Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: NZ must act on Israel’s slaughter of children

    Source: Green Party

    The Green Party is calling on Government MPs to support Chlöe Swarbrick’s Member’s Bill to sanction Israel for its unlawful presence and illegal actions in Palestine, following another day of appalling violence against civilians in Gaza.

    “Aotearoa New Zealand cannot remain a bystander to the slaughter of innocent people in Gaza. We can and must act now to sanction Israel for its crimes, just like we did with Russia for its illegal action in Ukraine,” says Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick. 

    “With Green, Te Pāti Māori and Labour’s committed support, we now need just six of 68 Government MPs to pass my Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill into law.

    “In just the last 24 hours, Israel’s strikes on Gaza have killed at least 400 people, mostly children and women, and left many more injured.

    “There’s no more time for talk. If we stand for human rights and peace and justice, our Parliament must act.

    “In September, Aotearoa joined 123 UN Member States to support a resolution calling for sanctions against those responsible for Israel’s ‘unlawful presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in relation to settler violence.’

    “Our Government has since done nothing to fulfil that commitment. Our Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill starts that very basic process.

    “No party leader or whip can stop a Member of Parliament exercising their democratic right to vote how they know they need to on this Bill. There is no more hiding behind party lines. All 123 Members of Parliament are each individually, personally responsible,” says Chlöe Swarbrick. 

    NOTES TO EDITORS:

    • Palestinian authorities reported that 404 people were killed and over 600 people injured in yesterday’s airstrikes by Israel. According to Gaza’s Government Media Office, the airstrikes in Gaza City, Khan Younis, Deir Al-Balah and Rafah wiped out entire families.
    • Israeli military officials said the IDF targeted Hamas military commanders and political officials. However, Save the Children reported that most of those killed in the airstrikes were women and children.
    • In recent weeks of the ceasefire, Israel had cut off power to Gaza, and enforced a total siege on the entry of aid and supplies into the territory for Palestinian communities already facing starvation and illness.
    • The attacks by Israel take place during the holy month of Ramadhan, an important month in the Muslim calendar. 
    • At least 48,577 Palestinians have been killed, and 112,041 wounded, throughout Israel’s war on Gaza.
    • Elsewhere in Palestinian territory, 43 Palestinian children have been killed in the West Bank since last October, a spike of nearly 250%, according to UNICEF.
    • Standing Order 288 outlines the process for Member’s Bills to bypass the member’s bill ballot (colloquially known as the ‘biscuit tin’), with the support of 61 non-executive members. With 55 Opposition members now officially in support of Swarbrick’s Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill, the support of just 6 Government MPs is necessary to get the Bill onto the floor of Parliament. 
    • On 10th December 2024, Swarbrick wrote to all Members of Parliament asking their support for the Bill to bypass the ballot, and later asked the Prime Minister in the House if there would be any Government policy or position preventing MPs from exercising their democratic right to support the Bill bypassing the ballot. He said that he would have a “good look at the Bill”.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Follow-up to the Parliament resolution concerning targeted measures against the Russian shadow fleet – P-000201/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    Under Council Decision 2014/512/CFSP[1] and Regulation (EU) 833/2014[2], the EU may designate specific vessels for their contribution to Russia’s warfare against Ukraine, including vessels that are part of Russia’s shadow fleet, which seeks to circumvent the EU and Price Cap Coalition’s caps while engaging in deceptive and high-risk shipping practices contrary to international standards. Such vessels are subject to a port access ban and a ban on provision of services.

    To date, the EU has designated a total of 153 vessels as part of the 14th, 15th and 16th sanctions packages[3],[4],[5] adopted in response to Russia’s war against Ukraine.

    The Commission is continuously monitoring the developments relating to vessels belonging to Russia’s shadow fleet as part of its efforts to combat the circumvention of the EU’s Russia sanctions. It has also reached out to third countries providing flagging services to these vessels raising concerns of environmental protection and maritime safety.

    All decisions on EU sanctions are taken unanimously by Member States in the Council, including decisions on the sanctioning of vessels.

    • [1] OJ L 229, 31.7.2014, p. 13-17, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dec/2014/512/oj/eng
    • [2] OJ L 229, 31.7.2014, p. 1-11, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2014/833/oj/eng
    • [3] https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2024/06/24/russia-s-war-of-aggression-against-ukraine-comprehensive-eu-s-14th-package-of-sanctions-cracks-down-on-circumvention-and-adopts-energy-measures/
    • [4] https://neighbourhood-enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/eu-adopts-15th-sanctions-package-against-russia-its-continued-illegal-war-against-ukraine-2024-12-16_en
    • [5] https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_25_585
    Last updated: 18 March 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Hungarian national card – E-002275/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    1. With the exception of the determination of the volume of admission of third-country nationals, which remains the exclusive competence of the Member States, the common immigration policy is a shared competence between the EU and the Member States. As regards the admission of non-EU workers, Member States retain the right to apply national rules if those have not been harmonised at EU level. These national rules cannot, however, jeopardise the security and the well-functioning of an area of freedom, security and justice without internal frontiers, as holders of residence permits (like holders of the Hungarian ‘National Cards’) can move in the Schengen area for up to 90 days in any 180-day period.

    2. The Commission continues to condemn in the strongest possible terms the unprovoked and unjustified military aggression of Ukraine by Russia. In this context, all actions taken at EU and Member States’ levels need to consider the security of the Schengen area as a whole. The Commission adopted specific guidance[1] in 2022 to ensure additional scrutiny as this is a matter of European internal security. Against this background, the Commission maintains its deep concern regarding national schemes covering Russian and Belarusian nationals.

    3. The fact that Hungary has put in place a facilitated scheme to admit Russian and Belarusian nationals for the purpose of work, without considering the security concerns of the other Schengen States raises concerns. This increases the common risks and undermines mutual trust.

    • [1] C (2022) 7111 final.
    Last updated: 18 March 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: European Union – Main results of the Foreign Affairs Council (17 Mar. 2025)

    Source: France-Diplomatie – Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development

    Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs Jean-Noël Barrot took part in yesterday’s EU Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels, where important discussions were held on several topical international issues.

    With regard to the situation in Ukraine, France reiterated the need to strengthen military support for Ukraine and to step up pressure on Russia by adopting additional sanctions. During the month of March, the EU allocated nearly €4.5 billion to support Ukraine.

    The Member States stressed the importance of preserving the ceasefire in Gaza, releasing the hostages and resuming humanitarian aid. France emphasized that the plan endorsed by the Arab League on March 8 represented an important contribution. We also reaffirmed our opposition to any plan involving the forced displacement of Palestinians and underscored the importance of European efforts to preserve the two-state solution.

    As for Syria, France condemned the violence that occurred in the coastal region and noted the gradual, reversible nature of the lifting of individual and sectoral sanctions in light of recent events. We also proposed sanctions targeting those responsible for the atrocities committed against civilians in the west of the country.

    Furthermore, at France’s initiative, European sanctions were adopted against the Islamic State – Khorasan Province and its propaganda organ. The Foreign Affairs Council also authorized the adoption of restrictive measures against nine individuals and one entity as part of the sanctions regime relating to the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Trade on the European Council agenda – 18-03-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    The repeated crises of recent years, including the COVID pandemic and the Russian war on Ukraine, have disrupted trade relations in many ways. Competition on global markets has become fiercer and the rules-based multilateral order established after World War II is increasingly challenged. The tariffs imposed by the new United States (US) administration are adding to the uncertainty. Trade in goods and services accounts for 22.4 % of EU GDP – the EU is the world’s biggest trading bloc and top trading partner for 80 countries. Trade is thus crucial for the EU’s growth and competitiveness. In that context, the development of a robust trade policy, enabling the EU to defend itself effectively against unfair trade practices and to level the playing field, has become a core priority for EU leaders. Consequently, trade – an issue traditionally in the hands of the European Commission – has grown in importance on the European Council agenda in recent years. Developing a bold trade policy is also one of the core elements of the New Competitiveness Deal, which was discussed at the EU leaders’ special meeting in April 2024. The importance of EU assertiveness on the global stage to defend its trade interests was underlined in the European Council’s 2024-2029 Strategic Agenda, the document setting out the EU’s direction for the current 5-year term, as well as in the Budapest Declaration of November 2024. It is in light of recent developments that EU leaders will discuss trade at their 20-21 March meeting in Brussels.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: European Union – Main results of the Foreign Affairs Council of 17 Mar. 2025

    Source: Republic of France in English
    The Republic of France has issued the following statement:

    Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs Jean-Noël Barrot took part in yesterday’s EU Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels, where important discussions were held on several topical international issues.

    With regard to the situation in Ukraine, France reiterated the need to strengthen military support for Ukraine and to step up pressure on Russia by adopting additional sanctions. During the month of March, the EU allocated nearly €4.5 billion to support Ukraine.

    The Member States stressed the importance of preserving the ceasefire in Gaza, releasing the hostages and resuming humanitarian aid. France emphasized that the plan endorsed by the Arab League on March 8 represented an important contribution. We also reaffirmed our opposition to any plan involving the forced displacement of Palestinians and underscored the importance of European efforts to preserve the two-state solution.

    As for Syria, France condemned the violence that occurred in the coastal region and noted the gradual, reversible nature of the lifting of individual and sectoral sanctions in light of recent events. We also proposed sanctions targeting those responsible for the atrocities committed against civilians in the west of the country.

    Furthermore, at France’s initiative, European sanctions were adopted against the Islamic State – Khorasan Province and its propaganda organ. The Foreign Affairs Council also authorized the adoption of restrictive measures against nine individuals and one entity as part of the sanctions regime relating to the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Joint statement of the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Charlevoix

    Source: France-Diplomatie – Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development

    We the G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, met in Charlevoix on March 12 to 14, 2025.

    Ukraine’s long-term prosperity and security

    We reaffirmed our unwavering support for Ukraine in defending its territorial integrity and right to exist, and its freedom, sovereignty and independence.

    We welcomed ongoing efforts to achieve a ceasefire, and in particular the meeting on March 11 between the U.S. and Ukraine in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We applauded Ukraine’s commitment to an immediate ceasefire, which is an essential step towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in line with the Charter of the United Nations.

    We called for Russia to reciprocate by agreeing to a ceasefire on equal terms and implementing it fully. We discussed imposing further costs on Russia in case such a ceasefire is not agreed, including through further sanctions, caps on oil prices, as well as additional support for Ukraine, and other means. This includes the use of extraordinary revenues stemming from immobilized Russian Sovereign Assets. We underlined the importance of confidence-building measures under a ceasefire including the release of prisoners of war and detainees—both military and civilian—and the return of Ukrainian children.

    We emphasized that any ceasefire must be respected and underscored the need for robust and credible security arrangements to ensure that Ukraine can deter and defend against any renewed acts of aggression. We stated that we will continue to coordinate economic and humanitarian support to promote the early recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine, including at the Ukraine Recovery Conference which will take place in Rome on July 10-11, 2025.

    We condemned the provision to Russia of military assistance by DPRK and Iran, and the provision of weapons and dual-use components by China, a decisive enabler of Russia’s war and of the reconstitution of Russia’s armed forces. We reiterated our intention to continue to take action against such third countries.

    We expressed alarm about the impacts of the war, especially on civilians and on civilian infrastructure. We discussed the importance of accountability and reaffirmed our commitment to work together to achieve a durable peace and to ensure that Ukraine remains democratic, free, strong and prosperous.

    Regional peace and stability in the Middle East

    We called for the release of all hostages and for the hostages’ remains held by Hamas in Gaza to be returned to their loved ones. We reaffirmed our support for the resumption of unhindered humanitarian aid into Gaza and for a permanent ceasefire. We underscored the imperative of a political horizon for the Palestinian people, achieved through a negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that meets the legitimate needs and aspirations of both peoples and advances comprehensive Middle East peace, stability and prosperity. We noted serious concern over the growing tensions and hostilities in the West Bank and calls for de-escalation.

    We recognized Israel’s inherent right to defend itself consistent with international law. We unequivocally condemned Hamas, including for its brutal and unjustified terror attacks on October 7, 2023, and the harm inflicted on the hostages during their captivity and the violation of their dignity through the use of ‘handover ceremonies’ during their release. We reiterated that Hamas can have no role in Gaza’s future and must never again be a threat to Israel. We affirmed our readiness to engage with Arab partners on their proposals to chart a way forward on reconstruction in Gaza and build a lasting Israeli-Palestinian peace.

    We expressed our support for the people of Syria and Lebanon, as both countries work towards peaceful and stable political futures. At this critical juncture, we reiterated the importance of Syria’s and Lebanon’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We called unequivocally for the rejection of terrorism in Syria. We condemned strongly the recent escalation of violence in the coastal regions of Syria, and called for the protection of civilians and for perpetrators of atrocities to be held accountable. We stressed the critical importance of an inclusive and Syrian-led political process. We welcomed the commitment by the Syrian interim government to work with the OPCW in eliminating all remaining chemical weapons.

    We stressed that Iran is the principal source of regional instability and must never be allowed to develop and acquire a nuclear weapon. We emphasized that Iran must now change course, de-escalate and choose diplomacy. We underscored the threat of Iran’s growing use of arbitrary detention and foreign assassination attempts as a tool of coercion.

    Cooperation to increase security and resilience across the Indo-Pacific

    We reiterated our commitment to upholding a free, open, prosperous and secure Indo-Pacific, based on sovereignty, territorial integrity, peaceful resolution of disputes, fundamental freedoms and human rights.

    We remain seriously concerned by the situations in the East China Sea as well as the South China Sea and continue to oppose strongly unilateral attempts to change the status quo, in particular by force and coercion. We expressed concern over the increasing use of dangerous maneuvers and water cannons against Philippines and Vietnamese vessels as well as efforts to restrict freedom of navigation and overflight through militarization and coercion in the South China Sea, in violation of international law. We emphasized the importance of maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. We encouraged the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues and reiterated our opposition to any unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force or coercion. We also expressed support for Taiwan’s meaningful participation in appropriate international organizations.

    We remain concerned with China’s military build-up and the continued, rapid increase in China’s nuclear weapons arsenal. We called on China to engage in strategic risk reduction discussions and promote stability through transparency.

    We emphasized that China should not conduct or condone activities aimed at undermining the security and safety of our communities and the integrity of our democratic institutions.16. We expressed concerns about China’s non-market policies and practices that are leading to harmful overcapacity and market distortions. We further called on China to refrain from adopting export control measures that could lead to significant supply chain disruptions. We reiterated that we are not trying to harm China or thwart its economic growth, indeed a growing China that plays by international rules and norms would be of global interest.

    We demanded that the DPRK abandon all its nuclear weapons and any other weapons of mass destruction as well as ballistic missile programs in accordance with all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions. We expressed our serious concerns over, and the need to address together, the DPRK’s cryptocurrency thefts. We called on DPRK to resolve the abductions issue immediately.

    We denounced the brutal repression of the people of Myanmar by the military regime and called for an end to all violence and for unhindered humanitarian access.

    Building stability and resilience in Haiti and Venezuela

    We strongly denounced the ongoing horrifying violence that continues to be perpetrated by gangs in Haiti in their efforts to seize control of the government. We reaffirmed our commitment to helping the Haitian people restore democracy, security and stability, including through support to the Haitian National Police and Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission and an increased role for the UN. We expressed support for Haitian authorities’ efforts to create a specialized anti-corruption jurisdiction that complies with the highest international standards.

    We reiterated our call for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela in line with the aspirations of the Venezuelan people who peacefully voted on July 28, 2024, for change, the cessation of repression and arbitrary or unjust detentions of peaceful protestors including youth by Nicolas Maduro’s regime, as well as the unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners. We also agreed Venezuelan naval vessels threatening Guyana’s commercial vessels is unacceptable and an infringement of Guyana’s internationally recognized sovereign rights. We reaffirmed respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations as an enduring value.

    Supporting lasting peace in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo

    We unequivocally denounced the ongoing fighting and atrocities in Sudan, including sexual violence against women and girls, which have led to the world’s largest humanitarian crisis and the spread of famine. We called for the warring parties to protect civilians, cease hostilities, and ensure unhindered humanitarian access, and urged external actors to end their support fueling the conflict.

    We condemned the Rwanda-backed M23 offensive in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the resulting violence, displacement and grave human rights and international humanitarian law violations. This offensive constitutes a flagrant disregard of the territorial integrity of the DRC. We reiterated our call for M23 and the Rwanda Defence Force to withdraw from all controlled areas. We urged all parties to support the mediation led by the East African Community and the Southern African Development Community, to promote accountability for human rights abuses by all armed actors, including M23 and the FDLR, and to commit to a peaceful and negotiated resolution of the conflict, including the meaningful participation of women and youth.

    Strengthening sanctions and countering hybrid warfare and sabotage

    We welcomed efforts to strengthen the Sanctions Working Group focused on listings and enforcement. We also welcomed discussions on the establishment of a Hybrid Warfare and Sabotage Working Group, and of a Latin America Working Group.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nuclear deterrence: can Britain and France take on America’s role in defending Europe against Russian aggression?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul van Hooft, Research Leader, Defence and Security, RAND

    European doubts about deterrence predate the current US administration. Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, and its growing reliance on nuclear coercion to ward off Nato support, brought the importance of nuclear weapons to the foreground again for the first time since the cold war.

    Even after the invasion, the US continued to prioritise the Indo-Pacific. It questioned the sufficiency of its nuclear arsenal as China’s weapon stockpile grew and delivery systems improved.

    A bipartisan US congressional commission concluded that the Chinese and Russian arsenals should be seen as a joint “two-nuclear-peer” problem, with North Korea an additional disrupting presence.

    Within this context, European leaders are floating alternatives for deterrence in Europe. The French president, Emmanuel Macron, has again affirmed that the French nuclear deterrent has a “European dimension”.

    The Polish president, Andrzej Duda, registered his interest in the idea of the French deterrent being extended to include its European allies. But he also signalled that his country might want to develop its own deterrent.

    The incoming German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has also noted the need to engage with the French and British deterrents. So, could French and British nuclear weapons be enough to deter Russia and reassure European allies?

    Russia has roughly as many weapons as the US. Its arsenal comprises approximately 1,700 deployed strategic weapons and 1,000-2,000 other lower-yield, “smaller” so-called “tactical” nuclear weapons, and another 2,500 non-deployed weapons.

    This is vastly more than France and the UK which have 290 and 225 respectively, or 515 in total.

    Yet, with those numbers both European states should have sufficient strategic weapons to cause unacceptable damage to Moscow and St Petersburg. Their weapons are carried by constantly patrolling nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines – which, are concealed in the ocean far away and are therefore highly likely to survive a first-strike attack. These weapons should be considered credible deterrents for existential threats to either France or the UK.

    Unlike the US, France and the UK are in Europe and cannot consider their security distinct from each other or from Europe. The US, meanwhile, had to have a large and flexible arsenal with tactical nuclear weapons, and a large conventional presence in Europe simply to mount a credible argument, not least to its European allies, that it would actually protect Europe, with nuclear weapons as a last resort.

    The importance of needing to convince Russia of how serious Nato is about deterrence is a matter of record. When they met in Paris in June 1961, the then French leader, General Charles de Gaulle, expressed doubts to the then US president, John F. Kennedy, as to how serious the US was about its defence of Europe, particularly given the uncertainty at the time of the future security of Berlin.

    De Gaulle asked asked Kennedy: “Would you trade New York for Paris?”. His point was that if he wasn’t convinced, would the Russians be? So it’s not just about numbers of warheads. It’s about the defensive posture overall.

    Likely scenarios

    The issue is not existential deterrence but scenarios where French and British survival are not directly threatened. Neither has the option to escalate with so-called “tactical” (or non-strategic) weapons when non-vital interests are at risk – though France could fire a Rafale-launched nuclear “warning shot”.

    Meanwhile, Russia has 1,000–2,000 “tactical” nuclear weapons, which, despite the misleading term, are still entirely capable of levelling a city.

    In case of a conflict in Europe, these could provide military and signalling options between doing nothing and catastrophic escalation. Rather than a full-scale invasion, Russia is more likely to test Nato’s unity by pressuring a Baltic state and using nuclear threats to deter any Nato allies intervening in support. France and the UK would struggle to credibly threaten use of strategic weapons in response.

    Europe’s solution may lie in advanced conventional weapons to deter Russian aggression by building the ability to raise the costs in early stages of a conflict through what is called a strategy of denial. Such capabilities include long-range precision strikes, fifth generation airpower – such as the American F-35 fighter and the French, German and UK alternatives presently being developed – and integrated air and missile defence.

    Given the poor performance of Russia’s own air and missile defence in Ukraine, they could target Russian military units attacking or operating within Nato territory, their reinforcements and their logistics, while denying Russia’s use of missiles. Europe is already investing in cruise missiles, as well as developing their own European long-range strike approach and missile defence.

    Through precision, stealth and low-altitude flight, these weapons could also threaten strategic targets deep in Russia – potentially a more viable, less destabilising alternative to expanding French and British nuclear arsenals, or adding a third nuclear power in Europe.

    No time to waste

    Politically, however, there is a need for more than hardware. European states should find an institutional forum to coordinate deterrence. This means either convincing France to return to Nato’s nuclear planning group or creating another council for European deterrence with France, the UK, and other key European states like Germany and Poland.

    Those and other European armed forces could also conduct conventional operations in support of nuclear operations exercises together with France and the UK, specifically the French air force with its air-launched warheads.

    Simply put, there are material and political solutions to European deterrence problems if the US turns out to be preoccupied by events in Asia. The real constraint that France and the UK, and the rest of Europe, now face is how to build both the hardware and habits of conventional and nuclear deterrence in Europe in little or no time at all.

    Paul van Hooft received a Stanton Nuclear Security Foundation research grant in 2018.

    ref. Nuclear deterrence: can Britain and France take on America’s role in defending Europe against Russian aggression? – https://theconversation.com/nuclear-deterrence-can-britain-and-france-take-on-americas-role-in-defending-europe-against-russian-aggression-252338

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Video: EU Response to US – Russia Peace Talks: We Need a Fair and Just Peace

    Source: European Commission (video statements)

    Ukraine is part of the solution, and we will continue to work toward that objective. The peace negotiations must reflect Ukraine’s needs as well as Europe’s. Europe is ensuring Ukraine remains in a strong position through military, humanitarian, and financial support. We need a strong Ukraine. This is peace through strength. Europe is fully committed to supporting Ukraine.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nh7Gjhif0Ps

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM call with Prime Minister Mitsotakis of Greece: 18 March 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    PM call with Prime Minister Mitsotakis of Greece: 18 March 2025

    The Prime Minister spoke to the Prime Minister of Greece, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, this afternoon.

    The Prime Minister spoke to the Prime Minister of Greece Kyriakos Mitsotakis this afternoon.

    The leaders discussed the Coalition of the Willing call that the Prime Minister chaired on Saturday, and both leaders agreed that all must work together to put Ukraine in the strongest possible position.

    The Prime Minister updated Prime Minister Mitsotakis on the upcoming military planning meeting taking place this week in the UK.

    He reiterated that Europe’s defence and security is paramount, and both leaders agreed that the political momentum must continue to achieve a peace that will be secure and that will last.

    The Prime Minister underscored that the ball is in President Putin’s court and that Russia must come to the table to accept the US ceasefire deal.

    They agreed to stay in touch.

    Updates to this page

    Published 18 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why has the Gaza ceasefire collapsed? Why has the US launched aistrikes in Yemen? Middle East expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Lucas, Professor of International Politics, Clinton Institute, University College Dublin

    For the past few weeks, the world’s attention has been focused on the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine and the diplomatic manoeuvrings that has entailed. But while Donald Trump has been focusing on negotiations with Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky, the ceasefire deal in Gaza he had a hand in getting over the line appears to have fallen apart.

    After negotiations with Hamas broke down, Israel cut off all humanitarian aid to Gaza at the beginning of March, then cut off power, and overnight on March 17 launched massive airstrikes across the Strip, killing more than 400 people.

    Meanwhile, the US has responded to attacks on shipping in the Red Sea with massive airstrikes against the Iran-back Houthi rebels. This has been widely interpreted as a message to Iran’s leaders from Trump, who is putting pressure on the Iranian government to negotiate a new nuclear deal to replace the one struck in 2013 which was rejected by the US president in 2018.

    Scott Lucas, a Middle East expert at University College Dublin, addresses some of the key issues involved.

    Do the Israeli airstrikes on Gaza mean the ceasefire deal is officially dead?

    Yes. This is the end of the two-month ceasefire that paused Israel’s open-ended war on Gaza. The six-week phase one of the ceasefire officially ended on March 1, after some hostages held by Hamas were exchanged for some Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons.

    There never was a possibility of a phase two. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, facing pressure from hard-right groups inside and close to his government and still vowing to destroy Hamas, was never going to accept a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and Hamas remaining in the Strip. Hamas was never going to accept eviction – and there was no prospect of agreement on a successor Palestinian government for Gaza.

    So Netanyahu, also being pressed by families of the remaining 59 hostages, sought an extension of phase one with the return of all those dead or alive. Hamas, whose last leverage is retaining those hostages, demanded a phase two.

    Israel cut off humanitarian assistance earlier this month. Returning to the aerial assault was the next step. The renewal of ground attacks will be next.




    Read more:
    Gaza ceasefire deal looks doomed as Israel blockades Strip and bars entry of humanitarian aid


    What is Israel’s long-term plan for Gaza?

    There is no long-term plan at the moment. Netanyahu needs a short-term return of the hostages to escape his political bind, not to mention his ongoing bribery trial.

    Israel’s hard right – and Donald Trump – may envisage a depopulated Gaza under Israeli military rule. But all such ambitions will be suspended as the death and destruction continues.

    What has been overshadowed is the possibility of a long-term plan in the West Bank, where Israel has been stepping up military operations and violence is escalating. As the world watches Gaza, the Israelis may seek to expand and consolidate their de facto rule through settlements in a programme which will be tantamount to annexation.

    Donald Trump saw the Gaza ceasefire as his deal. How will he react to Netanyahu breaking it?

    Trump was happy to grab the immediate, self-proclaimed glory of “peacemaker” for phase one.

    Since there was no possibility of being a peacemaker for a phase two, Trump set this aside for the fantasy of Trump Gaza and his golden statue on the “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    Now he will be content to blame and bash Hamas.

    Meanwhile the US has been attacking the Houthis in Yemen. What is Trump’s strategy here?

    The airstrikes are, in part at least, Trump speaking to the American public. He poses as a “peacemaker” at times, but he enjoys playing the tough guy. And, at a time when economic issues and Musk-inflicted chaos may dent his approval rating, he could rally support with the bombing.

    At the same time, Trump has carried out his standard ploy with Iran’s leaders: give me a photo opportunity for the “art of the deal” or I’ll “rain hell on you”.

    A direct strike on Tehran would unleash repercussions throughout the Middle East. Even though Iran has been weakened in the past year, it still has the capability to strike Americans in the region.


    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.


    So the low-cost option is to fire on Iran’s ally in Yemen. Some officials in the Trump administration will favour this as a way of putting pressure on the Iranians ahead of any potential talks on Tehran’s nuclear programme. Others will see this as part of backing for Israel amid the open-ended war in Gaza, and still others could endorse the step as a bolstering of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. And there is always the argument that the strikes could deter Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea.

    The Iranian response has been fairly muted. Why is that?

    Iran’s leadership is embroiled in a combination of economic, social and regional problems, perhaps the most serious situation since the mass protests after the disputed 2009 presidential election.

    Tehran’s projection of power has been shaken by the fall of its ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria, the decimation of Hezbollah in Lebanon last year, and an eroding position in Iraq, where Iran’s influence over the government of prime minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani is looking increasingly tenuous.

    The economy is in a parlous state. In early 2018, the exchange rate was 45,000 Iranian rial to the dollar. Now it is approaching 1 million to the dollar.

    Inflation is officially at 36%, but is far higher in reality, particularly for food and other essentials. Unemployment is rising and infrastructure is crumbling. There are shortages of electricity in a country that is the world’s seventh-largest oil producer.

    Having faced the “Woman, life, freedom” protests since September 2022, the regime is caught between making accommodations to public discontent and cracking down on rights. Some political prisoners have been released, but authorities are pursuing a draconian campaign against women who dare not to wear the hijab.

    Hardliners are trying to curb the centrist government, forcing out the economy minister, Abdolnaser Hemmati, and the foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, who was central in the 2015 agreement that restricted Iran from developing nuclear weapons. Pursuing both that domestic campaign and confrontation abroad is a tall order.

    What does this mean for a new nuclear deal with Iran?

    Some Trump advisers may believe they can use the sledgehammer in Yemen to bludgeon Iran to the negotiating table and Trump’s photo opportunity with the supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, or Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian.

    Good luck with that. Iran may be weakened, but Khamenei is not going to negotiate at the point of an American weapon. Responding to news of a Trump letter to Tehran that threatened, “There are two ways Iran can be handled: militarily, or you make a deal,” last week Khamenei dismissed the idea of talking with the Trump administration.

    He said: “When we know they won’t honour it, what’s the point of negotiating? Therefore, the invitation to negotiate … is a deception of public opinion.”

    Recent history is instructive. In 2013, Khamenei finally relented to nuclear deal talks when told by the then president, Hassan Rouhani, of an imminent economic collapse if Iran held out. More than five years later, however, the Iranian leadership was prepared to withstand Trump’s “maximum pressure” and withdrawal from the nuclear agreement.

    Iran’s idea for talks was based on a cautious process beginning with confidence-building measures on both sides. But a US approach predicated on bombing and bluster has effectively sidelined that.

    Scott Lucas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why has the Gaza ceasefire collapsed? Why has the US launched aistrikes in Yemen? Middle East expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/why-has-the-gaza-ceasefire-collapsed-why-has-the-us-launched-aistrikes-in-yemen-middle-east-expert-qanda-252532

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: An artist traces her choices under Putin’s Russia – from resistance to retreat to exile – one mural at a time

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Stephen Norris, Professor of History; Director of the Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-Soviet Studies, Miami University

    ‘Atlases,’ Victoria Lomasko’s mural at Miami University Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    Victoria Lomasko, a graphic artist and muralist, has spent her career documenting how authoritarianism took hold in Vladimir Putin’s Russia. What she has illustrated – as well as the personal journey she has taken – affords a chance to see how dictatorship can develop and strengthen across a decade.

    In 2019, I invited Lomasko – who goes by Vika for short – to Miami University, where I teach Imperial Russian and Soviet history. The Havighurst Center for East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies was holding a semester-long series on “Truth and Power” that also included two other Russian dissidents: Leonid Volkov, then chief of staff for opposition leader Alexei Navalny; and Mikhail Zygar, who helped found the independent news station TV Rain in 2010.

    I asked Lomasko to paint a mural illustrating the consequences of telling the truth in Putin’s Russia – a theme she has explored in all her works. Her completed mural, “Atlases,” depicted the struggle individuals face between desires to protest or to turn inward under authoritarianism.

    Taking action

    Lomasko first gained acclaim for “Other Russias,” which was published in English in 2017. The book is a collection of what she terms “graphic reportage”: comic-style art combined with current events.

    In it, she covered Russians who are largely invisible: activists, sex workers, truckers, older people, provincial residents, migrants and minorities. She wanted to represent them as “heroes” in their own lives, giving them agency and visibility.

    Her heroes came into the public spotlight in 2011 and 2012, when mass protests began in Russia after fraudulent elections and Putin’s return to the presidency. Lomasko attended the protests and sketched the participants. The rallies of 2012 seemed to signify that Russian citizens from a wide range of backgrounds could unite to resist creeping authoritarianism.

    A protester in Moscow asks a police officer, ‘Are the police with the people?’ in an illustration from ‘Other Russias.’
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    In addition to publishing her drawings, Lomasko also exhibited her work in Moscow and St. Petersburg – a seeming sign that censorship could not prevent an artist or ordinary citizen from voicing their frustration.

    This hope did not last long. Over the next few years, the Kremlin passed a series of laws that designated organizations, then media outlets and eventually individuals as “foreign agents” if they received any funding from abroad.

    Led by then Minister of Culture Vladimir Medinsky, who was appointed by Putin in 2012, the Russian state also began to demand “patriotic” culture supporting the government, and label anyone who resisted as “unpatriotic.”

    In these years, Lomasko documented how protests shrunk to local levels – truckers who decried a new tax, Muscovites who lamented the destruction of local parks, and urban activists who protested plans to tear down Soviet-era apartments. She still depicted participants as everyday heroes, yet she also noticed how protesters’ brief sense of power through collective action faded into disillusionment after the Kremlin went ahead with its plans.

    An illustration from ‘Other Russias’ of a truckers protest camp in 2016 in Khimki.
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    Changing tack

    “Other Russias” introduced Lomasko to a worldwide audience. By the time the book came out in 2017, however, she began to question the very basis of her graphic reportage.

    The protests that had inspired hope in 2011 and 2012 had not prevented a more aggressive, more oppressive form of Putinism from taking hold. After the protests, the Kremlin further concentrated power and employed propaganda to stifle dissent, becoming what the scholars Sergei Guriev and Daniel Triesman have called “spin dictators.”

    Was it enough for an artist to document social change? Lomasko concluded that the answer was no – art should offer solutions. She decided to paint murals that would move beyond graphic reportage.

    This new trajectory informed her Miami University project. By the time she arrived in March 2019, Lomasko had completed her first two murals: one for a gallery in England and a second in Germany.

    The first, “The Daughter of an Agitprop Artist,” featured her father, who had worked as a propaganda poster artist in her hometown of Serpukhov in the 1980s. In the mural, her father gazes at his work, the rituals of government-sponsored marches, and Lenin posters plastered everywhere. Young Vika stands with her back to her father, holding a red balloon. She stares at her future self, a woman covering the grassroots protests of 2012.

    Victoria Lomasko’s mural at the Arts Centre HOME in Manchester, England.
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    “Our Post-Soviet Land,” her second mural, depicted the ways some former Soviet states, particularly Ukraine, were distancing themselves from their communist past after independence – while others, particularly Russia itself, seemed to be increasingly nostalgic for the Soviet era.

    Two paths

    Lomasko spent two weeks on campus at Miami University here in Ohio, completing a mural that built on these themes.

    The central feature are two figures representing contemporary versions of Atlas, the titan who held up the world in Greek mythology. One faces left, toward a group of people praying in front of an Orthodox icon of Jesus. Here Lomasko depicts one path Russians took in response to the oppressive nature of Putinism: turning inward, retreating to a spiritual life.

    The second Atlas gazes upward, holding an artist’s brush. Below this figure a series of people take to the streets, protesting. They hold flags and banners representing a number of causes, including the 2011 “Occupy” movement in the United States. Lomasko’s message seems clear: This is a second path to take to resist authoritarianism – one that might succeed if participants see themselves connected across borders.

    Victoria Lomasko stands with her mural ‘Atlases’ at Miami University.
    Stephen Norris

    Art in exile

    After unveiling “Atlases,” Lomasko mentioned that she was still trying to retain hope for her country and for humanity. Once again, it did not last long.

    During the first two terms of Putin’s presidency, and that of Dmitry Medvedev, the government had largely left citizens’ speech alone, though it controlled information through state media. In 2018 and 2019, however, Russia passed laws that clamped down on internet access and mobile communication.

    Lomasko could no longer exhibit her work in Russia and was increasingly unable to find paid work as an artist. As she told me, the state considered her unvarnished depictions of ordinary Russians to be distasteful, while publishers and gallery owners considered her works politically dangerous.

    When the country began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, these changes allowed the government to criminalize opposition. Lomasko made the difficult decision to flee Moscow. She took her cat and as many artworks as she could carry, but she had to abandon most of her possessions. She documented this new journey the only way she knew: through a series of art panels titled “Five Steps.”

    “Isolation” encapsulates how Lomasko and dissidents like her grew ever more cut off from the rampant patriotism espoused by Putin. “Escape” shows her leap into the unknown, fleeing her country because she feared arrest, while others are caught up in war and political repression.

    “Exile” depicts Lomasko starting anew in a different country. “Shame,” the most powerful, seeks to capture her emotions at having to flee, as well as the shame she felt for what Russia was doing to Ukraine. “Humanity” retains the artist’s attempt to preserve her optimism – her sense that humans have more in common than they have differences, and that seeing oneself within a larger, global community might give power to the invisible.

    ‘Humanity,’ by Victoria Lomasko.
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    Tens of thousands of Russians have left the country since the start of the war, many of them artists and activists. Zygar and Volkov – the two other Russian citizens on campus for our university’s 2018-19 series – have also had to flee.

    Lomasko’s art helps trace how authoritarianism took hold in Russia across the past decade. I believe her responses to Putin’s dictatorship, including her decision to flee her homeland, offer us all something to ponder.

    Stephen Norris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. An artist traces her choices under Putin’s Russia – from resistance to retreat to exile – one mural at a time – https://theconversation.com/an-artist-traces-her-choices-under-putins-russia-from-resistance-to-retreat-to-exile-one-mural-at-a-time-250486

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Water cooperation is essential when countries share lakes and rivers – yet it’s been deteriorating in many places, with serious consequences

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Susanne Schmeier, Associate Professor of Water Law and Diplomacy, IHE Delft

    Lake Chad once provided adequate livelihoods for 20 million people in Africa, but it lost 90% of its surface area in 30 years. AP Photo/Christophe Ena

    Just over half the world’s population shares a river or lake basin with at least one other country. To sustainably manage those water resources for the health of people, ecosystems and economies, neighboring countries must work together.

    However, many countries have been less willing to cooperate in recent years, even to protect a resource as vital as freshwater.

    This trend away from multilateralism isn’t unique to water. The world is seeing a decline in the general willingness of countries to jointly solve many interstate, regional and global challenges. It shows as countries, like the U.S., pull out of the global institutions, such as the World Health Organization, and drop their support for global climate goals.

    The breakdown in cooperation can have severe consequences. If one country takes more water than agreed upon, and builds dams or pollutes the water, its neighbors and their people, cities, agriculture, energy production and wildlife can suffer. That can ultimately destabilize local communities, deteriorate relations between countries and endanger regional peace and stability.

    Water flowing into Africa’s Nile River affects several countries. A large dam being built by Ethiopia has led to concerns and disputes in the region.
    AP Photo/Amr Nabil

    We conduct research and work with governments and international organizations on environment and water law, policy and governance. The shift we’re seeing away from multilateral cooperation and rules-based order to more nationalistic tendencies, in which a country prioritizes itself to the detriment of all others, is raising concerns about the future.

    Thousands of years of water cooperation paid off

    More than 4,000 years ago, two Sumerian city-states – Lagash and Umma – were engaged in a fierce war over a strip of fertile land and a canal fed by the Tigris River in what today would be southern Iraq.

    The conflict ended in 2550 B.C. with the first known precursor to an international water treaty. The Mesilim Treaty included payments and agreements on collaborative water use. It didn’t hold the peace permanently, but it created a model that lasted.

    Conflict still occurs over shared waters; however, since the late 1800s, and particularly since the end of World War II, cooperation has been the dominant interaction between countries in the world’s 313 surface water basins, 468 transboundary aquifers and more than 300 transboundary wetlands.

    In Europe, for example, countries have worked together through treaties, data sharing and joint projects to improve water quality, including in the Rhine and Danube rivers.

    Nine countries work closely to protect the health of the Rhine River, which each depends on. In 2018, that cooperation became essential as water levels dropped to levels that interrupted ship travel.
    AP Photo/Martin Meissner

    Having cooperative processes in place also helps when disagreements arise. In Southeast Asia, negotiations and technical exchanges between countries that share the Mekong River have helped to ease tensions over the construction of dams in Laos.

    Unilateralism is rising

    Despite the proven benefits from cooperating over water resources, we’re seeing a troubling trend: Countries are increasingly taking actions that undermine water cooperation.

    Even in the Columbia River Basin, often considered a model of cross-border cooperation, the status of an updated treaty between the U.S. and Canada is in question after the Trump administration paused talks in March 2025.

    Since 1964, the U.S. has paid Canada to control the river’s flow to prevent flooding and to serve U.S. hydropower plants. The updated deal has been agreed to in principle, but is not signed. That’s raising questions about what will happen if the interim agreements expire in 2027 before the new treaty comes into force.

    Another example is in the Zambezi River Basin in southern Africa, where countries increasingly disregard agreements to notify one another before building projects that will affect the water flow. Similar behavior happens in the Nile and Aral Sea regions, among others.

    Ethiopia’s construction of a large hydroelectric damage on the Blue Nile has upset its downstream neighbors.

    As unilateral actions over shared water resources become more frequent, the willingness of governments to enter into agreements and establish joint institutions to guide that cooperation is declining. The rate of establishing multilateral agreements has significantly slowed since the 2010s. Only around 10 agreements have been signed since 2020, and only two joint institutions have been established. A large proportion of basins have no agreements or institutions at all.

    The few recent attempts to establish cooperative mechanisms have stalled or failed. The formal establishment of an organization to manage Lake Kivu and the Ruzizi River basin, shared by Congo, Rwanda and Burundi, was never formally ratified by its member countries. That left the once-promising organization a zombie.

    Even when institutions already exist, some governments are withdrawing from them. But moves made for short-term gain can have long-term repercussions.

    An example involves the Aral Sea, which has shrunk dramatically since the 1960s due to a combination of water demand for cotton crops and climate change drying the region.

    The International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, IFAS, was created in 1993 by five countries to support projects designed to ensure water use remains possible along its rivers. However, in 2016, Kyrgyzstan froze its membership, arguing that the organization wasn’t taking Kyrgyzstan’s national interests into account. Kyrgyzstan contributes about 25% of water flowing into the region. Its frozen participation limits IFAS’ effectiveness.

    The Aral Sea in Central Asia has been shrinking since the 1960s, but dramatically lost water each year over the past two decades. The top left image is from 2000.
    NASA

    Similarly, Egypt and Sudan froze their participation in the Nile Basin Initiative in 2010 over a cooperative agreement that they saw as violating their historical water rights – established in colonial 1929 and 1959 agreements – in favor of governance centered on “equitable water allocations.” While Sudan resumed participation in the Nile Basin Initiative in 2012, Egypt’s participation remains frozen.

    Erosion of multilateralism

    The changes we’re seeing with water agreements and institutions reflect a broader decline in countries’ willingness to address shared problems through multilateral cooperation — a trend that seems to be rapidly increasing.

    In the United States, the Trump administration is pursuing expansionist foreign policies and protectionist trade policies. The administration has also publicly wavered on the U.S. commitment to NATO and announced it was leaving the World Health Organization.

    Argentina also announced it would withdraw from the WHO. Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have withdrawn from the Economic Community of West African States, which promotes economic and political cooperation in the region.

    The environment has been particularly affected by this trend. The U.S. move to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement and the difficulty of reaching a global plastics treaty also reflect the growing difficulty in reaching cooperative solutions to benefit future generations.

    Harm to ecosystems, people and countries

    As climate change shrinks freshwater resources, and growing populations lead to overexploitation of water supplies, countries will increasingly need multilateral cooperation to avoid conflict.

    These agreements and institutions provide forums for communication and cooperation. Losing them can lead to less well-governed water resources, declining environmental, economic and health benefits, and increasing conflict.

    Lake Chad is a cautionary example. The Lake Chad Basin Commission was established in 1964 by Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria to oversee its water and other natural resources and coordinate projects related to the lake. But the countries never fully committed to cooperating.

    Since then, the lake has shrunk by around 90%, which has increased poverty by reducing people’s access to vital water resources to support their livelihoods. And that has created optimal conditions for terrorist group Boko Haram’s violent insurgency to succeed in recruiting young men who had limited livelihood options left.

    People collect water from a branch of Lake Chad in Ngouboua, Chad, which has been attacked by the terrorist group Boko Haram. People depend on the lake for water, but it has been shrinking.
    Philippe Desmazes/AFP via Getty Images

    We believe this decline in countries’ commitment to multilateral cooperation should be a wake-up call for everyone. If the world’s most precious resource is not managed cooperatively and sustainably across international boundaries, more than just water is at risk.

    Melissa McCracken has not received funding related to this article.

    Susanne Schmeier does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Water cooperation is essential when countries share lakes and rivers – yet it’s been deteriorating in many places, with serious consequences – https://theconversation.com/water-cooperation-is-essential-when-countries-share-lakes-and-rivers-yet-its-been-deteriorating-in-many-places-with-serious-consequences-251864

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI China: Kremlin confirms preparation for phone talk between Putin, Trump

    Source: China State Council Information Office 3

    Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov announced on Monday that preparations are underway for a telephone conversation between Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump on Tuesday.

    “A conversation is being prepared for Tuesday,” Peskov said, although he declined to disclose the topics that would be discussed.

    Kremlin’s comment came after Trump confirmed on Sunday evening that he would talk with Putin on Tuesday. “A lot of work’s been done over the weekend,” he told reporters on board Air Force One during a flight from Florida to Washington.

    “We will be talking about land. We will be talking about power plants,” Trump told reporters. “I think we have a lot of it already discussed very much by both sides, Ukraine and Russia.”

    “We want to see if we can bring that war to an end. Maybe we can, maybe we can’t, but I think we have a very good chance,” he said.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Trump to speak with Putin on Russia-Ukraine ceasefire

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    U.S. President Donald Trump said he plans to talk with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Tuesday about settling the conflict in Ukraine, U.S. media reported.

    “We’re doing pretty well, I think, with Russia…I’ll be speaking to President Putin on Tuesday. A lot of work’s been done over the weekend,” Trump told reporters on board Air Force One during a flight from Florida to Washington on Sunday evening.

    Trump, who is working to finalize a 30-day ceasefire agreement between Russia and Ukraine, said that land and power plants will be part of his conversation with the Russian leader.

    “We will be talking about land. We will be talking about power plants,” Trump told reporters. “I think we have a lot of it already discussed very much by both sides, Ukraine and Russia.”

    “We want to see if we can bring that war to an end. Maybe we can, maybe we can’t, but I think we have a very good chance,” he said. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: China has provided four batches of humanitarian aid to Ukraine: spokesperson

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    China has provided four batches of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, said Li Ming, spokesperson for China International Development Cooperation Agency, on Monday.

    Li made the remarks at a press briefing when asked to comment on reports that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky expressed his expectations for China’s help in restoring peace and reconstruction at a press conference in February.

    China will continue to be a positive force for world peace and stability and a progressive force for global fairness and justice, Li said.

    “We are ready to continue to provide assistance within our capacity according to the wishes of parties involved, which of course includes post-war reconstruction,” Li said.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Trapped, Pushed Back and Tortured: Poland’s Crackdown on Refugees at Europe’s Border

    Source: Oxfam –

    • New report from Oxfam and its Polish partner, Egala, details violence and torture facing people on the move at the Poland-Belarus border.
    • The report exposes Poland’s illegal pushback policy, bankrolled by the EU.
    • Oxfam and Egala is urging the EU to investigate human rights abuses and pushbacks at this European border and invest in strengthening Poland’s asylum and reception system.   

    Today, Egala and Oxfam published a new report, Brutal Barriers, detailing the frightening and sometimes deadly journey of people trying to reach safety in Europe. Survivors’ testimonies reveal the violence inflicted by both Polish and Belarusian authorities on people seeking asylum as well as the treacherous conditions people face in crossing the swamplands of the primeval Białowieża forest. 

    The report documents abuses by the Polish authorities including shooting people with rubber bullets, setting dogs on them and giving them water laced with pepper spray. There are accounts of people being detained without food or water, having their clothes confiscated and being forced to strip naked.    

    Polish authorities have also forcibly pushed people back, including those in urgent need of medical care. This has included reported pushbacks of people who are unconscious or immobile, and even a case of a pregnant woman who was pushed back and subsequently suffered a miscarriage. Some have even reportedly been forcibly returned while receiving medical care in hospitals.  

    “Pushbacks at the Poland-Belarus border are generalized and systemic. We continuously come across people in the forest who have been pushed back to Belarus by Polish authorities”, said Aleksandra Gulińska, Egala Advocacy Lead.    

    Poland and Belarus have created a ‘death zone’ at Europe’s border. People are trapped in the forest for weeks or months, without food or water, exposed to extreme weather, with temperatures plummeting to minus twenty degrees in winter. People are unable to escape the forest as they are blocked on both sides by either the Polish or Belarusian authorities.  

    Accounts from those forcibly pushed back to Belarus paint a bleak picture of what awaits them on the Belarusian side of the border. Survivors describe the conditions as ‘hell’ with reports of violence, including sexual violence, robberies, and torture – from electrocution to waterboarding to cutting off of body parts.  

    “This is the ‘hell’ Poland is sending people back to, and it is sponsored by the EU,” said Sarah Redd, Oxfam Ukraine Advocacy Lead. 

    Local organizations and volunteers face increasing harassment and criminalization. Last year, Poland declared parts of the border an exclusion zone, making it harder for organizations like Egala to provide life-saving assistance. Aid workers are forced to choose between helping people in need and facing the criminalization or harassment of their staff and volunteers. 

    “We are among the very few who witness firsthand the hellish experience of people trying to seek safety. It’s terrifying to think about what would happen if no-one was there to help them”, said Gulińska. 

    The report also documents instances where the Polish authorities forced people to sign papers renouncing their intention to seek asylum, using intimidation and physical violence.  

    These reports of pushbacks are all part of Poland’s systemized pushback policy, with the latest move being a temporary block to people’s rights to claim asylum at its borders. With concerns over the escalation in Ukraine, European security sits at the top of the agenda. However, European leaders must ensure that these efforts do not include violations of fundamental human rights, as aid groups are witnessing at the Poland-Belarus border.  

    “Poland has abandoned its commitments to the rule of law and to protecting people fleeing war and persecution. It has instead replaced EU law with razor wire, torture and violence, creating an illegal pushback policy funded by the EU”, said Redd.  

    “The EU must stop bankrolling this pushback policy and shut down any future plans that gamble with people’s lives. The EU and European countries need to invest in an asylum system that actually works and allows people to rebuild their lives. This is not about politics – it’s about what is right”, said Redd.

    Egala is a grassroots organization providing humanitarian aid, medical support and legal assistance to people on the move at the Poland-Belarus border. Oxfam partnered with Egala in 2023 as part of its response to the humanitarian crisis at the Poland-Belarus border.  

    The report collects extensive existing evidence as well as testimonies from Egala volunteers and workers on the ground and the voices of refugees themselves in order to document the human consequences of restrictive, illegal and inhumane policies at this border. Below is a selection of testimonies – see the report for more: 

    “It’s June, the middle of summer, and I just met a man with first-degree hypothermia. He was emaciated and he hadn’t drunk anything”, Jagna, Egala volunteer and professional medic – name changed to protect identity.   

    “The second man had a leg injury and an initial degree of hypothermia. As his condition was not improving, the volunteer explained that they could try call an ambulance. About an hour after calling the official emergency number, the border guards arrived – without an ambulance. All three men were taken to the Border Guard post. At this point the Egala volunteers lost contact with them”, said Olga, Egala employee – name changed to protect identity.  

    “What would happen if we weren’t here? There would be a lot of dead bodies in the forest”, said Jagna, Egala volunteer and professional medic – name changed to protect identity.  

    Photos will be uploaded shortly here. There is a shorthand available – please reach out for more information.   

    In 2024, nearly 600 cases of violence by the Polish authorities were reported according to information provided by WeAreMonitoring.  

    The Polish government has taken several steps to create an illegal policy of pushbacks and violence including: 
     

    • September 2021: Poland created an exclusion zone at the border barring humanitarian workers and journalists. The zone was later reduced following legal action.  
    • June 2024: The Tusk government reintroduced the exclusion zone. The Polish authorities have yet to respond to requests from Egala to enter the zone to provide humanitarian assistance.  
    • July 2024: Poland enacted a law exempting Polish authorities from prosecution for improper use of weapons at the border.
    • February 2025: Poland suspended the right to asylum at the Poland-Belarus border – effectively legalizing pushbacks.  
       

    Oxfam and Egala are calling on the EU to: 
     

    • Redirect EU funding and support away from border walls and surveillance, and instead invest in strengthening Poland’s asylum and reception system.
    • Publicly condemn the human rights abuses occurring at the border.
    • Investigate breaches of EU asylum law by Poland and, if justified, initiate infringement proceedings.
    • Ensure that Poland implements the EU Migration Pact – in particular, an independent monitoring of human rights violations, such as pushbacks.  
       

    Oxfam and Egala call on the Polish government to: 
     

    • End illegal pushbacks and process asylum cases in accordance with human rights standards and EU law.  
    • Repeal laws decriminalizing firearm use and suspending the right to asylum.
    • Allow safe access to humanitarian and human rights organizations at the border area. 
       

    In 2022, the EU allocated over 67 million euro to Poland under the Border Management and Visa Policy Instrument to cover ‘the additional needs for support related to the situation at the border with Belarus’. In 2024, the EU topped up this funding by 52 million euro to enhance border surveillance.  

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Europe: HREU statement on the alignment of certain countries with Council Decision concerning restrictive measures in respect of actions undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine

    Source: Council of the European Union

    Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2025/388 of 24 February 2024 concerning restrictive measures in respect of actions undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Statement by the HREU on the alignment of certain countries with Council Decision concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Belarus and the involvement of Belarus in the Russian aggression against Ukraine

    Source: Council of the European Union

    Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2025/391 of 24 February 2025 concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Belarus and the involvement of Belarus in the Russian aggression against Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Statement by the HREU on the alignment of certain countries with Council Decision concerning restrictive measures in view of Russia’s actions destabilising the situation in Ukraine

    Source: Council of the European Union

    Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2025/394 of 24 February 2025 concerning restrictive measures in view of Russia’s actions destabilising the situation in Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Statement by the HREU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision concerning restrictive measures in response to the illegal recognition, occupation or annexation by the Russian Federation  of certain non-government controlled areas of Ukraine

    Source: Council of the European Union

    Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2025/396 concerning restrictive measures in response to the illegal recognition, occupation or annexation by the Russian Federation  of certain non-government controlled areas of Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: President Lai meets Commander-in-Chief of US Veterans of Foreign Wars Alfred Lipphardt  

    Source: Republic of China Taiwan

    Details
    2025-02-17
    President Lai meets former United States Deputy National Security Advisor Matthew Pottinger
    On the morning of February 17, President Lai Ching-te met with a delegation led by former United States Deputy National Security Advisor Matthew Pottinger. In remarks, President Lai thanked the delegation for demonstrating staunch support for Taiwan through their visit. The president pointed out that increased cooperation between authoritarian regimes is posing risks and challenges to the geopolitical landscape and regional security. He emphasized that only by bolstering our defense capabilities can we demonstrate effective deterrence and maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and around the world. The president stated that moving forward, Taiwan will continue to enhance its self-defense capabilities. He also expressed hope of strengthening the Taiwan-US partnership and jointly building secure and resilient non-red supply chains so as to ensure that Taiwan, the US, and democratic partners around the world maintain a technological lead. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: I am delighted to welcome our good friends Mr. Pottinger and retired US Rear Admiral Mr. Mark Montgomery to Taiwan once again. Last June, Mr. Pottinger and Mr. Ivan Kanapathy came to Taiwan to launch their new book The Boiling Moat. During that visit, they also visited the Presidential Office. We held an extensive exchange of views on Taiwan-US relations and regional affairs right here in the Taiwan Heritage Room. Now, as we meet again eight months later, I am pleased to learn that Mr. Kanapathy is now serving on the White House National Security Council. The Mandarin translation of The Boiling Moat is also due to be released in Taiwan very soon. This book offers insightful observations from US experts regarding US-China-Taiwan relations and valuable advice for the strengthening of Taiwan’s national defense, security, and overall resilience. I am sure that Taiwanese readers will benefit greatly from it. I understand that this is Mr. Montgomery’s fourth visit to Taiwan and that he has long paid close attention to Taiwan-related issues. I look forward to an in-depth discussion with our two friends on the future direction of Taiwan-US relations and cooperation. Increased cooperation between authoritarian regimes is posing risks and challenges to the geopolitical landscape and regional security. One notion we all share is peace through strength. That is, only by bolstering our defense capabilities and fortifying our defenses can we demonstrate effective deterrence and maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and around the world. Moving forward, Taiwan will continue to enhance its self-defense capabilities. We also hope to strengthen the Taiwan-US partnership in such fields as security, trade and the economy, and energy. In addition, we will advance cooperation in critical and innovative technologies and jointly build secure and resilient non-red supply chains. This will ensure that Taiwan, the US, and democratic partners around the world maintain a technological lead. We believe that closer Taiwan-US exchanges and cooperation not only benefit national security and development but also align with the common economic interests of Taiwan and the US. I want to thank Mr. Pottinger and Mr. Montgomery once again for visiting and for continuing to advance Taiwan-US exchanges, demonstrating staunch support for Taiwan. Let us continue to work together to deepen Taiwan-US relations. I wish you a smooth and fruitful visit.  Mr. Pottinger then delivered remarks, first congratulating President Lai on his one-year election anniversary and on the state of the economy, which, he added, is doing quite well. Mentioning President Lai’s recent statement pledging to increase Taiwan’s defense budget to above 3 percent of GDP, Mr. Pottinger said he thinks that the benchmark is equal to what the US spends on its defense and that it is a good starting point for both countries to build deterrence. Echoing the president’s earlier remarks, Mr. Pottinger said that peace through strength is the right path for the US and for Taiwan right now at a moment when autocratic, aggressive governments are on the march. He then paraphrased the words of former US President George Washington in his first inaugural address, saying that the best way to keep the peace is to be prepared at all times for war, which captures the meaning of peace through strength. In closing, he said he looks forward to exchanging views with President Lai.

    Details
    2024-12-26
    President Lai presides over second meeting of Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee
    On the afternoon of December 26, President Lai Ching-te presided over the second meeting of the Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee. President Lai stated that the committee’s goal is to enhance overall resilience in terms of national defense, economic livelihoods, disaster prevention, and democracy through five key areas: civilian force training and utilization, strategic material preparation and critical supply distribution, energy and critical infrastructure operations and maintenance, social welfare, medical care, and evacuation facility readiness, and information, transportation, and financial network protection. That morning, he said, was the first time that central and local government officials, as well as civilian observers, gathered at the Presidential Office to conduct cross-disciplinary tabletop exercises, demonstrating cooperation between central and local governments to jointly enhance social resilience. President Lai also announced that the existing Wan An and Min An Exercises, which are air raid drills and disaster response drills, respectively, beginning from next year will be combined into the 2025 Urban Resilience Exercises, the nomenclature of which matches up with that of similar exercises carried out overseas. The exercises, he said, will strengthen the defensive mechanisms of the non-military sector, and verify the ability of civil defense and disaster preparedness systems to protect our nation’s people. The president emphasized that combining government and private-sector forces is the only way to strengthen Taiwan’s overall defense capabilities, jointly consolidate global democratic resilience, and maintain regional peace and stability. A translation of President Lai’s opening statement follows: Today, we are convening the second meeting of the Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee, implementing the conclusions reached at the last meeting, conducting tabletop exercises, and verifying the preparedness of government agencies to address extreme situations. Looking back over the past year, circumstances at home and abroad have changed rapidly. Authoritarian states around the world continue to converge, threatening the rules-based international order, and they now present a collective challenge to the peace and stability of the entire first island chain. To address threats, whether natural disasters or ambitions for authoritarian expansion, we believe that as long as the government and all of society are prepared, we can respond. With determination, there is no need to worry. With confidence, our people can rest assured. This is the goal of whole-of-society defense resilience. Of course, these preparations are not easy. Taiwan’s society must race against time, and work together to build capabilities to respond to major disasters and threats, and deter enemy encroachment. Therefore, the goal of this committee is to formulate action plans through the five key areas: civilian force training and utilization, strategic material preparation and critical supply distribution, energy and critical infrastructure operations and maintenance, social welfare, medical care, and evacuation facility readiness, and information, transportation, and financial network protection, thereby verifying central and local government capacities to respond in times of disaster, and enhance overall resilience in terms of national defense, economic livelihoods, disaster prevention, and democracy. This morning at the Presidential Office, we conducted the first-ever cross-disciplinary tabletop exercises involving central and local government officials as well as civilian observers. Participating teams from central government departments were all led by deputy ministers, Tainan City Deputy Mayor Yeh Tse-shan (葉澤山) led a team, and Tainan Mayor Huang Wei-che (黃偉哲) also came to participate, demonstrating cooperation between central and local governments to jointly enhance social resilience. The exercises were based on Taiwan’s mature disaster prevention and relief system’s response to comprehensive threats. We had scenarios, but no scripts, so the participating units did not prepare notes in advance, but reacted on the spot. When presented with a problem, they proposed countermeasures, which is closer to a real crisis situation. To address the continued threat of authoritarian expansion to regional stability and order, in the first scenario we simulated that a high-intensity gray-zone operation occurred; for the second scenario, we simulated a state of being on the verge of conflict. The most important core objectives of the exercises were to ensure that people could carry on their daily lives and that society could function normally. I would like to thank our three deputy conveners for serving as exercise commanders, Minister of the Interior Liu Shyh-fang (劉世芳) and Minister without Portfolio of the Executive Yuan Chi Lien-cheng (季連成) for serving as deputy exercise commanders, and Deputy Secretary-General to the President Chang Tun-han (張惇涵) as well as National Security Council Deputy Secretary-General Lin Fei-fan (林飛帆) for serving as chief officials. I also want to thank all our advisors, committee members, and colleagues from government agencies at both the central and local levels for coming together to complete tabletop exercises aimed at testing out components of the five key areas. After conducting numerous exercises in the past, many government agencies improved their emergency response capabilities, and I want to recognize those achievements. However, I also want to emphasize that we must identify problems in our current systems, and then make improvements. Whether it be the central or the local level, we cannot just talk about the good things and sweep the unpleasant things under the rug. We have to rigorously ascertain numbers and make sure just how accurate the sources of our information are, because it is always a good thing when we discover problems in our exercises, and find places where improvements are needed. This means that our testing has achieved its purpose, and that there is much room for progress and improvement. I also want to report to you all that, over the past few years, due to the global pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, countries throughout the world have been bolstering their defense resilience. NATO and the European Union, for example, have both adopted guidelines aimed at strengthening whole-of-society resilience. This shows that Taiwan is not a special case. The task of whole-of-society defense resilience is being addressed throughout the world. Taiwan’s ongoing efforts to strengthen its whole-of-society defense resilience is something the international community at large is wanting to see. This month I visited the Republic of the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu, and the Republic of Palau, all of which are Pacific allies of Taiwan, and I made transit stops in the United States islands of Hawaii and Guam. Friends in each of these places expressed firm support for Taiwan and repeatedly said they hope for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. We must continue taking action to respond to the international community’s support. Taiwan must have the capability to defend its own security. As president, I want to take this opportunity to emphasize to the international community that Taiwan is determined to defend regional peace and stability. We will accelerate the pace of efforts to build a more resilient Taiwan. I therefore wish to announce that our existing Wan An and Min An Exercises, which are air raid drills and disaster response drills, respectively, beginning from next year will be combined, and we will hold the 2025 Urban Resilience Exercises. This new nomenclature matches up with that of similar exercises carried out overseas, making it easier for others to understand the efforts that Taiwan is putting forth. In addition, the 2025 Urban Resilience Exercises will feature absolutely no reliance on military support, and will have a design that takes the latest international experiences into account. These resilience exercises will be distinct from the Han Kuang military exercises, and yet complementary at the same time. In other words, whole-of-society defense resilience must particularly strengthen the defensive mechanisms of the non-military sector, and must verify the ability of civil defense and disaster preparedness systems to protect our nation’s people. I want to emphasize once again that the more resilient we make Taiwan, like-minded nations around the world will be more willing to coordinate with us in responding to various challenges together. I realize that to defend democracy, we must gather together every bit of strength we have. The task of promoting whole-of-society defense resilience is a massive undertaking. The public sector must adopt a more open-minded attitude and be willing to tap into private-sector human resources, because combining government and private-sector forces is the only way to jointly respond to challenges arising under extreme conditions, and is the only way to strengthen Taiwan’s overall defense capabilities, jointly consolidate global democratic resilience, and maintain regional peace and stability. In just a few moments, Minister Liu will deliver a report on the progress of certain items listed in the first committee meeting, and Deputy Secretary-General Lin will deliver a report on the outcomes of the tabletop exercises held this morning. Next, let us engage in open discussions and examine and verify each component of the tabletop exercises, so that together we can improve whole-of-society defense resilience, make Taiwan more secure, and make the region more stable. Thank you. After listening to the report on the progress of certain items listed in the first committee meeting and the report on the outcomes of the tabletop exercises, President Lai exchanged views with the committee members regarding the content of the reports.123

    Details
    2024-11-30
    Presidential Office thanks Biden administration for announcing its 18th military sale to Taiwan
    On November 29 (US EST), the United States government announced that it had notified Congress of the sale to Taiwan of two military packages: a US$320 million sale of spare parts and support for F-16 aircraft and Active Electronically Scanned Array radar spare parts and support; and a US$65 million sale of Improved Mobile Subscriber Equipment Follow-on Support and related equipment. Presidential Office Spokesperson Karen Kuo (郭雅慧) stated that the Presidential Office is sincerely grateful to the US government for its unwavering commitment to continue to strengthen the cooperative partnership between Taiwan and the US and support Taiwan in enhancing self-defense capabilities in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and the Six Assurances.  Spokesperson Kuo stated that this marks the 18th military sale to Taiwan announced during the Biden administration since 2021, emphasizing that the deepening Taiwan-US security partnership is a critical cornerstone for peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The spokesperson said that in the face of mounting security challenges in the region, Taiwan will continue to enhance self-defense capabilities and work alongside like-minded countries to jointly defend the values of freedom and democracy and ensure the peace and stability of the Indo-Pacific region.

    Details
    2024-10-26
    Presidential Office thanks Biden administration for announcing its 17th military sale to Taiwan
    On October 25 (US EST), the United States government announced that it had notified Congress of the US$1.988 billion sale to Taiwan of three military packages, including the National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System as well as L-band and non-L-band radar turnkey systems. Presidential Office Spokesperson Karen Kuo (郭雅慧) on October 26 stated that strengthening Taiwan’s self-defense capabilities is the foundation for maintaining regional stability. The spokesperson said that the Presidential Office is grateful to the US government for continuing to provide Taiwan with the weaponry it needs in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and the Six Assurances. Spokesperson Kuo stated that this marks the 17th military sale to Taiwan announced during the Biden administration since 2021, as well as the largest single military sale since President Biden took office, demonstrating the unwavering commitment of the US government to the security of Taiwan. She emphasized that Taiwan will continue to strengthen its self-defense capabilities as it works to maintain the rules-based international order, ensuring the peace, stability, and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific region.

    Details
    2024-09-26
    President Lai presides over first meeting of Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee
    On the afternoon of September 26, President Lai Ching-te presided over the first meeting of the Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee. As the committee’s convener, the president presented committee members with their letters of appointment, and explained that in order to build up our whole-of-society defense resilience, we will actively engage in comprehensive preparation to make our nation stronger and our people more confident. The president stated that we will enhance Taiwan’s response capabilities and expand cooperation between the public and private sectors. He stated that he looks forward to working together with everyone to establish a platform through which we can communicate and coordinate on our national resilience strategy, fostering a national consensus, and strengthening resilience throughout Taiwan in national defense, economic livelihoods, disaster prevention, and democracy. President Lai stated that a more resilient Taiwan will contribute more to global democracy, peace, and prosperity. He emphasized that as our society becomes better prepared, our nation grows more secure; and as Taiwan shows more determination to defend itself, the international community will feel more at ease. He expressed hope that we will engage in wide-ranging discussions and build a fortress of unity, making Taiwan a cornerstone for ensuring regional stability and democratic sustainability. A translation of President Lai’s opening statement follows: In order to consolidate forces from various sectors to strategize on national development, at the end of my first month in office, I announced that the Presidential Office will establish three committees in response to three major global issues: climate change, health promotion, and social resilience. Last month we convened the first meetings for two of those committees – the National Climate Change Committee and the Healthy Taiwan Promotion Committee. Today, we are convening the first meeting for the Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee. I want to thank our three deputy conveners and all advisors and committee members for their joint commitment. I also want to thank our fellow citizens and friends for following the committee’s proceedings online. Climate change, large-scale natural disasters, and the threat to democracy posed by expanding authoritarianism are all challenges not just for Taiwan, but for the entire world. The operations and goals of these three committees are interrelated, and they are closely connected by the issue of national resilience. We intend to build up a more resilient Taiwan, proactively deal with challenges, and bring Taiwan into deeper cooperation with the international community. When former President Tsai Ing-wen was in office, the government took stock of resources in the public and private sectors in order to lay a solid foundation on which to build up our social resilience. Now, we will continue forward, from stocktaking to validation. This will entail three principles for whole-of-society defense resilience. The first principle is “preparedness through vigilance.” We will actively engage in comprehensive preparation to make our nation stronger and our people more confident. That way, in a disaster or emergency, the government and the public can quickly leverage their respective strengths and maintain the normal operation of society. The second principle is “enhanced response, fearlessness in action.” We will expand the training and utilization of civilian forces, enhance our strategic material preparation and critical supply distribution, and reinforce the operations and maintenance of energy and critical infrastructure. We will also improve the readiness of our social welfare, medical care, and evacuation facilities, and ensure the protection of information, transportation, and financial networks. All of this will enhance Taiwan’s response capabilities. The third principle is “orderly execution, methodical action.” At all levels of government, from central to local, we will conduct extensive validation and drilling, and we will expand connections with civil society groups and societal forces so that we can all work together, in a systematic and professional manner, to identify problems, propose solutions, and follow through with implementation. This is how we will resolve problems. The work involved in whole-of-society defense resilience is diverse and complex. Accordingly, this committee needs members from the public and private sectors who can work together in coordination. The members must be guided by practical experience, have interdisciplinary expertise, span different generations, and constitute a balance between the genders. These were the factors we took into consideration when we invited representatives from industry, government agencies, academia, and research institutions to serve as the four advisors and 23 members who make up this committee. Of the total committee membership, 67.7 percent are not government officials, and 32.3 percent are women.  First, I want to thank the committee advisors who have taken on that important responsibility. With us today we have Master Jing Yao (淨耀) of the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China; Huoh Shoou-yeh (霍守業), chairman of the Institute for National Defense and Security Research; and Lin Ming-hsiung (林敏雄), chairman of Chuan Lian Enterprise Co. I thank each of you for your participation, and look forward to seeing you provide the committee with broadly considered, professional views on such matters as civilian force preparedness, strategic frameworks, and supply distribution. I also want to introduce committee members who are here today. We have with us Wang Pao-tzong (王寶宗), chairman of the Holy Glory Temple; Chen Hsin-liang (陳信良), general secretary of the General Assembly Executive Committee of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan; and Yen Po-wen (顏博文), CEO of the Tzu Chi Charity Foundation. I thank you all for your commitment and for giving us all the opportunity to learn how religious groups engage in disaster preparedness and relief efforts. Let me also thank James Liao (廖英熙), president of the National Defense Education Association; Enoch Wu (吳怡農), founder of the Forward Alliance; Hsiau Ya-wen (蕭雅文), honorary chairperson of the Taiwan Development Association for Disaster Medical Team; Liu Wen (劉文), chairperson of the Kuma Civil Defense Education Association; and Tseng Po-yu (曾柏瑜), consultant at Doublethink Lab. You have all been long involved in civil defense education, emergency medicine, and other fields, so I am quite confident that you will help the committee to better understand civilian force training and utilization. Let me also introduce Tu Wen-ling (杜文苓), distinguished professor in the Department of Public Administration at National Chengchi University, and Hsiao Hsu-chun (蕭旭君), associate professor of Computer Science and Information Engineering at National Taiwan University. I thank both of you for generously contributing your expertise to make Taiwan’s energy and critical infrastructure operations more robust. Also, I want to thank Wu Jong-shinn (吳宗信), director general of the Taiwan Space Agency; Kenny Huang (黃勝雄), chairman of the Taiwan Network Information Center; and Dai Chen-yu (戴辰宇), board member of the Association of Hackers in Taiwan. Your involvement will contribute immensely to the protection of information, transportation, and financial networks in Taiwan. Among our committee members we have the following six government representatives: Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo (顧立雄); Minister of Economic Affairs Kuo Jyh-huei (郭智輝), who could not attend today’s meeting; Minister of Transportation and Communications Chen Shih-kai (陳世凱); Minister of Agriculture Chen Junne-jih (陳駿季); Minister of Health and Welfare Chiu Tai-yuan (邱泰源); and Minister of Ocean Affairs Council Kuan Bi-ling (管碧玲). The committee has two executive secretaries, namely Chi Lien-cheng (季連成), minister without portfolio of the Executive Yuan, and Minister of the Interior Liu Shyh-fang (劉世芳). In addition, one member who will be joining us shortly is Bob Hung (洪偉淦), general manager of Trend Micro Taiwan. I also want to introduce one advisor and three committee members who could not attend today. They are, respectively, Robert Tsao (曹興誠), founder of United Microelectronics Corporation; Kuo Chia-yo (郭家佑), president of the Taiwan Digital Diplomacy Association; Liu Yu-hsi (劉玉晳), associate professor in the Department of Communications Management at Shih-Hsin University; and Tina Lin (林雅芳), managing director of sales and operations at Google Taiwan. I also thank them for participating in this committee’s operations and for contributing their valuable advice at today’s proceedings in written form. Last Saturday marked the 25th anniversary of the major earthquake that struck Taiwan on September 21, 1999. For the past 25 years, we have worked continuously to improve Taiwan’s disaster preparedness and relief capabilities. Today, our purpose in building up whole-of-society defense resilience is to enable each and every individual to realize, when an emergency arises, where to best make a contribution and how to protect themselves, contribute to society, or deter an approaching enemy. We want to enable all our citizens to feel utterly confident in the continuity and future of Taiwan’s society. Today, in this first meeting of the committee, the National Security Council (NSC) will brief us on the topic of “Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience: Planning and Challenges.” The NSC will familiarize all of us here, as well as our citizens and friends watching online, with the concepts and operations involved in whole-of-society defense resilience, the associated challenges and goals, and the progress we have made toward achieving our tasks. I have said before that a sudden natural disaster is like an acute cold, while climate change is more like a chronic disease. What whole-of-society defense resilience addresses is both the chronic and the acute. In addition to national disasters and emergencies, Taiwan has also been dealing for a long time with the challenges of gray-zone aggression and cognitive warfare. Located in the first island chain, Taiwan stands on the frontline of the democratic world. As such, we have always endeavored to safeguard regional peace and stability. I firmly believe that a more resilient Taiwan will contribute more to global democracy, peace, and prosperity. I also believe that when Taiwan is properly prepared and shows determination, our like-minded partners from around the world will be more willing to help Taiwan, jointly respond to all kinds of challenges, and work in concert to mitigate risks. As the people of Taiwan become more united, our nation grows more stable. As our society becomes better prepared, our nation grows more secure. And as Taiwan shows more determination to defend itself, the international community will feel more at ease. And so, I want to thank all of you once again for taking on the major task of enhancing our whole-of-society defense resilience. I look forward to working together with everyone, as we continue to observe global conditions, to establish a platform through which we can communicate and coordinate on our national resilience strategy, thereby fostering a nationwide consensus and strengthening resilience throughout Taiwan in national defense, economic livelihoods, disaster prevention, and democracy. Moving forward, let us engage in wide-ranging discussions, build a fortress of unity, and further empower our whole-of-society defense resilience, making Taiwan a cornerstone for ensuring regional stability and democratic sustainability. Thank you. Following his statement, President Lai presented letters of appointment to the committee members and heard a report from NSC Deputy Secretary-General Hsu Szu-chien (徐斯儉) on the topic of “Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience: Planning and Challenges.” Afterward, President Lai exchanged views with the committee members regarding the content of the report and the Rules of Procedure for Meetings of the Office of the President Whole-of-Society Defense Resilience Committee.

    Details
    2025-03-13
    President Lai holds press conference following high-level national security meeting
    On the afternoon of March 13, President Lai Ching-te convened a high-level national security meeting, following which he held a press conference. In remarks, President Lai introduced 17 major strategies to respond to five major national security and united front threats Taiwan now faces: China’s threat to national sovereignty, its threats from infiltration and espionage activities targeting Taiwan’s military, its threats aimed at obscuring the national identity of the people of Taiwan, its threats from united front infiltration into Taiwanese society through cross-strait exchanges, and its threats from using “integrated development” to attract Taiwanese businesspeople and youth. President Lai emphasized that in the face of increasingly severe threats, the government will not stop doing its utmost to ensure that our national sovereignty is not infringed upon, and expressed hope that all citizens unite in solidarity to resist being divided. The president also expressed hope that citizens work together to increase media literacy, organize and participate in civic education activities, promptly expose concerted united front efforts, and refuse to participate in any activities that sacrifice national interests. As long as every citizen plays their part toward our nation’s goals for prosperity and security, he said, and as long as we work together, nothing can defeat us. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: At many venues recently, a number of citizens have expressed similar concerns to me. They have noticed cases in which members of the military, both active-duty and retired, have been bought out by China, sold intelligence, or even organized armed forces with plans to harm their own nation and its citizens. They have noticed cases in which entertainers willingly followed instructions from Beijing to claim that their country is not a country, all for the sake of personal career interests. They have noticed how messaging used by Chinese state media to stir up internal opposition in Taiwan is always quickly spread by specific channels. There have even been individuals making careers out of helping Chinese state media record united front content, spreading a message that democracy is useless and promoting skepticism toward the United States and the military to sow division and opposition. Many people worry that our country, as well as our hard-won freedom and democracy and the prosperity and progress we achieved together, are being washed away bit by bit due to these united front tactics. In an analysis of China’s united front, renowned strategic scholar Kerry K. Gershaneck expressed that China plans to divide and conquer us through subversion, infiltration, and acquisition of media, and by launching media warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. What they are trying to do is to sow seeds of discord in our society, keep us occupied with internal conflicts, and cause us to ignore the real threat from outside. China’s ambition over the past several decades to annex Taiwan and stamp out the Republic of China has not changed for even a day. It continues to pursue political and military intimidation, and its united front infiltration of Taiwan’s society grows ever more serious. In 2005, China promulgated its so-called “Anti-Secession Law,” which makes using military force to annex Taiwan a national undertaking. Last June, China issued a 22-point set of “guidelines for punishing Taiwan independence separatists,” which regards all those who do not accept that “Taiwan is part of the People’s Republic of China” as targets for punishment, creating excuses to harm the people of Taiwan. China has also recently been distorting United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, showing in all aspects China’s increasingly urgent threat against Taiwan’s sovereignty. Lately, China has been taking advantage of democratic Taiwan’s freedom, diversity, and openness to recruit gangs, the media, commentators, political parties, and even active-duty and retired members of the armed forces and police to carry out actions to divide, destroy, and subvert us from within. A report from the National Security Bureau indicates that 64 persons were charged last year with suspicion of spying for China, which was three times the number of persons charged for the same offense in 2021. Among them, the Unionist Party, Rehabilitation Alliance Party, and Republic of China Taiwan Military Government formed treasonous organizations to deploy armed forces for China. In a democratic and free society, such cases are appalling. But this is something that actually exists within Taiwan’s society today. China also actively plots ways to infiltrate and spy on our military. Last year, 28 active-duty and 15 retired members of the armed forces were charged with suspicion of involvement in spying for China, respectively comprising 43 percent and 23 percent of all of such cases – 66 percent in total. We are also alert to the fact that China has recently used widespread issuance of Chinese passports to entice Taiwanese citizens to apply for the Residence Permit for Taiwan Residents, permanent residency, or the Resident Identity Card, in an attempt to muddle Taiwanese people’s sense of national identity. China also views cross-strait exchanges as a channel for its united front against Taiwan, marking enemies in Taiwan internally, creating internal divisions, and weakening our sense of who the enemy really is. It intends to weaken public authority and create the illusion that China is “governing” Taiwan, thereby expanding its influence within Taiwan. We are also aware that China has continued to expand its strategy of integrated development with Taiwan. It employs various methods to demand and coerce Taiwanese businesses to increase their investments in China, entice Taiwanese youth to develop their careers in China, and unscrupulously seeks to poach Taiwan’s talent and steal key technologies. Such methods impact our economic security and greatly increase the risk of our young people heading to China. By its actions, China already satisfies the definition of a “foreign hostile force” as provided in the Anti-Infiltration Act. We have no choice but to take even more proactive measures, which is my purpose in convening this high-level national security meeting today. It is time we adopt proper preventive measures, enhance our democratic resilience and national security, and protect our cherished free and democratic way of life. Next, I will be giving a detailed account of the five major national security and united front threats Taiwan now faces and the 17 major strategies we have prepared in response. I. Responding to China’s threats to our national sovereignty We have a nation insofar as we have sovereignty, and we have the Republic of China insofar as we have Taiwan. Just as I said during my inaugural address last May, and in my National Day address last October: The moment when Taiwan’s first democratically elected president took the oath of office in 1996 sent a message to the international community, that Taiwan is a sovereign, independent, democratic nation. Among people here and in the international community, some call this land the Republic of China, some call it Taiwan, and some, the Republic of China Taiwan. The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to each other, and Taiwan resists any annexation or encroachment upon our sovereignty. The future of the Republic of China Taiwan must be decided by its 23 million people. This is the status quo that we must maintain. The broadest consensus in Taiwanese society is that we must defend our sovereignty, uphold our free and democratic way of life, and resolutely oppose annexation of Taiwan by China. (1) I request that the National Security Council (NSC), the Ministry of National Defense (MND), and the administrative team do their utmost to promote the Four Pillars of Peace action plan to demonstrate the people’s broad consensus and firm resolve, consistent across the entirety of our nation, to oppose annexation of Taiwan by China. (2) I request that the NSC and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs draft an action plan that will, through collaboration with our friends and allies, convey to the world our national will and broad social consensus in opposing annexation of Taiwan by China and in countering China’s efforts to erase Taiwan from the international community and downgrade Taiwan’s sovereignty. II. Responding to China’s threats from infiltration and espionage activities targeting our military (1) Comprehensively review and amend our Law of Military Trial to restore the military trial system, allowing military judges to return to the frontline and collaborate with prosecutorial, investigative, and judicial authorities in the handling of criminal cases in which active-duty military personnel are suspected of involvement in such military crimes as sedition, aiding the enemy, leaking confidential information, dereliction of duty, or disobedience. In the future, criminal cases involving active-duty military personnel who are suspected of violating the Criminal Code of the Armed Forces will be tried by a military court. (2) Implement supporting reforms, including the establishment of a personnel management act for military judges and separate organization acts for military courts and military prosecutors’ offices. Once planning and discussion are completed, the MND will fully explain to and communicate with the public to ensure that the restoration of the military trial system gains the trust and full support of society. (3) To deter the various types of controversial rhetoric and behavior exhibited by active-duty as well as retired military personnel that severely damage the morale of our national military, the MND must discuss and propose an addition to the Criminal Code of the Armed Forces on penalties for expressions of loyalty to the enemy as well as revise the regulations for military personnel and their families receiving retirement benefits, so as to uphold military discipline. III. Responding to China’s threats aimed at obscuring the national identity of the people of Taiwan (1) I request that the Ministry of the Interior (MOI), Mainland Affairs Council (MAC), and other relevant agencies, wherever necessary, carry out inspections and management of the documents involving identification that Taiwanese citizens apply for in China, including: passports, ID cards, permanent residence certificates, and residence certificates, especially when the applicants are military personnel, civil servants, or public school educators, who have an obligation of loyalty to Taiwan. This will be done to strictly prevent and deter united front operations, which are performed by China under the guise of “integrated development,” that attempt to distort our people’s national identity. (2) With respect to naturalization and integration of individuals from China, Hong Kong, and Macau into Taiwanese society, more national security considerations must be taken into account while also attending to Taiwan’s social development and individual rights: Chinese nationals applying for permanent residency in Taiwan must, in accordance with the law of Taiwan, relinquish their existing household registration and passport and may not hold dual identity status. As for the systems in place to process individuals from Hong Kong or Macau applying for residency or permanent residency in Taiwan, there will be additional provisions for long-term residency to meet practical needs. IV. Responding to China’s threats from united front infiltration into Taiwanese society through cross-strait exchanges  (1) There are increasing risks involved with travel to China. (From January 1, 2024 to today, the MAC has received reports of 71 Taiwanese nationals who went missing, were detained, interrogated, or imprisoned in China; the number of unreported people who have been subjected to such treatment may be several times that. Of those, three elderly I-Kuan Tao members were detained in China in December of last year and have not yet been released.) In light of this, relevant agencies must raise public awareness of those risks, continue enhancing public communication, and implement various registration systems to reduce the potential for accidents and the risks associated with traveling to China. (2) Implement a disclosure system for exchanges with China involving public officials at all levels of the central and local government. This includes everyone from administrative officials to elected representatives, from legislators to village and neighborhood chiefs, all of whom should make the information related to such exchanges both public and transparent so that they can be accountable to the people. The MOI should also establish a disclosure system for exchanges with China involving public welfare organizations, such as religious groups, in order to prevent China’s interference and united front activities at their outset. (3) Manage the risks associated with individuals from China engaging in exchanges with Taiwan: Review and approval of Chinese individuals coming to Taiwan should be limited to normal cross-strait exchanges and official interactions under the principles of parity and dignity, and relevant factors such as changes in the cross-strait situation should be taken into consideration. Strict restrictions should be placed on Chinese individuals who have histories with the united front coming to Taiwan, and Chinese individuals should be prohibited from coming to Taiwan to conduct activities related in any way to the united front. (4) Political interference from China and the resulting risks to national security should be avoided in cross-strait exchanges. This includes the review and management of religious, cultural, academic, and education exchanges, which should in principle be depoliticized and de-risked so as to simplify people-to-people exchanges and promote healthy and orderly exchanges. (5) To deter the united front tactics of a cultural nature employed by Chinese nationals to undermine Taiwan’s sovereignty, the Executive Yuan must formulate a solution to make our local cultural industries more competitive, including enhanced support and incentives for our film, television, and cultural and creative industries to boost their strengths in democratic cultural creation, raise international competitiveness, and encourage research in Taiwan’s own history and culture. (6) Strengthen guidance and management for entertainers developing their careers in China. The competent authorities should provide entertainers with guidelines on conduct while working in China, and make clear the scope of investigation and response to conduct that endangers national dignity. This will help prevent China from pressuring Taiwanese entertainers to make statements or act in ways that endanger national dignity. (7) The relevant authorities must adopt proactive, effective measures to prevent China from engaging in cognitive warfare against Taiwan or endangering cybersecurity through the internet, applications, AI, and other such tools. (8) To implement these measures, each competent authority must run a comprehensive review of the relevant administrative ordinances, measures, and interpretations, and complete the relevant regulations for legal enforcement. Should there be any shortcomings, the legal framework for national security should be strengthened and amendments to the National Security Act, Anti-Infiltration Act, Act Governing Relations between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, Laws and Regulations Regarding Hong Kong & Macao Affairs, or Cyber Security Management Act should be proposed. Communication with the public should also be increased so that implementation can happen as soon as possible. V. Responding to threats from China using “integrated development” to attract Taiwanese businesspeople and youth (1) I request that the NSC and administrative agencies work together to carry out strategic structural adjustments to the economic and trade relations between Taiwan and China based on the strategies of putting Taiwan first and expanding our global presence while staying rooted in Taiwan. In addition, they should carry out necessary, orderly adjustments to the flow of talent, goods, money, and skills involved in cross-strait economic and trade relations based on the principle of strengthening Taiwan’s foundations to better manage risk. This will help boost economic security and give us more power to respond to China’s economic and trade united front and economic coercion against Taiwan. (2) I request that the Ministry of Education, MAC, Ministry of Economic Affairs, and other relevant agencies work together to comprehensively strengthen young students’ literacy education on China and deepen their understanding of cross-strait exchanges. I also request these agencies to widely publicize mechanisms for employment and entrepreneurship for Taiwan’s youth and provide ample information and assistance so that young students have more confidence in the nation’s future and more actively invest in building up and developing Taiwan. My fellow citizens, this year marks the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War. History tells us that any authoritarian act of aggression or annexation will ultimately end in failure. The only way we can safeguard freedom and prevail against authoritarian aggression is through solidarity. As we face increasingly severe threats, the government will not stop doing its utmost to ensure that our national sovereignty is not infringed upon, and to ensure that the freedom, democracy, and way of life of Taiwan’s 23 million people continues on as normal. But relying solely on the power of the government is not enough. What we need even more is for all citizens to stay vigilant and take action. Every citizen stands on the frontline of the defense of democracy and freedom. Here is what we can do together: First, we can increase our media literacy, and refrain from spreading and passing on united front messaging from the Chinese state. Second, we can organize and participate in civic education activities to increase our knowledge about united front operations and build up whole-of-society defense resilience. Third, we can promptly expose concerted united front efforts so that all malicious attempts are difficult to carry out. Fourth, we must refuse to participate in any activities that sacrifice national interests. The vigilance and action of every citizen forms the strongest line of defense against united front infiltration. Only through solidarity can we resist being divided. As long as every citizen plays their part toward our nation’s goals for prosperity and security, and as long as we work together, nothing can defeat us.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Business News ‘Politics & Business’ breakfast

    Source: Australian Government – Minister of Foreign Affairs

    Acknowledgements omitted

    I always enjoy the perspective of Western Australia and Perth which reflect your economic position and your geographic position, so close to Southeast Asia and so engaged with the regional economies.

    I know the business community thinks deeply about what it means to protect and promote Australia’s interests in an increasingly uncertain world.

    I know you think deeply about how we shore up Australia’s prosperity despite that uncertainty. I don,t need to tell this room, Western Australia is vital to that prosperity: when you succeed, the whole country prospers.

    That success includes WA resources, metals, critical minerals and rare earths but it also includes WA manufacturers and workers, your universities, research and technology, which are all globally prized.

    So what’s my role as Foreign Minister? Amongst other things and importantly, it is to help create opportunities, and promote and protect Australia’s interests as a reliable exporter of choice in an increasingly competitive international environment.

    Our foreign policy helps build and maintain the strategic conditions that enable our stability and prosperity.

    And you have to say that is a task that is not getting any easier.

    Each day, our assumptions are being tested.

    We live in a world of increasing strategic surprise. We live in a world that is ever more uncertain and unpredictable.

    We see the devastating human toll of conflicts including in Ukraine, Gaza and Sudan.

    Malign actors continue to engage in sabotage and terrorism.

    Bullies threaten to use nuclear weapons, and authoritarianism is spreading.

    Some countries are shifting alignment, high global inflation continues to put pressure on working people.

    And institutions that we helped build are being eroded and rules that we helped write are being challenged.

    These factors compound threats and risks in our own region from a changing climate, military buildup without transparency, and disruption of trade – as well as the risks inherent in great power competition.

    I recently released the 2025 Snapshot of Australia in the World, a summary of our foreign policy strategy, priorities and policy achievements.

    What it clearly shows is that even though we face a time of growing uncertainty, Australia is well-placed to protect our security, our stability and our prosperity.

    But that is only if we continue to build our disciplined focus on our region, because it is here where our interests are most at stake; if we invest not only in traditional but also in more diverse relationships; and if we work with partners to uphold international rules that protect us all.

    We have to apply ourselves to these tasks with ambition and calm, consistent and disciplined engagement.

    This is the approach the Albanese Government is taking with the United States.

    President Trump’s America First agenda envisages a very different role for America in the world, and that is what the American people have chosen.

    President Trump campaigned on change and none of us should try to minimise the implications of this change.

    And over the first seven weeks of the Trump Administration we have seen how broad those implications are around the world.

    Mindful of the scale of this change involving our most important strategic partner, there has been extensive engagement across senior levels of the Albanese Government.

    In addition to our relentless Ambassador in Washington, the Prime Minister has had two productive phone calls with the President.

    I had the honour of being the first Australian Foreign Minister ever to be invited to attend a Presidential Inauguration, and I was able to put the case for Australia to the Secretary of State Marco Rubio on his first day in office.

    The Deputy Prime Minister was Secretary Hegseth’s first international counterpart to meet with him following his confirmation.

    The Treasurer has made an early connection with his counterpart, US Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent.

    And our Trade and Tourism Minister has also been engaging with his counterparts.

    In those interactions we make the point that the US enjoys a two-to-one trade surplus with Australia and has since the Truman Presidency.

    We make the point that US exports to Australia face no tariffs.

    And that our trade and investment relationship is important for US industry and jobs. Half of Australia’s exports are inputs into US manufacturing and construction. And of course, we are a top 10 investor in the United States.

    And given the pool of funds under management in Australia’s superannuation sector that can only grow.

    Nevertheless, last week we saw that the second Trump administration has hardened its position in favour of tariffs as a centrepiece of its economic policy.

    And whereas the first Trump administration exempted 36 countries from steel tariffs and 32 countries from aluminium tariffs, this time not one single country has been exempted.

    Not Australia. Not Japan. Not anyone.

    And the degree of a country’s engagement has not changed the outcome.

    Indeed, the administration has been clear that the exemptions granted in its first term were a mistake.

    Our response to the Trump administration’s imposition of tariffs on Australia has been firm and it has been clear.

    As the Prime Minister has said, these measures are “entirely unjustified”.

    And “it is against the spirit of our two nations, enduring friendship and fundamentally at odds with the benefits our economic partnership has delivered over more than 70 years.”

    Steel and aluminium exports to the US represent 0.18 per cent of Australia’s total exports in 2023.

    We will continue to press the case for all Australian exporters, including steel and aluminium.

    We will continue to have advocate for the existing economy-wide access commitments under the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement. They should be maintained.

    And we will also keep making the case for the many opportunities Australia has to offer.

    After the US announced their position, Peter Dutton said he would “do a deal” and “there’s no question about that”.

    Given not one leader of the 36 countries that got a deal last time got a deal this time, Australians are right to be incredulous about that claim.

    And they,re rightly concerned Peter Dutton would do a deal at any cost.

    Unlike Mr Dutton, we are not going to give away the farm – and we don,t have to.

    We will always put the interests of Australian industries and workers first.

    Remember, these tariffs do not necessarily mean that Americans won,t keep buying Australian products.

    And many nations want our exports. This state understands that possibly more than any part of Australia.

    We have a strong track record of supporting our exporters diversify their export markets, and regardless of what happens with US tariffs, that is a priority we will continue to pursue.

    One of the priorities I have brought to this job has been a focus on Southeast Asia, in part because of where I,m from originally, but in part because of my firm belief that ASEAN and the countries of Southeast Asia are critical to our next generation’s stability and prosperity.

    So just to our north, Indonesia stands as a major and growing power in our region and beyond.

    The world’s third largest democracy, projected to become the world’s fifth largest economy.

    So deepening our economic engagement with Indonesia is of enormous value to Australia, and part of our broader effort to diversify our economy, especially through Southeast Asia.

    Now we have our work cut out. When we came to government, Australian direct investment in Southeast Asia was lower than it was in 2014.

    Over this period, while international investment in the region had grown apace, Australia’s investment in it had gone backwards, both in relative and absolute terms.

    And by 2040, Southeast Asia is predicted to be the world’s fourth-largest economy after the United States, China and India.

    Australia’s trade and investment has simply not kept pace – and we need to turn this around.

    Australia has been central to the north Asian economic growth story, so we must be to the Southeast Asian economic growth story.

    That’s why we appointed Nicholas Moore AO as Australia’s Special Envoy to Southeast Asia and charged him with developing a Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040.

    In the almost 18 months since its launch, we have made tangible progress.

    We have now implemented a number of initiatives responding to its recommendations, including new deal teams to identify and facilitate Australian investment in the region.

    New landing pads in Jakarta and Ho Chi Minh City, in addition to the existing hub in Singapore, to help our tech companies scale up.

    Business and investment missions, including three to Singapore, one of which was our largest ever outbound investment mission by value, representing a combined $2.5 trillion of assets under management.

    Improved visa access for businesspeople from the region and the establishment of the ASEAN-Australia Centre because we have to continue to build Southeast Asia literacy and enhance business and cultural ties.

    It’s no accident that Austrade had their best ever client results in Southeast Asia in 2024, with over $1 billion in commercial outcomes.

    We all need to play our part in diversification.

    Complacency, or business as usual, risks compromising our influence today and our prosperity tomorrow.

    Nobody today could claim they don,t understand the risk of putting too many eggs in one market.

    As you know, China’s growth has been a crucial driver of Australia’s prosperity and the world’s prosperity – and we know this has never been straightforward for business.

    Especially during the last term of government, when China’s doors were closed to many of our exports.

    Since the Albanese Government was elected you have seen a concerted effort to restore dialogue and stabilise the relationship with our largest trading partner.

    We pressed China to lift impediments on more than $20 billion of Australian exports – barley, wine, coal, timber logs, cotton, beef, hay and copper ores, concentrates, and lobsters.

    The final impediments on lobster were lifted in late December, and we have seen in just the first month of the crayfish trade resuming into China, sales have already reached $118 million.

    We know how important that is to Western Australia. In 2023-24, China received 56 per cent of exports from this state. And what we want is grow opportunities for our great exporters – both into China and elsewhere across our region.

    The China relationship will continue to face challenges.

    You see, the term stabilisation has never meant there would be no problems.

    It has always meant we should be able to engage directly with China in order to manage differences and problems that are inevitable – without these problems derailing our ability to talk to each other – as we saw in the past.

    And that is what we will keep doing – and it is what the Australian people expect of us, your government – to engage confidently, calmly and consistently, protecting our sovereignty and advancing our interests.

    We have seen in recent weeks that the same people who had no regard for the consequences for Australian exporters and jobs are at it again – trying to turn China into an election issue, with inflammatory language.

    This country, as you all know, built our prosperity in great part because we are a trading nation.

    A great trading nation has to grapple with a world where trade can be a vulnerability as well as an opportunity.

    And the whole country, all of us, government, business, the workforce – we have to manage these risks together.

    We can’t imagine the challenges away nor can we put other countries, interests ahead of ours.

    What we can do is recognise our challenges in the world are growing.

    That our interests are most at stake in our region.

    And that we must not just invest in our traditional relationships but also in diversified relationships.

    And if we do these things, we can be confident that together as Australians we can meet these challenges, and keep building a better future.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Prime Minister Carney meets with Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Sir Keir Starmer

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Today, the Prime Minister, Mark Carney, met with the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (UK), Sir Keir Starmer, as part of his visit to strengthen ties with steadfast and reliable partners for our economy and security.

    Prime Minister Carney and Prime Minister Starmer emphasized the importance of building a stronger Canada-UK relationship. The leaders highlighted transatlantic security and the trade and investment relationship between Canada and the UK. To that end, they discussed opportunities to expand the Canada-UK trade corridor and responsibly leverage technologies such as artificial intelligence and quantum to benefit workers and economies in both countries.

    The prime ministers reiterated their steadfast support for Ukraine as it continues to defend itself against Russia’s unjustifiable war of aggression. Prime Minister Carney expressed Canada’s support for an immediate ceasefire in Ukraine, highlighted support for Ukraine as a key part of Canada’s G7 Presidency, and commended the UK’s leadership efforts toward a lasting and sustainable peace.

    Anchored in long-standing alliances, shared histories, and enduring ties, the leaders agreed that the partnership between Canada and the UK will only get stronger.

    Associated Links

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Bangladesh, Yemen & other topics – Daily Press Briefing | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Noon briefing by Farhan Haq, Deputy Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:

    – Secretary-General/Geneva
    – Bangladesh
    – Yemen
    – Yemen – Humanitarian
    – Occupied Palestinian Territory
    – Syria/Brussels Conference
    – Lebanon/Security Council
    – Ukraine
    – Sudan
    – Central African Republic
    – Resident Coordinator – Equatorial Guinea

    BANGLADESH
    The Secretary-General wrapped up his visit to Bangladesh on Saturday by talking to the press and saying that, as Bangladesh undergoes a significant transition under the leadership of Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, he recognizes the people’s hopes for a future of greater democracy, justice, and prosperity. He said that the UN stands ready to assist in fostering peace, national dialogue, trust and healing.
    The Secretary-General warned that with the announced cuts in financial assistance, we are facing the dramatic risk of having only 40 per cent in 2025 of the resources available for humanitarian aid in 2024. This would have terrible consequences, starting with the drastic reduction of food rations.
    That would be an unmitigated disaster, he said. People would suffer and people would die. More funding is absolutely essential to guarantee the minimum support to the Rohingya population in Bangladesh.

    YEMEN
    The UN has expressed its concern on Sunday at the launching of multiple strikes on Houthi-controlled areas in Yemen by the United States in recent days. According to the Houthis, the airstrikes resulted in 53 deaths and 101 injuries, reported from Sana’a City, Sa’ada and Al Baydah governorates, including reports of civilian casualties, and led to disruptions in the power supply in nearby localities.
    The UN is also concerned about the continued threats by the Houthis to resume their attacks targeting merchant and commercial vessels in the Red Sea, as well as about their reported attacks against military vessels in the area.
    The UN calls for utmost restraint and a cessation of all military activities. Any additional escalation could exacerbate regional tensions, fuel cycles of retaliation that may further destabilize Yemen and the region and pose grave risks to the already dire humanitarian situation in the country.
    The UN emphasizes that international law, including international humanitarian law as applicable, must be respected by all parties at all times.
    The UN underscores that UN Security Council resolution 2768 (2025) related to Houthi attacks against merchant and commercial vessels, must be fully respected.

    YEMEN – HUMANITARIAN
    Over the last couple of days, the UN Special Envoy, Hans Grundberg, has been in close contact with Yemeni, regional and international stakeholders. He has called for utmost restraint and adherence to international humanitarian law, and he has pushed for a refocus on diplomacy to avoid uncontrollable destabilization in Yemen and in the region. Further contacts are held by his office on numerous levels.
    The Envoy further called for support from the international community so that the UN-led mediation efforts can deliver results despite the complexity of the regional dimension of this situation, including the situation in the Red Sea.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=17%20March%202025

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IxWn4z9fnsc

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: RAISINA DIALOGUE 2025: KĀLACHAKRA – PEOPLE, PEACE AND PLANET

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Namaskar, Sat Sri Akal, kia ora and good afternoon everyone.
    What an honour it is to stand on this stage – to inaugurate this august Dialogue – with none other than the Honourable Narendra Modi.
    My good friend, thank you for so generously welcoming me to India and for our warm discussions this morning.
    I am a great admirer of your extraordinary achievements as Prime Minister.
    In the almost 11 years that you’ve occupied the Prime Minister’s office, you have weathered the COVID crisis and still managed to expand India’s economy by 50%.
    You have lifted 250 million of your countrymen out of poverty and eliminated extreme poverty.
    Today, India is at the leading edge of technology with massive innovative potential.
    You were the first country to land on the moon’s South Pole.  In the process drawing the world’s attention to India’s extraordinary technological prowess.
    And Prime Minister, during your tenure, the Men in Blue have been the most dominant side in cricket’s white ball competitions, most recently winning the Champions Trophy last week against my Men in Black and breaking many New Zealanders hearts – including mine – in the process!
    Congratulations!
    Among this catalogue of achievements is the reason we gather today: the Raisina Dialogue.  A forum that provides a moment every year for thought-leaders from across the world to focus their collective minds on the contemporary strategic challenges being navigated right here in the Indian Ocean.
    I applaud Dr Jaishankar and Samir Saran for the intellectual leadership they have shown driving this Dialogue over the past 10 years. 
    It has grown into a hugely influential forum.  Look no further than the luminaries you attract: 6 former Heads of Government and Ministers from over thirty countries.
    I hope my remarks today, add to the debate in some small way.
    Ladies and gentlemen, it’s more than 200 years since Indians and New Zealanders first began living side-by-side.
    At the beginning of the 19th century – well before we became a nation – Indian sailors jumped ship in New Zealand, with some meeting locals and marrying into our indigenous Māori tribes.  A few years later, Māori traders began travelling to Kolkata to sell tree trunks used in sailing ships.
    An exchange that echoes down the ages.
    Just as they were 200 years ago, Kiwi-Indians today are fully integrated into our multicultural society.  New Zealanders of Indian heritage comprise 11% of the people living in Auckland, our biggest city.
    I’ve brought with me to New Delhi a selection of Kiwi-Indian community leaders. Members of Parliament, captains of industry, professional cricketers and even an online influencer who has revolutionised investment for women the world over.  In short, a selection of Kiwi-Indians who get up every single morning to make New Zealand a better place to live.
    And our trade has diversified considerably from wood thanks to the increased sophistication of your economy.  India today is a critical source of pharmaceuticals and machinery for us. While we are a great tourism and education destination for you.
    India has become an ever more significant feature of our society.
    And yet, while there has been much that has developed and changed, there has been something missing at the core of our relationship.
    With a country as consequential as India, we need rich political interaction, engaged militaries, strong economic architecture, and connections that support a diaspora that bridges between our two great nations.
    Prime Minister Modi and I sat down today and charted out the future of our two countries’ relationship.
    A future that builds from where we have been.  One that is wholly more ambitious about what we will do together in the future. 

    We agreed to our Defence Forces building greater strategic trust with one another, while deploying together and training together more.
    We want our scientists collaborating on global challenges like climate change and on commercial opportunities like space.
    We are supporting our businesses to improve air links and build primary sector cooperation.
    We will facilitate students, young professionals and tourists to move between our countries.
    And we’ve instructed our trade negotiators to get on and negotiate a free trade agreement between our two great nations.

    A comprehensive agenda to underpin a comprehensive relationship. As we look to the future, the opportunity for both our governments is to sustain that momentum.
    Not only to follow through on the commitments we have made to one another. But to proactively build on that platform, by exploring new opportunities and creating new architecture.
    To ensure that we are creating strategic trust and commercial connection between two countries at the bookends of our wide Indo-Pacific region.
    Ladies and gentlemen, it is to the Indo-Pacific that I now turn.  There are many reasons to be excited about our region.  I want to single out the two biggest opportunities.
    First, India and New Zealand are fortunate enough to live in the world’s most economically dynamic region.
    The Indo-Pacific will represent two-thirds of global economic growth over the coming years.  By 2030, it will be home to two-thirds of the world’s middle-class consumers.
    And India itself lies at the heart of this exciting economic future.  It’s easy to focus on the troubles the world faces, but its worth reflecting for a moment on what economic development at this scale means at a human level.
    Here in India, you’ve gone from only the very few in rural areas having a water or power connection to almost everyone. It means people with better health and education outcomes.  And that creates hope and optimism about the future for individuals and their families.
    Replicated across literally hundreds of millions of people, that process of development generates dynamic economies.  Growth that offers massive opportunities for every country in the Indo-Pacific, and families and individuals within them.
    The second big opportunity is technological change.  We are on the cusp of a transformation of our economies and societies in a way that we can barely now imagine.
    I’m talking about artificial intelligence, which is within reach of achieving the cognitive powers of a human being.  But I’m also thinking of a range of other technologies – quantum, biotech, advanced manufacturing – that are going to have profound impacts on our economies.
    It has felt like this technological transformation has been long-heralded, but never quite arrived. Well, it seems to me that a series of innovations – the always online world, big data, powerful computing, machine learning – are cumulating in ways that are going to tip over into a dislocation that is new and altogether different. 
    The game is about to change.  We are on the cusp of an explosion in the application of AI, a technology that will have an impact across the whole economy, not just in one or two sectors. A technology that will transform the way we work, study and entertain ourselves.  A technology that will force governments to think in entirely different ways about how they deliver public services and secure their nations.
    Certainly, this presents risks that will need to be managed.  For example, militaries are already using AI, which means the international community is going to need to develop new norms about how this is done in a way that ensures compliance with the rules of war and ensures human responsibility in conflict.
    But my message is that, while we need manage change, we cannot allow ourselves to be paralysed by the risks.  For those who believe they can outcompete through this period of technological dislocation, the opportunities are there.  The citizens, the companies, and the countries that embrace the coming change will be the ones that reap the dividends. 
    Yet, there’s also no doubt that there are fundamental trend lines in the Indo-Pacific that present geo-strategic risks to growth and prosperity.
    These have long-term drivers that are not going away, and have been amplified by recent events.
    Past assumptions – that underpinned the previous generation’s geopolitical calculations – are being upended.
    A fortnight ago, the Singaporean Foreign Minister, Vivian Balakrishnan, put this change eloquently when he said: “the world is now shifting from unipolarity to multipolarity, from free trade to protectionism, from multilateralism to unilateralism, from globalisation to hyper-nationalism, from openness to xenophobia, from optimism to anxiety”.
    This is a global change, not isolated to one region. Certainly, though, we live today in an Indo-Pacific navigating contest and rivalry, with a period of strategic uncertainty.  I would highlight three big shifts that make for challenging times ahead.
    Fist, we are seeing rules giving way to power. 
    Previously, we could count on countries respecting the UN Charter, the Law of the Sea and world trade rules.  That sadly cannot be assumed in an age of sharper competition.
    Instead, we risk dangerous miscalculation at flashpoints. These range from the militarisation of disputed reefs to dangerous air movements.  From land border incursions to breakout nuclear capabilities.
    Of course, it is not just flashpoints, but a slow shift in Indo-Pacific realities that change calculations.  Recent demonstrations of naval force near New Zealand’s maritime surrounds, for example, sent a signal that alarmed many of my fellow citizens.
    Second, we are witnessing a shift from economics to security. 
    After the Cold War, the dominant paradigm in relations between Indo-Pacific countries was a sustained effort to raise material living standards by tending to our economies.
    Make no mistake, “bread and butter” issues still loom very large, and are a priority for governments all around the region.  Indeed, economic growth is my Government’s highest priority.
    But across the Indo-Pacific, we also see Governments dedicating increased attention and resource to military modernisation. Military build-ups reflect a need to prepare against uncertainty and insecurity.  Some military build-ups, however, are underway without the reassurance that transparency brings.
    National security demands are expanding.  Governments need to protect their people and assets against foreign interference, cyberattacks, and terrorism.
    In the last few months, a new threat has emerged, with damage to critical infrastructure, like sub-sea cables. You can’t have prosperity without security, not least when the tools of commerce themselves require protection.
    The third geo-economic shift is from efficiency to resilience. 
    Where previously, Indo-Pacific economies saw ever deeper interdependence as a dynamo for growth, that can no longer be assumed in an age of decoupling.
    Onshoring, protectionism and trade wars are displacing best price, open markets, and integrated supply chains.
    And so we find ourselves in a world that is growing more difficult and more complex, especially for smaller states.
    However, we must engage with the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. So, like most countries across the region, New Zealand’s strategic policy is being shaped by our assessment of these trends.
    We have agency to shape the Indo-Pacific that we want, but we must do so with energy and with urgency.
    Ladies and gentlemen, as New Zealand looks to protect and advance our interests in the Indo-Pacific, we can only do so alongside partners.  Partners like India that have a significant role to play in the Indo-Pacific.
    In an increasingly multipolar world, India’s size and geo-strategic heft gives you autonomy.  At the same time, your democratic partners in the Indo-Pacific offer you a force multiplier for our convergent interests. 
    For at a time when democracy is in decline with less than half the world’s adults electing their leaders, it is an inspiration that 650 million Indians turned out to vote last year in the largest election in history.
    Your national election is a triumph of logistics and a triumph of legitimacy.  An election that means your leaders serve their people, rather than your people serving their leaders.
    Now, I don’t advocate arbitrary divisions between democracies and autocracies. And just because we are democracies, we won’t always see eye-to-eye. 
    Nonetheless, there’s truth in the fact that our democratic governance means we share a belief in the freedom to choose, giving everyone a voice and respect for the rules.  Our interests increasingly converge around seeing these three ideas as an aligned set of organising principles for our Indo-Pacific region.
    First, we want to live in an Indo-Pacific where countries are free to choose their own path free from interference.
    A region where no one country comes to dominate.
    It is a sign of the times that I stand here defending respect for sovereignty. Yet, New Zealand’s approach is increasingly shaped around that objective.
    Just on Saturday, I joined a call led by Prime Minister Starmer focused on what more those contributing to Ukraine’s defence can do to support a just and lasting peace.  To help a country whose sovereignty and territorial integrity has been so flagrantly attacked.
    In my home region, our fellow Pacific neighbours are navigating geo-strategic dynamics that are their sharpest in nearly 80 years.
    In a deeply contested world, Pacific partners are being asked to make choices that may undermine their national sovereignty.  They risk falling into over-indebtedness, they must make choices about dual-use infrastructure, and they face pressure to enter new security arrangements.
    New Zealand invests in working alongside Pacific countries to boost their capacity to make independent choices free from interference. 
    Yet, size alone cannot inoculate a country from these dynamics.  Building strong and diversified relationships is the key to mitigating the risks of dependence on a few.
    That is why my Government is investing in our key relationships, from traditional partners to thickening and deepening our relationships across Southeast Asia, and in a serious way with India, too. 
    And we have a responsibility to invest in our own security as a downpayment on our future ability to choose our own path.  That is why New Zealand will be scaling up and doing more to support our own defence.
    We plan to better resource and equip our Defence Force to ensure we can continue to defend our interests.  Whether in our near region, in our alliance with Australia, or in support of collective security efforts with partners like India.
    Alongside this investment in capability, we are making tangible contributions across the Indo-Pacific.  When I was in Japan last year, I saw firsthand the work our aviators do to detect and deter North Korea’s sanctions-busting activities.
    The New Zealand Navy is leading Combined Task Force 150 responsible for multinational activities to protect trade routes and counter smuggling, piracy and terrorism in the Indian Ocean and Gulf of Aden. We are fortunate indeed that India has agreed to take up the Deputy Command.  Underlining these naval connections, one of our frigates, HMNZS Te Kaha, is in Mumbai later this week.
    As we seek an Indo-Pacific in which countries are free to choose their own path, I’m determined New Zealand plays its role.  Whether through our work with Pacific Islands partners, our relationships in the Indo-Pacific, or through our defence efforts.
    A second principle both India and New Zealand subscribe to is the criticality of Indo-Pacific regional institutions, even as these evolve.
    Regional architecture scaffolds our region’s security and its prosperity.
    ASEAN continues to promote regional peace and economic development. Through its convening power and its centrality, it also provides a place for the region’s players to come together to discuss strategic issues.
    ASEAN sits at the centre of the East Asia Summit, which for twenty years now has enabled political dialogue across the region, a forum that builds understanding, reduces the risk of miscalculation and contributes to strategic trust.
    Yet, the Indo-Pacific architecture is not static as it adapts to new realities.  Mini-lateral groupings are important new pieces of the puzzle.
    The Quad has emerged as an important vehicle promoting an open, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.  India’s contribution to that evolution has of course been vital.  While New Zealand has no pretensions to Quad membership, we stand ready to work with you to advance Quad initiatives.
    We ourselves are strengthening our work with Japan and the Republic of Korea, as well as Australia.  Last year, I convened the Indo-Pacific Four to discuss Ukraine and North Korea. 
    And with serious headwinds buffeting the global trade system, New Zealand is seriously invested in Indo-Pacific trade and economic integration groupings.
    From CPTPP, the gold standard of FTAs internationally, to RCEP, perhaps the world’s most inclusive.
    And we welcome India’s engagement in the regional economic architecture, with our work together in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), important in an era in which we seek to build one another’s resilience.
    The third Indo-Pacific principle we align around is a region in which respect for the rules is foundational.
    Globally, rules are being undermined: whether those around territorial integrity, freedom of navigation, or laws of war.  Yet, these are the very rules that preserve an Indo-Pacific order that is not “might is right” alone. 
    And, as I have said before, there is no prosperity without security. The rules that underpin our security also allow our businesses to operate with certainty. Those rules deliver daily in meaningful ways for our people.
    For example, one in four jobs in New Zealand rely on exports and our exporting businesses being able to depend on the predictability that those rules deliver. And in a miracle, that’s only possible thanks to globally-accepted aviation standards, 120,000 flights carry 12 million passengers and operate safely between their destinations every day.
    These rules shape the character of our region.  We remain committed to this rules-based system, even while acknowledging its shortcomings.  It is a truism that the world of 2025 is vastly different from 1945, and yet global institutions sadly have been slow to adapt.
    We are not talking about “starting over” by remaking the global order. Instead, I tend to agree with Dr Jaishankar when he says we want an order in which change is evolutionary – at a pace that is comfortable and steady.
    That’s why New Zealand supports reforming global governance frameworks to better reflect today’s realities.  Rather than casting them aside, they should give greater voice to the developing world and under-represented regions.
    Countries like India – that play such a central role in the global community – should have a seat at the table. We’ve therefore long supported India having a permanent seat on a reformed UN Security Council.
    Distinguished guests, ladies, and gentlemen.
    It has been a privilege to speak to you today, at this important forum for global dialogue.
    The geostrategic picture I’ve painted is stark.  Rules are giving way to power; economics to security; and efficiency to resilience.
    The tectonic shifts unfolding highlight that we – working alongside partners and friends – must navigate disruption, uncertainty, and sharpening pressure on our national interests.
    Yet, we will not be overwhelmed by complexity and challenge. We must go forward with confidence.
    We live at the heart of the world’s most exciting and dynamic region – the Indo-Pacific.
    We live in an era of technological transformation that offers outsized opportunities.
    We are countries with solid underlying democratic institutions, which will underpin our societies’ future success.
    India and New Zealand have extraordinarily talented people. 
    Both our countries have a clear plan that reflects and reinforces the connections between our security and prosperity. 
    We cannot afford to be thrown by the rapid pace of change – we must grapple with shifting realities and capitalise on these for all our peoples’ benefit.
    We will create and seize opportunities. Invest in our capabilities.
    This is our region. Its future will be shaped by the choices we make—together.
    Thank you, ngā mihi nui, and dhanyavaad .
     

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK and EU to ramp up pressure on Russia and boost defence initiatives

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    UK and EU to ramp up pressure on Russia and boost defence initiatives

    The EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs Kaja Kallas will meet the Foreign and Defence Secretaries in London to discuss coordinating cooperation on Ukraine

    • EU foreign affairs chief arrives in London for talks with Foreign and Defence Secretaries as joint efforts intensify to curb Russia’s economy
    • UK-EU foreign policy consultations will focus on united support for Ukraine, countering Russian hybrid threats and working to step up collective defence spending
    • Talks will underline need for a secure and prosperous Europe and UK – a foundation of the Government’s Plan for Change.

    As part of the UK’s commitment to strengthen ties with Europe and work together to secure the region’s future, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs, Kaja Kallas, will arrive in London today (Tuesday 18 March) for discussions with the Foreign and Defence Secretaries on ways to dial up pressure on Russia and deliver just and lasting peace in Ukraine.

    The talks, part of a new era of UK-EU relations, will coordinate cooperation on Ukraine, and discuss efforts to increase economic pressure and ensure Russia pays for the damage it is causing to Ukraine – as well as stepping up action against hybrid threats, like cyberattacks, election interference and rampant Russian disinformation.

    As part of the Government’s commitment to increase defence spending and keep the British people safe and secure for generations to come, the Foreign Secretary and the High Representative will review efforts to boost European defence spending, including through innovative initiatives, and bolstering wider military readiness in support of NATO. 

    Foreign Secretary David Lammy said:

    A strong and secure Britain is a foundation of our Plan for Change. This cannot be achieved without strengthening our shared European security and coming together with our partners to ensure a just and lasting peace in Ukraine.

    More than three years on since Putin’s illegal full-scale invasion, we are facing a once-in-a-generation moment for our continent. It’s vital we upgrade our partnership with the EU and work together to bring an end to this war and deliver security of all of our citizens.

    The UK and EU – along with other international partners – have already jointly imposed sanctions on Russia, depriving its economy of $450 billion since February 2022. Both have also worked together to train Ukrainian soldiers through the UK’s Operation INTERFLEX and the EU’s Military Advisory Mission to Ukraine, which between them have trained over 120,000 soldiers.

    The Chief of the Defence Staff will also host Kallas for a briefing from The Commander INTERFLEX and the EU’s Liaison Officer for the Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine. Discussions will focus on around how to build on the success of Operation INTERFLEX by enhancing the training offered to Ukraine

    Defence Secretary John Healey said:

    This Government is stepping up on European security; deepening our defence relationship with our EU and NATO allies is vital during this critical period.

    European security starts in Ukraine. The UK and EU are united in our resolve to back Ukraine with the military firepower they need to stand up to Russia’s illegal invasion and secure a lasting peace.

    The talks build on the UK’s increased engagement with the EU, after the Prime Minister joined European Council meetings in February and earlier this month, and EU Presidents von der Leyen and Costa attended the Leaders’ Meeting on Ukraine in London.

    Ahead of the first UK-EU Summit on 19 May and the UK-hosted Berlin Process Summit later this year, discussions are expected to also include other areas of cooperation such as stability in the Western Balkans, where both the UK and EU play a leading role in maintaining peace and security.

    Media enquiries

    Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

    Telephone 020 7008 3100

    Contact the FCDO Communication Team via email (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 17 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PS752: International Civil Aviation Organisation Vote

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    PS752: International Civil Aviation Organisation Vote

    The UK Government has issued a statement following the outcome of the International Civil Aviation Organisation hearing on the case of Flight PS752.

    A UK Government spokesperson said:

    “Today, on 17 March 2025, the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) rejected Iran’s preliminary objection in the case of Flight PS752.

    “Canada, Sweden, Ukraine, and the United Kingdom welcome the decision by the ICAO Council to accept jurisdiction in the case.

    “This decision takes us a step closer to holding Iran to account for its illegal downing of Flight PS752 in January 2020. We will now proceed to the next phase in our case against Iran at ICAO.

    “We remain committed to seeking justice, transparency, and accountability for the 176 innocent victims and their families.”

    Media enquiries

    Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

    Telephone 020 7008 3100

    Contact the FCDO Communication Team via email (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 17 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom