many fungi were once considered to be a single species, in reality they’re made up of multiple species that may look similar but are genetically distinct from one another. Because of this, conservation projects for fungi are poorly funded and do not easily capture public interest.
Protecting the unknown
In recent years, there’s been momentum within the scientific community to recognise fungi as a distinct kingdom within conservation strategies — one that’s on equal footing with animals and plants.
A significant milestone in this movement has been the adoption of the term “funga,” which mirrors “fauna” and “flora”. This designates the fungal diversity within a given environment or habitat.
Another important advancement was the recent pledge for fungal conservation that was presented at the 2024 Conference of Parties (COP16) in Colombia. This pledge urged parties to make fungal conservation a priority given fungi are central to achieving the biodiversity targets set out by the Kunming-Montréal Global Biodiversity Framework.
More local initiatives are also emerging. In Québec, over 70 mycologists and biologists signed an opinion letter encouraging the government to integrate fungi into its legislative framework.
Such progress is not trivial and may help correct misconceptions about fungi that continue to be present among the public, economic sectors and policymakers. For example, the misconception that fungi are plants is something that still persists to this day. Allowing this misconception to continue being perpetuated is harmful to the field of mycology, and may be preventing it from becoming a standalone discipline that deserves dedicated funding and specialists.
Still, there’s much we don’t know about these unique, important organisms. And in order for us to be able to protect and preserve the planet’s fungi, we need to begin by formally identifying areas where knowledge is lacking and close these gaps.
Last year, researchers used Laboulbeniomycetes — a class of poorly understood microfungi — as a case study to understand what biodiversity and conservation shortfalls continue to affect funga. This group of fungi includes species that rely on arthropods to disperse their spores or act as hosts for them. Many of these fungi live as minute parasites on the surface of insects such as cockroaches and ladybirds.
The case study uncovered four major biodiversity shortfalls that are undermining the conservation of funga. These include knowledge gaps in species diversity, distribution, conservation assessments and species persistence.
Part of conservation
Failing to protect fungi means, by extension, failing to protect the roles they play in our ecosystems and daily lives.
This is especially timely, as fungi, like animals and plants, are also facing numerous threats. Habitat degradation, pollution, invasive species and climate change may all increase their risks of extinction.
And, as recently exemplified in vertebrates, many undescribed species of fungi may be even more at peril than we might know. This is because they’re most likely to be found in remote geographical regions — such as tropical rainforests — and thus heavily susceptible to human-induced changes.
A key priority to better integrate fungi into conservation biology is to accumulate data on species diversity. But in order to accumulate data and understand how we can better protect fungal species worldwide, we need to fund research on fungi and make mycology a more attractive field for young scientists.
One thing remains certain: the more we explore, the more we realise just how little we know.
Jonathan Cazabonne is financially supported by a B2X doctoral research fellowship from the Fonds de Recherche du Québec – Nature et technologies (FRQNT).
Danny Haelewaters receives funding from the Czech Academy of Sciences (Lumina Quaeruntur Fellowship LQ200962501).
Australia’s energy policy would take a sharp turn if the Coalition wins the upcoming federal election. A Dutton government would seek to build seven nuclear power plants at the sites of old coal-fired power stations.
So is there another option? Yes: pumped hydro storage plants. This technology is quicker and cheaper to develop than nuclear power, and can store solar and wind rather than curtail it. It’s better suited to Australia’s electricity grid and would ultimately lead to fewer emissions. Drawing on our recent global analysis, we found the technology could be deployed near all but one of the seven sites the Coalition has earmarked for nuclear power.
Building pumped hydro storage systems near old coal-fired power generators has some advantages, such as access to transmission lines – although more will be needed as electricity demand increases. But plenty of other suitable sites exist, too.
It involves pumping water uphill from one reservoir to another at a higher elevation for storage. Then, when power is needed, water is released to flow downhill through turbines, generating electricity on its way to the lower reservoir.
Together with battery storage, pumped hydro solves the very real problem of keeping the grid stable and reliable when it is dominated by solar and wind power.
By 2030, 82% of Australia’s electricity supply is expected to come from renewables, up from about 40% today.
But solar panels only work during the day and don’t produce as much power when it’s cloudy. And wind turbines don’t generate power when it’s calm. That’s where storage systems come in. They can charge up when electricity is plentiful and then release electricity when it’s needed.
Grid-connected batteries can fill short-term gaps (from seconds to a few hours). Pumped hydro can store electricity overnight, and longer still. These two technologies can be used together to supply electricity through winter, and other periods of calm or cloudy weather.
Two types of pumped-storage hydropower, one doesn’t require dams on rivers. NREL
Finding pumped hydro near the Coalitions’s proposed nuclear sites
Australia has three operating pumped hydro systems: Tumut 3 in the Snowy Mountains, Wivenhoe in Queensland, and Shoalhaven in the Kangaroo Valley of New South Wales.
We previously developed a “global atlas” to identify potential locations for pumped hydro facilities around the world.
More recently, we created a publicly available tool to filter results based on construction cost, system size, distance from transmission lines or roads, and away from environmentally sensitive locations.
In this new analysis, we used the tool to find pumped hydro options near the sites the Coalition has chosen for nuclear power plants.
Mapping 300 potential pumped hydro sites
The proposed nuclear sites are:
Liddell Power Station, New South Wales
Mount Piper Power Station, New South Wales
Loy Yang Power Stations, Victoria
Tarong Power Station, Queensland
Callide Power Station, Queensland
Northern Power Station, South Australia (small modular reactor only)
Muja Power Station, Western Australia (small modular reactor only).
We used our tool to identify which of these seven sites would instead be suitable for a pumped hydro project, using the following criteria:
low construction cost (for a pumped hydro project)
located within 85km of the proposed nuclear sites.
We included various reservoir types in our search:
new reservoirs on undeveloped land (“greenfield” sites)
Exactly 300 sites matched our search criteria. No options emerged near the proposed nuclear site in Western Australia, but suitable sites lie further north in the mining region of the Pilbara.
One option east of Melbourne, depicted in the image below, has a storage capacity of 500 gigawatt-hours. Compared with Snowy 2.0, this option has a much shorter tunnel, larger energy capacity, and larger height difference between the two reservoirs (increasing the potential energy stored in the water). And unlike Snowy 2.0, it is not located in a national park.
Of course, shortlisted sites would require detailed assessment to confirm the local geology is suitable for pumped hydro, and to evaluate potential environmental and social impacts.
More where that came from
We restricted our search to sites near the Coalition’s proposed nuclear plants. But there are hundreds of potential pumped hydro sites along Australia’s east coast.
Developers can use our free tool to identify the best sites.
So far, the Australian electricity transition has mainly been driven by private investment in solar and wind power. With all this renewable energy entering the grid, there’s money to be made in storage, too.
Large, centralised, baseload electricity generators, such as coal and nuclear plants, are becoming a thing of the past. A smarter energy policy would balance solar and wind with technologies such as pumped hydro, to secure a reliable electricity supply.
Timothy Weber receives funding from the Australian government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and the Australian Centre for Advanced Photovoltaics.
Andrew Blakers receives funding from the Australian government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and other organisations.
Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (video statements)
On this episode of the Inside the FBI Podcast, we highlight the 75th anniversary of our Ten Most Wanted Fugitives program—commonly known as the Top Ten list. For a full transcript and additional resources, visit fbi.gov/news/podcasts.
You can view the current iteration of the Ten Most Wanted Fugitives List at fbi.gov/wanted/topten. You can also visit fbi.gov/mostwantedfaqs to learn more about the list and see the most recent statistics.
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Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jonathan Cazabonne, Doctorant en mycologie et écologie des vieilles forêts, Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue (UQAT)
Fungi are among the most important organisms on Earth. Even though most of the world’s described 157,000 fungal species are only visible with a microscope, these organisms are essential to our ecosystems, our societies and economies.
Fungi are also important to human cultures — including as a source of food, medicine and art. Economically, fungi also support a growing economy centred around mycotourism — with a growing number of travellers visiting Canada and Spain each year to forage for wild mushrooms.
All the benefits fungi provide to humans are estimated to be worth the equivalent of US$54.57 trillion. This is why it’s an understatement to say that the world’s ecosystems and human societies are shaped by fungi.
And yet fungi continue to be an important but overlooked element of conservation strategies.
Why fungi are forgotten
Conservation efforts have long focused on protecting well-studied animals and plants. This is reflected in the number of species that have been assigned a conservation status by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN).
Around 84 per cent of known species of vertebrates have received an IUCN conservation status. But just 0.5 per cent of all described fungi — 818 fungal species — are currently present on the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. Considering scientists estimate that there could be around 2.5 million fungal species in the world — of which we currently only know about six per cent of them — this means just 0.03 per cent of all fungi have been assigned a conservation status.
Several factors explain this alarming reality.
Fungi are difficult to study in both nature and under experimental conditions. This is because of many species’ microscopic size, their short lifespan and the hidden habitats they call home — such as soils, the tissues of other organisms and dung deposits.
Many species of fungi are difficult to study because of their microscopic size. (Shutterstock)
Fungi are also considered “uncharismatic” — meaning they don’t have the level of human appeal that some other species have. Much of their diversity is cryptic, as well. This means that while many fungi were once considered to be a single species, in reality they’re made up of multiple species that may look similar but are genetically distinct from one another. Because of this, conservation projects for fungi are poorly funded and do not easily capture public interest.
Protecting the unknown
In recent years, there’s been momentum within the scientific community to recognise fungi as a distinct kingdom within conservation strategies — one that’s on equal footing with animals and plants.
A significant milestone in this movement has been the adoption of the term “funga,” which mirrors “fauna” and “flora”. This designates the fungal diversity within a given environment or habitat.
Another important advancement was the recent pledge for fungal conservation that was presented at the 2024 Conference of Parties (COP16) in Colombia. This pledge urged parties to make fungal conservation a priority given fungi are central to achieving the biodiversity targets set out by the Kunming-Montréal Global Biodiversity Framework.
More local initiatives are also emerging. In Québec, over 70 mycologists and biologists signed an opinion letter encouraging the government to integrate fungi into its legislative framework.
Such progress is not trivial and may help correct misconceptions about fungi that continue to be present among the public, economic sectors and policymakers. For example, the misconception that fungi are plants is something that still persists to this day. Allowing this misconception to continue being perpetuated is harmful to the field of mycology, and may be preventing it from becoming a standalone discipline that deserves dedicated funding and specialists.
Still, there’s much we don’t know about these unique, important organisms. And in order for us to be able to protect and preserve the planet’s fungi, we need to begin by formally identifying areas where knowledge is lacking and close these gaps.
Last year, researchers used Laboulbeniomycetes — a class of poorly understood microfungi — as a case study to understand what biodiversity and conservation shortfalls continue to affect funga. This group of fungi includes species that rely on arthropods to disperse their spores or act as hosts for them. Many of these fungi live as minute parasites on the surface of insects such as cockroaches and ladybirds.
The case study uncovered four major biodiversity shortfalls that are undermining the conservation of funga. These include knowledge gaps in species diversity, distribution, conservation assessments and species persistence.
Part of conservation
Failing to protect fungi means, by extension, failing to protect the roles they play in our ecosystems and daily lives.
This is especially timely, as fungi, like animals and plants, are also facing numerous threats. Habitat degradation, pollution, invasive species and climate change may all increase their risks of extinction.
And, as recently exemplified in vertebrates, many undescribed species of fungi may be even more at peril than we might know. This is because they’re most likely to be found in remote geographical regions — such as tropical rainforests — and thus heavily susceptible to human-induced changes.
A key priority to better integrate fungi into conservation biology is to accumulate data on species diversity. But in order to accumulate data and understand how we can better protect fungal species worldwide, we need to fund research on fungi and make mycology a more attractive field for young scientists.
One thing remains certain: the more we explore, the more we realise just how little we know.
Jonathan Cazabonne is financially supported by a B2X doctoral research fellowship from the Fonds de Recherche du Québec – Nature et technologies (FRQNT).
Danny Haelewaters receives funding from the Czech Academy of Sciences (Lumina Quaeruntur Fellowship LQ200962501).
Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe
Abstracts and papers for the different topics of this workshop can be found below.
Background:
Modern statistical production systems require standardization of the processes, information and architectures that are involved in producing statistics, so that those processes can be automated, and information (including data) can be seamlessly passed between different systems, perhaps using software components that have been developed by another organization for the same purpose.
The need to do this has never been more pressing, due to the multiplicity of different sources of data, different outputs required, and different technologies that may be used to choreograph all of the required elements required to produce statistics.
This workshop is organized by the Supporting Standards Group, which maintains a set of standards and models for processes, information, architectures and other activities needed to produce statistics, and supports collaboration activities for their implementation, to provide a foundation for modern production.
This year’s workshop is focused on the objectives of interoperability, governance, and of transparency, traceability and provenance in production, discussing the role of various models and standards for achieving those objectives. There will also be sessions showcasing the use of models and the future of production.
Session: Transparency, traceability and provenance
From micro to macro data: ModernStats models for the conceptual modelling of statistical metadata in an interoperability perspective, Italian National Institute of Statistics (Istat)
Thank you to Global Competition Review for putting together today’s program. I am grateful for the opportunity to close out what I imagine has been a full day of interesting discussions.
Let me cut to the chase. As I’m sure you are all aware, like the rest of the federal government, we at the Antitrust Division are in the midst of a transition. I know from my experience at the Division through previous transitions that these periods always raise questions about our enforcement levels and priorities going forward, about how we’ll deploy our finite resources. And I know you all are eager for answers on whether and how our enforcement priorities might shift. Of course, I won’t attempt to speak for our new and incoming leadership team at the Department, but what I can say is that I fully expect robust antitrust enforcement to continue, with cartel enforcement being no exception.
With that said, I will offer some thoughts on our recent and ongoing criminal enforcement work and our core mission.
I’ll start with a few simple truths.
First, our country relies on free markets.
Second, vigorous antitrust enforcement is essential to protect free markets and ensure that we all receive the benefits of competition.
Third, that enforcement mission has a critical criminal prosecution component. If we did not prosecute those who commit antitrust crimes like price fixing and monopolization schemes, unchecked collusion, consolidation, and anticompetitive crimes would distort our markets and raise prices — including on everyday products we all rely on, as well as for vital goods and services the government needs to ensure our national security and provide critical infrastructure. This is why areas like healthcare, defense spending, agriculture and food supply, infrastructure and housing, and technology for just a few examples, continue to be staples of our work.
So, it is not surprising that we are continuing to investigate and charge criminal cases — across a wide array of sectors and across all levels of the economy. These investigations and cases have significant impacts on key areas of public procurement and private spending.
We are not even through the first quarter of 2025, and already our statistics are tangible evidence that our enforcement is not letting up. Thus far this year, our teams have charged 15 defendants — one company and 14 individuals — and have obtained 24 guilty pleas — two from companies and 22 from individuals. I would be the first to acknowledge that numbers aren’t the whole story. Much of our work goes on behind the scenes, in a covert posture, and the public filings are merely the tip of a vast iceberg.
But the numbers can certainly tell you something about our priorities. I think you can take away two things from these statistics: first, we are not shying away from enforcement; and second, we remain deeply committed to individual accountability — never forgetting the essential, unique deterrent role that prison sentences serve.
The recent charges include a slate of guilty pleas in US v. Martinez, a case where 12 individuals were charged with using anticompetitive and violent means to monopolize the market for transmigrante forwarding services in the Los Indios, Texas, area, and to enforce a price fixing and market allocation conspiracy. The majority of defendants have now pleaded guilty, including to landmark criminal monopolization conspiracy charges.
I’ll note that it was just about three years ago when Antitrust Division officials began observing in public fora like this one that Section 2 of the Sherman Act, like Section 1, is a felony offense and that the Antitrust Division had a long and storied record — albeit interrupted by a half century of underenforcement — of prosecuting monopolization crimes. Several years ago, some may have thought it remarkable to hear from an enforcer that if the facts and the law lead us to the conclusion that a criminal charge based on Section 2 of the Sherman Act is warranted, we’ll charge it. But from where we stand today, the landscape has changed. Several years on, the Division has done exactly what was previewed: we have charged several criminal monopolization cases, using the statute as Congress wrote and intended it to punish those who seek to monopolize markets through anticompetitive means.
The charges in Martinez are also illustrative for another reason — they show that antitrust crimes occur at all levels of the economy and that antitrust crime can also occur alongside and be carried out with other crimes — including extortion and acts of violence.
Beyond Martinez,the Division’s recent guilty pleas include defendants charged with conspiracies and schemes targeting government procurement, which our teams investigated with our law enforcement partners through the Procurement Collusion Strike Force. For example, four defendants pleaded guilty to fraud and conspiracy charges arising from schemes targeting IT sales to the Department of Defense and intelligence community. Those pleas included a former government official who admitted to accepting bribes in exchange for ensuring that another defendant received government contracts at inflated prices.
And within the last month, three individuals and one company admitted to rigging bids in the Division’s ongoing investigation into widespread bid rigging and fraud targeting sports equipment for schools that has, in total, resulted in six defendants charged to date, all of whom have pleaded guilty. At least 100 schools throughout Mississippi and elsewhere have been victimized by these conspiracies. And in a different investigation, another defendant recently pleaded guilty to obstruction for destroying evidence, demonstrating yet again that we will pursue cases where defendants seek to obstruct or impede criminal or civil antitrust investigations by destroying evidence or lying to agents and enforcers.
Additional recent successes relate to our continued pursuit of bid rigging and collusion in construction and infrastructure industries. In an ongoing investigation, four individuals and a company recently admitted rigging bids for commercial roofing services in Florida — a vital industry given that safe, affordable roofing is critical to Florida communities prone to hurricanes. And two more individuals pleaded guilty in a long running investigation of bid rigging of asphalt paving services in the Detroit area. In total seven individuals and three companies have been charged and admitted guilt in that investigation.
I think it’s also worth noting that these charges continue to expose individuals to real prison sentences — leading to significant general deterrence. Take as one example the most recent criminal antitrust case that went to trial — against two executives, Greg and David Melton, who were convicted of fixing prices, rigging bids, and allocating jobs in the sale of ready-mix concrete in the Savannah, Georgia area. They were sentenced to 41 and 26 months in prison.
At that sentencing hearing — I will quote from the transcript because it is an important reminder of how courts view these violations — the judge observed that the crime of conviction was, in effect, “years of decisions that stole from the American people, from our economy.”
The judge went on to say: “That’s what antitrust is. It’s like thievery, because at the bedrock of the greatest economy in the history of the world is competition. That’s what we’ve always been founded on. I have naturalization ceremonies in our courtrooms, and I tell new citizens, welcome to the country where you have the greatest potential and opportunity that you’ll ever have, because we’re a meritocracy. You come here; you do a good job, and you can obtain anything. That’s the American dream.
When we rig a system, when we rig government or we rig the economy, we steal from that dream.
It’s very, very serious conduct; and that’s why we have serious consequences for it.”
And this is precisely why our work continues. Teams are preparing for three trials in the coming months. The first of these, scheduled to begin March 24 in Las Vegas, charges an individual with wage fixing and fraud in the healthcare industry. Next up, is another individual trial, set for April in the District of Idaho, on charges of market allocation in wildfire fighting services sold to the U.S. Forest Service, part of our ongoing work prosecuting procurement collusion through the PCSF. And in May, a team is heading to Oklahoma to try a case against two executives and a company charged with rigging bids and fixing prices in erosion control products and services for highway construction.
These cases, like so many others we have brought, have a direct impact on the livelihood of regular Americans and are a vital part of our government’s work to safeguard the public’s tax dollars. Their variety — in terms of industry and geography — reflect the breadth of our work and its importance to our country.
Beyond those cases, our covert and nonpublic work is ongoing. We have more grand jury investigations open now than at any time in my career, more than twice as many investigations as we had a decade ago. I expect to be able to share developments in some of these investigations in the near future.
In sum, our criminal enforcement work is continuing.
I want to conclude by recognizing the work that the Antitrust Division does cannot happen without its people — the beating heart of the organization. Fundamentally, the Antitrust Division is its people, who make significant sacrifices to perform their public service roles. They continue to operate at the highest level as they investigate and prosecute cases to protect American consumers and our open markets. I’m so proud of the work they do, and I remain incredibly grateful that I have the opportunity to work alongside them every day. Thank you.
Data on overdose deaths in Philly in 2024 is not yet available. However, new research shows that drug deaths are dropping in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.
Still, opioid overdose deaths in Philadelphia remain what public health researchers call a “wicked problem.” These are complex, multifaceted challenges that are constantly changing and have no clear solution.
The Conversation U.S. published several articles over the past year that sought to untangle various threads of this wicked problem in Philadelphia. Here are four essential reads.
1. Overdose deaths down – but still high
Philadelphia’s 7% drop in fatal overdoses in 2023 is notable. Still, opioid use disorder claimed the lives of over 1,100 residents that year – more than three times as many lives as 10 years earlier.
“Local drug-testing efforts found as much as a fiftyfold difference in potency between bags of fentanyl that appear identical,” Cocchiaro writes. “It’s like cracking a beer and not knowing whether drinking it will get you mildly buzzed or send you to the graveyard.
Forensic testing has revealed that over 90% of street heroin and fentanyl samples in Philly now contain xylazine, an animal tranquilizer with no FDA-approved use in humans.
Rachel McFadden is an emergency room nurse at the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania and also works at a walk-in clinic in North Philadelphia that serves people who use drugs. Before xylazine, she says, most of the wounds she saw were minor skin infections that she treated with antibiotics.
But that changed in late 2019.
“Participants at the wound care clinic started to come in with a different kind of wound. They were filled with black and yellow dead tissue and tunneled deep into the skin. They were not wounds from infection but rather from tissue death or necrosis,” McFadden writes.
McFadden explains the protocol for treating these serious wounds, which involves removing the dead tissue, administering antimicrobials and antibiotics for the inflammation and infection, and keeping the wound moist and dressed. She says it’s also important that people’s other basic needs, including food, shelter and a place to shower, are met so they can properly heal.
The combination of fentanyl and xylazine in Philly street opioids has made withdrawal symptoms far more excruciating than those experienced by heroin users in the past.
That’s according to Kory London, an emergency room doctor and associate professor of emergency medicine at Thomas Jefferson University. London says these withdrawal symptoms lead many patients who are addicted to opioids to discharge themselves from the hospital before their treatment is complete.
“Patients with opioid use disorder will often do whatever they can to stay out of the hospital due to fear of withdrawal,” he writes. “Asking how withdrawal symptoms are managed, therefore, is often their first priority when hospitalized. We see this even when they have conditions that require complicated and time-sensitive treatments.
Beginning in 2022, London and colleagues began experimenting with new approaches to treating “tranq” dope withdrawal in Philly. The new protocols reduced the likelihood of these patients leaving early by more than half – from 10% to just under 4%.
Researchers Karli Hochstatter and Fernando Montero at Columbia University are part of a team that tests fentanyl samples collected in the Kensington neighborhood of Philadelphia each month. Those tests have turned up a new adulterant: an industrial chemical known as BTMPS that is used in making plastics.
“We first detected BTMPS in Philadelphia in June 2024. We found it in two of the eight samples – 25% – that we collected that month. By November 2024, 12 of 22 samples – or 55% – contained BTMPS,” Hochstatter and Montero write. “What’s more, the amount, or concentration, of this industrial chemical in the drug samples often exceeded the amount of fentanyl.”
BTMPS has not been studied in humans, but rat studies reveal exposure – at far lower levels than what is found in the Philly fentanyl samples – can cause heart defects, serious eye damage and death.
SmartThings, Samsung’s global connected living platform, today announces the expansion of its Flex Connect program with Leap into PJM Interconnection LLC (PJM). Originally launched to California and New York in July 2024, the program saw rapid success, prompting Samsung to expand access to Texas in December 2024, and now to PJM in early March. This expansion to the largest wholesale electricity market in the U.S. enables more consumers to access energy-saving opportunities, reinforcing SmartThings’ commitment to providing user choice and sustainable solutions.
With the expanded reach of Flex Connect, SmartThings users across the Mid-Atlantic and greater Chicago now have greater access to participate in demand response (DR) events that help stabilize the energy grid while lowering their energy costs. Consumers can automate their smart home devices—including thermostats, plugs, air conditioners, lights, TVs, and appliances—to participate in energy-saving initiatives effortlessly, maximizing their savings without sacrificing comfort.
Enhancing Consumer Choice with the Largest Smart Home Ecosystem
SmartThings offers the largest ecosystem of connected devices, giving consumers unparalleled flexibility in how they can engage with DR programs. Unlike traditional DR initiatives with limited device compatibility, Flex Connect allows a broad range of smart devices to integrate seamlessly, ensuring users can participate in a way that best suits their home setup.
Eligible users can enroll supported devices through SmartThings Energy, a service within the SmartThings app, and select their preferred automation settings. When the grid is under stress, enrolled devices will automatically adjust energy consumption, helping consumers reduce their usage while maintaining comfort. Users who do not own supported devices can still participate by receiving energy-saving tips and taking manual actions to conserve energy.
Transforming the Demand Response Experience
Historically, DR programs required significant manual intervention and offered limited device compatibility. With SmartThings Energy, Samsung has unlocked whole-home DR participation by providing seamless automation, energy usage insights, and AI-powered energy management.
Flex Connect allows users to:
Earn Rewards – Enrolled users receive $50 in Samsung Rewards Points for participating in energy-saving events, making sustainability financially beneficial to users.
Automate Energy Savings – SmartThings devices intelligently adjust energy use based on grid demand, efficiently saving users energy without compromising convenience.
Customize Their Experience – Consumers have full control over which devices participate and how they respond to DR events, reinforcing SmartThings’ core mission of user empowerment.
Empowering Consumers and Strengthening the Grid
Grid pressures are projected to continue to intensify across the U.S., with the North American Electric Reliability Corporation projecting a 15% increase in summer peak demand and an 18% increase in winter peak demand over the next decade. With the Flex Connect program now supporting 32% of the U.S. population, according to U.S. Census data, Samsung is now a vital player in managing the increased energy demand–and at a crucial time, when energy demand is rising, supply is constrained, electricity prices are increasing for customers, and grid stability is threatened.
“With SmartThings, we’re giving consumers the power to choose how they engage with their energy use while contributing to a more sustainable future,” said Chanwoo Park, Executive Vice President of B2B Integrated Offering Center at Samsung Electronics. “Expanding Flex Connect with Leap in the Mid-Atlantic and Chicago regions means more users can experience the benefits of automation, energy savings, and financial incentives—all while supporting a more resilient grid.”
SmartThings remains at the forefront of innovation, creating new opportunities for consumers to participate in demand response programs effortlessly. Programs like Flex Connect are vital in managing the increased energy demand while providing financial and environmental benefits. The Flex Connect expansion marks a significant step toward a smarter, more efficient, and consumer-driven energy future.
For more information, please visit www.smartthings.com.
The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI), Government of India has taken several initiatives in the field of official statistical system, towards ‘Viksit Bharat’ by 2047. As part of the initiative towards strengthening the National Statistical System, the Ministry has taken various reforms to ensure timely availability of quality data on various facets of economy for data driven decision making, which inter-alia include, improving data collection, data processing, data dissemination and data infrastructure. Some of the initiatives are as under:
(i) To assess the development and to support evidence based interventions on socio-economic fronts, MoSPI has conducted sample surveys on various socio-economic subjects such as health, education, labour & employment etc., on all-India basis, both at the national and State/UT level.
(ii) To reduce time lag, MoSPI is using Digital platforms, with in-built validation mechanism in sample surveys for data collection.
(iii) Estimates of key macroeconomic indicators, such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Consumer Price Index (CPI), Index of Industrial Production (IIP) are released as per Advance Release Calendar (ARC) with minimum time lag.
(iv) In order to facilitate ease of Data management for Official Statistics, eSankhyiki portal was launched. This portal provides time series data of important macro indicators and a catalogue of major data assets of the Ministry.
(v) Grant in Aid were provided to States/UTs under the ongoing central sector sub-scheme Support for Statistical Strengthening (SSS) to strengthen the statistical capacity and operations of state statistical system.
This information was given by Minister of State (Independent Charge) of the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Minister of State (Independent Charge) of the Ministry of Planning, andMinister of State in the Ministry of Culture, Rao Inderjit Singh in a written reply in the Rajya Sabha today.
Under the Data Innovation lab Component of Capacity Development Scheme of the ministry, it is envisaged to partner with academic institutions to create an innovation ecosystem, by forging a link between academia and practitioners. This partnership is expected to leverage academic expertise to tackle real-world challenges in official statistics.
MoUs have been signed with IIM Nagpur, IIT Madras, IIIT Vadodara, IIT Gandhinagar and Maharaja Agrasen University, in addition to Indraprastha Institute of Information Technology, Delhi. This is an ongoing process and MoUs are signed as and when the partnership with academic institutions is finalized.
This information was given by Minister of State (Independent Charge) of the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Minister of State (Independent Charge) of the Ministry of Planning and Minister of State in the Ministry of Culture, Rao Inderjit Singh in a written reply in the Rajya Sabha today.
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
Hong Kong’s Gross National Income and external primary income flows for the fourth quarter of 2024 and the whole year of 2024 Hong Kong’s GNI, which denotes the total income earned by Hong Kong residents from engaging in various economic activities, increased by 7.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024 over a year earlier to $898.6 billion at current market prices. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP), estimated at $836.5 billion at current market prices in the same quarter, recorded a 5.3% increase over a year earlier. The value of GNI was larger than GDP by $62.1 billion in the fourth quarter of 2024, which was equivalent to 7.4% of GDP in that quarter, mainly attributable to a net inflow of investment income.
After netting out the effect of price changes over the same period, Hong Kong’s GNI increased by 5.2% in real terms in the fourth quarter of 2024 over a year earlier. The corresponding GDP in the same quarter increased by 2.4% in real terms.
Hong Kong’s total inflow of primary income, which mainly comprises investment income, estimated at $496.8 billion in the fourth quarter of 2024 and equivalent to 59.4% of GDP in that quarter, recorded an increase of 8.1% over a year earlier. Meanwhile, total primary income outflow, estimated at $434.7 billion in the fourth quarter of 2024 and equivalent to 52.0% of GDP in that quarter, also increased by 4.9% over a year earlier.
As for the major components of investment income inflow, direct investment income (DII) increased significantly by 10.8% over a year earlier, mainly due to the increase in earnings of some prominent local enterprises from their direct investment abroad. Portfolio investment income (PII) recorded a significant increase of 13.4% over a year earlier, mainly attributable to the increase in interest income received by resident investors from their holdings of non-resident debt securities.
Regarding the major components of investment income outflow, DII increased by 6.1% over a year earlier, mainly due to the increase in earnings of some prominent multinational enterprises from their direct investment in Hong Kong. PII increased significantly by 11.6%, mainly attributable to the increase in interest payout to non-resident investors from their holdings of resident debt securities and the increase in dividend payout to non-resident investors from their holdings of resident equity securities.
Analysed by country/territory, the mainland of China continued to be the largest source of Hong Kong’s total primary income inflow in the fourth quarter of 2024, accounting for 42.0%. This was followed by the British Virgin Islands (BVI), with a share of 17.6%. Regarding total primary income outflow, the mainland of China and the BVI remained the most important destinations in the fourth quarter of 2024, accounting for 27.5% and 21.9% respectively.
For 2024 as a whole, Hong Kong’s GNI increased by 7.5% over a year earlier to $3,477.8 billion at current market prices. The difference of $300.8 billion from GDP for the same year (estimated at $3,177.0 billion) represented a net primary income inflow of the same amount and was equivalent to 9.5% of GDP in that year. The total primary income inflow was estimated at $2,204.0 billion, or 69.4% of GDP in 2024 while the corresponding outflow at $1,903.2 billion, or 59.9% of GDP in 2024. After netting out the effect of price changes, Hong Kong’s GNI increased by 5.0% in real terms in 2024 over 2023.
Further Information
GDP and GNI are closely related indicators for measuring economic performance. GDP is a measure of the total value of production of all resident producing units of an economy. GNI denotes the total income earned by residents of an economy from engaging in various economic activities, irrespective of whether the economic activities are carried out within the economic territory of the economy or outside.
Figures of GNI and primary income flows analysed by income component from the first quarter of 2023 to the fourth quarter of 2024 are presented in Table A, while selected major country/territory breakdowns of primary income inflow and outflow for the same quarters are presented in Tables B(1) and B(2) respectively.
Statistics on GDP and GNI from 2023 onwards and primary income flows for 2024 are subject to revision when more data are incorporated.
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
Volume and price statistics of external merchandise trade in January 2025 In January 2025, the volume of Hong Kong’s total exports of goods and imports of goods decreased by 2.0% and 1.7% respectively over January 2024. Due to the difference in timing of the Lunar New Year holidays, it is more appropriate to analyse the trade figures for January and February taken together in making year-on-year comparison.
Comparing the three months ending January 2025 with the three months ending January 2024, the volume of Hong Kong’s total exports of goods and imports of goods decreased by 0.1% and 0.8% respectively.
Comparing the three-month period ending January 2025 with the preceding three months on a seasonally adjusted basis, the volume of total exports of goods and imports of goods increased by 2.7% and 0.3% respectively.
Changes in volume of external merchandise trade are derived from changes in external merchandise trade value with the effect of price changes discounted.
Comparing January 2025 with January 2024, the prices of total exports of goods and imports of goods both increased by 2.0%.
Price changes in external merchandise trade are reflected by changes in unit value indices of external merchandise trade, which are compiled based on average unit values or, for certain commodities, specific price data.
The terms of trade index is derived from the ratio of price index of total exports of goods to that of imports of goods. Compared with the same period in 2024, the index remained virtually unchanged in January 2025.
Changes in the unit value and volume of total exports of goods by main destination are shown in Table 1.
Comparing January 2025 with January 2024, declines were recorded for the total export volume to India (-22.1%), the mainland of China (the Mainland) (-3.6%) and Taiwan (-2.2%). On the other hand, the total export volume to the USA (12.2%) and Vietnam (65.9%) increased.
Over the same period of comparison, the total export prices to Vietnam (4.0%), Taiwan (4.0%), the USA (2.4%) and the Mainland (1.6%) increased. On the other hand, the total export prices to India decreased by 1.2%.
Changes in the unit value and volume of imports of goods by main supplier are shown in Table 2.
Comparing January 2025 with January 2024, declines were recorded for the import volume from Korea (-25.3%) and the Mainland (-9.0%). On the other hand, the import volume from Singapore (2.9%), Taiwan (32.1%) and Malaysia (44.8%) increased.
Over the same period of comparison, the import prices from all main suppliers increased: Korea (8.4%), Malaysia (5.3%), Taiwan (3.1%), Singapore (2.1%) and the Mainland (0.3%).
The Commission is aware of the challenges facing the EU’s outermost regions and French Guyana in terms of food security and farming and is fully committed to supporting the development of these regions.
The outermost regions can receive support under the Single Market Programme[1] for the implementation of phytosanitary programmes for the control of pests. However, Ceratobasidium sp. does not feature among the pests eligible for funding in the phytosanitary programme 2025-2027[2].
The outermost regions can also benefit from support through the Horizon Europe programme for plant health research and innovation.
This area is a priority under cluster 6 ‘Food, Bioeconomy, Natural Resources, Agriculture and Environment’ of the Horizon Europe Programme[3], and will remain a key focus in future work programmes[4].
Under Horizon 2020[5] and Horizon Europe, numerous projects in plant health were funded, including initiatives addressing emerging threats from plant pests.
The outermost regions benefit from further support for agriculture and food autonomy under the Common Agricultural Policy and the Programme of options specifically relating to remoteness and insularity.
The French Common Agricultural Policy Strategic Plan supports research projects for agriculture through the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development[6], enabling outermost regions to address plant health challenges.
The LIFE[7] programme under which the outermost regions benefit from bonus points for their applications, also supports biodiversity protection and projects relating to invasive alien species.
Outermost regions also benefit from the ‘BESTLIFE2030: Grant scheme for biodiversity in EU Overseas’[8] that finances small biodiversity projects with 95% financing.
[1] Regulation (EU) 2021/690 of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing a programme for the internal market, competitiveness of enterprises, including small and medium-sized enterprises, the area of plants, animals, food and feed, and European statistics (Single Market Programme).
[2] Commission Implementing Decision of 8.4.2024 on adoption of the multiannual work programme for 2025-2027 for the implementation of veterinary programmes for animal diseases and zoonoses and phytosanitary programmes for plant pests.
Headline: Panasonic forms the first capital and business alliance with tado°, an IoT-based home energy management platform provider, as a heating equipment manufacturer
Osaka, Japan, March 17, 2025 – Panasonic Corporation today announced that its Heating & Ventilation A/C Company entered into an agreement to work with tado° GmbH, a German based vendor agnostic European leader in home energy management solutions for the first time*1 as a heating equipment manufacturer. Through a €30 million equity investment, Panasonic will strengthen its collaboration with tado°. Panasonic will also take a seat on tado°’s board, deepening operational collaboration to drive greater synergies and accelerate innovation.
Air-to-water (A2W) heat pumps extract heat from the ambient air to produce hot water, which is then circulated throughout buildings for heating. Compared to fossil fuel-based heating systems, A2W significantly reduces CO2 emissions and environmental impact, attracting increasing public attention in recent years.
Panasonic leveraged its over 60 years of expertise in heat pump technology to launch its Aquarea Heat Pumps for residential use in Europe in 2008. A key strength of Panasonic’s Aquarea is its unique ability to maintain heating performance even in extremely cold climates. In May 2023, Panasonic became the first Japanese manufacturer to adopt R290, a natural refrigerant with an ultra-low global warming potential, aligning with Europe’s strong environmental focus.
In March 2024, Panasonic announced a business alliance with tado°, which is a leading vendor of Smart Thermostats (electronic device that remotely controls air-conditioning systems based on weather and temperature settings via an application), and also a provider of dynamic tariff in Europe. tado° is the industry’s leading start-up founded in 2011 with approximately one million household customers. It was nominated for the Tech Tour Growth 50 – List 2025*2 as a potential European unicorn company, demonstrating remarkable growth in recent years.
Linking Panasonic’s A2W and tado°’s Smart Thermostats and Heat Pump Optimizer will optimally control the temperature and amount of hot water generated by A2W, reducing energy consumption by up to approximately 20% based on various information, including the room temperature, user’s temperature settings, weather, and electricity rate. Furthermore, through this capital and business alliance, both companies will collaborate to accelerate innovation in energy-efficient solutions. By sharing product and service specifications, Panasonic and tado° will jointly develop advanced operation control software for Panasonic Aquarea Heat Pumps. Utilizing real-world user data and field test insights, this software will enhance system efficiency and optimize performance. Scheduled for release via a software update in September 2025, it aims to achieve up to a 30% reduction in energy consumption.
A recent survey of tado° customers in August 2024*3 revealed that approximately 75% of households still rely on gas or oil heating systems. Efforts to incorporate a Panasonic-specific design in tado°’s application are already underway, and the two companies will propose the unique combination of Panasonic’s A2W heat pump and tado° solutions by promoting joint marketing through the use of applications and direct mail and introducing Panasonic’s trusted installation partners.
Through collaboration with tado°, Panasonic will contribute to achieving both a comfortable life and a sustainable global environment.
Notes:
*1: Regarding the capital and business alliance between tado° and a manufacturer of heating equipment, such as A2W and boilers. As of March 17, 2025, according to Panasonic’s research.
*2: The Tech Tour Growth 50 Listing recognizes Europe’s most promising high-growth companies.
*3: n = 12,495. The survey was conducted between August 2 and 19, 2024.
Thousands of tonnes of plastic pollution could be escaping into the environment every year … from our mouths. Most chewing gum on sale is made from a variety of oil-based synthetic rubbers – similar to the plastic material used in car tyres.
If you find that thought slightly unsettling, you are not alone. I have been researching and speaking about the plastic pollution problem for 15 years. The people I talk to are always surprised, and disgusted, when they find out they’ve been chewing on a lump of malleable plastic. Most manufacturers just don’t advertise what gum is actually made of – they dodge around the detail by listing “gum base” in the ingredients.
There’s no strict definition of synthetic gum base. Chewing gum brand, Wrigley Extra partners with dental professionals around the world to promote the use of sugar-free chewing gum to improve oral health.
The brand’s Wrigley Oral Health Program states that: “Gum base puts the “chew” in chewing gum, binding all the ingredients together for a smooth, soft texture. We use synthetic gum base materials for a consistent and safe base that provides longer-lasting flavour, improved texture, and reduced tackiness.“
It almost sounds harmless. But chemical analysis shows that gum contains styrene-butadiene (the durable synthetic chemical used to make car tyres), polyethylene (the plastic used to make carrier bags and bottles) and polyvinyl acetate (woodglue) as well as some sweetener and flavouring.
The chewing gum industry is big business, worth an estimated US$48.68 billion (£37.7 billion) in 2025. Three companies own 75% of the market share, the largest of which is Wrigley, with an estimated 35%. There are few reliable statistics available about the amount of gum being produced, but one peer-reviewed global estimate states 1.74 trillion pieces are made per year.
I examined several types of gum and found that the most common weight of an individual piece of gum is 1.4g – that means that globally, a staggering 2.436 million tonnes of gum are produced each year. About a third (30%) of that weight, or just over 730,000 tonnes, is synthetic gum base.
If the idea of chewing plastic isn’t disturbing enough, consider what happens after you spit it out. Most people have experienced discarded gum under bench seats, school desks and on street pavements. But, like other plastics, synthetic chewing gum does not biodegrade and can persist in the environment for many years.
In the environment it will harden, crack and breakdown into microplastics but this can take decades. Cleaning it up is not cheap because it is labour intensive. The average cost is £1.50 per square metre and estimates suggest that the annual clean-up cost for chewing gum pollution for councils in the UK is around £7 million.
There have been some efforts to address the problem. In many public locations around the UK, gum collection pots supplied by Dutch company Gumdrop Ltd have been installed to collect and recycle used gum. Signage provided by councils encouraging responsible disposal is also now a regular feature in some UK high streets, and there is a growing number of small producers offering plant-based alternatives.
In the UK, the environmental charity Keep Britain Tidy launched the chewing gum task force in 2021. This collaboration involves three major manufacturers who have committed to investing up to £10 million in order to clean up “historic gum staining and changing behaviour so that more people bin their gum”.
The first objective implies that cleaning up gum is a solution to this form of plastic pollution; it isn’t. Manufacturers making a financial contribution to clean-up efforts is like plastic manufacturers paying for litter pickers and bin bags at volunteer beach cleans. Neither addresses the root cause of the problem.
Binning gum is not the solution either. Addressing gum as a plastic pollutant dictates that the prevention of gum pollution should include the well-known tenets, like all plastic pollution, of reduce, reuse, recycle and redesign. It is not only a disposal issue.
Another issue that I have uncovered is definition. In the two annual reports published by the gum litter task force since its inception, there is no mention of the word pollution. The distinction between litter and pollution is important. By calling it chewing gum pollution, the narrative changes from an individual negligence issue to a corporate one. That places an onus for accountability onto the producers rather than the consumers.
Single-use solutions
Like single-use plastic items, chewing gum pollution needs to be tackled from all angles – education, reduction, alternatives, innovation, producer responsibility, and legislation.
Educating people about the contents of gum and the environmental consequences those ingredients have will reduce consumption and encourage better disposal habits. More transparent labelling on packaging would empower shoppers to make informed choices. Stricter regulations can hold manufacturers to account – a levy tax on synthetic gum can help pay for clean ups. In turn, this would incentivise more investment in plant-based gums and other sustainable alternatives.
We can all reduce the environmental consequences of this plastic pollution by kicking the gum habit, calling on councils to enforce stricter pollution penalties and encouraging governments to put a tax levy on manufacturers to fund clean ups and force them to list the contents of gum base.
Throwing away any non-disposable, inorganic products is unsustainable. Chewing gum pollution is just another form of plastic pollution. It’s time we start treating it as such.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
The number of cinema admissions in Switzerland fell in 2024 compared with 2023 (‒2%). However, there were variations depending on language region (‒4% in German-speaking Switzerland, but +2% in French-speaking and Italian-speaking Switzerland) and production country (‒12% for American films and +11% for European films). These are some of the final results from the 2024 Swiss Film and Cinema Statistics compiled by the Federal Statistical Office (FSO).
China’s industrial production saw steady growth in the first two months of this year, driven by robust manufacturing performance and the sustained effect of combined macro policies, official data showed on Monday.
China’s value-added industrial output, an important economic indicator, went up 5.9 percent year on year during the January-February period, up 0.1 percentage points from the full-year growth rate of 2024, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
The overall industrial output expansion, fuelled by the robust performance of the equipment manufacturing sector, was achieved despite a high comparative base during the same period last year, NBS spokesperson Fu Linghui told a press conference.
In terms of sectors, the value-added of mining increased by 4.3 percent, manufacturing by 6.9 percent, and the production and supply of electricity, thermal power, gas and water by 1.1 percent during the period, according to the data.
The value-added output of the equipment manufacturing sector rose by 10.6 percent year on year, an increase of 2.9 percentage points from the full-year growth rate of last year, providing strong support for the stable growth of overall industrial production, the data showed.
“Amid the accelerating integration of technological and industrial innovation, cutting-edge technologies such as information technology and artificial intelligence are increasingly driving industrial transformation, becoming new growth drivers for industrial development,” Fu said.
The high-tech manufacturing sector saw a stellar performance, with its value-added output climbing 9.1 percent year on year. The production of industrial robots and integrated circuit wafers increased by 27 percent and 19.6 percent, respectively, according to Monday’s data.
China’s new energy industries have experienced strong growth, with new energy vehicle production surging 47.7 percent year on year and lithium-ion power battery output for automobiles rising 37.5 percent from the previous year, according to Fu.
The industrial output is used to measure the activity of large enterprises, each with an annual main business turnover of at least 20 million yuan (about 2.79 million U.S. dollars).
Fu noted that more proactive and effective macro policies, coupled with breakthroughs in technologies such as artificial intelligence, have driven an improvement in corporate expectations. Last month, the purchasing managers’ index for the manufacturing sector came in at 50.2, up 1.1 percentage points from the previous month and surpassing the boom-or-bust line of 50.
Despite steady industrial production growth, some enterprises are experiencing poor profitability due to structural imbalances in market supply and demand, Fu said, stressing the need to foster the integrated development of technological and industrial innovation and enhance corporate operations.
