Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI China: UNSC calls for swift end to Russia-Ukraine conflict

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    This photo taken on Aug. 15, 2024 shows a Ukrainian tank destroyed during Russian attacks in Toretsk. [Photo/Xinhua]

    The UN Security Council on Monday adopted a U.S.-drafted resolution appealing for a swift end to the conflict and urging a lasting peace between Russia and Ukraine, as the world marked the third anniversary since the full escalation of the crisis.

    The resolution received 10 votes in favor, none against, and five abstentions including France, Britain, Denmark, Greece and Slovenia.

    The document reiterates that the principal purpose of the United Nations, as expressed in the Charter of the United Nations, is to maintain international peace and security and peacefully settle disputes. The resolution implores a swift end to the conflict and mourns the loss of life in the war, without blaming Russia.

    Acting U.S. Ambassador to the UN Dorothy Shea told the council that this resolution is not a “peace deal,” but “a path to peace.”

    “It is high time for peace in Ukraine,” UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs Rosemary DiCarlo said during the Security Council meeting, while insisting that peace in Ukraine must be “just, sustainable and comprehensive.”

    Earlier in the day, the UN General Assembly rejected the U.S. draft and passed a resolution submitted by Ukraine and European allies, which backs Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity and calls for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in line with the UN Charter.

    Resolutions in the UN Security Council are binding under international law.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI USA: On The Third Anniversary of Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine, Welch Joins Durbin in Introducing Bill to Grant Ukrainians Already in The U.S. Temporary Guest Status

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Peter Welch (D-Vermont)
    WASHINGTON, D.C. – On the third anniversary of the Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, U.S. Senator Peter Welch (D-Vt.) joined U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and his colleagues in introducing the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act. This legislation would provide temporary guest status to Ukrainians and their immediate family members who are already in the United States through the “Uniting for Ukraine” parole process. The bill allows Ukrainians to stay and work in the U.S. until the Secretary of State determines that hostilities in Ukraine have ceased and it is safe for them to return.
    “Three years ago, we made a commitment to help protect Ukrainians fleeing Putin’s unprovoked invasion. Maintaining our commitment to the Ukrainian people is crucial, now more than ever, to ensure not only the future of European democracy, but our own security,” said Senator Welch. “Vulnerable Ukrainians legally in the United States should be able to stay here under temporary guest status until conditions in Ukraine are safe for their return. Obviously, those conditions don’t exist only days after Putin’s largest killer-drone attack of the war. I urge my Republican colleagues to join us in standing by displaced Ukrainians and standing up against Putin’s ruthless attempts to isolate and erase Ukraine.”
    “Three years ago today, Putin began his brutal, criminal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine—which remains on the frontlines of democracy and transatlantic security,” said Senator Durbin. “When the war started, Americans across the country opened their hearts and communities to Ukrainians fleeing Russian aggression. Both Republicans and Democrats petitioned President Biden to protect them from deportation. While not a single Republican has cosponsored this bill, I urge them to join us to ensure Ukrainians legally present in the U.S. have temporary guest status until conditions in Ukraine are safe for return. Standing up to dictators and speaking out for victims of war should not be a partisan issue.”
    U.S. Senators Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), and Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) are original cosponsors of the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act.
    The individuals included in the bill already underwent rigorous vetting to ensure that they present no criminal or public safety risks. The legislation would also allow the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to revoke this temporary status if new information raises such concerns about any individual. Bill text can be found here.  
    The following organizations endorsed the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act: Refugee Council USA; Chin Association of Maryland; HIAS; World Relief; Center for Gender & Refugee Studies; Human Rights First; Church World Service; International Refugee Assistance Project; Global Refuge; Boat People SOS; Center for Victims of Torture; Jesuit Refugee Service; and Veterans for American Ideals.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: ICYMI: In CNN Interview, Shaheen Discusses Recent Trip to Ukraine, Rebukes President Trump’s Pro-Russia Talking Points, Slams Proposed Cuts at Department of Defense and Musk’s Mass Firing of Federal Workers

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New Hampshire Jeanne Shaheen

    Published: 02.21.2025

    (Washington, DC) – U.S. Senator Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Ranking Member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, joined The Situation Room with Wolf Blitzer to discuss her bipartisan Congressional delegation to Ukraine earlier this week and rebuke President Trump’s comments about Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that align with Russian propaganda talking points. Shaheen, a top member of the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee, also spoke about how the across-the-board cuts and potential firings at the U.S. Department of Defense weaken the lethality and readiness of America’s military. Click HERE to watch Senator Shaheen’s full CNN interview. 
    Key quotes from Senator Shaheen: 
    On President Trump’s false comments that Ukrainian President Zelenskyy is a “dictator,” Shaheen said: “Well President Trump is just wrong. He’s factually incorrect. […] We just returned, as you pointed out, from Ukraine where we saw the courage and the resilience of the Ukrainian people. […] Senator Tillis and I just went to the floor of the Senate to talk about what we saw in Bucha, a suburb of Kyiv, where the Russians came in, they held siege in that town for 33 days. They indiscriminately shot civilians, in fact, that was the target of what they were trying to do. […] That’s the person that Donald Trump wants to give away the store to. You never start a negotiation by giving away all your leverage at the beginning and that’s what Donald Trump is doing.” 
    On Speaker Johnson’s comments that there is “no appetite” for another Ukraine aid bill in Congress, Shaheen said: “Well, I was at the Munich Security Conference with a bipartisan delegation. […] We met with President Zelenskyy. We talked to him about how the war is going. […] We talked about how we are supporting Ukraine. We want to continue to equip the country. We want to ensure that they have leverage as they’re going into any negotiation with Russia and we want to make sure that Ukraine is at the table for any negotiations.” 
    On U.S. Secretary of Defense Hegseth making broad cuts and potentially firing high-ranking generals, Shaheen said: “You know, he talked a lot about wanting to restore lethality to our military. Well, what he’s doing now doesn’t improve the lethality, it doesn’t improve the readiness, it just creates political divisions at a time when our military’s strength has been that it is not political. Secretary Hegseth is introducing politics into the military in ways that are not good for our national security.” 
    On mass firings of federal workers, Shaheen said: “It’s unfortunate that this has been an indiscriminate effort led by Elon Musk, the richest man in the world, who has multiple conflicts of interest as he’s looking at what he wants to do with government programs and people. And the firings have been not based on expertise or experience or what we need, it’s just been an across the board.”  

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: On The Third Anniversary Of Russia’s Invasion Of Ukraine, Durbin Introduces Bill To Grant Ukrainians Already In The U.S. Temporary Guest Status

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Dick Durbin

    February 24, 2025

    WASHINGTON  On the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL), Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Committee and Co-Chair of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, today introduced the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act, legislation that would provide temporary guest status to Ukrainians and their immediate family members who are already in the United States through the “Uniting for Ukraine” parole process. The bill allows Ukrainians to stay and work in the U.S. until the Secretary of State determines that hostilities in Ukraine have ceased and it is safe for them to return. U.S. Senators Tammy Duckworth (D-IL), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Jacky Rosen (D-NV), Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Peter Welch (D-VT), and Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) are original cosponsors of the legislation.

    “Three years ago today, Putin began his brutal, criminal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine—which remains on the frontlines of democracy and transatlantic security,” said Durbin. “When the war started, Americans across the country opened their hearts and communities to Ukrainians fleeing Russian aggression. Both Republicans and Democrats petitioned President Biden to protect them from deportation. While not a single Republican has cosponsored this bill, I urge them to join us to ensure Ukrainians legally present in the U.S. have temporary guest status until conditions in Ukraine are safe for return. Standing up to dictators and speaking out for victims of war should not be a partisan issue.”

    The individuals included in the bill already underwent rigorous vetting to ensure that they present no criminal or public safety risks. The legislation would also allow the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to revoke this temporary status if new information raises such concerns about any individual. Bill text can be found here.  

    The following organizations endorsed the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act: Refugee Council USA; Chin Association of Maryland; HIAS; World Relief; Center for Gender & Refugee Studies; Human Rights First; Church World Service; International Refugee Assistance Project; Global Refuge; Boat People SOS; Center for Victims of Torture; Jesuit Refugee Service; and Veterans for American Ideals.

    -30-

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Ukraine war: Amid shifting alliances, General Assembly passes resolution condemning Russia’s aggression

    Source: United Nations 2-b

    Peace and Security

    Three years to the day since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the UN General Assembly adopted two competing resolutions on resolving the conflict on Monday, one initiated by the United States and the other by Ukraine – a sign of strategic differences within the transatlantic alliance over the way forward for peace.

    The resolution tabled by the United States, which omitted mention of Russian aggression, only passed after a majority of Member States voted to add EU-led amendments which led to the US abstaining on it own motion and voting against the Ukrainian text. 

    However, the text in the original US resolution was passed hours later in the Security Council – the first to do so since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia on 24 February 2022.

    Until Monday’s high stakes diplomatic debates, the Security Council – which is responsible for maintaining international peace and security – has been unable to find consensus, owing largely to Russia’s veto power as a permanent member.

    The two General Assembly draft resolutions put before UN Member States during the morning session both ostensibly called for peace and an end to the conflict – but diverged fundamentally.

    UN Photo/Manuel Elías

    Deputy Foreign Minister Betsa Mariana of Ukraine addresses the Eleventh Emergency Special Session (resumed) of the General Assembly on Ukraine.

    Path to peace?

    Advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine”, proposed by Ukraine and co-sponsored by a host of European countries, was a three-page document that included clauses noting that “the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation has persisted for three years and continues to have devastating and long-lasting consequences not only for Ukraine, but also for other regions and global stability.”

    It called for a commitment to “the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders” and the need to ensure accountability for crimes committed under international law, through “fair and independent investigations and prosecutions at national and international level”.

    The US tabled its own version, alongside entitled “Path to Peace”, a brief draft limited to mourning the loss of life throughout the Russian Federation-Ukraine conflict; reiterating that the principal purpose of the UN is to maintain international peace and security and to peacefully settle disputes; and imploring a swift end to the conflict – urging a lasting peace between Ukraine and the Russia.

    Amendments to the text were put forward by Russia and the European Union. Russia proposed adding the words “including by addressing its root causes” to the third paragraph (on a swift end to the conflict).

    The EU proposed adding some of the language in the Ukrainian resolution, referring to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation (rather than the Russian Federation-Ukraine conflict), the “territorial integrity” of Ukraine, and calling for a peace in line with the UN Charter.

    UN Photo/Manuel Elías

    US Deputy Permanent Representative Dorothy Shea addresses the Eleventh Emergency Special Session (resumed) of the General Assembly on Ukraine.

    A change in position

    When it came to the vote, Ukraine’s version passed by 93 votes to 18. The US voted against, alongside Russia, marking a major shift of its position on the conflict and previous votes. The US supported a similar resolution submitted in February 2023 which received 141 votes in favour.

    65 nations abstained, including South Africa, whose representative, Ambassador Mathu Joyini, said that the draft “does not go far enough in terms of inclusivity and creating a positive momentum towards a peaceful negotiation”.

    The US version was also adopted (93 in favour, eight against and 73 abstentions), but Member States also voted to add the European Union amendments with 60 in favour, 18 against and 81 abstentions.

    The United States voted against the amendments and abstained on its own resolution (the General Assembly failed to adopt the Russian amendment, with 31 in favour, 71 against and 59 abstentions).

    Ukraine’s Deputy Foreign Minister Mariana Betsa, told the Assembly that the way Russian aggression is answered “will define the future of Ukraine…Europe and our common future.”

    Later, flanked by co-sponsors of the country’s General Assembly resolution, she delivered a statement at the media stakeout just outside the Security Council Chamber. She said that the General Assembly had demanded “an early end to this war of aggression and a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in Ukraine, in line with the UN Charter.”

    The General Assembly’s reaffirmation of support for international law and the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity was, she said, profoundly important and warned that a peace deal that “risks rewarding aggression increases the risk,” creates a dangerous precedent for the future.

    UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

    The Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine, Betsa Mariana (centre at podium), addresses the media outside the Security Council at UN Headquarters in New York.

    Security Council breakthrough

    Attention turned to the Security Council in the afternoon, where a vote was due to be held on the United States resolution.

    As before, there were attempts to add amendments supported by several western European countries, referring to a “full-scale invasion” by Russia and Ukraine’s territorial integrity, and proposals from Russia to refer to the “deeply rooted reasons” for the conflict and lasting peace in both Ukraine and Russia.

    But the amendments were voted down and the resolution was passed without any changes by the 15-member Council (10 in favour, zero against and five abstentions).

    Speaking after the vote, US Ambassador Dorothy Shea said Washington sincerely appreciated Council members’ support saying that it “puts us on the path to peace.”

    After a pause in proceedings, Rosemary DiCarlo, the head of UN Peacekeeping and Political Affairs, briefed the 15 Council members on the current situation in Ukraine.

    She said that the Russian invasion “undermined the very foundations of the international order,” and reminded the delegates that, since 24 February 2022, at least 12,654 Ukrainian civilians, including 673 children, have been killed.

    Referring to the Security Council resolution adopted earlier in the Council, Ms. DiCarlo insisted that peace in Ukraine must be “just, sustainable and comprehensive, in line with the Charter of the United Nations, international law, and resolutions of the General Assembly”, including those adopted on Monday morning during the General Assembly emergency special session.

    Find out more in our comprehensive live coverage of the day here.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: With 10 Votes in Favour, 5 Abstentions, Security Council Adopts Resolution 2774 (2025) Mourning Loss of Life, as Russian Federation’s Invasion of Ukraine Enters Fourth Year

    Source: United Nations MIL OSI b

    Members Implore Swift End to Conflict, Urge Lasting Peace between Two Nations

    As the Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine entered its fourth year, the Security Council today adopted a resolution mourning the tragic loss of life and reiterating that the principal purpose of the United Nations is to maintain international peace and security and peacefully settle disputes.

    Adopting resolution 2774 (2025) (to be issued as document S/RES/2774(2025)) by a vote of 10 in favour to none against, with 5 abstentions (Denmark, France, Greece, Slovenia, United Kingdom), the Council implored a swift end to the conflict and urged a lasting peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation.

    Before the vote, the representative of the United States said that the Council stands on “the precipice of history with a solemn task — creating conditions to end the bloodiest war on the European continent” since the organ was created in June 1945.  Noting that her country’s draft text is “a symbolic, simple first step towards peace”, she added that it “is not a peace deal”.  Rather, it represents a path to peace, and she urged all Council members to join the United States in vanquishing the scourge of this war.

    Proposed Amendments Fail to Obtain Required Number of Votes

    However, the representative of the United Kingdom underscored:  “There can be no equivalence between Russia and Ukraine in how this Council refers to this war.”  Moscow chose to launch a war of aggression, and “the Council must be clear on this”, she stressed.  “We must also be clear that peace must respect the UN Charter and Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders,” she added, proposing several amendments to the text on behalf of the Council members who ultimately abstained from the vote on the text as a whole.

    France’s delegate noted such proposed amendments demonstrate “our resolute commitment — after three years of war — to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine”.  However, he underscored that peace cannot be a synonym for capitulation of the aggressed State.  The amendments, he said, also aim to recall that there is an aggressor and an aggressed State, with the Russian Federation having attacked a sovereign State that posed no threat to it.

    The representative of the Russian Federation, for his part, said of today’s text:  “We consider it, overall, as a common-sense initiative.”  It reflects, he said, the desire of the new United States Administration to “really contribute”.  He also proposed several amendments, including inserting language regarding the need to “eradicate the root causes of the Ukrainian crisis”.  On the amendments proposed by the European Council members, he said they “replace the essence of the American text and make it into another anti-Russia ultimatum”.

    None of the five proposed amendments were adopted, either because they failed to obtain the required number of votes or because the Russian Federation cast its veto.

    United States’ Speaker Welcomes Adoption of First Resolution in Three Years on Ukraine Firmly Calling for End to Conflict 

    Following the adoption of the unamended text, the representative of the United States welcomed Council members’ support of the resolution, welcoming the first Council action taken in three years on Ukraine to firmly call for an end to the conflict.  “This resolution puts us on the path to peace,” she affirmed, and although it is a first step, it is a crucial one.  The Council must now use it to build a peaceful future for Ukraine, the Russian Federation and the international community.

    Other Council Members Support Text Overall Yet Raise Concerns

    The representative of France, however, said that, while his country is “fully committed to peace in Ukraine”, Paris calls for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace — “certainly not for capitulation of the victim”.  “There will be no peace and security if aggressors are rewarded and the law of the jungle wins,” he stressed.  Similarly, the representative of the United Kingdom stressed that the terms of peace must send the message that aggression does not pay.  No peace will be sustainable without Ukraine’s consent, she said, voicing regret that her delegation’s proposals making these points clear were not taken on board.

    “There is nobody who wants peace more than Ukrainians and Europeans,” stressed Slovenia’s representative.  However, he observed:  “A person convinced against their will is against you still — there will be peace, but it will be just and it needs to last.”  Building on that, Denmark’s representative stressed that peace must be on the right terms, voicing regret that today’s resolution falls far short of that vision.  “We need to reaffirm our commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” she stated.

    For his part, the representative of the Republic of Korea — noting that Moscow’s war of aggression has “tragically claimed countless innocent lives” — expressed hope that today’s adoption will provide an opportunity “for all relevant parties to accelerate efforts to achieve just and sustainable peace”.  And while Guyana’s representative said that the text is an important step towards a peaceful end to the war, she said that there would have been added value in affirming support for the UN Charter – particularly States’ obligation to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State.

    Pakistan’s representative — noting that the “priority of peace has remained largely absent and elusive”, even as the security, humanitarian and economic crises have intensified — said:  “A different approach was perhaps required.”  He therefore expressed hope that today’s resolution will “lend impetus to an inclusive peace process that yields a durable solution in accordance with international law”.

    Panama’s representative also voiced support for the resolution, as it is not objectionable due to its simplistic content.  However, “its silence speaks more eloquently than its words”, he observed, adding that his country understands the aftermath of violations of sovereignty and territorial integrity.  “And for our own historic reasons, we have always rejected the aggression of one State against another,” he said.

    Recalling his delegation’s repeated calls for the parties to engage in negotiations to reach a just and permanent peace in the region, the representative of Algeria said that “our call was the only criteria that Algeria used to determine its position today through our vote”.  Similarly, the representative of China, Council President for February, spoke in his national capacity to recall his country’s “consistent principles and propositions on the Ukraine issue”.  He added: “The ultimate solution for any conflict lies at the peace table.”

    Russian Federation Welcomes Changes in United States Position

    Meanwhile, the representative of the Russian Federation welcomed changes in the United States’ position on the Ukrainian conflict.  “It is clear that the militarizing Europe today is the only player internationally which wants the war to continue,” he stated.  And while today’s text is not ideal, it is a first attempt to have a constructive and future-oriented product by the Council.  The key outline of a restored European and international security “can already be seen in the American text and this gives us a certain optimism”, he stated.

    At the outset of the meeting, the representative of France proposed that today’s vote be postponed, expressing concern that the text was introduced “without real negotiations among Council members”.  While the representative of the United Kingdom expressed strong support for that proposal, the representative of the United States opposed it.  Ultimately, that proposal was rejected for failing to obtain a sufficient number of votes.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: There needs to be a lasting and just peace with Ukraine’s voice at the heart of any talks: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    There needs to be a lasting and just peace with Ukraine’s voice at the heart of any talks: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Statement by Ambassador Barbara Woodward, UK Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on Ukraine.

    Today marks the third year of President Putin’s full-scale invasion, forced on the Ukrainian and Russian people, in clear breach of the UN Charter.

    So first of all today, of all days, we pause to remember and honour the victims of this war. Those who have lost their lives, their homes, their futures, their limbs, their childhoods, family members and friends. Millions who have been displaced, tens of thousands who have lost their lives.

    They’ve lost schools, playgrounds, farms, churches, hospitals.

    While Russian forces have used rape, torture and execution as weapons of war and put nuclear safety at risk.

    This is a war that Putin said would take three days.

    Three years on, Ukrainians have paid a terrible price.

    And the impact of this war is not limited to Ukraine.

    Hunger, poverty and energy insecurity have increased worldwide.

    So second, as we look forward to peace, let’s be clear, no country wants peace more than Ukraine. Ukraine is more than ready for this war to end.

    But there needs to be a lasting and a just peace, with Ukraine’s voice at the heart of any talks.

    A peace that is not just a pause in fighting but a peace that leaves Ukraine secure and free from Russian attack. A peace that shows that aggression does not pay. And a peace that ends forever Putin’s imperialist ambitions.

    And we have to remember that Putin by contrast, only wants capitulation.

    So if Russia is allowed to win, we will live in a world where might is right, where borders can be redrawn by force, where aggressors think they can act with impunity. The consequences for peace and security around the world are dire.

    So third then, a lasting peace must come from strength.

    Strength and courage that Ukraine has shown abundantly in the last three years.

    But that strength and courage needs to be underpinned by robust security agreements from the outset because Putin has repeatedly shown that he will break a weak deal.

    He has long denied Ukraine’s right to exist as a free state.

    So the UK, with our European partners and the United States, will work closely together for Ukraine and Europe will continue to take responsibility for our continent’s security.

    The UK is ready to play a leading role to support Ukraine in its right to self-defence. To support the negotiation and implementation of a peace agreement, a just and lasting peace agreement, which protects Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, its internationally recognised borders, in line with the UN Charter.

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 February 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Statement from Premier Pillai on the third anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine

    Statement from Premier Pillai on the third anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine
    jlutz

    Premier Ranj Pillai has issued the following statement:

    “Three years ago today, Russia launched its illegal and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. This war has caused immense suffering and its effects have been felt around the world, including here in the Yukon.

    “Ukrainians living in the Yukon are an important part of our community and I want to express my deepest condolences to them and to everyone affected by this ongoing conflict. We stand with them in hope for peace.

    “For the past three years, Ukrainians have shown incredible strength and resilience – they are not only fighting for their own freedom but also for the principles of sovereignty, democracy and international law.

    “Today, we think of our brothers and sisters in Chortkiv, Ukraine, a sister city of Whitehorse. I think back fondly to my meeting with Mayor Volodymyr Shmatko and his delegation of Chortkiv residents who visited the Yukon in 2023.

    “I want to acknowledge the hard work and dedication of members of the Ukrainian Canadian Association of Yukon, who have helped welcome Ukranian newcomers to the territory and have worked with Yukoners to collect and deliver medicines, supplies and supports to hospitals and other agencies in Ukraine. Their work is not just important – it is an example of the kindness, compassion and strength of all Yukoners.

    “Today – and every day – let us reaffirm our support for Ukraine and its right to remain free and independent. Ukraine’s fight is a fight for democracy everywhere. We honour those who have suffered and never forget the importance of standing together in the face of injustice.

    “Слава Україні! Героям Слава! Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the Heroes!”

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: There can be no equivalence between Russia and Ukraine in how this Council refers to this war: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    There can be no equivalence between Russia and Ukraine in how this Council refers to this war: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Explanation of vote by Ambassador Barbara Woodward, UK Permanent Representative to the UN, following the vote on the UN Security Council Resolution 2774 on Ukraine.

    Today marks three years since Russia’s unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

    Today, we remember the millions of Ukrainians displaced, the tens of thousands of civilians killed, the lives destroyed by President Putin’s imperial ambition.

    As the Secretary-General said again yesterday, this war is illegal, a clear violation of the UN Charter and a threat to the core principles of the UN.

    No-one wants peace more than Ukraine.  

    But the terms of that peace matter.  

    Only a just peace, one that honours the terms of our Charter, will endure. 

    And the terms of the peace must send a message that aggression does not pay.

    This is why there can be no equivalence between Russia and Ukraine in how this Council refers to this war.

    If we are to find a path to sustainable peace, the Council must be clear on the war’s origins.  

    We also owe it to the people of Ukraine who have suffered so much.  

    Russia chose to launch a war of aggression against a sovereign state, but again today is seeking to obfuscate that fact.  

    We must also insist on respect for the UN Charter, and Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, within its internationally recognised borders.  

    Upholding the Charter is the responsibility of every member of the UN, and especially every member of this Council.  

    Every member. 

    What, how and on what terms this war ends can only be decided by negotiations with Ukraine.  

    No peace will be sustainable without Ukraine’s consent. 

    We regret that our proposals making these points clear were not taken on board, and as such we could not support this resolution. 

    But we share the ambition to find a lasting end to this war, supported by robust security arrangements that ensure Ukraine never again has to face Russia’s attack.

    As my Prime Minister has made clear – the UK remains ready to play its part.  

    We will continue to provide Ukraine with the support it needs to protect and defend itself and its people.

    We remind the Council that Russia could achieve this tomorrow – by ceasing its aggression and withdrawing its forces from all of Ukraine.

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 February 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Video: EU reaffirms unwavering support to Ukraine on anniversary of invasion

    Source: European Commission (video statements)

    Press Conference of the International Summit on the Support of Ukraine in Kyiv: The EU has provided almost €135 billion in support to Ukraine, including economic, military, financial, and humanitarian aid. It continues to work with international partners to ensure sustained support and hold Russia accountable.

    Hard-hitting sanctions have significantly weakened Russia’s economy and war capabilities. The EU is also working to ensure those responsible for war crimes face justice through the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine in The Hague.
    Peace, reconstruction, and Ukraine’s European future

    Watch on the Audiovisual Portal of the European Commission: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-268157
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    Check our website: http://ec.europa.eu/

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ROExnWR2Re4

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Global: U.S. cuts to HIV/AIDS funding will be detrimental for vulnerable groups in Kenya

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Toby Le, PhD Candidate in Medical Microbiology, University of Manitoba

    On his first day in office, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to freeze foreign aid funding. This was followed by a stop-work order for dozens of life-saving humanitarian programs.

    One of the programs affected by this announcement is the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). This program has invested more than US$100 billion in the global HIV/AIDS response since it was founded in 2003. This makes the U.S. the largest funder of HIV/AIDS programs worldwide.

    Although a 90-day waiver has since been issued which temporarily allows life-saving HIV drugs to continue being delivered, the impact of this executive order is already being felt across the globe — including in Africa, where PEPFAR funding has been integral in controlling the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

    If PEPFAR funding ends when the waiver expires — or resumes but doesn’t allow funding for services to all key populations — this will have severe impacts on those in the continent living with HIV or at high-risk of infection.

    HIV/ AIDS research

    For 45 years, the University of Manitoba has been part of an important initiative in Nairobi, Kenya — partnering with the Sex Worker Outreach Program (SWOP and local agency Partners for Health and Development in Africa (PHDA) to develop effective strategies against HIV that can be employed in the region and communities worldwide. The approach, developed in 1985 by Elizabeth Ngugi, a public health nurse, and Francis Plummer, a University of Manitoba researcher, has empowered the community to share knowledge and to advocate for their rights. It has been vital in reducing HIV prevalence.

    This partnership between the University of Manitoba and SWOP has been funded by PEPFAR since 2003. It receives an average of US$1.5 million annually to deliver reproductive health, tuberculosis, sexually transmitted infection and HIV services to key populations. Currently, this funding allows the program to operate nine clinics in Kenya, which annually provide services to over 40,000 female sex workers, 12,000 men who have sex with men and 1,400 transgender people.

    The program offers safe spaces and tailors services to address the specific needs of each group and reduces health-care barriers. Our research team assessed gaps and refined approaches so that this partnership could serve the most vulnerable — transforming engagement with key groups.

    Groundbreaking research findings have also emerged because of this partnership. University of Manitoba research conducted with the SWOP community was among the first to show that STIs increase the risk of HIV infection, that breastfeeding heightens the risk of transmitting HIV to babies, that male circumcision helps prevent HIV and that some people exposed to HIV have a natural immunity to the virus.

    These findings have informed global prevention strategies and highlight the partnership’s significant impact.

    Critical funding

    If PEPFAR funding does indeed end in April once the temporary waiver expires, it would have a serious impact on the HIV/AIDS programs being delivered not only in Kenya but around the globe.

    SWOP clinics have been instrumental in curbing HIV infections among sex workers. HIV prevalence among female sex workers accessing SWOP clinics declined from 44 per cent in 2008 to 12 per cent in 2017. This 67 per cent reduction can be attributed to an increase in HIV testing, community education and STI treatment. The program also highlighted the prevalence of HPV anal lesions in men who have sex with men and the importance of early detection. The cessation of PEPFAR funding will jeopardize STI and HIV services.

    After much advocating, the SWOP clinics servicing female sex workers were able to resume some of their activities last week (Feb. 12, 2025). However, the waiver specified that PEPFAR-funded HIV care and treatment services could only be offered to certain groups. This meant we were unable to resume HIV prevention services for all key groups.

    Without a strong contingency plan, the abrupt end to PEPFAR funding will have devastating consequences. It would mean an immediate end to SWOP activities. This would mean no more HIV testing, preventive treatment and anti-retroviral therapy — which would increase the risk of transmission, leading to an increase in cases and even a greater number of deaths in people living with HIV.

    Key groups accessing SWOP are among the most marginalized in Kenya. Without access to dedicated clinics, the majority will avoid seeking care due to fear of stigma, discrimination and harassment in clinics designed for the general public.

    SWOP partners with local agencies to provide empowerment, legal support and counselling. Closing these clinics could leave the communities they serve more vulnerable to violence, exploitation and human rights abuse.

    On the research front, funding cuts would mean ongoing projects would be halted and new ones couldn’t be started. Three already-funded University of Manitoba studies are planned to start this year. These aim to further investigate the impact of HIV on women living in the region and understand how women’s health can be improved not only in Kenya but worldwide.

    But without SWOP’s infrastructure (such as their clinics and outreach team) we won’t be able to start these new studies. Furthermore, the implementation of research-based programs that aim to prevent HPV-related cancers would be stopped.

    Cuts to HIV/AIDS funding could threaten the 40 years of work that has gone into ending the AIDS epidemic — potentially putting the lives of millions of people at risk.

    The PEPFAR program has saved over 25 million lives since its beginning in 2003. Ending the PEPFAR program would have serious impacts on services for key populations and the LGBTQ+ communities. If the funding does end after the waiver expires in April, it will be necessary for Canada’s provincial and federal governments to step in and become leaders in global health and the fight against HIV.

    Toby Le receives funding from CIHR and Research Manitoba.

    Julie Lajoie receives funding from Grand Challenge Canada, Canadian Institute of Health Research, CANFAR and MMSF (Manitoba Medical Service Fundation).

    Keith Fowke receives funding from CIHR and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

    ref. U.S. cuts to HIV/AIDS funding will be detrimental for vulnerable groups in Kenya – https://theconversation.com/u-s-cuts-to-hiv-aids-funding-will-be-detrimental-for-vulnerable-groups-in-kenya-250001

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: A peace that rewards aggression is not real peace: UK Statement in the UN General Assembly

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    A peace that rewards aggression is not real peace: UK Statement in the UN General Assembly

    Explanation of vote by Ambassador Barbara Woodward, UK Permanent Representative to the UN, in the UN General Assembly Emergency Special Session on Ukraine.

    The United Kingdom welcomes the resumption of this Special Session on Ukraine.

    Three years on, Russia’s illegal and unprovoked invasion has caused untold suffering, most recently in the massive wave of drone attacks over the weekend, reportedly the largest in a single night in three years.

    Millions of Ukrainians have fled their homes, tens of thousands of civilians have been killed.

    Children forcibly deported. 

    Schools, homes, hospitals, places of worship destroyed.  

    And Russia’s forces have committed the most appalling crimes – summary executions, torture, rape.

    Enough is enough, as the Secretary-General reminded us.

    Russia’s aggression did not begin three years ago, but long before that. 

    When my Prime Minister spoke to President Zelenskyy this week, he was clear that any outcome to the war must safeguard Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. 

    A peace that rewards aggression is not a real peace.

    And a peace that rewards aggression will not last.

    Because Putin has a long track record of making deals with his fingers crossed behind his back.   

    Well, not this time.

    We must not make the mistake of weak deals of the past. 

    This time, there must be peace through strength.

    And that is why there can be no negotiations about Ukraine, without Ukraine.

    Colleagues, it is not just Ukraine’s security that is at stake.  

    It is Britain’s too.  

    But it is the security of all of us.  

    Every single Member State who does not want to see tanks driving over their border, killing their people, stealing their children and redrawing their borders on a whim.

    Today 93 countries again stood with Ukraine, voting to reaffirm our respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and for the UN Charter.

    We all want an end to this war.

    No country more so than Ukraine and its people.

    As my Prime Minister has said, the UK is ready to play its part to support efforts for peace.  

    We will continue to support Ukraine to defend itself and to have its voice heard.

    But let us not forget a simple truth: that Russia could end this war tomorrow, by ceasing its aggression and withdrawing its forces from Ukraine.

    But the Kremlin shows no more sign of that than they have done at any point in the last three years.

    So today, as for the last three years and for the future, we stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine and with our allies for as long as it takes.

    Until Ukraine wins a peace that respects the UN Charter and delivers a secure future for its people and for all of us.

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 February 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: Viper Energy, Inc., a Subsidiary of Diamondback Energy, Inc., Reports Fourth Quarter and Full Year 2024 Financial and Operating Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    MIDLAND, Texas, Feb. 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Viper Energy, Inc., (NASDAQ:VNOM) (“Viper” or the “Company”), a subsidiary of Diamondback Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ:FANG) (“Diamondback”), today announced financial and operating results for the fourth quarter and full year ended December 31, 2024.

    FOURTH QUARTER HIGHLIGHTS

    • Q4 2024 average production of 29,859 bo/d (56,109 boe/d)
    • Q4 2024 consolidated net income (including non-controlling interest) of $272.8 million; net income attributable to Viper of $210.1 million, or $2.04 per Class A common share; includes a one-time tax benefit of $155.9 million from the reversal of the valuation allowance against the Company’s deferred tax assets
    • Q4 2024 cash available for distribution to Viper’s Class A common shares (as defined and reconciled below) of $89.0 million, or $0.86 per Class A common share
    • As previously announced, declared Q4 2024 base cash dividend of $0.30 per Class A common share; implies a 2.5% annualized yield based on the February 21, 2025, share closing price of $48.33
    • As previously announced, declared Q4 2024 variable cash dividend of $0.35 per Class A common share; total base-plus-variable dividend of $0.65 per Class A common share implies a 5.4% annualized yield based on the February 21, 2025, share closing price of $48.33
    • Total Q4 2024 return of capital of $66.7 million, or $0.65 per Class A common share, represents 75% of cash available for distribution
    • 381 total gross (8.1 net 100% royalty interest) horizontal wells turned to production on Viper’s acreage during Q4 2024 with an average lateral length of 10,818 feet

    FULL YEAR 2024 HIGHLIGHTS

    • Full year 2024 average production of 27,156 bo/d (49,784 boe/d)
    • Received $6.2 million in lease bonus income
    • Full year 2024 consolidated net income (including non-controlling interest) of $603.6 million; net income attributable to Viper of $359.2 million, or $3.82 per Class A common share
    • Declared dividends of $2.49 per Class A common share during the full year 2024
    • Generated full year 2024 consolidated adjusted EBITDA (as defined and reconciled below) of $782.2 million
    • Proved reserves as of December 31, 2024 of 195,873 Mboe (84% PDP, 93,563 Mbo), up 9% year over year with oil up 4% from year end 2023
    • 1,461 total gross (27.9 net 100% royalty interest) horizontal wells turned to production on Viper’s acreage during 2024 with an average lateral length of 11,381 feet

    2025 OUTLOOK

    • As previously announced, on January 30, 2025, entered into a definitive purchase and sale agreement to acquire all of the equity interests of certain mineral and royalty interest owning subsidiaries of Diamondback in exchange for $1.0 billion of cash and approximately 69.63 million limited liability company membership interests of Viper Energy Partners LLC (“OpCo units”), along with an accompanying equal amount of Class B common stock of the Company, subject to customary closing adjustments (the “Drop Down”); expected to close in the second quarter of 2025, subject to the approval by Viper’s stockholders and clearance of other typical closing conditions
    • On February 14, 2025, closed the acquisition of certain mineral and royalty interests from Morita Ranches Minerals LLC in exchange for approximately $211.0 million of cash and approximately 2.40 million OpCo units (along with an accompanying equal amount of Class B common stock of the Company), subject to customary post-closing adjustments (the “Quinn Ranch Acquisition”)
    • Initiating average daily production guidance for Q1 2025 of 30,000 to 31,000 bo/d (54,000 to 56,000 boe/d)
    • Upon the assumed closing of the Drop Down during Q2 2025, expect average daily production for the balance of 2025 in the range of 47,000 to 49,000 bo/d (85,000 to 88,000) boe/d
    • As of December 31, 2024, there were approximately 867 gross horizontal wells in the process of active development on Viper’s acreage in which Viper expects to own an average 1.6% net royalty interest (14.1 net 100% royalty interest wells)
    • Approximately 1,191 gross (23.9 net 100% royalty interest) line-of-sight wells on Viper’s acreage that are not currently in the process of active development, but for which Viper has visibility to the potential of future development in coming quarters, based on Diamondback’s current completion schedule and third-party operators’ permits

    “The fourth quarter concluded a landmark year for Viper. For the full year, we continued to deliver strong organic production growth on our legacy assets and successfully executed on our differentiated acquisition strategy. Looking ahead, we continue to be excited about the transformative Drop Down transaction between Viper and Diamondback that was previously announced. We look forward to working toward a timely closing of the transaction and the unmatched forward outlook Viper will be provided upon that closing,” stated Kaes Van’t Hof, Chief Executive Officer of Viper.

    FINANCIAL UPDATE

    Viper’s fourth quarter 2024 average unhedged realized prices were $69.91 per barrel of oil, $0.84 per Mcf of natural gas and $22.15 per barrel of natural gas liquids, resulting in a total equivalent realized price of $43.56/boe.

    Viper’s fourth quarter 2024 average hedged realized prices were $69.00 per barrel of oil, $1.05 per Mcf of natural gas and $22.15 per barrel of natural gas liquids, resulting in a total equivalent realized price of $43.38/boe.

    During the fourth quarter of 2024, the Company recorded total operating income of $228.7 million and consolidated net income (including non-controlling interest) of $272.8 million. During the quarter, the Company reversed the valuation allowance against its deferred tax assets as of the quarter and year ended December 31, 2024, with an accompanying $155.9 million deferred tax benefit recorded through continuing operations.

    As of December 31, 2024, the Company had a cash balance of $26.9 million and total long-term debt outstanding (excluding debt issuance costs, discounts and premiums) of $1.1 billion, resulting in net debt (as defined and reconciled below) of $1.1 billion. Viper’s outstanding long-term debt as of December 31, 2024 consisted of $430.4 million in aggregate principal amount of its 5.375% Senior Notes due 2027, $400.0 million in aggregate principal amount of its 7.375% Senior Notes due 2031 and $261.0 million in borrowings on its revolving credit facility, leaving $989.0 million available for future borrowings and $1.0 billion of total liquidity.

    FOURTH QUARTER 2024 CASH DIVIDEND & CAPITAL RETURN PROGRAM

    As previously announced, the Board of Directors (the “Board”) of Viper Energy, Inc., declared a base dividend of $0.30 per Class A common share for the fourth quarter of 2024 payable on March 13, 2025 to Class A common shareholders of record at the close of business on March 6, 2025.

    The Board also declared a variable cash dividend of $0.35 per Class A common share for the fourth quarter of 2024 payable on March 13, 2025 to Class A common shareholders of record at the close of business on March 6, 2025.

    OPERATIONS UPDATE

    During the fourth quarter of 2024, Viper estimates that 381 gross (8.1 net 100% royalty interest) horizontal wells with an average royalty interest of 2.1% were turned to production on its acreage position with an average lateral length of 10,818 feet. Of these 381 gross wells, Diamondback is the operator of 88 gross wells, with an average royalty interest of 6.4%, and the remaining 293 gross wells, with an average royalty interest of 0.9%, are operated by third parties.

    Viper’s footprint of mineral and royalty interests was 35,671 net royalty acres as of December 31, 2024.

    Our gross well information as of December 31, 2024 is as follows, unless otherwise specified:

      Diamondback Operated   Third-Party Operated   Total
    Horizontal wells turned to production (fourth quarter 2024)(1):          
    Gross wells 88   293   381
    Net 100% royalty interest wells 5.6   2.5   8.1
    Average percent net royalty interest 6.4%   0.9%   2.1%
               
    Horizontal wells turned to production (year ended December 31, 2024)(2):          
    Gross wells 285   1,176   1,461
    Net 100% royalty interest wells 16.0   11.9   27.9
    Average percent net royalty interest 5.6%   1.0%   1.9%
               
    Horizontal producing well count:          
    Gross wells 2,898   8,161   11,059
    Net 100% royalty interest wells 156.3   104.1   260.4
    Average percent net royalty interest 5.4%   1.3%   2.4%
               
    Horizontal active development well count:          
    Gross wells 146   721   867
    Net 100% royalty interest wells 6.0   8.1   14.1
    Average percent net royalty interest 4.1%   1.1%   1.6%
               
    Line of sight wells:          
    Gross wells 324   867   1,191
    Net 100% royalty interest wells 10.1   13.8   23.9
    Average percent net royalty interest 3.1%   1.6%   2.0%

    (1) Average lateral length of 10,818 feet.
    (2) Average lateral length of 11,381 feet.

    The 867 gross wells currently in the process of active development are those wells that have been spud and are expected to be turned to production within approximately the next six to eight months. Further in regard to the active development on Viper’s asset base, there are currently 54 gross rigs operating on Viper’s acreage, 10 of which are operated by Diamondback. The 1,191 line-of-sight wells are those that are not currently in the process of active development, but for which Viper has reason to believe that they will be turned to production within approximately the next 15 to 18 months. The expected timing of these line-of-sight wells is based primarily on permitting by third-party operators or Diamondback’s current expected completion schedule. Existing permits or active development of Viper’s royalty acreage does not ensure that those wells will be turned to production.

    YEAR END RESERVES UPDATE

    Viper’s proved oil and natural gas reserve estimates and their associated future net cash flows were prepared by Viper’s internal reservoir engineers, and audited by Ryder Scott Company, L.P., independent petroleum engineers, as of December 31, 2024. Reference prices of $75.48 per barrel of oil and natural gas liquids and $2.13 per MMbtu of natural gas were used in accordance with applicable rules of the Securities and Exchange Commission. Realized prices with applicable differentials were $75.61 per barrel of oil, $0.49 per Mcf of natural gas and $20.62 per barrel of natural gas liquids.

    Proved reserves at year-end 2024 of 195,873 Mboe (93,563 Mbo) represent a 9% increase over year-end 2023 reserves. The year-end 2024 proved reserves have a PV-10 value (as defined and reconciled below) of approximately $3.7 billion and a standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows of $3.3 billion.

    Proved developed reserves increased by 14% year over year to 163,865 Mboe (76,020 Mbo) as of December 31, 2024, reflecting continued horizontal development by the operators of Viper’s acreage.

    Net proved reserve additions of 34,845 Mboe resulted in a reserve replacement ratio of 191% (defined as the sum of extensions, discoveries, revisions, purchases and divestitures, divided by annual production). The organic reserve replacement ratio was 121% (defined as the sum of extensions, discoveries and revisions, divided by annual production).

    Extensions and discoveries of 24,936 Mboe are primarily attributable to the drilling of 1,170 new wells and from 447 new proved undeveloped locations added. The Company’s total downward revisions of previous estimated quantities of 2,894 Mboe consist of negative revisions of 6,539 Mboe associated with lower commodity prices and PUD downgrades of 2,936 Mboe offset by positive revisions of 6,580 Mboe primarily attributable to performance revisions. The purchase of reserves in place of 14,941 Mboe resulted primarily from the previously reported Tumbleweed acquisitions and other acquisitions of certain mineral and royalty interests.

      Oil (MBbls)   Gas (MMcf)   Liquids (MBbls)   Mboe
    As of December 31, 2023 89,903     263,578     45,416     179,249  
    Purchase of reserves in place 7,891     20,310     3,665     14,941  
    Extensions and discoveries 13,099     33,498     6,254     24,936  
    Revisions of previous estimates (6,472 )   4,449     2,837     (2,894 )
    Divestitures (919 )   (4,605 )   (451 )   (2,138 )
    Production (9,939 )   (24,606 )   (4,181 )   (18,221 )
    As of December 31, 2024 93,563     292,624     53,540     195,873  
                           

    As the owner of mineral and royalty interests, Viper incurred no exploration and development costs during the year ended December 31, 2024.

      December 31,
      2024
      2023
      2022
      (in thousands)
    Acquisition costs:          
    Proved properties $ 340,907     $ 402,659     $ 46,307  
    Unproved properties   830,450       758,342       16,624  
    Total $ 1,171,357     $ 1,161,001     $ 62,931  
                           

    GUIDANCE UPDATE

    Below is Viper’s guidance for Q1 2025. Guidance for full year 2025 will be provided pending the closing of the Drop Down.

       
      Viper Energy, Inc.
       
    Q1 2025 Net Production – Mbo/d 30.00 – 31.00
    Q1 2025 Net Production – Mboe/d 54.00 – 56.00
       
    Unit costs ($/boe)  
    Depletion $12.25 – $12.75
    Cash G&A $0.80 – $1.00
    Non-Cash Share-Based Compensation $0.10 – $0.20
    Net Interest Expense $2.50 – $3.00
       
    Production and Ad Valorem Taxes (% of Revenue) ~7%
    Cash Tax Rate (% of Pre-Tax Income Attributable to Viper Energy, Inc.)(1) 20% – 22%
    Q1 2025 Cash Taxes ($ – million)(2) $15.0 – $20.0

    (1)   Pre-tax income attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. is reconciled below.
    (2)   Attributable to Viper Energy, Inc.

    CONFERENCE CALL

    Viper will host a conference call and webcast for investors and analysts to discuss its results for the fourth quarter of 2024 on Tuesday, February 25, 2025 at 10:00 a.m. CT. Access to the live audio-only webcast, and replay which will be available following the call, may be found here. The live webcast of the earnings conference call will also be available via Viper’s website at www.viperenergy.com under the “Investor Relations” section of the site.

    About Viper Energy, Inc.

    Viper is a corporation formed by Diamondback to own, acquire and exploit oil and natural gas properties in North America, with a focus on owning and acquiring mineral and royalty interests in oil-weighted basins, primarily the Permian Basin. For more information, please visit www.viperenergy.com.

    About Diamondback Energy, Inc.

    Diamondback is an independent oil and natural gas company headquartered in Midland, Texas focused on the acquisition, development, exploration and exploitation of unconventional, onshore oil and natural gas reserves primarily in the Permian Basin in West Texas. For more information, please visit www.diamondbackenergy.com.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This news release contains “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, which involve risks, uncertainties, and assumptions. All statements, other than statements of historical fact, including statements regarding Viper’s: future performance; business strategy; future operations; estimates and projections of operating income, losses, costs and expenses, returns, cash flow, and financial position; production levels on properties in which Viper has mineral and royalty interests, developmental activity by other operators; reserve estimates and Viper’s ability to replace or increase reserves; anticipated benefits or other effects of strategic transactions (including the pending Drop Down and other acquisitions or divestitures); and plans and objectives (including Diamondback’s plans for developing Viper’s acreage and Viper’s cash dividend policy and common stock repurchase program) are forward-looking statements. When used in this news release, the words “aim,” “anticipate,” “believe,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “forecast,” “future,” “guidance,” “intend,” “may,” “model,” “outlook,” “plan,” “positioned,” “potential,” “predict,” “project,” “seek,” “should,” “target,” “will,” “would,” and similar expressions (including the negative of such terms) as they relate to Viper are intended to identify forward-looking statements, although not all forward-looking statements contain such identifying words. Although Viper believes that the expectations and assumptions reflected in its forward-looking statements are reasonable as and when made, they involve risks and uncertainties that are difficult to predict and, in many cases, beyond its control. Accordingly, forward-looking statements are not guarantees of Viper’s future performance and the actual outcomes could differ materially from what Viper expressed in its forward-looking statements.

    Factors that could cause the outcomes to differ materially include (but are not limited to) the following: changes in supply and demand levels for oil, natural gas, and natural gas liquids, and the resulting impact on the price for those commodities; the impact of public health crises, including epidemic or pandemic diseases, and any related company or government policies or actions; actions taken by the members of OPEC and Russia affecting the production and pricing of oil, as well as other domestic and global political, economic, or diplomatic developments, including any impact of the ongoing war in Ukraine and the Israel-Hamas war on the global energy markets and geopolitical stability; instability in the financial sector; higher interest rates and their impact on the cost of capital; regional supply and demand factors, including delays, curtailment delays or interruptions of production on Viper’s mineral and royalty acreage, or governmental orders, rules or regulations that impose production limits on such acreage; federal and state legislative and regulatory initiatives relating to hydraulic fracturing, including the effect of existing and future laws and governmental regulations; physical and transition risks relating to climate change and the risks and other factors disclosed in Viper’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including its Forms 10-K, 10-Q and 8-K, which can be obtained free of charge on the Securities and Exchange Commission’s web site at http://www.sec.gov.

    In light of these factors, the events anticipated by Viper’s forward-looking statements may not occur at the time anticipated or at all. Moreover, new risks emerge from time to time. Viper cannot predict all risks, nor can it assess the impact of all factors on its business or the extent to which any factor, or combination of factors, may cause actual results to differ materially from those anticipated by any forward-looking statements it may make. Accordingly, you should not place undue reliance on any forward-looking statements made in this news release. All forward-looking statements speak only as of the date of this news release or, if earlier, as of the date they were made. Viper does not intend to, and disclaims any obligation to, update or revise any forward-looking statements unless required by applicable law.

     
    Viper Energy, Inc.
    Consolidated Balance Sheets
    (unaudited, in thousands, except share amounts)
           
      December 31,
      2024   2023
    Assets      
    Current assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 26,851     $ 25,869  
    Royalty income receivable (net of allowance for credit losses)   149,234       108,681  
    Royalty income receivable—related party   30,971       3,329  
    Income tax receivable   2,238       813  
    Derivative instruments   17,638       358  
    Prepaid expenses and other current assets   11,112       4,467  
    Total current assets   238,044       143,517  
    Property:      
    Oil and natural gas interests, full cost method of accounting ($2,179,837 and $1,769,341 excluded from depletion at December 31, 2024 and December 31, 2023, respectively)   5,712,671       4,628,983  
    Land   5,688       5,688  
    Accumulated depletion and impairment   (1,080,764 )     (866,352 )
    Property, net   4,637,595       3,768,319  
    Derivative instruments         92  
    Deferred income taxes (net of allowances)   185,235       56,656  
    Other assets   8,166       5,509  
    Total assets $ 5,069,040     $ 3,974,093  
    Liabilities and Stockholders’ Equity      
    Current liabilities:      
    Accounts payable $ 85     $ 19  
    Accounts payable—related party   1,980       1,330  
    Accrued liabilities   42,272       27,021  
    Derivative instruments   2,323       2,961  
    Income taxes payable   2,034       1,925  
    Total current liabilities   48,694       33,256  
    Long-term debt, net   1,082,979       1,083,082  
    Derivative instruments         201  
    Other long-term liabilities   30,148        
    Total liabilities   1,161,821       1,116,539  
    Stockholders’ equity:      
    Class A Common Stock, $0.000001 par value: 1,000,000,000 shares authorized; 102,977,142 and 86,144,273 shares issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2024 and December 31, 2023, respectively          
    Class B Common Stock, $0.000001 par value: 1,000,000,000 shares authorized; 85,431,453 and 90,709,946 shares issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2024 and December 31, 2023, respectively          
    Additional paid-in capital   1,568,560       1,031,078  
    Retained earnings (accumulated deficit)   118,444       (16,786 )
    Total Viper Energy, Inc. stockholders’ equity   1,687,004       1,014,292  
    Non-controlling interest   2,220,215       1,843,262  
    Total equity   3,907,219       2,857,554  
    Total liabilities and stockholders’ equity $ 5,069,040     $ 3,974,093  
                   
     
    Viper Energy, Inc.
    Consolidated Statements of Operations
    (unaudited, in thousands, except per share data)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
      2024   2023   2024   2023
    Operating income:              
    Oil income $ 192,040     $ 175,254     $ 750,243     $ 619,181  
    Natural gas income   6,050       7,979       14,813       30,953  
    Natural gas liquids income   26,775       18,981       88,520       66,976  
    Royalty income   224,865       202,214       853,576       717,110  
    Lease bonus income—related party         2,238       227       107,823  
    Lease bonus income   3,655       125       5,944       1,855  
    Other operating income   179       135       640       909  
    Total operating income   228,699       204,712       860,387       827,697  
    Costs and expenses:              
    Production and ad valorem taxes   16,162       12,607       60,882       50,401  
    Depletion   64,591       44,787       214,412       146,118  
    General and administrative expenses—related party   3,150       924       10,541       3,696  
    General and administrative expenses   1,388       3,027       8,100       6,907  
    Other operating (income) expense   58       356       55       356  
    Total costs and expenses   85,349       61,701       293,990       207,478  
    Income (loss) from operations   143,350       143,011       566,397       620,219  
    Other income (expense):              
    Interest expense, net   (19,112 )     (15,756 )     (73,848 )     (47,392 )
    Gain (loss) on derivative instruments, net   6,122       4,892       11,386       (25,793 )
    Other income, net         1             259  
    Total other expense, net   (12,990 )     (10,863 )     (62,462 )     (72,926 )
    Income (loss) before income taxes   130,360       132,148       503,935       547,293  
    Provision for (benefit from) income taxes   (142,440 )     6,217       (99,711 )     45,952  
    Net income (loss)   272,800       125,931       603,646       501,341  
    Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   62,733       68,959       244,401       301,253  
    Net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. $ 210,067     $ 56,972     $ 359,245     $ 200,088  
                   
    Net income (loss) attributable to common shares:              
    Basic $ 2.04     $ 0.70     $ 3.82     $ 2.69  
    Diluted $ 2.04     $ 0.70     $ 3.82     $ 2.69  
    Weighted average number of common shares outstanding:              
    Basic   102,977       81,219       93,932       74,176  
    Diluted   102,977       81,219       93,932       74,176  
                                   
     
    Viper Energy, Inc.
    Consolidated Statements of Cash Flows
    (unaudited, in thousands)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
      2024   2023   2024   2023
    Cash flows from operating activities:              
    Net income (loss) $ 272,800     $ 125,931     $ 603,646     $ 501,341  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income (loss) to net cash provided by operating activities:              
    Provision for (benefit from) deferred income taxes   (148,580 )     (7,887 )     (149,085 )     (7,000 )
    Depletion   64,591       44,787       214,412       146,118  
    (Gain) loss on derivative instruments, net   (6,122 )     (4,892 )     (11,386 )     25,793  
    Net cash receipts (payments) on derivatives   (940 )     (3,300 )     (2,978 )     (13,319 )
    Other   1,727       1,397       6,197       3,442  
    Changes in operating assets and liabilities:              
    Royalty income receivable   (16,135 )     (5,232 )     (13,249 )     (27,379 )
    Royalty income receivable—related party   5,025       4,102       (27,642 )     2,931  
    Accounts payable and accrued liabilities   (7,190 )     2,155       7,002       6,311  
    Accounts payable—related party   1,981       1,330       651       1,024  
    Income taxes payable   218       (11,397 )     109       1,014  
    Other   (9,467 )     (1,199 )     (8,069 )     (2,084 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) operating activities   157,908       145,795       619,608       638,192  
    Cash flows from investing activities:              
    Acquisitions of oil and natural gas interests—related party                     (75,073 )
    Acquisitions of oil and natural gas interests   (425,190 )     (731,618 )     (696,242 )     (830,128 )
    Proceeds from sale of oil and natural gas interests   (5 )     2       87,669       (3,164 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) investing activities   (425,195 )     (731,616 )     (608,573 )     (908,365 )
    Cash flows from financing activities:              
    Proceeds from borrowings under credit facility   372,000       313,000       842,000       573,000  
    Repayment on credit facility   (111,000 )     (300,000 )     (844,000 )     (462,000 )
    Proceeds from Notes         400,000             400,000  
    Net proceeds from public offering   2             475,906        
    Proceeds from public offering to Diamondback         200,000             200,000  
    Repurchased shares/units under buyback program         (28,040 )           (95,221 )
    Dividends/distributions to stockholders   (62,912 )     (44,596 )     (219,465 )     (128,777 )
    Dividends/distributions to Diamondback   (62,386 )     (68,047 )     (254,216 )     (195,976 )
    Dividends to other non-controlling interest   (7,368 )           (7,368 )      
    Other   (2,847 )     (7,441 )     (2,910 )     (13,163 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) financing activities   125,489       464,876       (10,053 )     277,863  
    Net increase (decrease) in cash and cash equivalents   (141,798 )     (120,945 )     982       7,690  
    Cash, cash equivalents and restricted cash at beginning of period   168,649       146,814       25,869       18,179  
    Cash, cash equivalents and restricted cash at end of period $ 26,851     $ 25,869     $ 26,851     $ 25,869  
                                   
     
    Viper Energy, Inc.
    Selected Operating Data
    (unaudited)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
      2024
      2023
      2024
      2023
    Production Data:              
    Oil (MBbls)   2,747       2,257       9,939       8,028  
    Natural gas (MMcf)   7,236       5,321       24,606       19,130  
    Natural gas liquids (MBbls)   1,209       884       4,181       3,108  
    Combined volumes (Mboe)(1)   5,162       4,028       18,221       14,324  
                   
    Average daily oil volumes (bo/d)   29,859       24,533       27,156       21,995  
    Average daily combined volumes (boe/d)   56,109       43,783       49,784       39,244  
                   
    Average sales prices:              
    Oil ($/Bbl) $ 69.91     $ 77.65     $ 75.48     $ 77.13  
    Natural gas ($/Mcf) $ 0.84     $ 1.50     $ 0.60     $ 1.62  
    Natural gas liquids ($/Bbl) $ 22.15     $ 21.47     $ 21.17     $ 21.55  
    Combined ($/boe)(2) $ 43.56     $ 50.20     $ 46.85     $ 50.06  
                   
    Oil, hedged ($/Bbl)(3) $ 69.00     $ 76.56     $ 74.57     $ 76.05  
    Natural gas, hedged ($/Mcf)(3) $ 1.05     $ 1.34     $ 0.85     $ 1.37  
    Natural gas liquids ($/Bbl)(3) $ 22.15     $ 21.47     $ 21.17     $ 21.55  
    Combined price, hedged ($/boe)(3) $ 43.38     $ 49.38     $ 46.68     $ 49.13  
                   
    Average Costs ($/boe):              
    Production and ad valorem taxes $ 3.13     $ 3.13     $ 3.34     $ 3.52  
    General and administrative – cash component   0.72       0.90       0.86       0.65  
    Total operating expense – cash $ 3.85     $ 4.03     $ 4.20     $ 4.17  
                   
    General and administrative – non-cash stock compensation expense $ 0.16     $ 0.08     $ 0.16     $ 0.09  
    Interest expense, net $ 3.70     $ 3.91     $ 4.05     $ 3.31  
    Depletion $ 12.51     $ 11.12     $ 11.77     $ 10.20  

    (1)   Bbl equivalents are calculated using a conversion rate of six Mcf per one Bbl.
    (2)   Realized price net of all deducts for gathering, transportation and processing.
    (3)   Hedged prices reflect the impact of cash settlements of our matured commodity derivative transactions on our average sales prices.

    NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES

    Adjusted EBITDA is a supplemental non-GAAP (as defined below) financial measure that is used by management and external users of our financial statements, such as industry analysts, investors, lenders and rating agencies. Viper defines Adjusted EBITDA as net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. plus net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest (“net income (loss)”) before interest expense, net, non-cash share-based compensation expense, depletion, non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, (gain) loss on extinguishment of debt, if any, other non-cash operating expenses, other non-recurring expenses and provision for (benefit from) income taxes. Adjusted EBITDA is not a measure of net income as determined by United States’ generally accepted accounting principles (“GAAP”). Management believes Adjusted EBITDA is useful because it allows them to more effectively evaluate Viper’s operating performance and compare the results of its operations from period to period without regard to its financing methods or capital structure. Adjusted EBITDA should not be considered as an alternative to, or more meaningful than, net income, royalty income, cash flow from operating activities or any other measure of financial performance or liquidity presented as determined in accordance with GAAP. Certain items excluded from Adjusted EBITDA are significant components in understanding and assessing a company’s financial performance, such as a company’s cost of capital and tax structure, as well as the historic costs of depreciable assets, none of which are components of Adjusted EBITDA.

    Viper defines cash available for distribution to Viper Energy, Inc. shareholders generally as an amount equal to its Adjusted EBITDA for the applicable quarter less cash needed for income taxes payable for the current period, debt service, contractual obligations, fixed charges and reserves for future operating or capital needs that the Board may deem appropriate, lease bonus income, net of tax, distribution equivalent rights payments, preferred dividends, and an adjustment for changes in ownership interests that occurred subsequent to the quarter, if any. Management believes cash available for distribution is useful because it allows them to more effectively evaluate Viper’s operating performance excluding the impact of non-cash financial items and short-term changes in working capital. Viper’s computations of Adjusted EBITDA and cash available for distribution may not be comparable to other similarly titled measures of other companies or to such measure in its credit facility or any of its other contracts. Viper further defines cash available for variable dividends as at least 75 percent of cash available for distribution less base dividends declared and repurchased shares as part of its share buyback program for the applicable quarter.

    The following tables present a reconciliation of the GAAP financial measure of net income (loss) to the non-GAAP financial measures of Adjusted EBITDA, cash available for distribution and cash available for variable dividends:

    Viper Energy, Inc.
    (unaudited, in thousands, except per share data)
           
      Three Months Ended December 31, 2024   Year Ended December 31, 2024
    Net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. $ 210,067     $ 359,245  
    Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   62,733       244,401  
    Net income (loss)   272,800       603,646  
    Interest expense, net   19,112       73,848  
    Non-cash share-based compensation expense   815       2,975  
    Depletion   64,591       214,412  
    Non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments   (7,062 )     (14,364 )
    Other non-cash operating expenses   58       55  
    Other non-recurring expenses         1,314  
    Provision for (benefit from) income taxes   (142,440 )     (99,711 )
    Consolidated Adjusted EBITDA   207,874       782,175  
    Less: Adjusted EBITDA attributable to non-controlling interest   100,035       371,813  
    Adjusted EBITDA attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. $ 107,839     $ 410,362  
           
    Adjustments to reconcile Adjusted EBITDA to cash available for distribution:      
    Income taxes payable for the current period $ (6,139 )   $ (49,372 )
    Debt service, contractual obligations, fixed charges and reserves   (11,118 )     (39,219 )
    Lease bonus income, net of tax   (1,502 )     (2,510 )
    Distribution equivalent rights payments   (98 )     (393 )
    Preferred distributions   (20 )     (80 )
    Cash available for distribution to Viper Energy, Inc. shareholders $ 88,962     $ 318,788  
      Three Months Ended December 31, 2024
      Amounts   Amounts Per Common Share
    Reconciliation to cash available for variable dividends:      
    Cash available for distribution to Viper Energy, Inc. shareholders $ 88,962     $ 0.86  
           
    Return of Capital $ 66,722     $ 0.65  
    Less:      
    Base dividend   30,893       0.30  
    Cash available for variable dividends $ 35,829     $ 0.35  
           
    Total approved base and variable dividend per share     $ 0.65  
           
    Class A common stock outstanding       102,977  
               

    The following table presents a reconciliation of the GAAP financial measure of income (loss) before income taxes to the non-GAAP financial measure of pre-tax income attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. Management believes this measure is useful to investors given it provides the basis for income taxes payable by Viper Energy, Inc, which is an adjustment to reconcile Adjusted EBITDA to cash available for distribution to holders of Viper Energy, Inc.’s Class A common stock.

     
    Viper Energy, Inc.
    Pre-tax income attributable to Viper Energy, Inc.
    (unaudited, in thousands)
       
      Three Months Ended December 31, 2024
    Income (loss) before income taxes $ 130,360  
    Less: Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   62,733  
    Pre-tax income attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. $ 67,627  
       
    Income taxes payable for the current period $ 6,139  
    Effective cash tax rate attributable to Viper Energy, Inc.   9.1 %
           

    Adjusted net income (loss) is a non-GAAP financial measure equal to net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. plus net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest adjusted for non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, net, (gain) loss on extinguishment of debt, if any, other non-cash operating expenses, other non-recurring expenses and related income tax adjustments. The Company’s computation of adjusted net income may not be comparable to other similarly titled measures of other companies or to such measure in our credit facility or any of our other contracts. Management believes adjusted net income helps investors in the oil and natural gas industry to measure and compare the Company’s performance to other oil and natural gas companies by excluding from the calculation items that can vary significantly from company to company depending upon accounting methods, the book value of assets and other non-operational factors.

    The following table presents a reconciliation of the GAAP financial measure of net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc. to the non-GAAP financial measure of adjusted net income (loss):

    Viper Energy, Inc.
    Adjusted Net Income (Loss)
    (unaudited, in thousands, except per share data)
       
      Three Months Ended December 31, 2024
      Amounts   Amounts Per Diluted Share
    Net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc.(1) $ 210,067     $ 2.04  
    Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   62,733       0.61  
    Net income (loss)(1)   272,800       2.65  
    Non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, net   (7,062 )     (0.07 )
    Other non-cash operating expenses   58        
    Adjusted income excluding above items(1)   265,796       2.58  
    Income tax adjustment for above items   (7,653 )     (0.08 )
    Adjusted net income (loss)(1)   258,143       2.50  
    Less: Adjusted net income (loss) attributed to non-controlling interests   59,211       0.57  
    Adjusted net income (loss) attributable to Viper Energy, Inc.(1) $ 198,932     $ 1.93  
           
    Weighted average Class A common shares outstanding:      
    Basic   102,977  
    Diluted   102,977  

    (1) The Company’s earnings (loss) per diluted share amount has been computed using the two-class method in accordance with GAAP. The two-class method is an earnings allocation which reflects the respective ownership among holders of Class A common shares and participating securities. Diluted earnings per share using the two-class method is calculated as (i) net income attributable to Viper Energy, Inc., (ii) less the reallocation of $0.4 million in earnings attributable to participating securities, and (iii) divided by diluted weighted average Class A common shares outstanding.

    RECONCILIATION OF LONG-TERM DEBT TO NET DEBT

    The Company defines the non-GAAP measure of net debt as debt (excluding debt issuance costs, discounts and premiums) less cash and cash equivalents. Net debt should not be considered an alternative to, or more meaningful than, total debt, the most directly comparable GAAP measure. Management uses net debt to determine the Company’s outstanding debt obligations that would not be readily satisfied by its cash and cash equivalents on hand. The Company believes this metric is useful to analysts and investors in determining the Company’s leverage position because the Company has the ability to, and may decide to, use a portion of its cash and cash equivalents to reduce debt.

                           
      December 31, 2024   Net QPrincipal Borrowings/ (Repayments)   September 30, 2024   June 30, 2024   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2023
      (in thousands)
    Total long-term debt(1) $ 1,091,350     $ 261,000     $ 830,350     $ 1,007,350     $ 1,103,350     $ 1,093,350  
    Cash and cash equivalents   (26,851 )         (168,649 )     (35,211 )     (20,005 )     (25,869 )
    Net debt $ 1,064,499         $ 661,701     $ 972,139     $ 1,083,345     $ 1,067,481  

    (1) Excludes debt issuance costs, discounts & premiums.

    PV-10

    PV-10 is the Company’s estimate of the present value of the future net revenues from proved oil and natural gas reserves after deducting estimated production and ad valorem taxes, future capital costs and operating expenses, but before deducting any estimates of future income taxes. The estimated future net revenues are discounted at an annual rate of 10% to determine their “present value.” The Company believes PV-10 to be an important measure for evaluating the relative significance of its oil and natural gas properties and that the presentation of the non-GAAP financial measure of PV-10 provides useful information to investors because it is widely used by professional analysts and investors in evaluating oil and natural gas companies. Because there are many unique factors that can impact an individual company when estimating the amount of future income taxes to be paid, the Company believes the use of a pre-tax measure is valuable for evaluating the Company. The Company believes that PV-10 is a financial measure routinely used and calculated similarly by other companies in the oil and natural gas industry.

    The following table reconciles the Company’s standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows, a GAAP financial measure to PV-10, a non-GAAP financial measure. PV-10 should not be considered as an alternative to the standardized measure as computed under GAAP.

       
    (in thousands) December 31, 2024
    Standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows after taxes $ 3,319,544  
    Add: Present value of future income tax discounted at 10%   364,976  
    PV-10 $ 3,684,520  
           

    Derivatives

    As of the filing date, the Company had the following outstanding derivative contracts. The Company’s derivative contracts are based upon reported settlement prices on commodity exchanges, with crude oil derivative settlements based on New York Mercantile Exchange West Texas Intermediate pricing and Crude Oil Brent. When aggregating multiple contracts, the weighted average contract price is disclosed.

       
      Crude Oil (Bbls/day, $/Bbl)
      Q1 2025   Q2 2025   Q3 2025   Q4 2025   FY 2026   FY 2027
    Deferred Premium Puts – WTI (Cushing)   20,000       20,000       18,000                    
    Strike $ 55.00     $ 55.00     $ 55.00     $     $     $  
    Premium $ (1.62 )   $ (1.61 )   $ (1.60 )   $     $     $  
      Natural Gas (Mmbtu/day, $/Mmbtu)
      Q1 2025   Q2 2025   Q3 2025   Q4 2025   FY 2026   FY 2027
    Costless Collars – Henry Hub   60,000       60,000       60,000       60,000       60,000        
    Floor $ 2.50     $ 2.50     $ 2.50     $ 2.50     $ 2.75     $  
    Ceiling $ 4.93     $ 4.93     $ 4.93     $ 4.93     $ 6.64     $  
      Natural Gas (Mmbtu/day, $/Mmbtu)
      Q1 2025   Q2 2025   Q3 2025   Q4 2025   FY 2026   FY 2027
    Natural Gas Basis Swaps – Waha Hub   60,000       60,000       60,000       60,000       40,000       40,000  
    Swap Price $ (0.80 )   $ (0.80 )   $ (0.80 )   $ (0.80 )   $ (1.40 )   $ (1.40 )
                                                   

    Investor Contact:

    Chip Seale
    +1 432.247.6218
    cseale@viperenergy.com

    Source: Viper Energy, Inc.; Diamondback Energy, Inc.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Diamondback Energy, Inc. Announces Fourth Quarter and Full Year 2024 Financial and Operating Results; Increases Base Dividend

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    MIDLAND, Texas, Feb. 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Diamondback Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ: FANG) (“Diamondback” or the “Company”) today announced financial and operating results for the fourth quarter and full year ended December 31, 2024.

    FOURTH QUARTER 2024 HIGHLIGHTS

    • Average production of 475.9 MBO/d (883.4 MBOE/d)
    • Net cash provided by operating activities of $2.3 billion; Operating Cash Flow Before Working Capital Changes (as defined and reconciled below) of $2.3 billion
    • Cash capital expenditures of $933 million
    • Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below) of $1.3 billion; Adjusted Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below) of $1.4 billion
    • Increased annual base dividend by 11% to $4.00 per share; declared Q4 2024 base cash dividend of $1.00 per share payable on March 13, 2025; implies a 2.6% annualized yield based on February 21, 2025 closing share price of $156.12
    • Repurchased 2,326,247 shares of common stock in Q4 2024 for $402 million, excluding excise tax (at a weighted average price of $172.91 per share); repurchased 1,254,600 shares of common stock to date in Q1 2025 for $210 million, excluding excise tax (at a weighted average price of $167.42 per share)
    • Total Q4 2024 return of capital of $694 million; represents ~51% of Adjusted Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below) from stock repurchases and the declared Q4 2024 base dividend
    • Closed previously announced TRP Energy (“TRP”) transaction in December 2024

    FULL YEAR 2024 HIGHLIGHTS

    • Average production of 337.0 MBO/d (598.3 MBOE/d)
    • Net cash provided by operating activities of $6.4 billion; Operating Cash Flow Before Working Capital Changes (as defined and reconciled below) of $6.5 billion
    • Cash capital expenditures of $2.9 billion
    • Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below) of $3.6 billion; Adjusted Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below) of $4.0 billion
    • Declared total base-plus-variable dividends of $6.21 per share for the full year 2024
    • Repurchased 5,525,276 shares of common stock in 2024 for $959 million, excluding excise tax (at a weighted average price of $173.57 per share)
    • Total full year 2024 return of capital of $2.3 billion; represents ~57% of FY 2024 Adjusted Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below)
    • As previously announced, closed merger with Endeavor Energy Resources, L.P. (“Endeavor”) on September 10, 2024
    • Proved reserves as of December 31, 2024 of 3,557 MMBOE (1,761 MMBO, 50% oil), up 63% year over year; proved developed producing (“PDP”) reserves of 2,385 MMBOE (1,121 MMBO, 47% oil, 67% of proved reserves), up 59% year over year

    2025 GUIDANCE HIGHLIGHTS

    Please note the guidance below gives effect to the pending acquisition of Double Eagle IV Midco, LLC (“Double Eagle”) from April 1, 2025 onward.

    • Full year 2025 oil production guidance of 485 – 498 MBO/d (883 – 909 MBOE/d)
    • Full year 2025 cash capital expenditures guidance of $3.8 – $4.2 billion
    • The Company expects to drill between 446 – 471 gross (406 – 428 net) wells and complete between 557 – 592 gross (526 – 560 net) wells with an average lateral length of approximately 11,500 feet in 2025
    • Q1 2025 oil production guidance of 470 – 475 MBO/d (860 – 875 MBOE/d)
    • Q1 2025 cash capital expenditures guidance of $900 million – $1.0 billion
    • Implies Q2 2025 – Q4 2025 run-rate oil production of 490 – 505 MBO/d (891 – 920 MBOE/d)
    • Full year 2025 Midland Basin well costs per lateral foot guidance of $555 – $605
    • Implies full year 2025 oil production per million dollars of cash capital expenditures (“MBO per $MM of CAPEX”) of 44.8, 10% better than the Company’s original pro forma 2025 outlook provided in February 2024

    OPERATIONS UPDATE

    The tables below provide a summary of operating activity for the fourth quarter of 2024.

    Total Activity (Gross Operated):          
      Number of Wells Drilled
      Number of Wells Completed
    Midland Basin 131     124  
    Delaware Basin 6     4  
    Total 137     128  
    Total Activity (Net Operated):          
      Number of Wells Drilled
      Number of Wells Completed
    Midland Basin 124     113  
    Delaware Basin 5     4  
    Total 129     117  

    During the fourth quarter of 2024, Diamondback drilled 131 gross wells in the Midland Basin and six gross wells in the Delaware Basin. The Company turned 124 operated wells to production in the Midland Basin and four gross wells in the Delaware Basin, with an average lateral length of 11,810 feet. Operated completions during the fourth quarter consisted of 26 Wolfcamp A wells, 26 Lower Spraberry wells, 24 Wolfcamp B wells, 19 Jo Mill wells, 15 Middle Spraberry wells, four Wolfcamp D wells, four Dean wells, three Upper Spraberry wells, three Barnett wells, two Second Bone Spring wells and two Third Bone Spring wells.

    For the year ended December 31, 2024, Diamondback drilled 342 gross wells in the Midland Basin and 30 gross wells in the Delaware Basin. The Company turned 391 operated wells to production in the Midland Basin and 19 operated wells to production in the Delaware Basin. The average lateral length for wells completed during the year ended December 31, 2024 was 11,719 feet, and consisted of 98 Lower Spraberry wells, 87 Wolfcamp A wells, 69 Wolfcamp B wells, 59 Jo Mill wells, 49 Middle Spraberry wells, 13 Wolfcamp D wells, 13 Dean wells, nine Upper Spraberry wells, six Third Bone Spring wells, four Barnett wells and three Second Bone Spring wells.

    FINANCIAL UPDATE

    Diamondback’s fourth quarter 2024 net income was $1.1 billion, or $3.67 per diluted share. Adjusted net income (as defined and reconciled below) for the fourth quarter was $1.1 billion, or $3.64 per diluted share. For the full year ended December 31, 2024, Diamondback’s net income was $3.3 billion, or $15.53 per diluted share. Adjusted net income for the full year was $3.6 billion, or $16.57 per diluted share.

    Fourth quarter 2024 net cash provided by operating activities was $2.3 billion. For the full year ended December 31, 2024, Diamondback’s net cash provided by operating activities was $6.4 billion.

    During the fourth quarter of 2024, Diamondback spent $834 million on operated and non-operated drilling and completions, $93 million on infrastructure and environmental and $6 million on midstream, for total cash capital expenditures of $933 million. For the full year ended 2024, Diamondback spent $2.6 billion on operated and non-operated drilling and completions, $221 million on infrastructure and environmental and $14 million on midstream, for total cash capital expenditures of $2.9 billion.

    Fourth quarter 2024 Consolidated Adjusted EBITDA (as defined and reconciled below) was $2.6 billion. Adjusted EBITDA net of non-controlling interest (as defined and reconciled below) for the fourth quarter was $2.5 billion. For the full year ended December 31, 2024, Consolidated Adjusted EBITDA was $7.7 billion. Adjusted EBITDA net of non-controlling interest for the full year was $7.3 billion.

    Diamondback’s fourth quarter 2024 Free Cash Flow (as defined and reconciled below) was $1.3 billion. Adjusted Free Cash Flow (as reconciled and defined below) for the fourth quarter was $1.4 billion. For the full year ended December 31, 2024, Diamondback’s Free Cash Flow was $3.6 billion, with $4.0 billion of Adjusted Free Cash Flow over the same period.

    Fourth quarter 2024 average unhedged realized prices were $69.48 per barrel of oil, $0.48 per Mcf of natural gas and $19.27 per barrel of natural gas liquids (“NGLs”), resulting in a total equivalent unhedged realized price of $42.71 per BOE.

    Diamondback’s cash operating costs for the fourth quarter of 2024 were $10.30 per BOE, including lease operating expenses (“LOE”) of $5.67 per BOE, cash general and administrative (“G&A”) expenses of $0.69 per BOE, production and ad valorem taxes of $2.77 per BOE and gathering, processing and transportation expenses of $1.17 per BOE.

    As of December 31, 2024, Diamondback had $134 million in standalone cash and no borrowings outstanding under its revolving credit facility, with approximately $2.5 billion available for future borrowings under the facility and approximately $2.6 billion of total liquidity. As of December 31, 2024, the Company had consolidated total debt of $13.2 billion and consolidated net debt (as defined and reconciled below) of $13.0 billion, up from consolidated total debt of $13.1 billion and consolidated net debt of $12.7 billion as of September 30, 2024.

    DIVIDEND DECLARATIONS

    Diamondback announced today that the Company’s Board of Directors declared a base cash dividend of $1.00 per common share for the fourth quarter of 2024 payable on March 13, 2025 to stockholders of record at the close of business on March 6, 2025.

    Future base and variable dividends remain subject to review and approval at the discretion of the Company’s Board of Directors.

    COMMON STOCK REPURCHASE PROGRAM

    During the fourth quarter of 2024, Diamondback repurchased ~2.3 million shares of common stock at an average share price of $172.91 for a total cost of approximately $402 million, excluding excise tax. To date, Diamondback has repurchased ~25.8 million shares of common stock at an average share price of $136.82 for a total cost of approximately $3.5 billion and has approximately $2.5 billion remaining on its current share buyback authorization. Subject to factors discussed below, Diamondback intends to continue to purchase common stock under the common stock repurchase program opportunistically with cash on hand, free cash flow from operations and proceeds from potential liquidity events such as the sale of assets. This repurchase program has no time limit and may be suspended from time to time, modified, extended or discontinued by the Board at any time. Purchases under the repurchase program may be made from time to time in privately negotiated transactions, or in open market transactions in compliance with Rule 10b-18 under the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, and will be subject to market conditions, applicable regulatory and legal requirements and other factors. Any common stock purchased as part of this program will be retired.

    RESERVES

    Estimates of Diamondback’s proved reserves as of December 31, 2024 were prepared by Diamondback’s internal reservoir engineers and audited by Ryder Scott Company, L.P., an independent petroleum engineering firm. Reference prices of $75.48 per barrel of oil and $2.13 per Mmbtu of natural gas were used in accordance with applicable rules of the Securities and Exchange Commission. Realized prices with applicable differentials were $76.15 per barrel of oil, $0.54 per Mcf of natural gas and $22.02 per barrel of natural gas liquids.

    Proved reserves at year-end 2024 of 3,557 MMBOE represent a 63% increase over year-end 2023 reserves. Proved developed reserves increased by 59% to 2,385 MMBOE (67% of total proved reserves) as of December 31, 2024, reflecting the continued development of the Company’s horizontal well inventory. Proved undeveloped reserves (“PUD” or “PUDs”) increased to 1,173 MMBOE, a 72% increase over year-end 2023, and are comprised of 1,381 horizontal locations in which we have a working interest, of which 1,310 are in the Midland Basin. Crude oil represents 50% of Diamondback’s total proved reserves.

    Net proved reserve additions of 1,599 MMBOE resulted in a reserve replacement ratio of 730% (defined as the sum of extensions and discoveries, revisions, purchases and divestitures, divided by annual production). The organic reserve replacement ratio was 68% (defined as the sum of extensions and discoveries and revisions, divided by annual production).

    Net purchases of reserves were the primary contributor to the increase in reserves totaling 1,449 MMBOE followed by Extensions and discoveries of reserves totaling 279 MMBOE, with downward revisions of 129 MMBOE. PDP extensions were the result of 1,172 new wells in which the Company has an interest, and PUD extensions were the result of 445 new locations in which the Company has a working interest. Net purchases of reserves of 1,449 MMBOE were the net result of acquisitions of 1,569 MMBOE and divestitures of 121 MMBOE. Downward revisions of 129 MMBOE were primarily the result of negative revisions of 89 MMBOE associated with lower commodity prices, 49 MMBOE due to PUD downgrades related to changes in the corporate development plan and 17 MMBOE due to a decline in well performance. These were partially offset by positive performance revisions of 26 MMBOE related to ownership and acquisition variance revisions.

    The SEC PUD guidelines allow a company to book PUD reserves associated with projects that are to occur within the next five years. With its current development plan, the Company expects to continue its strong PUD conversion ratio in 2025 by converting an estimated 33% of its PUDs to a Proved Developed category, and develop approximately 78% of the consolidated 2024 year-end PUD reserves by the end of 2027.

      Oil (MBbls)   Gas (MMcf)   Liquids (MBbls)   MBOE
    As of December 31, 2023 1,143,944     2,997,422     534,247     2,177,761  
    Extensions and discoveries 168,375     310,421     58,696     278,808  
    Revisions of previous estimates (78,142 )   (158,468 )   (24,518 )   (129,071 )
    Purchase of reserves in place 697,702     2,391,264     473,236     1,569,482  
    Divestitures (47,505 )   (240,044 )   (33,080 )   (120,592 )
    Production (123,325 )   (275,680 )   (49,700 )   (218,972 )
    As of December 31, 2024 1,761,049     5,024,915     958,881     3,557,416  

    Diamondback’s exploration and development costs in 2024 were $3.2 billion. PD F&D costs were $10.51/BOE. PD F&D costs are defined as exploration and development costs, excluding midstream, divided by the sum of reserves associated with transfers from proved undeveloped reserves at year-end 2023 including any associated revisions in 2024 and extensions and discoveries placed on production during 2024. Drill bit F&D costs were $19.12/BOE including the effects of all revisions including pricing revisions. Drill bit F&D costs are defined as the exploration and development costs, excluding midstream, divided by the sum of extensions, discoveries and revisions.

      Year Ended December 31,
        2024       2023       2022  
      (In millions)
    Acquisition costs:          
    Proved properties $ 21,275     $ 1,314     $ 778  
    Unproved properties   15,568       1,701       1,536  
    Development costs   2,992       1,962       566  
    Exploration costs   194       768       1,698  
    Total $ 40,029     $ 5,745     $ 4,578  


    FULL YEAR 2025 GUIDANCE

    Below is Diamondback’s guidance for the full year 2025, which includes first quarter production, cash tax and capital guidance. This guidance gives effect to the estimated contribution related to the pending Double Eagle acquisition, which is expected to close on April 1, 2025, subject to the satisfaction of customary closing conditions and regulatory approval.

      2025 Guidance 2025 Guidance
      Diamondback Energy, Inc. Viper Energy, Inc.
         
    2025 Net production – MBOE/d 883 – 909  
    2025 Oil production – MBO/d 485 – 498  
    Q1 2025 Oil production – MBO/d (total – MBOE/d) 470 – 475 (860 – 875) 30.0 – 31.0 (54.0 – 56.0)
         
    Unit costs ($/BOE)    
    Lease operating expenses, including workovers $5.90 – $6.30  
    G&A    
    Cash G&A $0.60 – $0.75  
    Non-cash equity-based compensation $0.25 – $0.35  
    DD&A $14.00 – $15.00  
    Interest expense (net of interest income) $0.25 – $0.50  
    Gathering, processing and transportation $1.20 – $1.40  
         
    Production and ad valorem taxes (% of revenue) ~7%  
    Corporate tax rate (% of pre-tax income) 23%  
    Cash tax rate (% of pre-tax income) 17% – 20%  
    Q1 2025 Cash taxes ($ – million) $280 – $340  
         
    Capital Budget ($ – million)    
    Operated drilling and completion $3,130 – $3,440  
    Capital workovers, non-operated properties and science $280 – $320  
    Infrastructure, environmental and midstream(1) $390 – $440  
    2025 Total capital expenditures $3,800 – $4,200  
    Q1 2025 Capital expenditures $900 – $1,000  
         
    Gross horizontal wells drilled (net) 446 – 471 (406 – 428)  
    Gross horizontal wells completed (net) 557 – 592 (526 – 560)  
    Average lateral length (Ft.) ~11,500′  
    FY 2025 Midland Basin well costs per lateral foot $555 – $605  
    FY 2025 Delaware Basin well costs per lateral foot $860 – $910  
    Midland Basin completed net lateral feet (%) ~95%  
    Delaware Basin completed net lateral feet (%) ~5%  

    (1) Includes approximately $60 million in estimated midstream capital expenditures for the full year 2025.

    CONFERENCE CALL

    Diamondback will host a conference call and webcast for investors and analysts to discuss its results for the fourth quarter of 2024 on Tuesday, February 25, 2025 at 8:00 a.m. CT. Access to the webcast, and replay which will be available following the call, may be found here. The live webcast of the earnings conference call will also be available via Diamondback’s website at www.diamondbackenergy.com under the “Investor Relations” section of the site.

    About Diamondback Energy, Inc.

    Diamondback is an independent oil and natural gas company headquartered in Midland, Texas focused on the acquisition, development, exploration and exploitation of unconventional, onshore oil and natural gas reserves primarily in the Permian Basin in West Texas. For more information, please visit www.diamondbackenergy.com.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This news release contains “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act and Section 21E of the Exchange Act, which involve risks, uncertainties, and assumptions. All statements, other than statements of historical fact, including statements regarding Diamondback’s: future performance; business strategy; future operations (including drilling plans and capital plans); estimates and projections of revenues, losses, costs, expenses, returns, cash flow, and financial position; reserve estimates and its ability to replace or increase reserves; anticipated benefits or other effects of strategic transactions (including the recently completed Endeavor merger, the pending Double Eagle acquisition and other acquisitions or divestitures); and plans and objectives of management (including plans for future cash flow from operations and for executing environmental strategies) are forward-looking statements. When used in this news release, the words “aim,” “anticipate,” “believe,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “forecast,” “future,” “guidance,” “intend,” “may,” “model,” “outlook,” “plan,” “positioned,” “potential,” “predict,” “project,” “seek,” “should,” “target,” “will,” “would,” and similar expressions (including the negative of such terms) as they relate to Diamondback are intended to identify forward-looking statements, although not all forward-looking statements contain such identifying words. Although Diamondback believes that the expectations and assumptions reflected in its forward-looking statements are reasonable as and when made, they involve risks and uncertainties that are difficult to predict and, in many cases, beyond Diamondback’s control. Accordingly, forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance and Diamondback’s actual outcomes could differ materially from what Diamondback has expressed in its forward-looking statements.

    Factors that could cause the outcomes to differ materially include (but are not limited to) the following: changes in supply and demand levels for oil, natural gas, and natural gas liquids, and the resulting impact on the price for those commodities; the impact of public health crises, including epidemic or pandemic diseases and any related company or government policies or actions; actions taken by the members of OPEC and Russia affecting the production and pricing of oil, as well as other domestic and global political, economic, or diplomatic developments, including any impact of the ongoing war in Ukraine and the Israel-Hamas war on the global energy markets and geopolitical stability; instability in the financial markets; inflationary pressures; higher interest rates and their impact on the cost of capital; regional supply and demand factors, including delays, curtailment delays or interruptions of production, or governmental orders, rules or regulations that impose production limits; federal and state legislative and regulatory initiatives relating to hydraulic fracturing, including the effect of existing and future laws and governmental regulations; physical and transition risks relating to climate change; those risks described in Item 1A of Diamondback’s Annual Report on Form 10-K, filed with the SEC on February 22, 2024, and those risks disclosed in its subsequent filings on Forms 10-K, 10-Q and 8-K, which can be obtained free of charge on the SEC’s website at http://www.sec.gov and Diamondback’s website at www.diamondbackenergy.com/investors.

    In light of these factors, the events anticipated by Diamondback’s forward-looking statements may not occur at the time anticipated or at all. Moreover, Diamondback operates in a very competitive and rapidly changing environment and new risks emerge from time to time. Diamondback cannot predict all risks, nor can it assess the impact of all factors on its business or the extent to which any factor, or combination of factors, may cause actual results to differ materially from those anticipated by any forward-looking statements it may make. Accordingly, you should not place undue reliance on any forward-looking statements. All forward-looking statements speak only as of the date of this letter or, if earlier, as of the date they were made. Diamondback does not intend to, and disclaims any obligation to, update or revise any forward-looking statements unless required by applicable law.

     
    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Consolidated Balance Sheets
    (unaudited, in millions, except share amounts)
           
      December 31,   December 31,
        2024       2023  
    Assets      
    Current assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents ($27 million and $26 million related to Viper) $ 161     $ 582  
    Restricted cash   3       3  
    Accounts receivable:      
    Joint interest and other, net   198       192  
    Oil and natural gas sales, net ($149 million and $109 million related to Viper)   1,387       654  
    Inventories   116       63  
    Derivative instruments   168       17  
    Prepaid expenses and other current assets   77       110  
    Total current assets   2,110       1,621  
    Property and equipment:      
    Oil and natural gas properties, full cost method of accounting ($22,666 million and $8,659 million excluded from amortization at December 31, 2024 and December 31, 2023, respectively) ($5,713 million and $4,629 million related to Viper and $2,180 million and $1,769 million excluded from amortization related to Viper)   82,240       42,430  
    Other property, equipment and land   1,440       673  
    Accumulated depletion, depreciation, amortization and impairment ($1,081 million and $866 million related to Viper)   (19,208 )     (16,429 )
    Property and equipment, net   64,472       26,674  
    Funds held in escrow   1        
    Equity method investments   375       529  
    Derivative instruments   2       1  
    Deferred income taxes, net ($185 million and $57 million related to Viper)   173       45  
    Other assets   159       131  
    Total assets $ 67,292     $ 29,001  
    Liabilities and Stockholders’ Equity      
    Current liabilities:      
    Accounts payable – trade $ 253     $ 261  
    Accrued capital expenditures   690       493  
    Current maturities of debt   900        
    Other accrued liabilities   1,020       475  
    Revenues and royalties payable   1,491       764  
    Derivative instruments   43       86  
    Income taxes payable   414       29  
    Total current liabilities   4,811       2,108  
    Long-term debt ($1,083 million and $1,083 million related to Viper)   12,075       6,641  
    Derivative instruments   106       122  
    Asset retirement obligations   573       239  
    Deferred income taxes   9,826       2,449  
    Other long-term liabilities   39       12  
    Total liabilities   27,430       11,571  
    Stockholders’ equity:      
    Common stock, $0.01 par value; 800,000,000 shares authorized; 290,984,373 and 178,723,871 shares issued and outstanding at December 31, 2024 and December 31, 2023, respectively   3       2  
    Additional paid-in capital   33,501       14,142  
    Retained earnings (accumulated deficit)   4,238       2,489  
    Accumulated other comprehensive income (loss)   (6 )     (8 )
    Total Diamondback Energy, Inc. stockholders’ equity   37,736       16,625  
    Non-controlling interest   2,126       805  
    Total equity   39,862       17,430  
    Total liabilities and stockholders’ equity $ 67,292     $ 29,001  
     
    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Consolidated Statements of Operations
    (unaudited, $ in millions except per share data, shares in thousands)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
        2024       2023       2024       2023  
    Revenues:              
    Oil, natural gas and natural gas liquid sales $ 3,471     $ 2,165     $ 10,100     $ 8,228  
    Sales of purchased oil   225       52       923       111  
    Other operating income   15       11       43       73  
    Total revenues   3,711       2,228       11,066       8,412  
    Costs and expenses:              
    Lease operating expenses   461       254       1,286       872  
    Production and ad valorem taxes   225       104       638       525  
    Gathering, processing and transportation   95       78       356       287  
    Purchased oil expense   225       52       921       111  
    Depreciation, depletion, amortization and accretion   1,156       469       2,850       1,746  
    General and administrative expenses   72       39       213       150  
    Merger and integration expense   30             303       11  
    Other operating expenses   35       27       103       140  
    Total costs and expenses   2,299       1,023       6,670       3,842  
    Income (loss) from operations   1,412       1,205       4,396       4,570  
    Other income (expense):              
    Interest expense, net   (34 )     (29 )     (135 )     (159 )
    Other income (expense), net   (7 )     (9 )     80       52  
    Gain (loss) on derivative instruments, net   36       99       137       (259 )
    Gain (loss) on extinguishment of debt               2       (4 )
    Income (loss) from equity investments, net   (2 )     9       21       48  
    Total other income (expense), net   (7 )     70       105       (322 )
    Income (loss) before income taxes   1,405       1,275       4,501       4,248  
    Provision for (benefit from) income taxes   115       264       800       912  
    Net income (loss)   1,290       1,011       3,701       3,336  
    Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   216       51       363       193  
    Net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc. $ 1,074     $ 960     $ 3,338     $ 3,143  
                   
    Earnings (loss) per common share:              
    Basic $ 3.67     $ 5.34     $ 15.53     $ 17.34  
    Diluted $ 3.67     $ 5.34     $ 15.53     $ 17.34  
    Weighted average common shares outstanding:              
    Basic   291,851       178,811       213,545       179,999  
    Diluted   291,851       178,811       213,545       179,999  
     
    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Consolidated Statements of Cash Flows
    (unaudited, in millions)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
        2024       2023       2024       2023  
    Cash flows from operating activities:              
    Net income (loss) $ 1,290     $ 1,011     $ 3,701     $ 3,336  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income (loss) to net cash provided by (used in) operating activities:              
    Provision for (benefit from) deferred income taxes   (165 )     193       15       378  
    Depreciation, depletion, amortization and accretion   1,156       469       2,850       1,746  
    (Gain) loss on extinguishment of debt               (2 )     4  
    (Gain) loss on derivative instruments, net   (36 )     (99 )     (137 )     259  
    Cash received (paid) on settlement of derivative instruments   (15 )     (48 )     (51 )     (110 )
    (Income) loss from equity investment, net   2       (9 )     (21 )     (48 )
    Equity-based compensation expense   16       14       65       54  
    Other   12       28       89       5  
    Changes in operating assets and liabilities:              
    Accounts receivable   (103 )     147       (42 )     (71 )
    Income tax receivable   (3 )     16       9       283  
    Prepaid expenses and other current assets   (24 )     (94 )     54       (89 )
    Accounts payable and accrued liabilities   114       11       (376 )     57  
    Income taxes payable   138       (9 )     87       (5 )
    Revenues and royalties payable   59       (16 )     168       123  
    Other   (100 )     10       4       (2 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) operating activities   2,341       1,624       6,413       5,920  
    Cash flows from investing activities:              
    Drilling, completions, infrastructure and midstream additions to oil and natural gas properties   (933 )     (649 )     (2,867 )     (2,701 )
    Property acquisitions   (926 )     (820 )     (8,920 )     (2,013 )
    Proceeds from sale of assets   8       7       467       1,407  
    Other   (4 )     (2 )     99       (16 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) investing activities   (1,855 )     (1,464 )     (11,221 )     (3,323 )
    Cash flows from financing activities:              
    Proceeds under term loan agreement               1,000        
    Repayments under term loan agreement   (100 )           (100 )      
    Proceeds from borrowings under credit facilities   2,190       313       3,375       4,779  
    Repayments under credit facilities   (2,044 )     (300 )     (3,377 )     (4,668 )
    Proceeds from senior notes         400       5,500       400  
    Repayment of senior notes               (25 )     (134 )
    Repurchased shares under buyback program   (402 )     (131 )     (959 )     (840 )
    Repurchased shares/units under Viper’s buyback program         (28 )           (95 )
    Proceeds from partial sale of investment in Viper Energy, Inc.               451        
    Net proceeds from Viper’s issuance of common stock               476        
    Dividends paid to stockholders   (262 )     (603 )     (1,578 )     (1,444 )
    Dividends/distributions to non-controlling interest   (70 )     (45 )     (227 )     (129 )
    Other   (7 )     (11 )     (149 )     (45 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) financing activities   (695 )     (405 )     4,387       (2,176 )
    Net increase (decrease) in cash and cash equivalents   (209 )     (245 )     (421 )     421  
    Cash, cash equivalents and restricted cash at beginning of period   373       830       585       164  
    Cash, cash equivalents and restricted cash at end of period $ 164     $ 585     $ 164     $ 585  
     
    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Selected Operating Data
    (unaudited)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
        2024       2023       2024       2023  
    Production Data:              
    Oil (MBbls)   43,785       25,124       123,325       96,176  
    Natural gas (MMcf)   107,249       50,497       275,680       198,117  
    Natural gas liquids (MBbls)   19,615       9,016       49,700       34,217  
    Combined volumes (MBOE)(1)   81,275       42,556       218,972       163,413  
                   
    Daily oil volumes (BO/d)   475,924       273,087       336,954       263,496  
    Daily combined volumes (BOE/d)   883,424       462,565       598,284       447,707  
                   
    Average Prices:              
    Oil ($ per Bbl) $ 69.48     $ 76.42     $ 73.52     $ 75.68  
    Natural gas ($ per Mcf) $ 0.48     $ 1.29     $ 0.32     $ 1.32  
    Natural gas liquids ($ per Bbl) $ 19.27     $ 19.96     $ 18.99     $ 20.08  
    Combined ($ per BOE) $ 42.71     $ 50.87     $ 46.12     $ 50.35  
                   
    Oil, hedged ($ per Bbl)(2) $ 68.72     $ 75.59     $ 72.68     $ 74.72  
    Natural gas, hedged ($ per Mcf)(2) $ 0.82     $ 1.31     $ 0.91     $ 1.48  
    Natural gas liquids, hedged ($ per Bbl)(2) $ 19.27     $ 19.96     $ 18.99     $ 20.08  
    Average price, hedged ($ per BOE)(2) $ 42.76     $ 50.40     $ 46.38     $ 49.98  
                   
    Average Costs per BOE:              
    Lease operating expenses $ 5.67     $ 5.97     $ 5.87     $ 5.34  
    Production and ad valorem taxes   2.77       2.44       2.91       3.21  
    Gathering, processing and transportation expense   1.17       1.83       1.63       1.76  
    General and administrative – cash component   0.69       0.59       0.68       0.59  
    Total operating expense – cash $ 10.30     $ 10.83     $ 11.09     $ 10.90  
                   
    General and administrative – non-cash component $ 0.20     $ 0.33     $ 0.30     $ 0.33  
    Depreciation, depletion, amortization and accretion $ 14.22     $ 11.02     $ 13.02     $ 10.68  
    Interest expense, net $ 0.42     $ 0.68     $ 0.62     $ 0.97  

    (1)   Bbl equivalents are calculated using a conversion rate of six Mcf per one Bbl.
    (2)   Hedged prices reflect the effect of our commodity derivative transactions on our average sales prices and include gains and losses on cash settlements for matured commodity derivatives, which we do not designate for hedge accounting. Hedged prices exclude gains or losses resulting from the early settlement of commodity derivative contracts.


    NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES

    ADJUSTED EBITDA

    Adjusted EBITDA is a supplemental non-GAAP financial measure that is used by management and external users of our financial statements, such as industry analysts, investors, lenders and rating agencies. The Company defines Adjusted EBITDA as net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc., plus net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest (“net income (loss)”) before non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, net, interest expense, net, depreciation, depletion, amortization and accretion, depreciation and interest expense related to equity method investments, (gain) loss on extinguishment of debt, if any, non-cash equity-based compensation expense, capitalized equity-based compensation expense, merger and integration expenses, other non-cash transactions and provision for (benefit from) income taxes, if any. Adjusted EBITDA is not a measure of net income as determined by United States generally accepted accounting principles (“GAAP”). Management believes Adjusted EBITDA is useful because the measure allows it to more effectively evaluate the Company’s operating performance and compare the results of its operations from period to period without regard to its financing methods or capital structure. The Company adds the items listed above to net income (loss) to determine Adjusted EBITDA because these amounts can vary substantially from company to company within its industry depending upon accounting methods and book values of assets, capital structures and the method by which the assets were acquired. Further, the Company excludes the effects of significant transactions that may affect earnings but are unpredictable in nature, timing and amount, although they may recur in different reporting periods. Adjusted EBITDA should not be considered as an alternative to, or more meaningful than, net income as determined in accordance with GAAP or as an indicator of the Company’s operating performance or liquidity. Certain items excluded from Adjusted EBITDA are significant components in understanding and assessing a company’s financial performance, such as a company’s cost of capital and tax structure, as well as the historic costs of depreciable assets. The Company’s computation of Adjusted EBITDA may not be comparable to other similarly titled measures of other companies or to such measure in our credit facility or any of our other contracts.

    The following tables present a reconciliation of the GAAP financial measure of net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc. to the non-GAAP financial measure of Adjusted EBITDA:

    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Reconciliation of Net Income (Loss) to Adjusted EBITDA
    (unaudited, in millions)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
        2024       2023       2024       2023  
    Net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc. $ 1,074     $ 960     $ 3,338     $ 3,143  
    Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   216       51       363       193  
    Net income (loss)   1,290       1,011       3,701       3,336  
    Non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, net   (51 )     (147 )     (188 )     149  
    Interest expense, net   34       29       135       159  
    Depreciation, depletion, amortization and accretion   1,156       469       2,850       1,746  
    Depreciation and interest expense related to equity method investments   30       18       91       70  
    (Gain) loss on extinguishment of debt               (2 )     4  
    Non-cash equity-based compensation expense   24       21       95       80  
    Capitalized equity-based compensation expense   (8 )     (7 )     (30 )     (26 )
    Merger and integration expenses   30             303       11  
    Other non-cash transactions   2       12       (62 )     (52 )
    Provision for (benefit from) income taxes   115       264       800       912  
    Consolidated Adjusted EBITDA   2,622       1,670       7,693       6,389  
    Less: Adjustment for non-controlling interest   118       82       411       290  
    Adjusted EBITDA attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc. $ 2,504     $ 1,588     $ 7,282     $ 6,099  

    ADJUSTED NET INCOME

    Adjusted net income is a non-GAAP financial measure equal to net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc. plus net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest (“net income (loss)”) adjusted for non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, net, (gain) loss on extinguishment of debt, if any, merger and integration expense, other non-cash transactions and related income tax adjustments, if any. The Company’s computation of adjusted net income may not be comparable to other similarly titled measures of other companies or to such measure in our credit facility or any of our other contracts. Management believes adjusted net income helps investors in the oil and natural gas industry to measure and compare the Company’s performance to other oil and natural gas companies by excluding from the calculation items that can vary significantly from company to company depending upon accounting methods, the book value of assets and other non-operational factors. Further, in order to allow investors to compare the Company’s performance across periods, the Company excludes the effects of significant transactions that may affect earnings but are unpredictable in nature, timing and amount, although they may recur in different reporting periods.

    The following table presents a reconciliation of the GAAP financial measure of net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc. to the non-GAAP measure of adjusted net income:

    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Adjusted Net Income
    (unaudited, $ in millions except per share data, shares in thousands)
               
      Three Months Ended
    December 31, 2024
      Year Ended
    December 31, 2024
      Amounts   Amounts Per
    Diluted
    Share
      Amounts   Amounts Per
    Diluted
    Share
    Net income (loss) attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc.(1) $ 1,074     $ 3.67     $ 3,338     $ 15.53  
    Net income (loss) attributable to non-controlling interest   216       0.74       363       1.70  
    Net income (loss)(1)   1,290       4.41       3,701       17.23  
    Non-cash (gain) loss on derivative instruments, net   (51 )     (0.17 )     (188 )     (0.88 )
    (Gain) loss on extinguishment of debt               (2 )     (0.01 )
    Merger and integration expense   30       0.10       303       1.42  
    Other non-cash transactions   2             (62 )     (0.29 )
    Adjusted net income excluding above items(1)   1,271       4.34       3,752       17.47  
    Income tax adjustment for above items   2       0.01       (9 )     (0.04 )
    Adjusted net income(1)   1,273       4.35       3,743       17.43  
    Less: Adjusted net income attributable to non-controlling interest   206       0.71       183       0.86  
    Adjusted net income attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc.(1) $ 1,067     $ 3.64     $ 3,560     $ 16.57  
                   
    Weighted average common shares outstanding:              
    Basic     291,851           213,545  
    Diluted     291,851           213,545  

    (1) The Company’s earnings (loss) per diluted share amount has been computed using the two-class method in accordance with GAAP. The two-class method is an earnings allocation which reflects the respective ownership among holders of common stock and participating securities. Diluted earnings per share using the two-class method is calculated as (i) net income attributable to Diamondback Energy, Inc, (ii) less the reallocation of $4 million and $21 million in earnings attributable to participating securities for the three months ended December 31, 2024 and the year ended December 31, 2024, respectively, (iii) divided by diluted weighted average common shares outstanding for the respective periods.

    OPERATING CASH FLOW BEFORE WORKING CAPITAL CHANGES AND FREE CASH FLOW

    Operating cash flow before working capital changes, which is a non-GAAP financial measure, represents net cash provided by operating activities as determined under GAAP without regard to changes in operating assets and liabilities. The Company believes operating cash flow before working capital changes is a useful measure of an oil and natural gas company’s ability to generate cash used to fund exploration, development and acquisition activities and service debt or pay dividends. The Company also uses this measure because changes in operating assets and liabilities relate to the timing of cash receipts and disbursements that the Company may not control and may not relate to the period in which the operating activities occurred. This allows the Company to compare its operating performance with that of other companies without regard to financing methods and capital structure.

    Free Cash Flow, which is a non-GAAP financial measure, is cash flow from operating activities before changes in working capital in excess of cash capital expenditures. The Company believes that Free Cash Flow is useful to investors as it provides measures to compare both cash flow from operating activities and additions to oil and natural gas properties across periods on a consistent basis as adjusted for non-recurring tax impacts from divestitures, merger and integration expenses, the early termination of derivative contracts and settlements of treasury locks. These measures should not be considered as an alternative to, or more meaningful than, net cash provided by operating activities as an indicator of operating performance. The Company’s computation of Free Cash Flow may not be comparable to other similarly titled measures of other companies. The Company uses Free Cash Flow to reduce debt, as well as return capital to stockholders as determined by the Board of Directors.

    The following tables present a reconciliation of the GAAP financial measure of net cash provided by operating activities to the non-GAAP measure of operating cash flow before working capital changes and to the non-GAAP measure of Free Cash Flow:

    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Operating Cash Flow Before Working Capital Changes and Free Cash Flow
    (unaudited, in millions)
                   
      Three Months Ended December 31,   Year Ended December 31,
        2024       2023       2024       2023  
    Net cash provided by operating activities $ 2,341     $ 1,624     $ 6,413     $ 5,920  
    Less: Changes in cash due to changes in operating assets and liabilities:              
    Accounts receivable   (103 )     147       (42 )     (71 )
    Income tax receivable   (3 )     16       9       283  
    Prepaid expenses and other current assets   (24 )     (94 )     54       (89 )
    Accounts payable and accrued liabilities   114       11       (376 )     57  
    Income taxes payable   138       (9 )     87       (5 )
    Revenues and royalties payable   59       (16 )     168       123  
    Other   (100 )     10       4       (2 )
    Total working capital changes   81       65       (96 )     296  
    Operating cash flow before working capital changes   2,260       1,559       6,509       5,624  
    Drilling, completions, infrastructure and midstream additions to oil and natural gas properties   (933 )     (649 )     (2,867 )     (2,701 )
    Total Cash CAPEX   (933 )     (649 )     (2,867 )     (2,701 )
    Free Cash Flow   1,327       910       3,642       2,923  
    Tax impact from divestitures(1)                     64  
    Merger and integration expenses   30             303        
    Early termination of derivatives               37        
    Treasury locks               25        
    Adjusted Free Cash Flow $ 1,357     $ 910     $ 4,007     $ 2,987  

    (1) Includes the tax impact for the disposal of certain Midland Basin water assets and Delaware Basin oil gathering assets.

    NET DEBT

    The Company defines the non-GAAP measure of net debt as total debt (excluding debt issuance costs, discounts, premiums and unamortized basis adjustments) less cash and cash equivalents. Net debt should not be considered an alternative to, or more meaningful than, total debt, the most directly comparable GAAP measure. Management uses net debt to determine the Company’s outstanding debt obligations that would not be readily satisfied by its cash and cash equivalents on hand. The Company believes this metric is useful to analysts and investors in determining the Company’s leverage position because the Company has the ability to, and may decide to, use a portion of its cash and cash equivalents to reduce debt.

    Diamondback Energy, Inc.
    Net Debt
    (unaudited, in millions)
                           
      December 31,
    2024
      Net Q4
    Principal
    Borrowings/
    (Repayments)
      September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      March 31,
    2024
      December 31,
    2023
      (in millions)
    Diamondback Energy, Inc.(1) $ 12,069     $ (215 )   $ 12,284     $ 11,169     $ 5,669     $ 5,697  
    Viper Energy, Inc.(1)   1,091       261       830       1,007       1,103       1,093  
    Total debt   13,160     $ 46       13,114       12,176       6,772       6,790  
    Cash and cash equivalents   (161 )         (370 )     (6,908 )     (896 )     (582 )
    Net debt $ 12,999         $ 12,744     $ 5,268     $ 5,876     $ 6,208  

    (1)  Excludes debt issuance costs, discounts, premiums and unamortized basis adjustments.

    DERIVATIVES

    As of February 21, 2025, the Company had the following outstanding consolidated derivative contracts, including derivative contracts at Viper Energy, Inc. The Company’s derivative contracts are based upon reported settlement prices on commodity exchanges, with crude oil derivative settlements based on New York Mercantile Exchange West Texas Intermediate pricing and Crude Oil Brent pricing and with natural gas derivative settlements based on the New York Mercantile Exchange Henry Hub pricing. When aggregating multiple contracts, the weighted average contract price is disclosed.

      Crude Oil (Bbls/day, $/Bbl)
      Q1 2025     Q2 2025     Q3 2025     Q4 2025     FY2026  
    Long Puts – Crude Brent Oil 52,000     48,000     27,000     12,000      
    Long Put Price ($/Bbl) $60.00     $58.44     $56.85     $55.00      
    Deferred Premium ($/Bbl) $-1.48     $-1.50     $-1.54     $-1.56      
    Long Puts – WTI (Magellan East Houston) 83,000     86,000     72,000     35,000      
    Long Put Price ($/Bbl) $55.84     $55.12     $55.00     $55.00      
    Deferred Premium ($/Bbl) $-1.59     $-1.58     -1.60     $-1.62      
    Long Puts – WTI (Cushing) 142,000     137,000     101,000     41,000      
    Long Put Price ($/Bbl) $56.58     $55.58     $55.00     $55.00      
    Deferred Premium ($/Bbl) $-1.59     $-1.58     $-1.58     $-1.61      
    Costless Collars – WTI (Cushing) 13,000                  
    Long Put Price ($/Bbl) $60.00                  
    Short Call Price ($/Bbl) $89.55                  
    Basis Swaps – WTI (Midland) 64,000     66,000     66,000     66,000      
    $1.09     $1.05     $1.05     $1.05      
    Roll Swaps – WTI 16,389     25,000     25,000     25,000      
    $0.93     $0.93     $0.93     $0.93      
      Natural Gas (Mmbtu/day, $/Mmbtu)
      Q1 2025   Q2 2025   Q3 2025   Q4 2025   FY 2026   FY 2027  
    Costless Collars – Henry Hub 750,000     690,000     690,000     690,000     500,000      
    Long Put Price ($/Mmbtu) $2.52     $2.49     $2.49     $2.49     $2.64      
    Ceiling Price ($/Mmbtu) $5.26     $5.28     $5.28     $5.28     $6.31      
    Natural Gas Basis Swaps – Waha Hub 670,000     610,000     610,000     610,000     230,000     200,000  
    $-0.82     $-0.84     $-0.84     $-0.84     $-1.41     $-1.42  

    Investor Contact:
    Adam Lawlis
    +1 432.221.7467
    alawlis@diamondbackenergy.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: G7 Leaders’ video conference meeting

    Source: Government of Italy (English)

    24 Febbraio 2025

    The President of the Council of Ministers, Giorgia Meloni, attended today’s video conference of G7 leaders, organised by the Group’s current Canadian Presidency on the third anniversary of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. President Meloni reiterated that Italy’s priority is to build a just and lasting peace, together with European and Western partners and together with Ukraine. This prospect of peace is possible today thanks to the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people and Western support, which has never faltered over the last three years, and it must be based on the definition of real and effective security guarantees. Italy has been there over these three difficult years, and will continue to be, together with the rest of Europe and the West, for a future of sovereignty, prosperity and, above all, freedom.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau meets with Prime Minister of Spain Pedro Sánchez

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Today, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau met with the Prime Minister of Spain, Pedro Sánchez, in Kyiv, Ukraine, where they joined other world leaders to mark three years since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

    The prime ministers discussed their unwavering support for a just and sustainable peace in Ukraine, stressing that any peaceful end to the conflict must include Ukraine at the negotiating table. Prime Minister Trudeau reiterated that Ukraine’s long-term interests and security must be guaranteed as part of any outcome of negotiations.

    The leaders also shared their concern over the ongoing crisis in Venezuela, including the Maduro regime’s persistent disregard for the principles of democratic governance, rule of law, and human rights.

    Prime Minister Trudeau and Prime Minister Sánchez agreed to stay in touch and to continue working together on shared priorities, including in the areas of climate action and multilateralism.

    Associated Links

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI USA: McConnell on Three-Year Anniversary of Russia’s Escalation in Ukraine

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Kentucky Mitch McConnell
    Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY) issued the following statement today regarding the three-year anniversary of Russia’s escalation in Ukraine:
    “Three years ago today, as Russia escalated its unprovoked 2014 invasion and occupation of Ukraine, I predicted that the world would watch closely how the United States responded. Foes would search for signs of weakness, and friends would hope for signs of strength. I shared this hope – and have worked hard to help realize it – but have more often shared disappointment in costly failures.
    “For years, even as Ukraine’s brave defense of its sovereignty exceeded expectations, America’s response under President Biden was a sluggish, piecemeal affair constantly plagued by self-deterring fears of Russian escalation. Time and time again, the previous Administration squandered opportunities for decisive battlefield impact by withholding critical weapons from Ukraine until political pressure forced its hand.
    “Meanwhile, this terrible conflict has driven many European NATO allies to make long-overdue investments in defense industrial capacity. Over the past three years, Europe’s aid commitments to Ukraine have more than doubled the United States’. Today, the trans-Atlantic alliance looks with greater suspicion at the influence of Putin’s strategic partner in Beijing.
    “Likewise, from the other side of the globe, Indo-Pacific allies recognize that Russian success in Ukraine will encourage the PRC’s own ‘special military operations’ and coordinated aggression across their region. They’ve left little room for doubt – by vocal and material support for Ukraine – that the consequences of Western weakness would be global. If America’s primary strategic objective is deterring Chinese aggression, it is difficult to imagine a more self-defeating step than the willful alienation of the allies we will need to accomplish it, in Europe and Asia, alike.
    “But even as America’s allies see our interests converging and the most successful military alliance in the history of the world restores its commitments to hard power, the previous Administration’s shameful hesitation and half-measures threaten to give way to something even more disgraceful: the obstinate denial of America’s security interest in Ukraine’s success. Refusing to acknowledge Russia as the undeniable and unprovoked aggressor is more than an unseemly moral equivalency – it reflects a gross misunderstanding of the nature of negotiations and leverage.
    “Blame for this human catastrophe rests solely on Vladimir Putin. Here’s how we know: If Russian forces laid down their arms, Europe would be at peace. If Ukrainian forces laid down theirs, Putin’s aims would not stop with Kyiv. Mistaking this fact is as embarrassing as it is costly.
    “‘Peace for our time’ is a noble end, but hope that appeasement will check the ambitions of this aggressor is as naïve today as it was in 1939. America is right to seek an end to this war, but an end that fails to constrain Russian ambition, ensure Ukrainian sovereignty, or strengthen American credibility with both allies and adversaries is no end at all. Instead, such a hollow peace would invite further aggression.
    “Today, an axis of aggressors from Beijing to Moscow seeks an outcome in Ukraine that undermines the credibility of American deterrence and leaves U.S. interests more vulnerable. Without a clear and resolute commitment to the leadership and order that underpins our prosperity and security, America’s adversaries will receive exactly what they hope for. There is no question that the entire world is watching.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Acquisition and loss of citizenship in EU Member States: Overview and key issues – 24-02-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Access to citizenship status is an important prerequisite for enjoying rights and privileges, such as migration and political rights, as well as for developing a sense of identity and belonging. Since the establishment of Union citizenship, all persons who are nationals or citizens of an EU Member State enjoy the status of EU citizenship, which confers on them a number of additional rights and privileges. However, Member States retain full control over whom they recognise as citizens. Although the legal rules on the acquisition and loss of citizenship in the EU Member States remain divergent, one can identify a number of common key trends and issues. The need to integrate long-term immigrants has pushed EU countries to amend their citizenship laws. This has often resulted in making citizenship both more liberal (lowering residence requirements and tolerating dual citizenship) and more restrictive (introducing integration clauses and citizenship tests). Security concerns related to terrorist activities and the war in Ukraine have also triggered changes to Member States’ citizenship laws, specifically regarding the conditions for revoking citizenship. Concerns about immigrants’ integration, allegiance and belonging, as well as about the cultural and economic consequences of regional integration and globalisation, are at the heart of recent debates about citizenship in Europe. Moreover, in the EU, the issue of access to citizenship is no longer a matter that concerns Member States alone. The bundling of national and EU citizenship means that Member States have a certain responsibility towards each other when making decisions over who to accept (or reject) as a citizen. This is an update of a briefing published in July 2018.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Human Rights Council Opens Fifty-Eighth Regular Session and Holds Minute of Silence for Victims of Human Rights Violations

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Council this morning opened its fifty-eighth regular session, hearing statements from the President of the General Assembly, the United Nations Secretary-General, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland.  The President of the Council called for a minute of silence for victims of human rights violations around the world. 

    Jürg Lauber, President of the United Nations Human Rights Council, declared the fifty-eighth session of the Human Rights Council open, saying they were gathered at a time of profound global challenges and an alarming backlash against human rights around the world.  The Council’s responsibility was to make a tangible impact on people’s lives.  Victims of human rights violations needed to be at the centre of discussions.  The international community needed to rise to the challenge and reaffirm that human rights were not optional; they were essential for peace, security and development. 

    Philemon Yang, President of the General Assembly, said the three pillars of the United Nations were deeply interwoven.  Upholding human rights was fundamental to achieving lasting peace and security, and constituted a sound basis for the realisation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.  The world faced serious global challenges and was witnessing a sharp decline in human rights, with growing violations and often brazen disregard for international humanitarian law.  The human suffering and destruction of civilian infrastructure in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, Haiti and the Democratic Republic of the Congo were intolerable; these injustices must end.  Mr. Yang said protecting human rights and dignity was a cornerstone of his role as President of the General Assembly. 

    António Guterres, United Nations Secretary-General, said the session was beginning under the weight of a grim milestone: the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the United Nations Charter.  Human rights were the oxygen of humanity.  But one by one, human rights were being suffocated: by autocrats; by a patriarchy that kept girls out of school, and women from basic rights; by wars and violence; by warmongers who disregarded international law and the United Nations Charter; by the climate crisis; by a morally bankrupt global financial system; by runaway technologies like artificial intelligence; by growing intolerance against entire groups; and by voices of division and anger.  This represented a direct threat to all the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights. 

    Volker Türk, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, said the international system was going through a tectonic shift, and the human rights edifice built up over decades had never been under so much strain.  Last year, the Office contributed to the release of some 3,145 arbitrarily detained people and took part in some 11,000 human rights monitoring missions.  It also observed nearly 1,000 trials, and documented some 15,000 situations of human rights violations around the world.  Mr. Türk said upholding human rights made eminent sense for stability, for prosperity, for a better common future, and was a winning proposition for humanity. 

    Ignazio Cassis, Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland, said today, he had mixed feelings.  He was proud because Switzerland had been elected to the Human Rights Council and because Ambassador Lauber had been elected as the Council’s President, the first appointment of a Swiss President to the Council.  However, Mr. Cassis said, he was also deeply concerned as they lived in a time of global uncertainty, influenced by the climate crisis and global authoritarianism; a large portion of the global population lived under authoritarian rule. In this context, the Council had a duty to act. 

    The webcast of the Human Rights Council meetings can be found here.  All meeting summaries can be found here.  Documents and reports related to the Human Rights Council’s fifty-eighth regular session can be found here.

    The fifty-eighth session of the Council is being held from 24 February to 4 April.  At 10 a.m., the Council started its high-level segment.

    Opening Remarks by the President of the Council

    JÜRG LAUBER, President of the United Nations Human Rights Council, declared the fifty-eighth session of the Human Rights Council open.  They were gathered at a time of profound global challenges and an alarming backlash against human rights around the world.  All needed to reflect on whether they were doing enough to protect the most vulnerable.  When human rights weakened, conflicts escalated, and societies fractured. Today, they were seeing this play out in real time with the escalation of violations and the shrinking of human rights protections.  This required an urgent response.  The Council’s responsibility was to make a tangible impact on people’s lives. Victims of human rights violations needed to be at the centre of discussions.  Their dignity needed to be everyone’s priority, Mr. Lauber said.

    Mr. Lauber said all needed to rise to the challenge and reaffirm that human rights were not optional; they were essential for peace, security and development. They needed to engage in earnest discussions and ensure that their words translated into actions, he concluded.

    At the request of the President, the Council held a minute’s silence in memory of victims of human rights violations around the world.

    Statements by Keynote Speakers

    PHILEMON YANG, President of the General Assembly, congratulated the President of the Council and the Bureau on their election. The three pillars of the United Nations were deeply interwoven.  Upholding human rights was fundamental to achieving lasting peace and security, and constituted a sound basis for the realisation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.  The world faced serious global challenges and was witnessing a sharp decline in human rights, with growing violations and often brazen disregard for international humanitarian law.  Those violations had devastating consequences: more than 300 million people now required humanitarian assistance.  In every conflict, the victims were often women, children and minorities who bore the heaviest burden.  The human suffering and destruction of civilian infrastructure in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, Haiti and the Democratic Republic of Congo were intolerable; these injustices must end.  Even war had rules.  Civilians must never be targets. 

    The recent special session and the establishment of an independent fact-finding mission to investigate and document violations in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo were good symbols.  The Council had demonstrated its availability to act swiftly and uphold accountability.  The recent ceasefire and hostage release deal in Gaza offered a glimmer of hope.  Just and lasting peace in the Middle East depended on the two State solution, which would allow Israel and Palestine to exist in peace and stability.  Dialogue was a powerful weapon which needed to be used for peace everywhere.  With the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations approaching, calls for global peace needed to be more resolute, harnessing the powerful symbolism of this milestone year.

    Last September, world leaders unanimously adopted the Pact for the Future, along with the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration for Future Generations.  The Pact charted a course toward a more just, equitable, and sustainable world, and reaffirmed international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international humanitarian law.  The challenge now was implementation which required full global mobilisation, with robust engagement from governments, United Nations agencies, and civil society.   Organizations in Geneva would play a critical role in this process.

    Mr. Yang said protecting human rights and dignity was a cornerstone of his role as President of the General Assembly.  Last month, he convened a signature event on preserving dignity in armed conflict.  He was encouraged by the strong political will of Member States to uphold and reinforce their commitment to international humanitarian law.  Advocacy would be continued to eliminate child labour in all forms, including in armed conflict, and a discussion on child labour would be held in this regard. 

    Additionally, in the coming months, a high-level meeting would be convened to consider the recommendations of the working group on aging, to ensure older persons had full enjoyment of their human rights.  The spirit that guided the decision of Member States last December to declare a second International Decade for People of African Descent would be upheld.  Mr. Yang said he would convene the annual commemorative meetings for the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

    Mr. Yang said he had joined the gender champions network, pledging to promote gender equality and empowerment and implementing a gender perspective throughout the work of the General Assembly.  He had re-established the Advisory Board on Gender Equality to focus on women’s economic empowerment and was happy that the Human Rights Council had followed this good practice.  Additionally, co-facilitators had been appointed to lead consultations in preparation for a high-level meeting, which would commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the landmark Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action—Beijing+30.

    This year marked the thirtieth anniversary of the World Programme for Youth, underscoring the critical role of young people in driving sustainable development.  A discussion would be held in May on how digitalisation could enhance the Sustainable Development Goals.  Throughout these engagements, Mr. Yang said he would outline the importance of civil society’s work in enhancing human rights.  The annual high-level debate on crime prevention would be held, which would mark the ten-year anniversary of the Nelson Mandela Rules.  This year, the Nelson Mandela prize would also be awarded to two individuals who had dedicated their lives to serving humanity.  States and relevant stakeholders were invited to submit their nominations this month. 

    These topics aimed to promote human rights and preserve human dignity for all everywhere.  Strengthening cooperation between the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council had never been more urgent.  The shared goal of the two mechanisms was upholding human rights and dignity, for everyone, everywhere. 

    ANTÓNIO GUTERRES, United Nations Secretary-General, said the session was beginning under the weight of a grim milestone: the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the United Nations Charter.  More than 12,600 civilians had been killed, with many more injured.  Entire communities had been reduced to rubble, hospitals and schools destroyed.  All needed to spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict and achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the United Nations Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.  Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exacted a heavy toll on people; on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law; and on the vital business of this Council.  Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace was a pipedream.

    Like the Council, human rights shone a light in the darkest places. Through its work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, the Council was supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.  It was working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.  And it was supporting investigations and accountability.  Five years ago, the United Nations launched its Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with partners.  Mr. Guterres said he would continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as the United Nations fought for human rights everywhere.

    Mr. Guterres said that human rights were the oxygen of humanity.  But one by one, human rights were being suffocated — by autocrats, crushing opposition because they feared what a truly empowered people would do; by a patriarchy that kept girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights; by wars and violence that stripped populations of their right to food, water and education; and by warmongers who thumbed their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the United Nations Charter.

    Human rights were being suffocated by the climate crisis; by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructed the path to greater equality and sustainable development; by runaway technologies like artificial intelligence that held great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button; by growing intolerance against entire groups — from indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex plus community, to persons with disabilities; and by voices of division and anger who viewed human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they sought.  In short, human rights were on the ropes and being pummelled hard.  This represented a direct threat to all the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights.

    But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminded all, human rights were, in fact, a source of solutions.  The Pact provided a playbook on how the world could win the fight for human rights on several fronts.

    First, human rights through peace and peace through human rights. Conflicts inflicted human rights violations on a massive scale.  In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights had skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.  Mr. Guterres expressed grave concern about the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. The world was witnessing a precarious ceasefire.  The world needed to avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities.  The people in Gaza had already suffered too much.  It was time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

    In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine were engulfing the country. The warring parties needed to take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.  Domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms needed to be permitted to document what was happening on the ground.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the world was seeing a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defence Forces.  As more cities fell, the risk of a regional war rose.  It was time to silence the guns, time for diplomacy and dialogue.  The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.  The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo needed to be respected.  The Congolese people deserved peace.

    Mr. Guterres called for a renewed regional dialogue in the Sahel to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development.

    In Myanmar, the situation had grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.  The world needed greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

    In Haiti, the world was seeing massive human rights violations, including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.  Mr. Guterres said that in the coming days, he would put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti, namely through an effective United Nations assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support Mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.  A durable solution required a political process led and owned by the Haitian people that restored democratic institutions through elections. 

    The Pact for the Future called for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the United Nations Charter.  It proposed specific actions to prioritise conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.  It also included a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which were so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.

    Second, the Pact for the Future advanced human rights through development. The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights were fundamentally intertwined.  They represented real human needs: health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.  With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact called for a massive acceleration through a Sustainable Development Goal Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.  This needed to include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history: inequality for women and girls.  The Pact called for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.

    Along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact also called for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.  The Global Digital Compact called on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.

    Third, the Pact for the Future recognised that the rule of law and human rights went hand-in-hand.  The rule of law, when founded on human rights, was an essential pillar of protection. It shielded the most vulnerable. It was the first line of defence against crime and corruption.  It supported fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.  It held perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.  It enabled civic space for people to make their voices heard, and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.  It also reaffirmed the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

    Fourth, the world needed to achieve human rights through climate action. Last year was the hottest on record, capping the hottest decade on record.  Rising heat, melting glaciers and hotter oceans were a recipe for disaster. Floods, droughts, deadly storms, hunger, mass displacement — the war on nature was also a war on human rights.  The world needed to choose a different path. Mr. Guterres said he saluted the many Member States who legally recognised the right to a healthy environment, and he called on all countries to do the same. 

    Governments needed to keep their promise to produce new, economy-wide national climate action plans this year, well ahead of the thirtieth Conference of the Parties in Brazil.  Those plans needed to limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5 degrees, including by accelerating the global energy transition.  The world also needed a surge in finance for climate action in developing countries, to adapt to global heating, slash emissions and accelerate the renewables revolution, which represented a massive economic opportunity. They needed to stand up to the misleading campaign of many in the fossil fuel industry and its enablers, who were aiding and abetting this madness, while also protecting and defending those on the front lines of climate justice.

    Fifth, the Pact promoted human rights through stronger, better governance of technology.  Mr. Guterres expressed deep concern about human rights being undermined as fast-moving technologies expanded into every aspect of everyone’s lives.  At its best, social media was a meeting ground for people to exchange ideas and spark respectful debate.  But it could also be an arena of fiery combat and blatant ignorance; a place where the poisons of misinformation, disinformation, racism, misogyny and hate speech were not only tolerated, but often encouraged.  Verbal violence online could easily spill into physical violence in real life.  Recent rollbacks on fact-checking and content moderation online were re-opening the floodgates to more hate, more threats, and more violence.  These rollbacks would lead to less free speech, not more, as people became increasingly fearful to engage on these platforms.  Meanwhile, the great promise of artificial intelligence was matched by limitless peril to undermine human autonomy, human identity, human control and human rights.

    In the face of these threats, the Global Digital Compact brought the world together to ensure that human rights were not sacrificed on the altar of technology. This included working with digital companies and policymakers to extend human rights to every corner of cyberspace, including a new focus on information integrity across digital platforms. Mr. Guterres said the Global Principles for Information Integrity that he launched last year would support and inform this work as all pushed for a more humane information ecosystem.

    The Global Digital Compact also included the first universal agreement on the governance of artificial intelligence that brought every country to the table and set commitments on capacity building, so all countries and people benefited from artificial intelligence’s potential — by investing in affordable internet, digital literacy, and infrastructure; by helping developing countries use artificial intelligence to grow small businesses, improve public services, and connect communities to new markets; and by placing human rights at the centre of artificial intelligence-driven systems. The Pact’s decisions to create an Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence and an ongoing global dialogue that ensured all countries had a voice in shaping its future were important steps forward.  All needed to implement them, Mr. Guterres said.

    Mr. Guterres said all could help end the suffocation of human rights by breathing life into the Pact for the Future and the work of this Council.  He called for the Council’s cooperation, saying that there was no time to lose.

    VOLKER TÜRK, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, said the international system was going through a tectonic shift, and the human rights edifice built up over decades had never been under so much strain. Today marked the third anniversary of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine.  Any sustainable peace must be anchored in the rights, needs and aspirations of the Ukrainian people, in accountability, and in the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law.  In Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, where the suffering had been unbearable, Mr. Türk repeated his call for an independent investigation into grave violations of international law, committed by Israel in its attacks across Gaza, and by Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups. Any sustainable solution must be based on accountability, justice, the right to self-determination, and the human rights and dignity of both Israelis and Palestinians.  Any suggestion of forcing people from their land was completely unacceptable. 

    Beyond Ukraine and Gaza, conflicts and crises were tearing communities and societies apart, from Sudan to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Myanmar and Afghanistan.  Social tensions were rising; the richest one per cent controlled more wealth than most of humanity; and the climate crisis was a human rights catastrophe.  Digital technologies were widely misused to suppress, limit and violate rights, with artificial intelligence bringing new speed and scale.  This was the backdrop against which the Office and the broader human rights ecosystem, including the Council, were working to safeguard and promote the rights of everyone, everywhere. 

    Last year, the Office contributed to the release of some 3,145 arbitrarily detained people and took part in some 11,000 human rights monitoring missions; observed nearly 1,000 trials, and documented some 15,000 situations of human rights violations around the world.  In addition to daily interventions with governments, the team issued about 245 statements, shining a light on human rights concerns in some 130 countries.  Teams on the ground contributed to human rights-based approaches to sustainable development, taxation and public spending, from Cambodia to Jordan and Serbia. Mr. Türk called on the international community to ensure the Office, national human rights institutions, and human rights non-governmental organizations could continue their essential work. 

    Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, despite setbacks, there had been steady progress, but today this could no longer be taken for granted.  The global consensus on human rights was crumbling under the weight of authoritarians, strongmen and oligarchs, with autocrats now controlling around one-third of the world’s economy, more than double the proportion 30 years ago. 

    Everywhere, there were attempts to ignore, undermine, and redefine human rights, to chip away at gender equality and the rights of migrants, refugees, people with disabilities, and other minorities. 

    There needed to be an all-out effort by everyone, to make sure that human rights and the rule of law remained foundational to communities, societies and international relations.  Otherwise, the picture was very dangerous.  In previous centuries, the unrestrained use of force by the powerful, indiscriminate attacks on civilians, population transfers, and child labour were commonplace.  Dictators could order atrocity crimes consigning vast numbers of people to their deaths.  This could happen again.  But the world was far from powerless to prevent it.  The tools were the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the body of international law; and the institutions that worked to implement them.

    Today, there needed to be an alternative vision, rooted in facts, the law and compassion.  Human rights were about facts.  That was why the Office was monitoring, documenting, and reporting on violations and abuses in war zones and crises around the world, including Ukraine, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Sudan, Syria, Afghanistan and Haiti.  Facts on their own could and must prompt action, which was why the work of the Council, and the other human rights mechanisms, was so important.  International legal frameworks and institutions, including the International Criminal Court, were fundamental to ensuring justice and achieving accountability, preventing future violations, and making the world safer for everyone. It was also important to have strong institutions at the national level to protect vulnerable people.

    Finally, human rights were nothing without compassion, going beyond thought leadership, to heart leadership.  Human rights had been central to movements for equality and justice throughout history and had the universal power to move people to action. In countries where human rights were not widely respected, people would risk their lives to defend them.  Mr. Türk paid tribute to brave human rights activists everywhere.  Upholding human rights made eminent sense for stability, for prosperity, for a better common future, and was a winning proposition for humanity. 

    IGNACIO CASSIS, Chief of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland, said today, he had mixed feelings — a sense of pride and deep worry.  He said he was proud because Switzerland had been elected to the Human Rights Council and because Ambassador Lauber had been elected as the Council’s President, the first appointment of a Swiss President to the Council.

    However, Mr. Cassis said, he was also deeply concerned as they lived in a time of global uncertainty, influenced by the climate crisis and global authoritarianism — a large portion of the global population lived under authoritarian rule.  In this context, the Council had a duty to act.

    Last year was marked by major elections.  More than four billion citizens, half of the world’s population, went to the ballot box.  This was a test for global democracy, and the result of these elections was deep unease. Young people were becoming more radical and social networks were exposing all to unfiltered hatred. Globalisation had reduced poverty but had led to deindustrialisation.  Identity claims had taken on a scale that was destabilising societies.  Social networks and the climate crisis were fuelling a sense of chaos and distrust in governments.

    Human rights were a fundamental bedrock on which all could stabilise societies. Rights to free and transparent elections, the right to work and the right to a sustainable environment were all very important, but the challenges to these and all rights were growing. Today, the world marked the third anniversary of the war in Ukraine.  There was also conflict in the Middle East, instability in southern Africa and war in sub-Saharan Africa.  It was more necessary than ever before to focus efforts on fundamental rights, including the right to education, ownership and the total prohibition of torture and slavery.  The Human Rights Council needed to act in a united manner and with determination. Concerted action was needed to guarantee peace and stability.  This was something the Swiss Presidency could achieve.

    Human rights were not a luxury but a necessity.  Switzerland was concerned by the decisions of some Member States to withdraw from the Council.  Every member of the United Nations needed to shoulder their responsibilities toward human rights.  Mr. Cassis expressed his full support for Ambassador Lauber, whose experience inside and outside the United Nations system would serve him well.

    Switzerland would also endeavour to uphold international humanitarian law and human rights as pillars of peace and security, as a member of the United Nations Security Council.  The state of the world was a reminder that Switzerland’s mission was far from complete. Mr. Cassis closed by wishing the Council fruitful discussions.

    __________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    HRC25.004E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Trump, Putin and Musk all share a leadership style – we’ve figured out what it is

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrei Lux, Lecturer of Leadership and Research Cluster Lead, Edith Cowan University

    Dictatorships would appear to be on the rise. Russian president Vladimir Putin, US president Donald Trump and even un-elected tech entrepreneur, Elon Musk are ruling by decree like “kings”.

    Some might naively call these leaders “authentic” for saying and often doing what they believe. But that’s not the whole story.

    Such unilateral decisions are deeply divisive, and often opposed. In the US, the federal court blocked Trump’s executive order banning workplace diversity, equity and inclusion programs to try to contain the damage.

    Researchers used to think that authenticity was inherently good and moral. But as authentic leadership research gets more sophisticated with robust experimental methods, what we know about this powerful approach is changing quickly.

    Experiments use controlled simulations and real-world field trials to show how leadership behaviour influences followers. These new methods are the gold standard for establishing cause-and-effect relationships, and they’re challenging old ideas.

    Authentic leadership redefined

    After 20 years of research, we’ve redefined authentic leadership as a process of sending leadership “signals”. What leaders say and do sends powerful messages about their values.

    In a digital age where every tweet and public act is scrutinised, understanding these signals is important for employees and voters. And keeping up with this new way of expressing authentic leadership is vital for anyone seeking to lead in today’s volatile world.

    In our latest article, we looked at what authentic leadership involves and why signalling is so important.

    But what exactly is “signalling”?

    Sending leadership ‘signals’

    Everything leaders do or say – how they behave, express themselves, look, and communicate – sends messages to everyone watching. These messages are “signals”. Leaders influence their followers by sending signals that will trigger specific thoughts or emotions.

    But executive life is complex and full of inherent contradictions between personal authenticity and the demands of leadership roles.

    High-profile figures such as Musk and Trump show how leadership signals can be polarising. Just last week Musk used his social media platform X (formerly Twitter) to call for an unconstitutional election in Ukraine.

    Musk’s edicts and announcements have prompted demonstrations around the US.
    Rena Schild/Shutterstock

    Signalling authentic leadership

    Demonstrating authentic leadership depends on sending clear, observable signals that reflect the leaders’ principles and ethical convictions.

    Here are some tips for spotting authentic leadership signals in everyday interactions. It is notable that it’s easier to find examples of leaders displaying the complete opposite.

    1. Self-awareness

    Leaders signal self-awareness by regularly seeking honest feedback and reflecting on their own strengths and weaknesses. They openly acknowledge mistakes and share their learning. They value personal growth and continuous improvement.

    Instead, Trump repeatedly ignores his own mistakes, even after they are exposed. His latest claim to be debunked was that Ukrainian President Zelensky’s approval was 4%, while his actual approval is closer to 60%.

    2. Internal moral perspective

    Leaders signal an internal moral perspective by making decisions – even if they are unpopular – firmly rooted in core ethical values. Upholding these values and encouraging open discussions on ethics is a principled approach to leadership.

    Instead, Musk has given federal workers 48 hours to justify their employment. The directive leaves little room for open dialogue on the ethical rationale or moral implications of such a drastic measure. He relies, instead, on top-down command.

    Key federal agencies including the FBI and Pentagon have told employees to ignore the email.

    3. Balanced processing

    Leaders signal balanced processing by seeking different views and considering all options before making a decision. Admitting any biases and using team brainstorming or surveys, ensures fair and informed decision-making.

    Instead, Trump has signed more than 50 executive orders since taking office in January. These include some that are unlawful, as an open display of personal bias and unilateral decision-making.

    4. Relational transparency

    Leaders signal relational transparency by sharing appropriate personal experiences and vulnerabilities with their teams. Being honest about limitations and inviting open dialogue builds trust through genuine and consistent communication.

    Instead social media guru, Mark Zuckerberg, another Trump ally, assured staff his charity the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative would continue its commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion. Then, only weeks later, he dismantled it.

    You can’t just fake it, either

    Leadership signals can convey honest information or be manipulated to send contrived messages.

    Trying to fake it doesn’t work. Leadership behaviour has to align with the leaders’ real values and internal sense of self – otherwise it’s not authentic leadership. It’s just impression management.

    Learning the difference empowers us to understand leaders’ actions and better navigate the post-truth era of global business and politics.

    Andrei Lux works for Edith Cowan University and is a Member of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management.

    Kevin Brian Lowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump, Putin and Musk all share a leadership style – we’ve figured out what it is – https://theconversation.com/trump-putin-and-musk-all-share-a-leadership-style-weve-figured-out-what-it-is-250502

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: At 3-Year Mark of Russian Federation’s Invasion, General Assembly Upholds Ukraine’s Territorial Integrity, Adopting Two Resolutions

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    Member States Concur on Need to End War, But Differ on Best Path to Achieve It

    Three years after the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the General Assembly today adopted two resolutions reaffirming Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, calling for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in line with the United Nations Charter.  While Member States broadly agreed on the urgent need to end the war, they differed on the best path to achieving peace.

    “We cannot afford another year of this unjust war,” said Francisco José Da Cruz (Angola), Vice-President of the General Assembly as he opened the eleventh Emergency Special Session on Ukraine, noting that the Assembly has been clear in its stance, adopting six resolutions demanding the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine territory.  “Russian aggression against Ukraine is a grave violation of the United Nations Charter,” he added.  While the Security Council has been deadlocked, “let us prove — through action, not words — that a comprehensive and lasting peace is within our reach”, he stressed.

    Member States had before them two competing draft resolutions — L.10, submitted by Ukraine and European countries, titled “Advancing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine”, and L.11, proposed by the United States, titled “The path to peace”.

    The General Assembly adopted draft resolution “L.10” by a recorded vote of 93 in favour to 18 against, with 65 abstentions.  The United States voted against it in an apparent shift of its position.  It supported a similar resolution submitted in February 2023 (document A/RES/ES-11/6), which received 141 votes in favour.

    By “L.10”, the Assembly — reaffirming its commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders — recalled the need for full implementation of its relevant resolutions adopted in response to the aggression against Ukraine, in particular its demand that the Russian Federation immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from the territory of Ukraine.

    Introducing “L.10”, Mariana Betsa, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, said:  “This is a moment of truth — a historic moment.”  The way States respond to the Russian Federation’s aggression today will define not only the future of Ukraine or Europe, but “our common future”, she said.  “This has never been about Ukraine,” she continued, noting that Moscow wants to replace the world based on international law by that based on the rule of force. Today, Ukraine fights for a “world of nations that are not divided into predators and prey”, where no grey zones exist, she added. Stressing that the General Assembly’s response must include substantive elements, she said that this is a rational behind the draft.  “We need clear guidance,” not just a ceasefire, she emphasized, noting that by adopting the draft, the Assembly will address the global impact of war.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: New Poll Shows Massive Support for President Trump and His Agenda

    US Senate News:

    Source: The White House
    A new poll by Harvard CAPS-Harris reveals the majority of the country backs President Donald J. Trump and his actions to bring much-needed reforms that are making America great again.
    Americans overwhelmingly support President Trump’s agenda.
    81% support deporting criminal illegal immigrants.
    76% support a “full-scale effort to find and eliminate fraud and waste in government.”
    76% support closing the border with additional security and policies.
    69% support keeping men out of women’s sports.
    68% support government declaring there are only two genders.
    65% support ending race-based hiring in government.
    63% support “freezing and re-evaluating all foreign aid expenditures and the department that handled them.”
    61% support reciprocal tariffs.
    60% support direct U.S. negotiations with Russia to end the war in Ukraine.
    59% support cutting government spending already approved by Congress.
    57% support ending the ban on new offshore drilling.

    Most Americans approve of President Trump’s job performance — including pluralities of men, women, independents, and Americans who live in urban, suburban, and rural areas — while almost six-in-ten say he’s doing a better job than President Biden.
    Almost half of Americans believe the U.S. economy is “strong” under President Trump — the highest number since 2021 — while a plurality say his policies will make them “financially better off.”
    Americans are significantly more optimistic about the direction of the country, with those who say we’re on the right track up 14 points over last month.
    Americans strongly support President Trump’s effort to root out waste, fraud, and abuse in government.
    77% support a “full examination of all government expenditures.”
    72% agree there should be a government agency “focused on efficiency.”
    70% say government is “filled with waste, fraud, and inefficiency.”
    Two-thirds say Congress should join the “effort to reduce government expenditures.”

    Americans back President Trump’s action to protect American workers.
    61% support reciprocal tariffs.
    57% say tariffs are an “effective foreign and economic policy tool.”
    54% say tariffs will help get “concessions from other countries.”

    President Trump, Vice President JD Vance, Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, and Attorney General Pam Bondi all enjoy net positive favorability.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: ‘Wales stands with Ukraine’ – Plaid Cymru statement on the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion

    Source: Party of Wales

    On the third anniversary of the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Plaid Cymru’s leader, Rhun ap Iorwerth, and the party’s Westminster leader, Liz Saville Roberts said:

    “Today, on the third anniversary of Russia’s inhumane and illegal invasion of Ukraine, Plaid Cymru reiterates our unwavering support for Ukraine’s security and its sovereignty. We stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. 

    “We are deeply concerned about the decision by the President of the United States to exclude Ukraine from discussions whilst engaging directly with Russia. Decisions about Ukraine’s future must include Ukraine itself. We also believe it is vital that the UK does not capitulate to continued Russian aggression. 

    “The only route to a just peace includes Ukraine as a full and equal partner in any future negotiations.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: On Anniversary of Russian Federation’s Full-scale Invasion of Ukraine, Secretary-General Reaffirms ‘Need for a Just, Sustainable’ Peace

    Source: United Nations MIL OSI b

    SG/SM/22561

    The following statement by UN Secretary-General António Guterres was issued today:

    Monday 24 February marks three years since the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, in clear violation of the United Nations Charter and international law.  On this tragic occasion, I reaffirm the urgent need for a just, sustainable and comprehensive peace — one that fully upholds Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, in accordance with the UN Charter, international law and resolutions of the General Assembly.

    Eighty years after the end of the Second World War, the war in Ukraine stands as a grave threat not only to the peace and security of Europe but also to the very foundations and core principles of the United Nations.

    Enough is enough.  After three years of death and destruction, I once again call for urgent de-escalation and an immediate end to the hostilities.  I welcome all efforts towards achieving a just and inclusive peace.  The United Nations stands ready to support such efforts.

    For information media. Not an official record.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sanctions rarely achieve their goals – here’s why they failed in Russia and Myanmar

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sergey Sosnovskikh, Lecturer in International Business, Manchester Metropolitan University

    Sanctions are, according to research, effective less than 10% of the time if success is defined as the complete compliance of a sanctioned regime with the imposed external pressure. Taking a more lenient view, which includes partial concessions or negotiated settlements, the success rate rises to 35% at most.

    The idea that sanctions can completely restrict trade to sanctioned countries is largely flawed. Iranian residents, for example, can still access many western products despite sanctions through intermediaries in countries like Turkey and the Gulf states.

    To better understand why sanctions fail, consider the cases of Russia and Myanmar. The sanctions imposed on Russia following its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 have undoubtedly caused some economic disruption, including inflation, labour shortages and a devaluation of the Russian rouble. But they have had a limited impact overall.

    In April 2024, the International Monetary Fund predicted that Russia’s economy would grow faster than all of the world’s advanced economies that year, including the US.

    Many countries have not participated in the west’s sanctions regime, which has created enforcement gaps. These gaps have largely enabled Russia to maintain access to sanctioned goods and continue its economic activities.

    In January 2023, a US thinktank called Silverado reported that some former Soviet states had increased their “transshipment” of goods produced by multinational firms that no longer export to Russia directly.

    Transshipment is a process where cargo is unloaded from one vessel and reloaded into another while in transit. Armenia and Uzbekistan, as well as China and Turkey, are the countries commonly used as “transshipment points” to Russia.

    Indeed, research of our own into how sanctioned goods continue to reach Russia reveals that companies often reroute their supply chains through politically allied intermediary nations. These rerouted imports can, however, drive up product prices for ordinary citizens.

    Stacks of containers at a port in St Petersburg, Russia.
    Andrey Mihaylov / Shutterstock

    Russia has also reduced its dependency on imports by increasing production in sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing. In August 2023, for example, India and Russia signed the biggest ever grain deal between the two countries.

    And the Russian government implemented fiscal and monetary measures, including currency controls and subsidies, to stabilise the economy and support key industries.

    Russia’s large, diverse economy and abundant natural resources make it more resilient to sanctions compared to some smaller and less diversified nations. Much of the world is reliant on Russian gas and, since the imposition of western sanctions, countries like China and India have increased the amount they buy.

    Even the EU is still spending billions of US dollars on Russian gas. In the first 15 days of 2025, after an agreement allowing Russia to pump gas to the EU via pipelines running across Ukraine ended, the EU’s 27 countries imported Russian gas at a record rate.

    Sanctioning Myanmar’s military

    Targeted western sanctions have tried to undermine the financial interests of Myanmar’s military junta, which has been battling armed opposition to its rule since a coup in 2021. But these sanctions have only been partially effective, too.

    China, India, Japan and neighbouring south-east Asian countries continue to engage in business with Myanmar. In Myanmar’s lucrative gas export sector, the vacuum left by departing western companies has been swiftly filled by Asian partners. This has ensured the junta’s income streams remain largely intact.

    Brands that have ostensibly exited the market due to sanctions or activist pressure also remain accessible through the country’s porous border trade. And there have been cases where a significant delay between a company’s declared exit and its actual departure inadvertently allowed operations to continue as usual for some time.

    In 2024, we conducted a study with our colleague Anna Grosman, an expert on innovation and entrepreneurship at Loughborough University, on multinational firms operating in Myanmar. Our findings highlight the dilemma foreign businesses face in sanctioned countries over whether to stay or leave.

    This decision is shaped by formal pressure, such as home and host government restrictions. For instance, a multinational firm’s home government may penalise companies that continue to operate in a sanctioned country, while the host government may impose policies or financial barriers to prevent or delay their exit.

    However, informal pressure from activists, diaspora groups and international advocacy organisations also plays a role. Staying can help businesses avoid financial losses and the complexities of exit, but it also exposes them to reputational damage and ethical dilemmas.

    Western sanctions on Myanmar’s military regime have been ineffective, too.
    R. Bociaga / Shutterstock

    Some of the junta’s financial channels, such as revenue from the jade mining industry, are out of reach for sanctions. In 2021, the US treasury department sanctioned Myanmar’s state-owned gemstone company, Myanmar Gem Enterprise, describing it as “a key economic resource” for the military.

    However, sanctions on Myanmar Gem Enterprise have not been completely effective. Myanmar’s gemstone mining industry is mostly an informal sector, with data on mining income and distribution underreported and opaque. Continued revenue from this sector will almost certainly have further cushioned the impact of western sanctions.

    The sanctions have only partially stopped the flow of income to the junta. But they have contributed to the hardships facing ordinary citizens. Myanmar’s currency has cratered, while imported goods including pharmaceuticals and fuel are in short supply. Power outages are now common and there are soaring levels of unemployment.

    Some western governments have now imposed sanctions on state-owned banks in Myanmar in an attempt to stop revenue from reaching the junta. This move will only worsen the situation facing Myanmar’s people.

    Sanctions drive nations towards building domestic industries to replace imported goods and strengthening alliances with supportive countries. Far from achieving their intended political objectives, sanctions can exacerbate an already volatile geopolitical landscape, while driving up prices for ordinary people.

    But at the same time, governments and businesses have a duty to exit a country when they are no long able to adhere to their own human rights commitments.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Sanctions rarely achieve their goals – here’s why they failed in Russia and Myanmar – https://theconversation.com/sanctions-rarely-achieve-their-goals-heres-why-they-failed-in-russia-and-myanmar-244975

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: PREPARED REMARKS: Sanders to Colleagues on Senate Floor: “Do You Have the Courage to Continue Telling the Truth When the President is Lying?”

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Vermont – Bernie Sanders
    WASHINGTON, Feb. 20 – Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) today gave remarks on the floor of the Senate regarding President Trump’s lies and asking his colleagues when they will stand up to the president.
    Sanders’ remarks, as prepared for delivery, are below and can be watched HERE: 
    We live in difficult times – in times where people throughout our country are experiencing a great deal of anxiety for a number of reasons. And in the midst of all of that, it is important that we not forget what is taking place, not only in Ukraine, but back home here in the United States. 
    And back home, right now, tens of millions of Americans are struggling economically to keep their heads above water. 60% of our people are living paycheck to paycheck. 85 million are uninsured or underinsured. And we have the highest rate of childhood poverty of almost any major nation on Earth. 
    And as someone who has visited senior centers throughout the state of Vermont and has spoken to seniors throughout our country, I can tell you that there is a significant level of fear and anxiety among the older people in this country with regard to what’s happening right here in DC. 
    When we have a president of the United States and Republicans who are talking about massive cuts to Medicaid, let’s understand – and seniors do understand – that we are not just talking about throwing millions of kids off the health care that they have, at a time when we are the only major country on Earth not to provide health care to all people, not just kids, off of health care.
    We are talking about massive cuts to community health centers, which receive over 40% of their funding from Medicaid, and where millions of seniors go to get the primary care they need. 
    And at a time when we already have a major crisis in nursing home availability, let us understand that Medicaid provides funding for two out of every three seniors who live in nursing homes. In other words, massive cuts to Medicaid would be a disaster for senior citizens throughout this country. But it is not just Medicaid cuts that worry our seniors. 
    Today, quite unbelievably, 25% of people in our country who are 65 years of age or older are trying to survive on incomes of $15,000 a year or less. I, myself, do not know how anybody, let alone a senior with health care needs, can survive on $15,000 a year, but that is what 25% of our seniors are trying to do. 
    Mr. President, this issue of so many seniors struggling to get by, struggling to heat their homes, struggling to buy the food or the prescription drugs they need – this is an issue we must address. And it is a crisis that is unacceptable in the richest country in the history of the world. 
    And that is why, Mr. President, I am proud to tell you that within the next several weeks I, along with a number of cosponsors, will be introducing legislation that expands Social Security benefits and extends the solvency of Social Security for decades.
    We’re hearing a lot of talk about cutting Social Security. We should not be talking about cutting Social Security. We must be talking about expanding Social Security benefits. And the legislation that I will introduce will do just that. 
    It will expand social security benefits by $2,400 a year, and it would not raise taxes by one penny on the bottom 93% of Americans – those who make less than $250,000 a year. And how do we do that? By lifting the cap and applying the Social Security payroll tax on all income above $250,000.
    Unbelievably, under current law, a billionaire pays the same amount of money into Social Security as someone who makes $176,000 a year. Elon Musk, worth $400 billion, pays the same amount into Social Security as somebody who makes $176,000. That is because, under Social Security, there is an absurd cap on taxable income. 
    If we lifted that cap and made sure that millionaires and billionaires paid the same percentage of their income into Social Security as the working class of this country, we could extend the life of Social Security for generations to come and lift millions of seniors out of poverty. 
    Further, Mr. President, when we talk about the needs of senior citizens in this country, I want to mention that I will also be introducing legislation to expand Medicare to cover dental, vision, and hearing.
    It is unacceptable that millions of seniors are unable to read a newspaper because they cannot afford eyeglasses, can’t have conversations with their grandchildren because they can’t afford hearing aids, and have trouble eating because they cannot afford dentures. That should not be happening in the United States of America in the year 2025. 
    Expanding Medicare to cover dental, vision, and hearing is an extremely popular concept. Poll after poll shows that 80% of the American people – Democrats, Republicans, Independents – support doing just that. 
    All across this country there is a growing fear that the Trump administration is undermining the Constitution of our country – a Constitution which has kept us a free nation and an example, a model of the rest of the world, for the last 250 years. 
    During the last month alone, President Trump has attempted to usurp the powers of Congress illegally and unconstitutionally, refusing to fund programs passed by Congress. 
    He has illegally destroyed agencies like USAID and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau that were created by Congress. And under the leadership of Mr. Musk, they have illegally and inappropriately gained access to tax data and Social Security data of millions of Americans. 
    Every day, they are acting in an illegal and unconstitutional manner. Just this week, President Trump tweeted, “he who saves his country does not violate any law.” 
    Wow. 
    In other words, Mr. Trump sees himself, the president of the United States, as above the law and immune from the basic rules of the Constitution and the separation of powers that have governed this country since the founding. 
    “Anything I want to do, I’m president, I can do it. It doesn’t matter what Congress says, it doesn’t matter what the Constitution says, it doesn’t matter what the rule of law is about. I don’t need to hear from anybody else.” 
    That’s not what Americans fought and died to preserve. In regard to the move to authoritarianism, let me say a few words about an area that I think has not gotten much attention at all. And that is Trump’s attack on the free press, which is protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. The Founding Fathers of this country considered freedom of speech and free press to be enormously important. That was the First Amendment. 
    Mr. Trump has sued CBS and its parent company, Paramount, for $20 billion because he didn’t like how they edited an interview with Vice President Kamala Harris. The company is now reportedly considering settling the lawsuit, and I certainly hope they do not do that, out of fear of retaliation from Trump’s FCC. 
    He did not like a television program on CBS. But you don’t sue somebody for $20 billion because you didn’t like the program. 
    And obviously, the intention of that lawsuit is clear: and that is that CBS, and every other network and media outlet, will now have to look over their shoulder. “Oh, my goodness, we’re saying something critical of Donald Trump. Is he going to sue us for $5 billion or $10 billion? Maybe we should not run that Maybe we should not do that investigative report.” 
    Not just CBS. In recent times he has sued ABC. He has sued Meta, which owns Facebook and Instagram. He has sued the Des Moines Register. 
    What crime did a little newspaper in Iowa make? What was their crime? They ran a poll which turned out, in retrospect, to be inaccurate. So pollsters all over America, be careful.  
    How absurd is that? And what kind of threat is it to freedom of speech and expression in this country? 
    Mr. President, when we talk about the Trump administration’s movement toward authoritarianism, we should take note of another remarkable and troubling set of events that happened just this week. We saw the president of the United States openly aligning himself with the dictator of Russia, Vladimir Putin, to undermine the independence of Ukraine and abandon our closest democratic allies in Europe. 
    Trump made it clear that he sees one of the world’s most brutal dictators as his pal. And our long time democratic allies as his enemies. 
    It appears that Mr. Trump wants a world that is safe for authoritarians and oligarchs, but dangerous and unstable for democracies. And when we talk about authoritarianism, we have got to mention the growing phenomenon in this country of the Big Lie: say something that is blatantly untrue, repeat it over and over again and then blast that lie out on social media until people actually believe it. 
    Let me mention one of the very big lies that Trump said recently regarding the war in Ukraine. Earlier this week, the president said that Ukraine started the war. Trump said that Ukraine started the war. Really? 
    That is, as I hope every member of the Senate knows, an absolute lie. 
    Russia invaded Ukraine twice, first in 2014 and then again on February 24, 2022. And on that date, February 24, 2022, Putin’s tanks and troops rolled into Ukraine. And on that day, Russian aircraft began bombing targets all over Ukraine. 
    Russia started the war, period, end of discussion. Trump is lying. 
    Since Putin’s invasion over one million people having been killed or injured. Every single day, Russia continues to rain down hundreds of missiles and drones on Ukrainian cities. Putin’s forces have massacred civilians and captured Ukrainian children, bringing them back to Russian “re-education” camps. There atrocities led the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin, in 2022, as a war criminal. 
    Further, Trump called Ukrainian President Zelensky – not Putin, but Zelensky, a dictator. And that obviously is not true either. Zelenskyy won 75% of the vote in free elections. And in the midst of a brutal war, Ukraine’s parliament continues to function and open and unfettered political debate takes place. 
    Trump recently claimed that our European allies have done little to support Ukraine in its fight against Putin’s invasion. He said the U.S. has contributed three times more than Europe. But that is another lie. In fact, Europe has provided more aid to Ukraine than the United States. 
    But it’s not just that Trump is lying again. That is not new. It’s what this all reveals about where we want to take our country and where we want the world to be moving – what direction.
    Trump is cozying up to Vladimir Putin. So who is Putin? And what kind of world does Putin want to build? 
    Putin is a dictator who crushed Russia’s movement toward democracy after the end of the Cold War. Russia now holds sham elections where Putin wins 90% of the vote, and authorities there do not even try to hide their ballot stuffing. 
    There it is no freedom of speech or free media in Putin’s Russia. Protests are violently suppressed. Tens of thousands of people are in prison for protesting Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Political dissidents are harassed or thrown into jail. The bravest, like Alexei Navalny are killed outright. Hundreds of thousands of Russians have fled Putin’s Russia since his invasion of Ukraine. 
    That, Mr. President, is the Russian leader that Donald Trump admires. But, Mr. President, my Republican colleagues know all of this. And what is particularly disturbing to me – and I believe the American people – is my colleagues, my Republican colleagues understand and know that Trump is lying. They know that Russia started the war, not Ukraine. They know that Putin is a dictator, not Zelensky. But their silence has been overwhelming on this issue. 
    I cannot tell you how many times I have sat here on the floor and I have listened to my Republican colleagues come to the Senate to condemn Vladimir Putin and his brutal invasion of Ukraine. And many of their remarks were right on the money. They were perceptive and they were right. 
    And my simple question to my Republican colleagues right now is: “Where are you now?”
    Last I heard, Mr. President, this is still a democracy. Last I heard, we are still allowed to disagree with the president of the United States, even if he is a member of your own party. Last I heard, we are allowed to call out the president when he lies – blatantly lies, even if he is a member of our own party. And what really bothers me is I know that many of my Republican colleagues understand all of this. 
    And I just want to give you an example of what is going on right now. Let me just quote a few of my Republican colleagues in statements they have made since Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. These are Republican members of the United States Senate. And I’m not going to mention names right now. I don’t want to embarrass anybody, put anybody on the spot. But these are quotes. 
    One leading Republican said, “we must remember the instigator of this war was Russia. It was president Putin who launched an unprovoked attack on Ukraine.” And that Republican colleague was obviously right. 
    Another Republican said, and I quote. “I think Vladimir Putin started the war, I also believe, through bitter experience, that Vladimir Putin is a gangster.” That’s a Republican colleague. 
    A third Republican colleague said, “there is no equivalency between Vladimir Putin and President Zelensky. President Putin is evil and he has to be stopped.” 
    A fourth Republican said, when the war began, “today’s invasion of Ukraine by Russia is a premeditated and flagrant act of war. Putin has violated the border of a sovereign country.” And that senator later said, “anyone who is surprised by Putin’s deadly attack on a sovereign nation has not been paying attention. These are the actions of a mad man.” And just recently, that very same senator said, “Putin is not going to stop with Ukraine. If we abandon Ukraine and throw in the towel as some would like us to do, that is going to drastically change how people view the United States and how people rely on the United States and there will be major consequences.” 
    And a fifth Republican colleague here in the Senate called Putin a “thug” and compared him to Hitler. He said, “Vladimir Putin is not a legitimate leader. He is a war criminal that needs to be dealt with.” 
    That is what my Republican colleagues have said time and time again. 
    And the question is, now, do you have the courage to continue telling the truth when the president of the United States is lying? 
    This is an extraordinarily pivotal moment in American history. And all of us must have the courage to stand up for truth, to stand up for democracy, to oppose authoritarianism. 
    This is the moment. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: A just and lasting peace for Ukraine

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Three years ago today, Russia launched an illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine that has left hundreds of thousands dead and forced millions to flee. In the face of unimaginable hardship, Ukrainians have persevered and have fought for freedom and democracy. Canada has supported and will continue to support Ukraine in achieving just and lasting peace.

    The Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, visited Kyiv today to reaffirm Canada’s unwavering support for Ukraine.

    During this visit, the Prime Minister highlighted the recent conclusion of negotiations between Canada and Ukraine on the terms of Canada’s $5 billion contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans mechanism. Canada will disburse the first half of its contribution, totalling $2.5 billion, in the coming days, with the remainder to follow soon. Announced last year at the G7 Summit in Apulia, Italy, the ERA Loans will bring forward the future revenues from frozen Russian sovereign assets. This initiative will provide Ukraine with approximately $69 billion (US$50 billion).

    To maintain pressure on Russia, Prime Minister Trudeau announced new sanctions targeting 76 individuals and entities providing support for the Kremlin’s military industrial base, involved in the unlawful deportation or forced transfer of Ukrainian children, or supporting the Kremlin’s information operations capabilities, as well as senior Russian government officials and oligarchs who support Putin’s regime. In total, Canada has sanctioned more than 3,000 individuals and entities who are complicit in the violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and in gross and systematic human rights violations. The Prime Minister also announced that Canada is taking action against Russia’s shadow fleet by sanctioning 109 vessels based on their involvement in the transfer of sanctioned goods, including hydrocarbons whose revenue fuels Russia’s war machine.

    In response to Russia’s renewed attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, which have left millions of civilians deprived of electricity, water, and heat, the Prime Minister also announced a $50 million contribution to help support Ukraine’s urgent efforts to repair and replace damaged energy equipment and critical infrastructure, in partnership with the Energy Community Secretariat. This builds on the $20 million in funding Canada announced last year in support of this initiative at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine, in Lucerne, Switzerland.

    During a bilateral meeting with the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Prime Minister Trudeau noted progress on Canada’s assistance commitments, including the delivery of military training and critical equipment, such as armoured combat vehicles and infantry fighting vehicles, ammunition, and F-16 landing systems and simulators. 

    Building on the $3.02 billion announced in the Agreement on Security Cooperation between Canada and Ukraine last year, the Prime Minister announced that $40 million of the total $3.02 billion in funding will be allocated to deliver urgently needed capabilities to the Armed Forces of Ukraine through the Danish Model and another $15 million toward supporting Canadian companies seeking to operate and invest in Ukraine’s defence sector.

    The Prime Minister announced new assistance measures for Ukraine totalling $118.5 million, including:

    • $92.3 million in development assistance to strengthen local community building, support small-scale livelihood recovery projects that address community needs, reduce poverty and break down barriers to women’s full participation, address food security issues, and support the return of deported children and missing persons by improving the resilience of Ukraine’s government, communities, civil society, and private sector.
    • $14 million in humanitarian assistance, including for the provision of food, shelter, water, sanitation, hygiene services, and mental health and psycho-social support to those in need.
    • $8 million for weapons threat reduction to provide critical personal protective equipment to Ukrainians facing chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear threats, and to strengthen nuclear security in the country.
    • $4.25 million to support peace and stabilization operations, including assisting regional women’s rights organizations and ensuring representatives from civil society and media can work safely.
    • $82,000 for local initiatives that will support the physical and mental health of former Ukrainian prisoners of war.

    In total, Canada has committed over $19.7 billion in multifaceted assistance for Ukraine since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.

    In Kyiv, Prime Minister Trudeau joined President Zelenskyy and international partners to discuss the situation on the ground as well as Ukraine’s needs for military, financial, humanitarian, recovery, and other assistance. During a plenary session on the theme of “Defence and Security Strategy of Unity: Action Plan”, he delivered remarks commending the Ukrainian people for their bravery and resilience in the face of unjustified and brutal violence. He reaffirmed Canada’s position as an unshakeable ally who will continue to work with partners around the world to provide Ukraine with security and defence support – allowing it to recover, rebuild, and prosper.

    The Prime Minister also convened his G7 counterparts and President Zelenskyy for a hybrid meeting to further discuss support for Ukraine. He underlined the importance of G7 unity in supporting a just and lasting peace in Ukraine as well as Ukraine’s reconstruction and economic recovery, noting that these would be priorities for Canada throughout our G7 Presidency this year.

    The Prime Minister also attended a candle-lighting ceremony where he paid tribute to all those whose lives have been lost since the start of Russia’s aggression. Throughout his visit, he reiterated that Canada will always stand with Ukrainians as they continue to fight for freedom, justice, and democracy. We will defend a future for Ukraine that’s written by Ukrainians. We will defend a Ukraine that is strong and free. And we will be with Ukraine in this fight until a just and lasting peace is reached.

    Quotes

    “For three years now, Ukrainians have fought with courage and resilience against Russia’s brutal war of aggression. Their fight for democracy, freedom, and sovereignty is a fight that matters to us all. Today, in Kyiv, my message to Ukraine and Ukrainians is loud and clear: Canada will continue to stand with you in achieving just and lasting peace. We are strengthening our commitments, providing additional support, and working with our partners to secure peace and freedom for Ukraine. Slava Ukraini!”

    “Canada remains steadfast in its support for Ukraine and will continue to leverage sanctions to weaken Russia’s ability to wage its illegal war. By targeting its military-industrial base, exposing those responsible for crimes and abuses in occupied Ukrainian territories, and disrupting the oligarchs’ confidants and shadow fleet supporting the Russian regime, we are holding Russia accountable. For three years, Canada has stood with Ukraine, and we will stand by its side for as long as it takes.”

    “Since the start of Russia’s unprovoked, full-scale invasion of Ukraine three years ago, Canada has stood with the Ukrainian people. We remain unwavering in our commitment to continue providing Ukraine with critical military assistance to defend itself against Russia’s brutal aggression. Together with our Allies and partners, we will ensure Ukraine has the support it needs in the fight to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

    Quick Facts

    • This was Prime Minister Trudeau’s fourth visit to Ukraine since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022. For this visit, the Prime Minister was accompanied by the Minister of National Defence, Bill Blair.
    • In Ukraine, the Prime Minister held bilateral meetings with the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and the Prime Minister of Spain, Pedro Sánchez.
    • During his visit, the Prime Minister also welcomed a new partnership with the NATO Science for Peace and Security project through which Natural Resources Canada will receive $2.1 million in funding to help create tools, establish key performance indicators, and identify opportunities for the reduction of fossil fuel dependency in military operations.
    • The sanctions announced today against Russia’s shadow fleet include 92 oil tankers involved in transferring Russian oil to third countries, nine liquefied natural gas (LNG) tankers involved in transferring Russian LNG to third countries, and eight vessels involved in moving arms and related material to Russia from Iran and North Korea. Canada is also adopting new measures that will prohibit a wider range of sensitive goods and technologies from being exported from Canada to Russia.
    • The measures announced today build on other recent announcements, including:
      • Providing $440 million in military assistance for Ukraine, including funding for the procurement and delivery of large-calibre ammunition and various calibres of ammunition from Canadian industry, the production of military drones by Ukraine’s domestic defence industry, the delivery of high-resolution drone cameras, and the donation of winter gear, such as sleeping bags and winter boots.
      • Providing $15 million in funding to the Innovative Mine Action for Community Recovery in Ukraine project, to help enhance Ukraine’s national mine action capacity, reduce the threat of explosive ordinance, and promote economic recovery. Canada also announced $2.2 million for the Cybersecurity Assistance Project, to provide essential cybersecurity support services, equipment, and training urgently needed by Ukraine to combat malicious cyber activities.
      • Marking the first anniversary of the launch of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which 41 states and the Council of Europe have joined in a collective commitment to bringing Ukrainian children home. With the help of Coalition Member States and other key international partners, Ukraine has successfully facilitated the safe return of nearly 600 children since the launch of the Coalition, and over 1000 to date. The Coalition is co-led by Canada and Ukraine.
      • Signing a Memorandum of Understanding between Canada and Ukraine to share information and expertise that will help members of Ukraine’s security and defence forces and their families have access to resources to transition to life after service.
    • Since the beginning of 2022, Canada has committed $19.7 billion in multifaceted support to Ukraine. This includes:
      • Over $12.4 billion in direct financial assistance, the highest in the G7 on a per capita basis.
      • $4.5 billion in military assistance, such as M777 howitzers, Leopard 2 main battle tanks, armoured combat support vehicles, hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition, high-resolution drone cameras, thermal clothing, body armour, fuel, and more.
      • Over $529 million in development assistance, including support to Ukraine’s energy system.
      • $372.2 million in humanitarian assistance, including support for emergency health interventions, protection services, and essentials such as shelter, water, sanitation, and food. Programming also addresses child protection, mental health support, and prevention and response to sexual and gender-based violence.
      • Nearly $225 million in security and stabilization assistance.
    • In Kyiv, the Prime Minister highlighted the ongoing work of members of the Canadian Armed Forces in the United Kingdom and Poland under Operation UNIFIER. Since 2015, they have provided training on a range of military skills to over 40,000 Ukrainian troops. He noted that Canada continues to engage closely with Ukraine, Allies, and partners on how best to enhance support through Operation UNIFIER to help Ukraine defend itself.
    • Last year, on February 24, Prime Minister Trudeau and President Zelenskyy signed the historic Agreement on Security Cooperation between Canada and Ukraine, establishing a new strategic security partnership between our two countries. This included $3.02 billion in critical financial and military support to Ukraine for 2024.
    • As part of the 2024 Fall Economic Statement, the federal government announced last year its intention to double down on our efforts to support Ukraine, including through proposed legislative changes that will ensure profits from frozen Russian assets are used to rebuild Ukraine.
    • Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Canada has welcomed more than 220,000 Ukrainians. We are helping Ukrainian families find a safe, temporary home and have put support services in place for their arrival. This includes temporary financial assistance and access to federally funded settlement services, such as language training and employment-related services.
    • Canada and Ukraine have long been steadfast partners and close friends. In 1991, Canada became the first Western country to recognize Ukraine’s independence. Today, 1.3 million people of Ukrainian descent call Canada home – the largest Ukrainian diaspora in the Western world. In 2022, total bilateral trade between our two countries was valued at over $421 million.

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  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Human Rights ‘Oxygen of Humanity’, Critical to Sustainable Peace, Says Secretary-General

    Source: United Nations 4

    Following are UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ remarks to Human Rights Council, in New York today:

    We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of the Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations.  More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.  Entire communities reduced to rubble.  Hospitals and schools destroyed.  We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

    Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.  A toll on people.  A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.  And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

    Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.  And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

    Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.  You’re working with Governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.  And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

    Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.  I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.  We have our work cut out for us.

    Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.  But, one by one, human rights are being suffocated.  By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do.  By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.  By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education. By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.

    Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.  And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.  By runaway technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.  By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous Peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex and other identities (LGBTQI+) community, to persons with disabilities.  And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

    In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummelled hard.  This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights.

    But, as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.  The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.

    First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.  Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.  In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

    And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire.  We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities.  The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

    It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

    In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.  The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.  And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 [23 March Movement] offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defence Forces. As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises.

    It’s time to silence the guns.  It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue.  The recent joint summit in the United Republic of Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.  The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo must be respected.  The Congolese people deserve peace.

    In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development.

    In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected Government.  We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

    And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.  In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.  A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.  It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.  And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.

    Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.  The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and human rights are fundamentally intertwined. They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

    With less than one fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.  This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

    The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.  And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.  And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills. 

    Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.  The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.  It shields the most vulnerable.  It’s the first line of defence against crime and corruption.  It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.  It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.  It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.  And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance and transparent and accountable institutions.

    Fourth — human rights through climate action.  Last year was the hottest on record — capping the hottest decade on record.  Rising heat, melting glaciers and hotter oceans are a recipe for disaster.  Floods, droughts, deadly storms, hunger, mass displacement — our war on nature is also a war on human rights.  We must choose a different path.

    I salute the many Member States who legally recognize the right to a healthy environment — and I call on all countries to do the same.  Governments must keep their promise to produce new, economy-wide national climate action plans this year, well ahead of thirtieth UN Climate Change Conference in Brazil.  Those plans must limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5°C — including by accelerating the global energy transition.

    We also need a surge in finance for climate action in developing countries, to adapt to global heating, slash emissions and accelerate the renewables revolution, which represents a massive economic opportunity. We must stand up to the misleading campaign of many in the fossil fuel industry and its enablers who are aiding and abetting this madness, while also protecting and defending those on the front lines of climate justice.

    And fifth — human rights through stronger, better governance of technology.  As fast-moving technologies expand into every aspect of our lives, I am deeply concerned about human rights being undermined.

    At its best, social media is a meeting ground for people to exchange ideas and spark respectful debate.  But, it can also be an arena of fiery combat and blatant ignorance. A place where the poisons of misinformation, disinformation, racism, misogyny and hate speech are not only tolerated — but often encouraged.  Verbal violence online can easily spill into physical violence in real life.

    Recent rollbacks on social media fact-checking and content moderation are reopening the floodgates to more hate, more threats and more violence.  Make no mistake.  These rollbacks will lead to less free speech, not more, as people become increasingly fearful to engage on these platforms.  Meanwhile, the great promise of AI is matched by limitless peril to undermine human autonomy, human identity, human control — and yes, human rights.

    In the face of these threats, the Global Digital Compact brings the world together to ensure that human rights are not sacrificed on the altar of technology.  This includes working with digital companies and policymakers to extend human rights to every corner of cyberspace — including a new focus on information integrity across digital platforms.

    The Global Principles for Information Integrity I launched last year will support and inform this work as we push for a more humane information ecosystem.

    The Global Digital Compact also includes the first universal agreement on the governance of AI that brings every country to the table and commitments on capacity-building, so all countries and people benefit from AI’s potential.  By investing in affordable Internet, digital literacy and infrastructure.  By helping developing countries use AI to grow small businesses, improve public services and connect communities to new markets.  And by placing human rights at the centre of AI-driven systems.

    The Pact’s decisions to create an Independent International Scientific Panel on AI and an ongoing Global Dialogue that ensure all countries have a voice in shaping its future are important steps forward.  We must implement them.

    We can help end the suffocation of human rights by breathing life into the Pact for the Future and the work of this Council.  Let’s do that together.  We don’t have a moment to lose.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Anniversary of Ukraine invasion: Parliamentary Secretary Armstrong-Homeniuk

    Source: Government of Canada regional news (2)

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Chairman Mast Issues Statement Marking Three-year Anniversary of Ukraine War

    Source: US House Committee on Foreign Affairs

    Media Contact 202-226-8467

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Brian Mast issued the following statement upon the third anniversary since the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine.

    “Today’s three-year anniversary marking the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is no cause for Russian celebration. It marks the anniversary of the largest tactical and strategic blunder in Russian history. While Russia has brought brutality against civilians and soldiers alike, raping women and kidnapping children, Ukraine is slaughtering hundreds of thousands of Russian conscripts who have invaded their country. Ukraine is likewise annihilating the soldiers Vladimir Putin imported from Kim Jong Un’s North Korea and overcoming the financial and military support flowing from China and Iran. President Trump has recognized the need to end this carnage. He will never be Neville Chamberlain, he will not seek a premature peace that allows the enemy to regroup, and he will settle for nothing less than sustained peace backed by a Europe which is capable of defending itself from Russia. Europe must meet the moment and match Russian military spending and recruitment. Europe must realize that for our alliance to be the strongest in history, America needs a Europe that can hold its own.”

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    MIL OSI USA News