Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Secretary-General’s Opening Remarks at the 14th ASEAN-UN Summit

    Source: United Nations – English

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    Mr. Chair, Prime Minister Siphandone, thank you for your warm welcome and congratulations on your leadership of ASEAN this year. 
     
    Distinguished leaders of ASEAN,
     
    Excellencies,
     
    Ladies and gentlemen,
     
    For nearly six decades, the family of South-East Asian countries has blazed a path of collaboration.
     
    Every day, you grow more integrated, dynamic and influential.
     
    And our ASEAN-UN partnership is growing ever stronger, too and it is today a strategic partnership from the UN point of view.
     
    The ASEAN-UN Plan of Action is making important progress across the political, security, economic and cultural fronts.
     
    I am particularly grateful for the important contribution of ASEAN members to our peacekeeping operations.
     
    Allow me to express my total solidarity with the Indonesian delegation. Two Indonesian peacekeepers [serving in Lebanon] were wounded by Israeli fire. We are together with you and the Indonesian people at this time.
     
    I also welcome your work on the preparation of the Community Vision 2045.
     
    This region has always been about looking ahead.
     
    And so is the Pact for the Future, adopted last month at the United Nations.
     
    We need to keep looking ahead.  
     
    Let me point to four key areas. 
     
    First, connectivity — your theme for the year.
     
    We start with a fundamental objective: technology should benefit everyone.
     
    Across Southeast Asia, broadband and mobile internet connectivity has soared. Yet the digital divide persists. 
     
    And a new divide is now with us — an Artificial Intelligence divide. 
     
    Every country must be able to access and benefit from these technologies.
     
    And every country should be at the table when decisions are made about their governance.
     
    The Pact for the Future includes a major breakthrough — the first truly universal agreement on the international governance of Artificial Intelligence that would give every country a seat at the AI table.
     
    It also calls for international partnerships to boost AI capacity building in developing countries.
     
    And it commits governments to establishing an independent international Scientific Panel on AI and initiating a global dialogue on its governance within the United Nations.
     
    Second, finance. 
     
    International financial institutions can no longer provide a global safety net – or offer developing countries the level of support they need.
     
    The Pact for the Future says clearly: we need to accelerate reform of the international financial architecture.
     
    To close the financing gap of the Sustainable Development Goals. 
     
    To ensure that countries can borrow sustainably to invest in their long-term development. 
     
    And to strengthen the voice and representation of developing countries.
     
    This includes calling on G20 countries to lead on an SDG Stimulus of $500 billion a year.
     
    Substantially increasing also the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks.
     
    Recycling more Special Drawing Rights.
     
    And restructuring loans for countries drowning in debt.
     
    Third, climate.
     
    ASEAN countries are feeling the brunt of climate chaos – disasters like Super Typhoon Yagi – while the 1.5 degree goal is slipping away.
     
    We need dramatic action to reduce emissions.
     
    The G20 is responsible for 80 per cent of total emissions – they must lead the way.
     
    I welcome the pioneering Just Energy Transition Partnerships in Indonesia and Vietnam.
     
    By next year, every country must produce new NDCs aligned with limiting the global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
     
    Developed countries must keep their promises to double adaptation finance.
     
    And we need to see significant contributions to the new Loss and Damage Fund.
     
    Every person must be covered by an alert system by 2027, through the United Nations’ Early Warnings for All Initiative. 
     
    We must secure also an ambitious outcome on finance at COP29.
     
    Fourth and finally, peace.
     
    I recognize your constructive role in continuing to pursue dialogue and peaceful means of resolving disputes from the Korean Peninsula to the South China Sea. 
    And I salute you for doing so in full respect of the UN Charter and international law – including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
     
    Meanwhile, Myanmar remains on an increasingly complex path.
     
    Violence is growing.
     
    The humanitarian situation is spiralling.
     
    One-third of the population is in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  Millions have been forced to flee their homes. 
     
    Seven years after the forced mass displacement of the Rohingya, durable solutions seem a distant reality.
     
    I support strengthened cooperation between the UN Special Envoy and the ASEAN Chair on innovative ways to promote a Myanmar-led process, including through the effective and comprehensive implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus and beyond.
     
    The people of Myanmar need peace. And I call on all countries to leverage their influence towards an inclusive political solution to the conflict and deliver the peaceful future that the people of Myanmar deserve.
     
    Excellencies,
     
    ASEAN exemplifies community and cooperation.
     
    You are far more than the sum of your parts.
     
    In a world with growing geopolitical divides, with dramatic impacts on peace and security and sustainable development, ASEAN is a bridge-builder and a messenger for peace.
     
    Peace that is more necessary than ever, when we see the immense suffering of the people in Gaza, now extended to Lebanon, not forgetting Ukraine, Sudan, Myanmar and so many others.
     
    Allow me to tell you that the level of death and destruction in Gaza is something that has no comparison in any other situation I have seen since I became Secretary-General.
     
    I am extremely grateful for your constant efforts to keep our world together.
     
    You play a key role in shaping a world that is prosperous, inclusive and sustainable with respect for human rights at its heart.
     
    And you can always count on my full support and that of the United Nations in this essential effort.
     
    Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Warsaw Human Dimension Conference 2024: UK closing statement

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Deputy Ambassador Brown says that progress on democracy and fundamental freedoms cannot be taken for granted at this time of shrinking civil space and growing authoritarianism.

    Thank you, Madam Chair. Good morning, everyone.

    As we reach the end of the third Chair’s Warsaw Human Dimension Conference in three years, I would like to thank Malta as our Chair in Office for holding this meeting and enabling government officials, civil society, international experts and human rights activists to come together to take stock of how participating States are implementing their human dimension commitments.  

    The opportunity to take stock is why all participating States agreed to an annual meeting in this format in the early 1990s. We again condemn Russia’s decision to block the mandated Human Dimension Implementation Meeting and call on the Russian Federation to stop their illegal war; withdraw their troops from Ukraine; cease their malign activities, including disinformation; and, respect OSCE principles and commitments.

    Thank you, Tea, and your teams at ODIHR for preparing and delivering this meeting and for the work you do throughout the year to help us all in the implementation of our commitments. That ODIHR has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize is recognition of your vital daily work.  Like others I am waiting in excited anticipation to hear the news from Oslo.  

    I salute those of you who have spoken in plenary sessions and side events over the past fortnight. We have heard about the impact of Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine and systematic dismantling of rights and freedoms at home too. We have also heard about challenges to human rights and democracy in other parts of our region, reminding us that work to uphold our shared human dimension commitments is always required, and that progress cannot be taken for granted at this time of shrinking civil space and growing authoritarianism.     

    We have again been struck by the expertise and bravery of civil society organisations during this meeting. It is they who represent citizens and they that record and report violations at grassroots level. It is no exaggeration to say that without civil society, governments understanding of the extent of human rights violations on the ground would be sharply reduced. As we approach next year’s 50th anniversary of the Helsinki Final Act, we hope that civil society’s important role will receive the prominence that it deserves. As my Ambassador said in his opening statement, they truly are the spirit of Helsinki.

    Updates to this page

    Published 11 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: GESDA Summit 2024: Democratizing Science Literacy – High-Level Political Segment

    Source: Switzerland – Federal Administration in English

    Bern, 11.10.2024 – Address by Federal Councillor Ignazio Cassis, Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (FDFA) – Check against delivery

    Excellencies

    Ladies and Gentlemen

    Dear Guests

    Last year, I ended my speech with the words of Nobel laureate Hermann Hesse: “To achieve the possible, we must attempt the impossible – again and again.”

    And that’s exactly what we do, year after year. The rapid technological advances we’re witnessing are expanding the boundaries of civilization in ways we once considered impossible.

    This is where GESDA plays its role: it opens new frontiers, enabling us to not only imagine but also anticipate the future and prepare for the changes ahead with tangible, inclusive solutions.

    Things are moving fast, and so is GESDA.

    Following last year’s launch of the Open Quantum Institute, GESDA now presents the Anticipation Gateway Initiative, its second pioneering project, which is now entering a three-year prototyping phase.

    I want to congratulate the entire GESDA team and its supporters for their unwavering commitment to pushing boundaries for multilateralism and humanity.

    New technologies are reshaping relationships —between people, organisations, and our environment. While this is not new, the pace of progress now far exceeds human evolution, creating deeper divides in our societies.

    Ladies and gentlemen

    What’s on GESDA’s radar? What’s cooking in the labs? Let me highlight two rapidly advancing fields: synthetic biology and neuroscience.

    1) Synthetic biology: This field merges biology and engineering, allowing us to create new living organisms or modify existing ones to perform novel tasks—potentially enabling us to program living cells like computers in the future.

    Over the next five years, integrating synthetic biology with AI will speed up the development of new biological agents:

    • On the upside, it could lead to the rapid development of vaccines and treatments, helping us live healthier, longer lives.
    • On the downside, some agents could be misused as biological weapons.

    2) Neurotechnology: This field involves technologies that interact with the nervous system to monitor or influence brain activity. GESDA foresees that next-gen implants will stimulate multiple brain regions, with AI and brain-computer interfaces becoming a reality soon.

    ·     The bright side: Neurotechnology could help paraplegics walk again.

    ·     The dark side: It might also be used to enhance soldiers’ abilities, improving precision, resilience, and reducing sleep needs—raising ethical concerns we must address.

    Dear guests

    The rapid acceleration of science will deeply impact every aspect of our lives, including international peace and security. Given Switzerland’s history of innovation and mediation, we believe it’s crucial to focus on preventing and managing conflicts that may arise from emerging technologies.

    As science advances, diplomacy must keep pace.

    In this spirit, during our presidency of the UN Security Council this October, Switzerland will propose a presidential statement to highlight the importance of monitoring scientific advances and their effects on global peace and security.

    While the UNSC currently addresses pressing issues such as the Middle East, Ukraine, Yemen, and Sudan, we must also view global dynamics through the lens of science. Leaders need to prepare for future science-driven challenges, as they will increasingly face conflicts fuelled by technology.

    This will be my message as President of the Security Council on 21 October in New York. Specifically, this will mean discussing the forms of warfare we wish to avoid, establishing rules, and setting clear limits.

    Thanks to GESDA’s Anticipation Gateway Initiative, we can begin shaping this vision with three key instruments:

    1. The training framework for anticipatory leadership prepares decision-makers for a rapidly evolving world, helping them understand breakthrough technologies.

    2. The public portal raises global awareness on these issues (this will also feature at the Swiss Pavilion at the 2025 World Expo in Osaka, Kansai).

    3. The anticipation observatory provides a platform for everyone to engage in these vital conversations.

    Ladies and gentlemen

    I began with a Nobel laureate, so I’ll close with another. Marie Curie once said: “In life, nothing is to be feared, everything is to be understood. It is time to understand more, so that we may fear less.

    As we conclude this month’s Swiss presidency of the UNSC, my hope is that we leave New York with a sense of accomplishment—having made progress in ensuring the Council remains committed to monitoring scientific developments and their impact on global peace and security.

    In UN terms, the Council must stay engaged and encourage others to continue this crucial discussion. The more we understand, the less we will fear.

    Now, turning ‘back to the present’, I look forward to hearing the perspectives and insights from my ministerial colleagues.

    Thank you.


    Address for enquiries

    FDFA Communication
    Federal Palace West Wing
    CH-3003 Bern, Switzerland
    Tel. Press service: +41 58 460 55 55
    E-mail: kommunikation@eda.admin.ch
    Twitter: @SwissMFA


    Publisher

    Federal Department of Foreign Affairs
    https://www.eda.admin.ch/eda/en/home.html

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – Strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian interference ahead of the upcoming presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on EU integration – P10_TA(2024)0016 – Wednesday, 9 October 2024 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Parliament,

    –  having regard to its previous resolutions on the Republic of Moldova,

    –  having regard to the Association Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Moldova, of the other part(1), which includes a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area,

    –  having regard to the Republic of Moldova’s application for EU membership of 3 March 2022, and the European Council’s consequent granting of candidate country status on 23 June 2022,

    –  having regard to the convening of the first Intergovernmental Conference on Moldova’s accession to the EU, held in June 2024,

    –  having regard to Articles 2 and 49 of the Treaty on European Union,

    –  having regard to the joint statement of 13 June 2024 by the US, Canada and the UK on exposing Russia’s subversive activity and electoral interference targeting Moldova,

    –  having regard to Rules 136(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A.  whereas on 20 October 2024, the Republic of Moldova is scheduled to hold a presidential election and a constitutional referendum on EU integration, amid ongoing Russian interference and attempts to destabilise the political situation and electoral process in the country;

    B.  whereas the Russian Federation has been using economic blackmail, provocation, disinformation, illegal funding of political parties, cyberattacks and other hybrid means to undermine the stability, sovereignty, constitutional order and democratic institutions of the Republic of Moldova; whereas Russia’s subversive activities in Moldova seek to undermine popular support for the European path chosen by the people of Moldova and to incite destabilisation; whereas the active measures envisaged include establishing and promoting front organisations disguised as non-governmental organisations and ‘cultural centres’, disseminating online and offline disinformation, establishing strong pro-Russian political and societal constituencies and returning the Republic of Moldova to a state of dependency on Russian hydrocarbons;

    C.  whereas in 2023, the EU imposed sanctions on key Moldovan oligarchs and pro-Russian actors, such as Ilan Shor, Vladimir Plahotniuc, Igor Ceaika, Gheorghe Cavaliuc and Marina Tauber, on the basis of a recently established sanctions regime targeting persons responsible for actions aimed at destabilising, undermining or threatening the sovereignty and independence of the Republic of Moldova; whereas allies of Mr Shor have reportedly actively recruited, arranged logistics for and provided financial compensation to individuals to join their protests; whereas on 3 October 2024, a large-scale electoral fraud operation was uncovered, financed by pro-Russian oligarch Ilan Shor, revealing that over USD 15 million had been transferred in September 2024 to over 130 000 Moldovan citizens involved in this voter bribery scheme; whereas on 18 September 2024, two close allies of Ilan Shor – deputy Marina Tauber and the Governor (Bashkan) of Gagauzia, Evghenia Guțul – met with the spokesperson of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, and subsequently gave false information about the EU and the Republic of Moldova’s future within it;

    D.  whereas one of the tools used by the Russian state is the state-funded RT network (formerly Russia Today), which has moved beyond media activities, becoming actively involved in cyber operations, covert influence, military procurement and information warfare across various regions; whereas in June 2024, the US, together with the UK and Canada, exposed Russia’s efforts to engage in subversive activities and electoral interference targeting the Republic of Moldova;

    E.  whereas in September 2024, the US imposed sanctions on three entities and two individuals for their involvement in Russia’s destabilising actions abroad, including in the Republic of Moldova; whereas these covert efforts have included RT personnel providing direct support to fugitive Moldovan oligarch Ilan Shor, the key perpetrator of the 2014 USD 1 billion bank fraud scandal; whereas, according to the US State Department, RT and its employees, including editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, have directly coordinated with the Kremlin to support Russian Government efforts to influence the Moldovan presidential election of October 2024, with the apparent aim of inciting unrest in the Republic of Moldova;

    F.  whereas the Security and Intelligence Service of the Republic of Moldova has reported an unprecedented level of intensity in Russia’s actions aimed at anchoring Moldova within its sphere of influence; whereas this hybrid threat is targeted at democratic processes and undermines European integration by amplifying radical separatist tendencies in the south of the country, particularly in Gagauzia (UTAG), using propaganda, manipulating the information space, interfering in the electoral process and conducting subversive operations; whereas Moldova’s national security services have stated that Russia is funding the ‘no’ campaign, with around EUR 100 million for pro-Russian political groups, and spreading disinformation on social media to sow doubt about the legitimacy of the electoral process; whereas in 2023, Ukrainian intelligence reported that it had intercepted a plan by Russia to stage a coup and oust Moldovan President Maia Sandu;

    G.  whereas the Republic of Moldova has taken steps to combat Russian interference, including by banning pro-Russian political parties that are operating outside the law, sanctioning oligarchs, suspending media outlets that spread disinformation, and increasing customs controls; whereas Moldova’s updated national security strategy attributes disinformation campaigns and other hybrid attacks to Russia;

    H.  whereas the unprovoked, unjustified and illegal war of aggression launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine profoundly affects regional security and stability, endangering the Republic of Moldova’s macroeconomic situation, financial stability, democratic development and social cohesion, while further increasing the incidence and severity of poverty, inflation and emigration; whereas the Russian Federation, in cooperation with domestic Russia-sponsored actors, galvanises and uses the resultant widespread economic, geopolitical and security uncertainty to delegitimise and foster opposition to the Moldovan Government’s pro-European policies;

    I.  whereas despite the dramatic effects of the war on Ukraine and these destabilisation attempts, the Republic of Moldova has managed to significantly consolidate its democracy, continue its reform trajectory and develop its relations with the EU; whereas the improvements in the country’s democratic system have been reflected in its progress on various international indexes; whereas the Moldovan Government’s enhanced implementation of current agreements demonstrates its commitment to closer cooperation with and integration into the EU;

    J.  whereas the Republic of Moldova is a close and valued partner of the EU; whereas its application for EU membership, and the European Council’s decision to grant candidate country status to the Republic of Moldova on the understanding that nine steps are taken, demonstrates a strong joint ambition for swift EU integration; whereas through the Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, in force since 2016, the EU and Moldova have committed to promoting political association and achieving economic integration;

    K.  whereas on 3 March 2022, the Republic of Moldova applied for EU membership, and on 23 June 2022, was granted candidate country status by unanimous agreement of all 27 EU Member States; whereas the EU opened accession negotiations with the Republic of Moldova during the first accession conference at ministerial level, held in Luxembourg on 25 June 2024, following the European Council’s decision of 14-15 December 2023 to open accession negotiations with Moldova, and the Council’s approval of the negotiating framework for these negotiations on 21 June 2024; whereas EU accession remains a merit-based process that requires the fulfilment of the EU membership criteria;

    L.  whereas every sovereign state has the inherent right to defend itself and to invest in its defence and resilience capabilities, and such actions are consistent with the Republic of Moldova’s status of neutrality;

    M.  whereas the Council has adopted assistance measures worth EUR 137 million for the benefit of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Moldova under the European Peace Facility since 2021;

    N.  whereas on 24 April 2023, the EU set up the Partnership Mission in the Republic of Moldova (EUPM Moldova) under the common security and defence policy, with the objective of enhancing the security sector’s resilience in the areas of crisis management, hybrid threats, including cybersecurity and countering foreign information manipulation and interference; whereas on 21 May 2024, Moldova became the first country to sign a Security and Defence Partnership with the EU, which will help strengthen cooperation on security and defence policy between the EU and Moldova;

    O.  whereas, according to several reports, many priests from the Metropolis of Chișinău and All Moldova have travelled to Russia, where they received funds with the intention of using them for electoral purposes in the Republic of Moldova;

    1.  Stands in solidarity with the people of the Republic of Moldova and reiterates its unwavering support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognised borders;

    2.  Strongly condemns the escalating malicious activities, interference and hybrid operations by the Russian Federation, pro-Russian oligarchs and Russian-sponsored local actors aimed at undermining the electoral processes, security, sovereignty and democratic foundations of the Republic of Moldova, fostering divisions within Moldovan society and derailing the country’s pro-European trajectory, ahead of the upcoming presidential election and the constitutional referendum on EU integration;

    3.  Reiterates its call on the Russian authorities to respect the Republic of Moldova’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to cease its provocations and attempts to destabilise the country and undermine its constitutional order and democratic institutions; reiterates its calls on Russia to withdraw its military forces and equipment from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to ensure the full destruction of all ammunition and equipment in the Cobasna depot under international oversight and to support a peaceful resolution to the Transnistrian conflict, in line with the principles of international law and the 1999 Istanbul Summit Declaration of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe;

    4.  Calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure that all necessary assistance is provided to the Republic of Moldova to strengthen its institutional mechanisms and its ability to respond to hybrid threats; calls for increased EU support for Moldova in countering disinformation, hybrid threats and cyberattacks; underlines that this should entail boosting Moldova’s capacity to combat disinformation, strengthen its cybersecurity infrastructure and enhance resilience against external malign influences; emphasises the particular importance of countering false Russian narratives, while underscoring their malign interference in the Republic of Moldova and the ways in which they are used to justify Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine;

    5.  Calls on the Council to adopt additional targeted sanctions listings against individuals and entities responsible for supporting or carrying out actions which undermine or threaten the Republic of Moldova’s sovereignty and independence, as well as the country’s democracy, stability or security, and the rule of law; calls for the EU and national authorities to make sure those sanctions are duly implemented; reiterates its call on the respective hosting states and territories to extradite Ilan Shor, Vladimir Plahotniuc and other individuals sought for trial in the Republic of Moldova;

    6.  Highlights the important role played by EUPM Moldova; calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure that EUPM Moldova performs to the best of its ability, taking stock of progress and adapting its operations if necessary to make it as efficient as possible, while proposing to further extend its mandate beyond May 2025, adapt its scope and increase the mission’s resources; calls for the EU and its Member States to increase their support for Moldova’s Center for Strategic Communication and Combating Disinformation; calls on the Commission to report on the results of the EU support package for Moldova of June 2023, particularly the stated aim of countering foreign information manipulation and interference, and building capacity for independent media, civil society and youth;

    7.  Applauds the Republic of Moldova’s steadfast support for Ukraine since the start of Russia’s war of aggression; commends the Republic of Moldova for welcoming 1,5 million Ukrainian refugees throughout the war, of which an estimated 125 000 remain in the country; calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure continued support for Moldova and its people in addressing the challenges facing the country as a consequence of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, including large numbers of refugees, inflation, threats to its energy supplies and violations of its airspace;

    8.  Reaffirms its commitment to the Republic of Moldova’s future membership of the EU; believes that its membership in the EU would constitute a mutually beneficial investment in a united and strong Europe; welcomes the widespread support in the Republic of Moldova for its European integration; stresses that the Republic of Moldova’s European integration represents not only a path towards greater economic prosperity, but also a safeguard for political stability and security in the face of external threats;

    9.  Calls for the acceleration of the screening process and the timely organisation of subsequent intergovernmental conferences, where negotiations on Cluster 1 on Fundamentals should be initiated; calls for the EU to adequately support accession-related reforms by developing robust and adaptable financial instruments tailored to the Republic of Moldova’s specific needs with a view to effectively addressing its economic and structural challenges, and ensuring the country remains resilient and capable of implementing the necessary reforms throughout its EU accession process; urges the acceleration of Moldova’s gradual integration into the EU and the single market by allowing participation in new initiatives and EU programmes, which will deliver tangible socio-economic benefits in specific areas even before the country formally joins the EU; reiterates its call, in this regard, for the EU to take swift and significant steps towards the permanent liberalisation of its tariff-rate quotas;

    10.  Calls for more consistent support for the Republic of Moldova in its EU accession process, including increased technical assistance by sending additional EU advisors to the Moldovan authorities, as a contribution to strengthening capacity-building;

    11.  Calls for the adoption of a new growth plan for the Republic of Moldova so as to adequately finance and support Moldova in achieving economic convergence with the EU; believes that this plan should finance investments in infrastructure, human capital and the digital and green transitions, facilitating sustainable economic growth; calls for the full integration of the Republic of Moldova into the ‘Roam Like at Home’ initiative by the end of 2025;

    12.  Calls on the Commission, in this regard, to include the Republic of Moldova in the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance and to prioritise funding for candidate countries in its proposal for the next multiannual financial framework (2028-2034), ensuring the path towards EU membership;

    13.  Welcomes the Republic of Moldova’s significant progress in implementing EU accession-related reforms and encourages the Moldovan authorities to continue the ambitious reforms on democracy and the rule of law; calls for the EU and its Member States to prioritise and allocate additional resources to efforts to support the rule of law and anti-corruption reforms in the Republic of Moldova in order to address vulnerabilities, including those related to corruption in the security sector, justice system, public administration and media, which could enable Russian interference and disinformation; encourages the Moldovan Government to continue working with all stakeholders towards a sustainable and comprehensive justice and anti-corruption reform, in line with EU and Venice Commission recommendations;

    14.  Underlines the importance of advancing the country’s reform process in order to improve living standards, particularly for vulnerable groups, and to provide the younger generations with attractive prospects for life and work in the country, thereby increasing societal resilience to hybrid attacks and reducing the number of citizens seeking better living conditions elsewhere in Europe; highlights the need for the social acquis to be better represented in the Commission’s assessments and recommendations;

    15.  Reiterates its support for stronger cooperation on security and defence policy between the EU and the Republic of Moldova; commends the Republic of Moldova for becoming the first country to sign a security and defence partnership with the EU and calls for this partnership to be put into practical action; calls for the EU to progressively include the Republic of Moldova in upcoming legislative initiatives and programmes relating to European security and defence; supports the continued work under the High-Level Political and Security Dialogue between the EU and the Republic of Moldova to enhance cooperation on foreign and security policy;

    16.  Calls on the Member States to increase the European Peace Facility’s funding for the Republic of Moldova to further enhance the country’s defence capabilities;

    17.  Reiterates its call for the EU and its Member States to continue supporting the efforts of the Moldovan authorities to maintain macroeconomic stability and enhance its energy security by supporting the construction of new electricity interconnections with neighbouring countries; calls for the EU and its Member States to financially support energy efficiency and renewable energy projects as a clean and sustainable way of reducing Moldova’s energy demand and diversifying its supply, while ensuring energy affordability, in particular for the most vulnerable groups;

    18.  Urges the EU and its Member States to further strengthen cooperation with Moldova through targeted measures in order to enhance the country’s resilience to hybrid threats, including by improving strategic communications about the EU, supporting journalists and civil society in countering disinformation, promoting independent Russian-language media content and enhancing public information literacy; calls for additional resources and technical know-how to assist the Moldovan Government’s strategic communications, internal coordination and capacity-building against hybrid attacks and disinformation; commends the efforts of Moldovan civil society in supporting the Moldovan Government’s fight against disinformation and promoting democratic values; calls on the Commission and the Member States to continue supporting media literacy and media independence, as well as the strengthening of Moldova’s critical digital infrastructure, including through the replacement of Russian-origin information and communications technology systems; calls for the EU and its Member States to expand and intensify their direct engagement with Moldovan citizens by including them in various EU and bilateral programmes and projects, such as citizen consultations, and to foster people-to-people connections;

    19.  Calls on the Commission to assist the Moldovan Government in putting pressure on social media platforms to address disinformation effectively;

    20.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the President, Government and Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the Russian authorities.

    (1) OJ L 260, 30.8.2014, p. 4.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – The democratic backsliding and threats to political pluralism in Georgia – P10_TA(2024)0017 – Wednesday, 9 October 2024 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Parliament,

    –  having regard to its previous resolutions on Georgia,

    –  having regard to the statement by the High Representative and the Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement of 17 April 2024 on the adoption of the ‘transparency of foreign influence’ law,

    –  having regard to the statement by the High Representative of 18 September 2024 on the Georgian law on ‘family values and protection of minors’,

    –  having regard to the statement by the European External Action Service Spokesperson of 4 April 2024 on the draft law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’,

    –  having regard to the European Council conclusions of 14 and 15 December 2023 and of 27 June 2024,

    –  having regard to the Commission communication of 8 November 2023 entitled ‘2023 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy’ (COM(2023)0690),

    –  having regard to Resolution 2561 (2024) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe entitled ‘Challenges to democracy in Georgia’,

    –  having regard to the Bucharest Declaration adopted by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) at the thirty-first annual session from 29 June to 3 July 2024,

    –  having regard to the Association Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and Georgia, of the other part(1),

    –  having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

    –  having regard to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR),

    –  having regard to the joint statement by the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Chair of the Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus and the European Parliament’s Standing Rapporteur on Georgia of 18 April 2024 on the reintroduction of the draft law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’ in Georgia,

    –  having regard to Rule 136(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A.  whereas the past months have seen significant attacks on democracy in Georgia, which have been characterised by the hasty adoption of anti-democratic legislation criticised by the UN, the Venice Commission and the EU, concurrent with attacks on civil society and independent media, prolonged mass protests and the subsequent violent suppression of those peaceful protests, and deep political and societal tensions and polarisation;

    B.  whereas the exercise of freedom of opinion, expression, association and peaceful assembly is a fundamental right enshrined in the Georgian Constitution;

    C.  whereas Georgia, as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights, as well as a member of the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, has committed itself to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights;

    D.  whereas Article 78 of the Georgian Constitution provides that ‘the constitutional bodies shall take all measures within the scope of their competence to ensure the full integration of Georgia into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’;

    E.  whereas the EU expects Georgia, a candidate country for EU accession, to abide fully by the Association Agreement and other international commitments it has made and, in particular, to fulfil the conditions and take the steps set out in the Commission’s recommendation of 8 November 2023; whereas the European Council decided to grant candidate status to Georgia solely on the understanding that these steps would be taken, including combating disinformation and interference against the EU and its values, engaging opposition parties and civil society in governance, and ensuring freedom of assembly and expression, as well as meaningfully consulting civil society and involving it in legislative and policymaking processes and ensuring that it can operate freely;

    F.  whereas civil society in Georgia has traditionally been very vibrant and active and played a pivotal role in soliciting and promoting democratic changes in the country, as well as in safeguarding and watching over their implementation;

    G.  whereas on 20 February 2024, the Parliament of Georgia passed amendments to the Electoral Code changing the procedure for the election of chair and so-called professional members of the Central Election Commission and abolishing the post of deputy chair, which is filled by a representative of the opposition;

    H.  whereas on 4 April 2024, less than a year before the elections, the Georgian Parliament adopted amendments to the country’s Electoral Code that modified fundamental aspects of the country’s electoral legislation, abolishing mandatory parliamentary quotas for women, which required that at least one out of four candidates on a party list be of a different gender than the majority;

    I.  whereas on 28 May 2024, the Georgian Parliament adopted the so-called transparency of foreign influence law, after overriding the veto of President Salome Zourabishvili and despite mass protests by Georgian citizens and repeated calls from Georgia’s European partners to withdraw the draft law which, in spirit and content, contradicts EU norms and values; whereas adopting this law has effectively frozen Georgia’s accession process and led to the suspension of EU financial assistance for Georgia;

    J.  whereas the law was adopted in a procedure which, according to the Venice Commission, left no space for genuine discussion and meaningful consultation, in open disregard for the concerns of large parts of the Georgian population; whereas the restrictions set by that law to the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of association and the right to privacy are incompatible with the strict test set out in Articles 8(2), 10(2), and 11(2) of the ECHR and Article 17(2), 19(2) and 22(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as they do not meet the requirements of legality, legitimacy, necessity and proportionality in a democratic society, and they are also incompatible with the principle of non-discrimination set out in Article 14 of the ECHR;

    K.  whereas this legislation comes at a time of increasing and ongoing attacks against civil society in Georgia in a seeming effort to narrow civic space by starving independent groups of funds; whereas this legislation is modelled on the foreign agent legislation in Russia;

    L.  whereas on 6 June 2024, the US imposed visa restrictions on dozens of Georgian officials over the adoption of the ‘foreign agents law’;

    M.  whereas the European Council, in its conclusions of 27 June 2024, called on Georgia’s authorities to ‘clarify their intentions by reversing the current course of action which jeopardises Georgia’s EU path, de facto leading to a halt of the accession process’;

    N.  whereas on 11 July 2024, the US Congress Committee on Foreign Affairs adopted Georgia sanctions legislation known as the Megobari Act, which imposes sanctions against Georgian officials responsible for undermining the country’s democratic system;

    O.  whereas on 17 September 2024, the Georgian Parliament passed a law on ‘family values and the protection of minors’, which aims to ban reliable information about sexual orientation and gender identity;

    P.  whereas the Georgian authorities have not taken into account a single recommendation of the Venice Commission regarding the annulment or modification of the above-mentioned laws on ‘transparency of foreign influence’ and ‘family values and the protection of minors’, the abolition of gender quotas in local and parliamentary elections, and the formation of the Central Election Commission;

    Q.  whereas there is growing anti-Western and hostile rhetoric from the ruling Georgian Dream party against Georgia’s democratic partners, as well as promotion of Russian disinformation, manipulation and conspiracy theories; whereas that hostile rhetoric also targets Ukraine, as the ruling party uses despicable political banners depicting Ukrainian cities destroyed by Russia, thus capitalising on the suffering of brave Ukrainians; whereas the Georgian Dream party is pursuing a narrative of the West as a ‘global war party’ which is trying to push Georgia back into a war with Russia;

    R.  whereas an increasing number of incidents indicate that Georgia is experiencing an insecure media environment, which poses a threat to its democracy; whereas Reporters Without Borders’ annual index on press freedom ranks Georgia 103rd out of 180 countries, a drop of 26 places from the previous year;

    S.  whereas on 28 August 2024, the leader of Georgian Dream, Bidzina Ivanishvili, at the inauguration of his party’s electoral campaign, spoke of his intention to ban democratic opposition parties; whereas he was seconded by the Prime Minister, Irakli Kobakhidze, who stated that, if the party received a majority in the Georgian Parliament, it would ban certain opposition parties, and referred to the opposition as a ‘criminal political force’;

    T.  whereas the Russian Foreign Minister’s statement expressing his readiness to help Georgia normalise its relations with ‘the neighbouring … states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia’ was praised by the leaders of the ruling party, demonstrating the Georgian Government’s departure from its policy of non-recognition of the occupied regions of Georgia;

    U.  whereas parliamentary elections will take place in Georgia on 26 October 2024; whereas the law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’ has effectively blocked the requirement to have domestic observers, whose presence, according to OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights principles, would contribute to an increase in the transparency of and trust in the electoral process;

    1.  Expresses its deep concern about the democratic backsliding in Georgia, which has occurred exponentially throughout this year and especially ahead of the parliamentary elections on 26 October 2024; strongly condemns the adoption of the law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’ and the law on ‘family values and protection of minors’, as well as the changes to the Electoral Code; considers that the above are tools used by the government to violate freedom of expression, censor media, impose restrictions on critical voices in civil society and the NGO sector or to discriminate against vulnerable people; underscores that the foregoing are also incompatible with EU values and democratic principles, run against Georgia’s ambitions for EU membership, damage Georgia’s international reputation and endanger the country’s Euro-Atlantic integration; strongly underlines that unless the above-mentioned legislation is rescinded, progress cannot be made in Georgia’s relations with the EU; regrets that Georgia, once a champion of democratic progress with Euro-Atlantic aspirations, has been in a democratic backsliding free fall for a considerable period;

    2.  Calls on the Commission and the Member States to investigate the consequences of the democratic backsliding that these laws represent for their donor role in Georgia and to communicate this possible impact to the Government and Parliament of Georgia; calls for all EU funding provided to the Georgian Government to be frozen until the above-mentioned undemocratic laws are repealed and for strict conditions to be placed on the disbursement of any future funding to the Georgian Government;

    3.  Expresses its concern about the climate of hatred and intimidation fuelled by statements by Georgian Government representatives and political leaders, as well as by the government’s attacks on political pluralism; condemns comments by oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili and leading figures of the government threatening to ban opposition parties and referring to the opposition as a ‘criminal political force’; notes that such intimidation seriously undermines the political process and the freedom of expression, and contributes to an environment of fear;

    4.  Calls for a thorough investigation of police brutality against peaceful protestors during the spring protests against the law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’ in Georgia;

    5.  Reiterates its calls on the Commission to promptly assess how Georgia’s ‘transparency of foreign influence’ and ‘family values and protection of minors’ laws, its abolition of gender quotas and other changes in its electoral legislation, the implementation of the Venice Commission’s recommendations in general and the conduct of the elections in line with accepted international standards, affect Georgia’s continuous fulfilment of the visa liberalisation benchmarks, in particular the fundamental rights benchmark, which is a crucial component of the EU visa liberalisation policy;

    6.  Reiterates its unwavering support for the Georgian people’s legitimate European aspirations and their wish to live in a prosperous country, free from corruption, that fully respects fundamental freedoms, protects human rights and guarantees an open society and independent media; underlines that the decision to grant Georgia EU candidate country status was motivated by the wish to acknowledge the achievements and democratic efforts of Georgia’s civil society, as well as the overwhelming support for EU accession among its citizens, with over 80 % of the Georgian people consistently in favour; appreciates the efforts made by Georgia’s President Salome Zourabishvili to return Georgia to the democratic and pro-European path of development and strongly condemns the Georgian Dream party’s effort to silence her through impeachment procedures on unwarranted grounds;

    7.  Deplores the personal role played by Georgia’s oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, who returned to active politics on 30 December 2023 when he became ‘honorary chairman’ of the Georgian Dream party, in the current political crisis and in yet another attempt to undermine the Euro-Atlantic orientation of the country in favour of pivoting towards Russia; reiterates its call on the Council and the EU’s democratic partners to impose immediate and targeted personal sanctions on Ivanishvili for his role in the deterioration of the political process in Georgia as well as other activities benefiting the Russian Federation;

    8.  Calls for the EU and its Member States to hold to account and impose personal sanctions on all those responsible for undermining democracy in Georgia, who are complicit in the violence committed against political opponents and peaceful protesters and who spread anti-Western disinformation; welcomes the personal sanctions imposed by the US on Georgian Dream officials;

    9.  Expresses concern about the fact that many recent legislative proposals adopted by the Georgian Dream majority in the Georgian Parliament betray the aspirations of the large majority of the Georgian people to live in a democratic society, continue democratic and rule of law reforms, pursue close cooperation with Euro-Atlantic partners and commit to a path towards EU membership;

    10.  Emphasises that the rights to freedom of expression and assembly and to peaceful protest are fundamental freedoms and must be respected under all circumstances, particularly in a country aspiring to join the EU;

    11.  Underlines that the public watchdog role exercised by civil society and independent media is essential to a democratic society and crucial in advancing EU accession-related reforms and therefore calls on the Georgian authorities to do their utmost to guarantee an enabling environment in which civil society and independent media can thrive;

    12.  Recalls that the European Council of 14 and 15 December 2023 granted Georgia candidate country status on the understanding that the relevant steps set out in the Commission recommendation of 8 November 2023 would be taken; stresses that recently adopted legislation clearly goes against this ambition and has effectively put on hold Georgia’s integration into the EU;

    13.  Reiterates its call on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement and the President of the Commission to remind the Georgian Government of the commitments it made and the values and principles it subscribed to when it applied for EU membership;

    14.  Reiterates the tangible opportunities that Georgia would take advantage of once the accession negotiations begin, such as pre-accession assistance that would improve the standard of living of Georgian citizens, as well as support the institutions, infrastructure and social services;

    15.  Urges the Georgian authorities to ensure that the upcoming parliamentary elections in October 2024 adhere to the highest international standards, guaranteeing a transparent, free and fair process that reflects the democratic will of the people; presses for the abolition of the ingrained practice of misusing public resources and administrative capacity for the benefit of the ruling party; urges the Georgian authorities to take all necessary measures to ensure that all respected civil society organisations involved in election observation can observe these elections without hindrance or interference in their work;

    16.  Shares the concerns raised by the Venice Commission about the adoption of amendments to the legal framework for elections in Georgia and the Electoral Code, agreeing that these changes to the Electoral Code will have a major impact on the stakeholders’ perceptions of and trust in the impartiality and fairness of the election administration;

    17.  Expresses alarm at the decision to open only a limited number of polling stations abroad, despite numerous requests from the Georgian diaspora, thereby depriving the majority of Georgians living abroad of the right to vote; is deeply concerned by reports that the Government of Georgia is creating obstacles for the coalition of 30 NGOs and Transparency International Georgia in their efforts to conduct the ‘Go Out and Vote’ campaign; considers these obstacles to be an attempt to undermine democracy in the country;

    18.  Notes that, amid significant international backlash questioning the legitimacy of the upcoming elections, the Prime Minister of Georgia ‘recommended’ that the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) revoke its decision of 24 September 2024 designating Transparency International Georgia as having ‘declared electoral goals’, and the ACB did revoke it on 2 October 2024; recalls that the initial decision, if enforced and not revoked, would deprive one of Georgia’s leading civil society organisations of access to foreign funding, severely hindering its ability to continue operations, including election observation, as well as raise concerns about the political neutrality of the ACB;

    19.  Deplores the use by Georgian Dream of violent images of the war in Ukraine as a means of manipulating opinions and spreading disinformation and pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian sentiment in its campaign ahead of the October 2024 elections;

    20.  Expects Georgian Dream to respect the will and free choice of the Georgian people in the upcoming parliamentary elections and ensure a peaceful transfer of power; demands that Georgian Dream and its leaders immediately stop the violence, intimidation, hate speech, persecution and repression that it is committing against the opposition, civil society and independent media;

    21.  Strongly believes that the upcoming elections will be decisive in determining Georgia’s future democratic development and geopolitical choice, as well its ability to make progress with its EU member state candidacy; recognises that it is still possible to consolidate Georgia’s democratic future as an EU candidate country with a young, engaged generation of leaders, which was exemplified by the spontaneous protests against the foreign agent law that took place during 2024;

    22.  Expresses deep concern about the increased influence of Russia in Georgia, including increased immigration from Russia, increased trade ties with Russia and Georgia’s willingness to pursue reconciliation with Russia despite Russia’s war in Ukraine and its occupation of a fifth of Georgian sovereign territory; calls on the Government of Georgia to impose sanctions against Russia in response to its war of aggression against Ukraine, continue its previous policy of non-recognition of the occupied territories and honour its commitment to enforce effective measures to avoid the circumvention of European sanctions; encourages the Government of Georgia to align fully with the EU’s foreign policy and the EU’s strategy towards Russia;

    23.  Strongly reiterates its urgent demand for the immediate and unconditional release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds for the purpose of seeking medical treatment abroad; emphasises that the Georgian Government bears full and undeniable responsibility for the life, health, safety and well-being of former President Mikheil Saakashvili and must be held fully accountable for any harm that befalls him;

    24.  Notes that the Georgian Government has further worsened access to public information, including Soviet-era archives, using the EU General Data Protection Regulation to falsely justify draconian restrictions to archive access, and that some of Georgia’s most important Soviet-era archives (including the archives of the former KGB and the former Central Committee of the Communist Party) have been completely closed since October 2023 without any explanation; highlights Russia’s manipulation and falsification of history, including Soviet history, as part of its war of aggression against Ukraine and its military threats against other countries; regrets the growing cult of Stalin and the related increase in Soviet nostalgia in Georgia, supported by the ruling government, which underscores its closer alignment with Russia;

    25.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the President, Government and Parliament of Georgia.

    (1) OJ L 261, 30.8.2014, p. 4, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/agree_internation/2014/494/oj.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries concerning restrictive measures in respect of actions undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine

    Source: Council of the European Union

    Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2024/2456 of 12 September 2024 amending Decision 2014/145/CFSP concerning restrictive measures in respect of actions undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Sweden’s development assistance for global health and SRHR makes a difference and saves lives

    Source: Government of Sweden

    Sweden’s development assistance for global health and SRHR makes a difference and saves lives – Government.se

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    Press release from Ministry for Foreign Affairs

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    Sweden is an active force for child and maternal care, sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and other health care around the world. Support to health care in Ukraine, access to SRHR, and fundamental health and vaccination campaigns are important focus areas. Cooperation with civil society is also being strengthened. The annual development assistance for health report, published today, 11 October, outlines all of this and much more.

    “Investments in global health lead to a safer and healthier world, in which more people are given the conditions to live and shape their own prosperity. Sweden’s broad efforts for global health and SRHR are often critical – not least operations to get vaccines and medicines to those most in need, but also our efforts to strengthen health and medical care in low- and middle-income countries,” says Minister for International Development Cooperation and Foreign Trade Benjamin Dousa.

    Last year, Sweden’s development assistance for health totalled approximately SEK 5.7 billion. The annual development assistance for health report outlines Sweden’s overall support to global health and SRHR. It has been published every year since 2012 and is based on statistics from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). 

    In 2023, bilateral health assistance to Ukraine increased, helping to ensure access to basic and life-saving care – an area that has been hard-hit following Russia’s full-scale invasion. The Government’s drive to support civil society organisations has contributed to preventive measures in low- and middle-income countries, including against sexual and gender-based violence. 

    Press contact

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: GESDA Summit 2024: Democratizing Science Literacy – High-Level Political Segment (EN)

    Source: Switzerland – Federal Council in German

    Bern, 11.10.2024 – Rede von Bundesrat Ignazio Cassis, Vorsteher des Eidgenössischen Departements für auswärtige Angelegenheiten (EDA) – Es gilt das gesprochene Wort

    Excellencies

    Ladies and Gentlemen

    Dear Guests

    Last year, I ended my speech with the words of Nobel laureate Hermann Hesse: “To achieve the possible, we must attempt the impossible – again and again.”

    And that’s exactly what we do, year after year. The rapid technological advances we’re witnessing are expanding the boundaries of civilization in ways we once considered impossible.

    This is where GESDA plays its role: it opens new frontiers, enabling us to not only imagine but also anticipate the future and prepare for the changes ahead with tangible, inclusive solutions.

    Things are moving fast, and so is GESDA.

    Following last year’s launch of the Open Quantum Institute, GESDA now presents the Anticipation Gateway Initiative, its second pioneering project, which is now entering a three-year prototyping phase.

    I want to congratulate the entire GESDA team and its supporters for their unwavering commitment to pushing boundaries for multilateralism and humanity.

    New technologies are reshaping relationships —between people, organisations, and our environment. While this is not new, the pace of progress now far exceeds human evolution, creating deeper divides in our societies.

    Ladies and gentlemen

    What’s on GESDA’s radar? What’s cooking in the labs? Let me highlight two rapidly advancing fields: synthetic biology and neuroscience.

    1) Synthetic biology: This field merges biology and engineering, allowing us to create new living organisms or modify existing ones to perform novel tasks—potentially enabling us to program living cells like computers in the future.

    Over the next five years, integrating synthetic biology with AI will speed up the development of new biological agents:

    • On the upside, it could lead to the rapid development of vaccines and treatments, helping us live healthier, longer lives.
    • On the downside, some agents could be misused as biological weapons.

    2) Neurotechnology: This field involves technologies that interact with the nervous system to monitor or influence brain activity. GESDA foresees that next-gen implants will stimulate multiple brain regions, with AI and brain-computer interfaces becoming a reality soon.

    ·     The bright side: Neurotechnology could help paraplegics walk again.

    ·     The dark side: It might also be used to enhance soldiers’ abilities, improving precision, resilience, and reducing sleep needs—raising ethical concerns we must address.

    Dear guests

    The rapid acceleration of science will deeply impact every aspect of our lives, including international peace and security. Given Switzerland’s history of innovation and mediation, we believe it’s crucial to focus on preventing and managing conflicts that may arise from emerging technologies.

    As science advances, diplomacy must keep pace.

    In this spirit, during our presidency of the UN Security Council this October, Switzerland will propose a presidential statement to highlight the importance of monitoring scientific advances and their effects on global peace and security.

    While the UNSC currently addresses pressing issues such as the Middle East, Ukraine, Yemen, and Sudan, we must also view global dynamics through the lens of science. Leaders need to prepare for future science-driven challenges, as they will increasingly face conflicts fuelled by technology.

    This will be my message as President of the Security Council on 21 October in New York. Specifically, this will mean discussing the forms of warfare we wish to avoid, establishing rules, and setting clear limits.

    Thanks to GESDA’s Anticipation Gateway Initiative, we can begin shaping this vision with three key instruments:

    1. The training framework for anticipatory leadership prepares decision-makers for a rapidly evolving world, helping them understand breakthrough technologies.

    2. The public portal raises global awareness on these issues (this will also feature at the Swiss Pavilion at the 2025 World Expo in Osaka, Kansai).

    3. The anticipation observatory provides a platform for everyone to engage in these vital conversations.

    Ladies and gentlemen

    I began with a Nobel laureate, so I’ll close with another. Marie Curie once said: “In life, nothing is to be feared, everything is to be understood. It is time to understand more, so that we may fear less.

    As we conclude this month’s Swiss presidency of the UNSC, my hope is that we leave New York with a sense of accomplishment—having made progress in ensuring the Council remains committed to monitoring scientific developments and their impact on global peace and security.

    In UN terms, the Council must stay engaged and encourage others to continue this crucial discussion. The more we understand, the less we will fear.

    Now, turning ‘back to the present’, I look forward to hearing the perspectives and insights from my ministerial colleagues.

    Thank you.


    Adresse für Rückfragen

    Kommunikation EDA
    Bundeshaus West
    CH-3003 Bern
    Tel. Medienstelle: +41 58 460 55 55
    E-Mail: kommunikation@eda.admin.ch
    Twitter: @EDA_DFAE


    Herausgeber

    Eidgenössisches Departement für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
    https://www.eda.admin.ch/eda/de/home.html

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Switzerland and US sign new agreement on the exchange of trainees and young professionals

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Foreign Affairs in English

    Bern-Wabern, 11.10.2024 – Switzerland and the US today signed a new agreement in Bern on the exchange of trainees and young professionals. The agreement will make it easier for young Swiss people to receive training in the US, and for Americans to do the same in Switzerland, for short periods. This new agreement replaces the agreement from 1980.

    State Secretary for Migration Christine Schraner Burgener signed the new agreement in Bern today. It will take effect from 30 November, and is aimed at young Swiss people between 18 and 35 years old. Those wishing to participate must either be in training or have a vocational diploma or higher education qualification. People who do not meet these requirements may still be eligible if they have some professional experience. In particular, they must be seeking to complete their studies or to improve their skills in their specialisation.

    For both Swiss and American participants, residence and work permits are issued for up to 12 months, with the possibility of a 6-month extension.

    Purpose of the agreement

    The new agreement makes it easier for young professionals from both countries to obtain visas, and opens up the exchange programme to a wider range of people than under the 1980 agreement. The immersive experience of training abroad allows participants to improve their language, cultural and social skills.

    Under the old programme, more than 100 people each year from Switzerland and as many from the United States benefited from an exchange in the 1980s and early 1990s. This number has fallen steadily since the 2000s, mainly because of changes in the requirements for obtaining a US visa.

    Switzerland also has trainee exchange agreements in place with Argentina, Australia, Chile, Canada, Japan, Monaco, New Zealand, the Philippines, Russia, South Africa, Ukraine, Tunisia and Indonesia. Switzerland also has individual agreements with the member states of the European Union; however, these are no longer applied because the Agreement on the Free Movement of Persons between Switzerland and the EU offers more favourable conditions.

    Since the first trainee agreement was concluded (with Belgium in 1936), almost 40,000 Swiss trainees have been able to work temporarily abroad. Conversely, more than 58,000 foreign trainees have had the opportunity to experience the Swiss work environment.


    Address for enquiries

    SEM Information and Communication, medien@sem.admin.ch


    Publisher

    State Secretariat for Migration
    https://www.sem.admin.ch/sem/en/home.html

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Sweden’s development assistance for health 2023

    Source: Government of Sweden

    Sweden’s development assistance for health 2023 – Government.se

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    In 2023,Sweden’s development assistance for health totalled approximately SEK 5.7 billion. Support to health care in Ukraine, access to SRHR, and fundamental health and vaccination campaigns are important focus areas.

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    Sweden’s development assistance for health amounted to approximately
    SEK 5.7 billion in 2023, accounting for 10.4 per cent of Sweden’s total
    development assistance, excluding deductions for asylum costs. Approximately SEK 3.4 billion (equivalent to 61 per cent) of this was channelled via the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The remaining funds, just over SEK 2.2 billion (corresponding to 39 per cent), were channelled via Sida’s bilateral, regional and global strategies.

    The total amount of development assistance for health has varied over the years. In 2020–2021, it was record high in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Percentage-wise, total development assistance for health in 2023 decreased slightly compared to pre-pandemic levels. During the period 2019–2023, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs managed a larger financial share of Sweden’s development assistance for health than Sida.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Banking: Gradual trade recovery underway despite regional conflicts, policy uncertainty

    Source: World Trade Organization

    The October update of the WTO’s Global Trade Outlook and Statistics largely reaffirms the April forecast, pointing to a gradual recovery in merchandise trade despite widening regional conflicts and increasing policy uncertainty. However, at the regional level, we have seen weaker-than-expected European trade and stronger-than-expected Asian exports.

    Since the last report, inflation has fallen, as expected, in advanced economies, prompting central banks to begin lowering interest rates. We expected these developments to boost consumption and investment, thereby increasing demand for imports. In particular, we projected that Asian economies would lead the trade recovery, while North America, Europe and other regions would contribute more modestly, yet positively.

    Broadly speaking, these expectations have materialized. As shown in Chart 1, we now anticipate a 2.7% increase in global merchandise trade volume in 2024, slightly up on our previous estimate of 2.6%. However, the forecast for 2025 has been revised downward, from 3.3% to 3.0%. Trade growth in 2024 and 2025 will likely be accompanied by real global GDP growth of 2.7% at market exchange rates, both this year and next.

    While the overall figures for global trade and output have remained stable, notable shifts in regional trade growth are emerging. Downside risks to the forecast have also intensified, particularly with the escalation of the conflict in the Middle East, which could further disrupt trade flows.

    Two key differences stand out between the current forecast and the previous one. First, trade growth in European economies has been weaker than expected, affecting both imports and exports. Second, export growth in Asian economies has been stronger than expected.

    As illustrated in Chart 2, Asia is expected to contribute more than any other region to global export growth in 2024, adding 2.8 percentage points to the projected 3.3% growth in exports. The region is also expected to contribute 1.4 percentage points to the 2.0% import growth foreseen for this year. Meanwhile, North America is expected to contribute 0.6 percentage points to import growth in 2024, partly offsetting Europe’s negative contribution of -0.8 percentage points. Regional trade contributions should stabilize in 2025, aligning more closely with medium-term trends.

    The stronger-than-expected export performance in Asia has been driven by increased exports of electronics, automotive products and other manufactured goods from China, with other Asian economies such as India, Viet Nam and Singapore also reporting robust export growth. On the downside, Europe’s export decline has been led by a contraction in the automotive and chemicals sectors, both of which are concentrated in Germany.

    The outlook for services trade remains more positive than for goods, with the value of global commercial services trade in US dollars rising 8% year-on-year in the first quarter of 2024. More comprehensive services data will be released later this month, but continued strong growth is anticipated for the second quarter.

    Returning to merchandise trade, we are seeing increasing evidence of trade fragmentation driven by geopolitical concerns. Trade is increasingly conducted among like-minded economies, a trend accelerated by the war in Ukraine. However, we have yet to observe a broader shift towards regionalization or near-shoring on a global scale.

    The full report is available here.

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Secretary-General’s Opening Remarks at the 14th ASEAN-UN Summit [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

     
     
    Mr. Chair, Prime Minister Siphandone, thank you for your warm welcome and congratulations on your leadership of ASEAN this year. 
     
    Distinguished leaders of ASEAN,
     
    Excellencies,
     
    Ladies and gentlemen,
     
    For nearly six decades, the family of South-East Asian countries has blazed a path of collaboration.
     
    Every day, you grow more integrated, dynamic and influential.
     
    And our ASEAN-UN partnership is growing ever stronger, too and it is today a strategic partnership from the UN point of view.
     
    The ASEAN-UN Plan of Action is making important progress across the political, security, economic and cultural fronts.
     
    I am particularly grateful for the important contribution of ASEAN members to our peacekeeping operations.
     
    Allow me to express my total solidarity with the Indonesian delegation. Two Indonesian peacekeepers [serving in Lebanon] were wounded by Israeli fire. We are together with you and the Indonesian people at this time.
     
    I also welcome your work on the preparation of the Community Vision 2045.
     
    This region has always been about looking ahead.
     
    And so is the Pact for the Future, adopted last month at the United Nations.
     
    We need to keep looking ahead.  
     
    Let me point to four key areas. 
     
    First, connectivity — your theme for the year.
     
    We start with a fundamental objective: technology should benefit everyone.
     
    Across Southeast Asia, broadband and mobile internet connectivity has soared. Yet the digital divide persists. 
     
    And a new divide is now with us — an Artificial Intelligence divide. 
     
    Every country must be able to access and benefit from these technologies.
     
    And every country should be at the table when decisions are made about their governance.
     
    The Pact for the Future includes a major breakthrough — the first truly universal agreement on the international governance of Artificial Intelligence that would give every country a seat at the AI table.
     
    It also calls for international partnerships to boost AI capacity building in developing countries.
     
    And it commits governments to establishing an independent international Scientific Panel on AI and initiating a global dialogue on its governance within the United Nations.
     
    Second, finance. 
     
    International financial institutions can no longer provide a global safety net – or offer developing countries the level of support they need.
     
    The Pact for the Future says clearly: we need to accelerate reform of the international financial architecture.
     
    To close the financing gap of the Sustainable Development Goals. 
     
    To ensure that countries can borrow sustainably to invest in their long-term development. 
     
    And to strengthen the voice and representation of developing countries.
     
    This includes calling on G20 countries to lead on an SDG Stimulus of $500 billion a year.
     
    Substantially increasing also the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks.
     
    Recycling more Special Drawing Rights.
     
    And restructuring loans for countries drowning in debt.
     
    Third, climate.
     
    ASEAN countries are feeling the brunt of climate chaos – disasters like Super Typhoon Yagi – while the 1.5 degree goal is slipping away.
     
    We need dramatic action to reduce emissions.
     
    The G20 is responsible for 80 per cent of total emissions – they must lead the way.
     
    I welcome the pioneering Just Energy Transition Partnerships in Indonesia and Vietnam.
     
    By next year, every country must produce new NDCs aligned with limiting the global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
     
    Developed countries must keep their promises to double adaptation finance.
     
    And we need to see significant contributions to the new Loss and Damage Fund.
     
    Every person must be covered by an alert system by 2027, through the United Nations’ Early Warnings for All Initiative. 
     
    We must secure also an ambitious outcome on finance at COP29.
     
    Fourth and finally, peace.
     
    I recognize your constructive role in continuing to pursue dialogue and peaceful means of resolving disputes from the Korean Peninsula to the South China Sea. 
    And I salute you for doing so in full respect of the UN Charter and international law – including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
     
    Meanwhile, Myanmar remains on an increasingly complex path.
     
    Violence is growing.
     
    The humanitarian situation is spiralling.
     
    One-third of the population is in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  Millions have been forced to flee their homes. 
     
    Seven years after the forced mass displacement of the Rohingya, durable solutions seem a distant reality.
     
    I support strengthened cooperation between the UN Special Envoy and the ASEAN Chair on innovative ways to promote a Myanmar-led process, including through the effective and comprehensive implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus and beyond.
     
    The people of Myanmar need peace. And I call on all countries to leverage their influence towards an inclusive political solution to the conflict and deliver the peaceful future that the people of Myanmar deserve.
     
    Excellencies,
     
    ASEAN exemplifies community and cooperation.
     
    You are far more than the sum of your parts.
     
    In a world with growing geopolitical divides, with dramatic impacts on peace and security and sustainable development, ASEAN is a bridge-builder and a messenger for peace.
     
    Peace that is more necessary than ever, when we see the immense suffering of the people in Gaza, now extended to Lebanon, not forgetting Ukraine, Sudan, Myanmar and so many others.
     
    Allow me to tell you that the level of death and destruction in Gaza is something that has no comparison in any other situation I have seen since I became Secretary-General.
     
    I am extremely grateful for your constant efforts to keep our world together.
     
    You play a key role in shaping a world that is prosperous, inclusive and sustainable with respect for human rights at its heart.
     
    And you can always count on my full support and that of the United Nations in this essential effort.
     
    Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Iceland hosts Arctic Allies

    Source: Government of Iceland

    On 9 October, the Chiefs of Defence of Iceland, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Finland, Sweden and the United States met in Keflavík, Iceland, to discuss priorities and perspectives in relation to the security situation in the Arctic.

    As the strategic importance of the Arctic continues to grow, the Chiefs of Defence discussed opportunities for increased regional cooperation, including in response to challenges brought about by climate change, economic activities and increased maritime traffic. Two and a half years following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, they also discussed increased Russian military build-up and the importance of maintaining situational awareness in the region.

    These key annual meetings between close Allies serve to coordinate and deepen partnerships and strengthen shared situational awareness. Iceland hosted the meeting, chaired by the Director General of Iceland’s Directorate for Defence, which is part of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. 

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Secretary-General’s Opening Remarks at the 14th ASEAN-UN Summit [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations – English

    strong> 
     
    Mr. Chair, Prime Minister Siphandone, thank you for your warm welcome and congratulations on your leadership of ASEAN this year. 
     
    Distinguished leaders of ASEAN,
     
    Excellencies,
     
    Ladies and gentlemen,
     
    For nearly six decades, the family of South-East Asian countries has blazed a path of collaboration.
     
    Every day, you grow more integrated, dynamic and influential.
     
    And our ASEAN-UN partnership is growing ever stronger, too and it is today a strategic partnership from the UN point of view.
     
    The ASEAN-UN Plan of Action is making important progress across the political, security, economic and cultural fronts.
     
    I am particularly grateful for the important contribution of ASEAN members to our peacekeeping operations.
     
    Allow me to express my total solidarity with the Indonesian delegation. Two Indonesian peacekeepers [serving in Lebanon] were wounded by Israeli fire. We are together with you and the Indonesian people at this time.
     
    I also welcome your work on the preparation of the Community Vision 2045.
     
    This region has always been about looking ahead.
     
    And so is the Pact for the Future, adopted last month at the United Nations.
     
    We need to keep looking ahead.  
     
    Let me point to four key areas. 
     
    First, connectivity — your theme for the year.
     
    We start with a fundamental objective: technology should benefit everyone.
     
    Across Southeast Asia, broadband and mobile internet connectivity has soared. Yet the digital divide persists. 
     
    And a new divide is now with us — an Artificial Intelligence divide. 
     
    Every country must be able to access and benefit from these technologies.
     
    And every country should be at the table when decisions are made about their governance.
     
    The Pact for the Future includes a major breakthrough — the first truly universal agreement on the international governance of Artificial Intelligence that would give every country a seat at the AI table.
     
    It also calls for international partnerships to boost AI capacity building in developing countries.
     
    And it commits governments to establishing an independent international Scientific Panel on AI and initiating a global dialogue on its governance within the United Nations.
     
    Second, finance. 
     
    International financial institutions can no longer provide a global safety net – or offer developing countries the level of support they need.
     
    The Pact for the Future says clearly: we need to accelerate reform of the international financial architecture.
     
    To close the financing gap of the Sustainable Development Goals. 
     
    To ensure that countries can borrow sustainably to invest in their long-term development. 
     
    And to strengthen the voice and representation of developing countries.
     
    This includes calling on G20 countries to lead on an SDG Stimulus of $500 billion a year.
     
    Substantially increasing also the lending capacity of Multilateral Development Banks.
     
    Recycling more Special Drawing Rights.
     
    And restructuring loans for countries drowning in debt.
     
    Third, climate.
     
    ASEAN countries are feeling the brunt of climate chaos – disasters like Super Typhoon Yagi – while the 1.5 degree goal is slipping away.
     
    We need dramatic action to reduce emissions.
     
    The G20 is responsible for 80 per cent of total emissions – they must lead the way.
     
    I welcome the pioneering Just Energy Transition Partnerships in Indonesia and Vietnam.
     
    By next year, every country must produce new NDCs aligned with limiting the global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
     
    Developed countries must keep their promises to double adaptation finance.
     
    And we need to see significant contributions to the new Loss and Damage Fund.
     
    Every person must be covered by an alert system by 2027, through the United Nations’ Early Warnings for All Initiative. 
     
    We must secure also an ambitious outcome on finance at COP29.
     
    Fourth and finally, peace.
     
    I recognize your constructive role in continuing to pursue dialogue and peaceful means of resolving disputes from the Korean Peninsula to the South China Sea. 
    And I salute you for doing so in full respect of the UN Charter and international law – including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
     
    Meanwhile, Myanmar remains on an increasingly complex path.
     
    Violence is growing.
     
    The humanitarian situation is spiralling.
     
    One-third of the population is in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  Millions have been forced to flee their homes. 
     
    Seven years after the forced mass displacement of the Rohingya, durable solutions seem a distant reality.
     
    I support strengthened cooperation between the UN Special Envoy and the ASEAN Chair on innovative ways to promote a Myanmar-led process, including through the effective and comprehensive implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus and beyond.
     
    The people of Myanmar need peace. And I call on all countries to leverage their influence towards an inclusive political solution to the conflict and deliver the peaceful future that the people of Myanmar deserve.
     
    Excellencies,
     
    ASEAN exemplifies community and cooperation.
     
    You are far more than the sum of your parts.
     
    In a world with growing geopolitical divides, with dramatic impacts on peace and security and sustainable development, ASEAN is a bridge-builder and a messenger for peace.
     
    Peace that is more necessary than ever, when we see the immense suffering of the people in Gaza, now extended to Lebanon, not forgetting Ukraine, Sudan, Myanmar and so many others.
     
    Allow me to tell you that the level of death and destruction in Gaza is something that has no comparison in any other situation I have seen since I became Secretary-General.
     
    I am extremely grateful for your constant efforts to keep our world together.
     
    You play a key role in shaping a world that is prosperous, inclusive and sustainable with respect for human rights at its heart.
     
    And you can always count on my full support and that of the United Nations in this essential effort.
     
    Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Security: NATO Secretary General to visit Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe and Clay Barracks in Germany

    Source: NATO

    On Monday, 14 October 2024, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte will visit Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) and will travel to Germany.

    At SHAPE, Mr Rutte will meet Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), General Christopher Cavoli, and other senior officers. 

    In the afternoon, NATO Secretary General will travel to Wiesbaden, where he will meet the German Minister of Defence, Mr Boris Pistorius, and visit the site of NATO’s Security Assistance and Training – Ukraine (NSATU) command.

    There will be no media opportunity.

    Photographs will be available on the NATO website and video can be downloaded from the NATO Multimedia Portal after the event.

    For more information:
    For general queries: contact the NATO Press Office
    Follow us on X: @NATO@SecGenNATO and @NATOPress

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Meeting of 11-12 September 2024

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 11-12 September 2024

    10 October 2024

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel noted that since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 17-18 July 2024 there had been repeated periods of elevated market volatility, as growth concerns had become the dominant market theme. The volatility in risk asset markets had left a more persistent imprint on broader financial markets associated with shifting expectations for the policy path of the Federal Reserve System.

    The reappraisal of expectations for US monetary policy had spilled over into euro area rate expectations, supported by somewhat weaker economic data and a notable decline in headline inflation in the euro area. Overnight index swap (OIS) markets were currently pricing in a steeper and more frontloaded rate-cutting cycle than had been anticipated at the time of the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. At the same time, survey expectations had hardly changed relative to July.

    Volatility in US equity markets had shot up to levels last seen in October 2020, following the August US non-farm payroll employment report and the unwinding of yen carry trades. Similarly, both the implied volatility in the euro area stock market and the Composite Indicator of Systemic Stress had spiked. However, the turbulence had proved short-lived, and indicators of volatility and systemic stress had come down quickly.

    The sharp swings in risk aversion among global investors had been mirrored in equity prices, with the weaker growth outlook having also been reflected in the sectoral performance of global equity markets. In both the euro area and the United States, defensive sectors had recently outperformed cyclical ones, suggesting that equity investors were positioning themselves for weaker economic growth.

    Two factors could have amplified stock market dynamics. One was that the sensitivity of US equity prices to US macroeconomic shocks can depend on prevailing valuations. Another was the greater role of speculative market instruments, including short volatility equity funds.

    The pronounced reappraisal of the expected path of US monetary policy had spilled over into rate expectations across major advanced economies, including the euro area. The euro area OIS forward curve had shifted noticeably lower compared with expectations prevailing at the time of the Governing Council’s July meeting. In contrast to market expectations, surveys had proven much more stable. The expectations reported in the most recent Survey of Monetary Analysts (SMA) had been unchanged versus the previous round and pointed towards a more gradual rate path.

    The dynamics of market-based and survey-based policy rate expectations over the year – as illustrated by the total rate cuts expected by the end of 2024 and the end of 2025 in the markets and in the SMA – showed that the higher volatility in market expectations relative to surveys had been a pervasive feature. Since the start of 2024 market-based expectations had oscillated around stable SMA expectations. The dominant drivers of interest rate markets in the inter-meeting period and for most of 2024 had in fact been US rather than domestic euro area factors, which could partly explain the more muted sensitivity of analysts’ expectations to recent incoming data.

    At the same time, the expected policy divergence between the euro area and the United States had changed signs, with markets currently expecting a steeper easing cycle for the Federal Reserve.

    The decline in US nominal rates across maturities since the Governing Council’s last meeting could be explained mainly by a decline in expected real rates, as shown by a breakdown of OIS rates across different maturities into inflation compensation and real rates. By contrast, the decline in euro area nominal rates had largely related to a decline in inflation compensation.

    The market’s reassessment of the outlook for inflation in the euro area and the United States had led to the one-year inflation-linked swap (ILS) rates one year ahead declining broadly in tandem on both sides of the Atlantic. The global shift in investor focus from inflation to growth concerns may have lowered investors’ required compensation for upside inflation risks. A second driver of inflation compensation had been the marked decline in energy prices since the Governing Council’s July meeting. Over the past few years the market’s near-term inflation outlook had been closely correlated with energy prices.

    Market-based inflation expectations had again been oscillating around broadly stable survey-based expectations, as shown by a comparison of the year-to-date developments in SMA expectations and market pricing for inflation rates at the 2024 and 2025 year-ends.

    The dominance of US factors in recent financial market developments and the divergence in policy rate expectations between the euro area and the United States had also been reflected in exchange rate developments. The euro had been pushed higher against the US dollar owing to the repricing of US monetary policy expectations and the deterioration in the US macroeconomic outlook. In nominal effective terms, however, the euro exchange rate had depreciated mildly, as the appreciation against the US dollar and other currencies had been more than offset by a weakening against the Swiss franc and the Japanese yen.

    Sovereign bond markets had once again proven resilient to the volatility in riskier asset market segments. Ten-year sovereign spreads over German Bunds had widened modestly after the turbulence but had retreated shortly afterwards. As regards corporate borrowing, the costs of rolling over euro area and US corporate debt had eased measurably across rating buckets relative to their peak.

    Finally, there had been muted take-up in the first three-month lending operation extending into the period of the new pricing for the main refinancing operations. As announced in March, the spread to the deposit facility rate would be reduced from 50 to 15 basis points as of 18 September 2024. Moreover, markets currently expected only a slow increase in take-up and no money market reaction to this adjustment.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started by reviewing inflation developments in the euro area. Headline inflation had decreased to 2.2% in August (flash release), which was 0.4 percentage points lower than in July. This mainly reflected a sharp decline in energy inflation, from 1.2% in July to -3.0% in August, on account of downward base effects. Food inflation had been 2.4% in August, marginally up from 2.3% in July. Core inflation – as measured by the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) excluding energy and food – had decreased by 0.1 percentage points to 2.8% in August, as the decline in goods inflation to 0.4% had outweighed the rise in services inflation to 4.2%.

    Most measures of underlying inflation had been broadly unchanged in July. However, domestic inflation remained high, as wages were still rising at an elevated pace. But labour cost pressures were moderating, and lower profits were partially buffering the impact of higher wages on inflation. Growth in compensation per employee had fallen further, to 4.3%, in the second quarter of 2024. And despite weak productivity unit labour costs had grown less strongly, by 4.6%, after 5.2% in the first quarter. Annual growth in unit profits had continued to fall, coming in at -0.6%, after -0.2% in the first quarter and +2.5% in the last quarter of 2023. Negotiated wage growth would remain high and volatile over the remainder of the year, given the significant role of one-off payments in some countries and the staggered nature of wage adjustments. The forward-looking wage tracker also signalled that wage growth would be strong in the near term but moderate in 2025.

    Headline inflation was expected to rise again in the latter part of this year, partly because previous falls in energy prices would drop out of the annual rates. According to the latest ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.5% in 2024, 2.2% in 2025 and 1.9% in 2026, notably reaching 2.0% during the second half of next year. Compared with the June projections, the profile for headline inflation was unchanged. Inflation projections including owner-occupied housing costs were a helpful cross-check. However, in the September projections these did not imply any substantial difference, as inflation both in rents and in the owner-occupied housing cost index had shown a very similar profile to the overall HICP inflation projection. For core inflation, the projections for 2024 and 2025 had been revised up slightly, as services inflation had been higher than expected. Staff continued to expect a rapid decline in core inflation, from 2.9% this year to 2.3% in 2025 and 2.0% in 2026. Owing to a weaker economy and lower wage pressures, the projections now saw faster disinflation in the course of 2025, resulting in the projection for core inflation in the fourth quarter of that year being marked down from 2.2% to 2.1%.

    Turning to the global economy, Mr Lane stressed that global activity excluding the euro area remained resilient and that global trade had strengthened in the second quarter of 2024, as companies frontloaded their orders in anticipation of shipping delays ahead of the Christmas season. At the same time downside risks were rising, with indicators signalling a slowdown in manufacturing. The frontloading of trade in the first half of the year meant that trade performance in the second half could be weaker.

    The euro had been appreciating against the US dollar (+1.0%) since the July Governing Council meeting but had been broadly stable in effective terms. As for the energy markets, Brent crude oil prices had decreased by 14%, to around USD 75 per barrel, since the July meeting. European natural gas prices had increased by 16%, to stand at around €37 per megawatt-hour amid ongoing geopolitical concerns.

    Euro area real GDP had expanded by 0.2% in the second quarter of this year, after being revised down. This followed 0.3% in the first quarter and fell short of the latest staff projections for real GDP. It was important not to exaggerate the slowdown in the second quarter of 2024. This was less pronounced when excluding a small euro area economy with a large and volatile contribution from intangible investment. However, while the euro area economy was continuing to grow, the expansion was being driven not by private domestic demand, but mainly by net exports and government spending. Private domestic demand had weakened, as households were consuming less, firms had cut business investment and housing investment had dropped sharply. The euro area flash composite output Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) had risen to 51.2 in August from 50.2 in July. While the services sector continued to expand, the more interest-sensitive manufacturing sector continued to contract, as it had done for most of the past two years. The flash PMI for services business activity for August had risen to 53.3, while the manufacturing output PMI remained deeply in contractionary territory at 45.7. The overall picture raised concerns: as developments were very similar for both activity and new orders, there was no indication that the manufacturing sector would recover anytime soon. Consumer confidence remained subdued and industrial production continued to face strong headwinds, with the highly interconnected industrial sector in the euro area’s largest economy suffering from a prolonged slump. On trade, it was also a concern that the improvements in the PMIs for new export orders for both services and manufacturing had again slipped in the last month or two.

    After expanding by 3.5% in 2023, global real GDP was expected to grow by 3.4% in 2024 and 2025, and 3.3% in 2026, according to the September ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Compared to the June projections, global real GDP growth had been revised up by 0.1 percentage points in each year of the projection horizon. Even though the outlook for the world economy had been upgraded slightly, there had been a downgrade in terms of the export prices of the euro area’s competitors, which was expected to fuel disinflationary pressures in the euro area, particularly in 2025.

    The euro area labour market remained resilient. The unemployment rate had been broadly unchanged in July, at 6.4%. Employment had grown by 0.2% in the second quarter. At the same time, the growth in the labour force had slowed. Recent survey indicators pointed to a further moderation in the demand for labour, with the job vacancy rate falling from 2.9% in the first quarter to 2.6% in the second quarter, close to its pre-pandemic peak of 2.4%. Early indicators of labour market dynamics suggested a further deceleration of labour market momentum in the third quarter. The employment PMI had stood at the broadly neutral level of 49.9 in August.

    In the staff projections output growth was expected to be 0.8% in 2024 and to strengthen to 1.3% in 2025 and 1.5% in 2026. Compared with the June projections, the outlook for growth had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points in each year of the projection horizon. For 2024, the downward revision reflected lower than expected GDP data and subdued short-term activity indicators. For 2025 and 2026 the downward revisions to the average annual growth rates were the result of slightly weaker contributions from net trade and domestic demand.

    Concerning fiscal policies, the euro area budget balance was projected to improve progressively, though less strongly than in the previous projection round, from -3.6% in 2023 to -3.3% in 2024, -3.2% in 2025 and -3.0% in 2026.

    Turning to monetary and financial analysis, risk-free market interest rates had decreased markedly since the last monetary policy meeting, mostly owing to a weaker outlook for global growth and reduced concerns about inflation pressures. Tensions in global markets over the summer had led to a temporary tightening of financial conditions in the riskier market segments. But in the euro area and elsewhere forward rates had fallen across maturities. Financing conditions for firms and households remained restrictive, as the past policy rate increases continued to work their way through the transmission chain. The average interest rates on new loans to firms and on new mortgages had stayed high in July, at 5.1% and 3.8% respectively. Monetary dynamics were broadly stable amid marked volatility in monthly flows, with net external assets remaining the main driver of money creation. The annual growth rate of M3 had stood at 2.3% in July, unchanged from June but up from 1.5% in May. Credit growth remained sluggish amid weak demand.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    Regarding the assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission, Mr Lane concluded that confidence in a timely return of inflation to target was supported by both declining uncertainty around the projections, including their stability across projection rounds, and also by inflation expectations across a range of indicators that remained aligned with a timely convergence to target. The incoming data on wages and profits had been in line with expectations. The baseline scenario foresaw a demand-led economic recovery that boosted labour productivity, allowing firms to absorb the expected growth in labour costs without denting their profitability too much. This should buffer the cost pressures stemming from higher wages, dampening price increases. Most measures of underlying inflation, including those with a high predictive content for future inflation, were stable at levels consistent with inflation returning to target in a sufficiently timely manner. While domestic inflation was still being kept elevated by pay rises, the projected slowdown in wage growth next year was expected to make a major contribution to the final phase of disinflation towards the target.

    Based on this assessment, it was now appropriate to take another step in moderating the degree of monetary policy restriction. Accordingly, Mr Lane proposed lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – by 25 basis points. This decision was robust across a wide range of scenarios. At a still clearly restrictive level of 3.50% for the deposit facility rate, upside shocks to inflation calling into question the timely return of inflation to target could be addressed with a slower pace of rate reductions in the coming quarters compared with the baseline rate path embedded in the projections. At the same time, compared with holding the deposit facility rate at 3.75%, this level also offered greater protection against downside risks that could lead to an undershooting of the target further out in the projection horizon, including the risks associated with an excessively slow unwinding of the rate tightening cycle.

    Looking ahead, a gradual approach to dialling back restrictiveness would be appropriate if the incoming data were in line with the baseline projection. At the same time, optionality should be retained as regards the speed of adjustment. In one direction, if the incoming data indicated a sustained acceleration in the speed of disinflation or a material shortfall in the speed of economic recovery (with its implications for medium-term inflation), a faster pace of rate adjustment could be warranted; in the other direction, if the incoming data indicated slower than expected disinflation or a faster pace of economic recovery, a slower pace of rate adjustment could be warranted. These considerations reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting and data-dependent approach that maintained two-way optionality and flexibility for future rate decisions. This implied reiterating (i) the commitment to keep policy rates sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary to achieve a timely return of inflation to target; (ii) the emphasis on a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach in setting policy; and (iii) the retention of the three-pronged reaction function, based on the Governing Council’s assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    As announced in March, some changes to the operational framework for implementing monetary policy were to come into effect at the start of the next maintenance period on 18 September. The spread between the rate on the main refinancing operations and the deposit facility rate would be reduced to 15 basis points. The spread between the rate on the marginal lending facility and the rate on the main refinancing operations would remain unchanged at 25 basis points. These technical adjustments implied that the main refinancing operations and marginal lending facility rates would be reduced by 60 basis points the following week, to 3.65% and 3.90% respectively. In view of these changes, the Governing Council should emphasise in its communication that it steered the monetary policy stance by adjusting the deposit facility rate.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    Looking at the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Incoming data confirmed growth in global activity had been resilient, although recent negative surprises in PMI manufacturing output indicated potential headwinds to the near-term outlook. While the services sector was growing robustly, the manufacturing sector was contracting. Goods inflation was declining sharply, in contrast to persistent services inflation. Global trade had surprised on the upside in the second quarter, likely owing to frontloaded restocking. However, it was set to decelerate again in the third quarter and then projected to recover and grow in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Euro area foreign demand followed a path similar to global trade and had been revised up for 2024 (owing mainly to strong data). Net exports had been the main demand component supporting euro area activity in the past two quarters. Looking ahead, though, foreign demand was showing signs of weakness, with falling export orders and PMIs.

    Overall, the September projections had shown a slightly improved growth outlook relative to the June projections, both globally and for the major economies, which suggested that fears of a major global slowdown might be exaggerated. US activity remained robust, despite signs of rebalancing in the labour market. The recent rise in unemployment was due primarily to an increasing labour force, driven by higher participation rates and strong immigration, rather than to weakening labour demand or increased slack. China’s growth had slowed significantly in the second quarter as the persistent downturn in the property market continued to dampen household demand. Exports remained the primary driver of growth. Falling Chinese export prices highlighted the persisting overcapacity in the construction and high-tech manufacturing sectors.

    Turning to commodities, oil prices had fallen significantly since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. The decline reflected positive supply news, dampened risk sentiment and the slowdown in economic activity, especially in China. The futures curve suggested a downward trend for oil prices. In contrast, European gas prices had increased in the wake of geopolitical concerns and localised supply disruptions. International prices for both metal and food commodities had declined slightly. Food prices had fallen owing to favourable wheat crop conditions in Canada and the United States. In this context, it was argued that the decline in commodity prices could be interpreted as a barometer of sentiment on the strength of global activity.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members concurred with the assessment presented by Mr Lane and acknowledged the weaker than expected growth outcome in the second quarter. While broad agreement was expressed with the latest macroeconomic projections, it was emphasised that incoming data implied a downward revision to the growth outlook relative to the previous projection round. Moreover, the remark was made that the private domestic economy had contributed negatively to GDP growth for the second quarter in a row and had been broadly stagnating since the middle of 2022.

    It was noted that, since the cut-off for the projections, Eurostat had revised data for the latest quarters, with notable changes to the composition of growth. Moreover, in earlier national account releases, there had already been sizeable revisions to backdata, with upward revisions to the level of activity, which had been broadly taken into account in the September projections. With respect to the latest release, the demand components for the second quarter pointed to an even less favourable contribution from consumption and investment and therefore presented a more pessimistic picture than in the September staff projections. The euro area current account surplus also suggested that domestic demand remained weak. Reference was made to potential adverse non-linear dynamics resulting from the current economic weakness, for example from weaker balance sheets of households and firms, or originating in the labour market, as in some countries large firms had recently moved to lay off staff.

    It was underlined that the long-anticipated consumption-led recovery in the euro area had so far not materialised. This raised the question of whether the projections relied too much on consumption driving the recovery. The latest data showed that households had continued to be very cautious in their spending. The saving rate was elevated and had rebounded in recent quarters in spite of already high accumulated savings, albeit from a lower level following the national accounts revisions to the backdata. This might suggest that consumers were worried about their economic prospects and had little confidence in a robust recovery, even if this was not fully in line with the observed trend increase in consumer confidence. In this context, several factors that could be behind households’ increased caution were mentioned. These included uncertainty about the geopolitical situation, fiscal policy, the economic impact of climate change and transition policies, demographic developments as well as the outcome of elections. In such an uncertain environment, businesses and households could be more cautious and wait to see how the situation would evolve.

    At the same time, it was argued that an important factor boosting the saving ratio was the high interest rate environment. While the elasticity of savings to interest rates was typically relatively low in models, the increase in interest rates since early 2022 had been very significant, coming after a long period of low or negative rates. Against this background, even a small elasticity implied a significant impact on consumption and savings. Reference was also made to the European Commission’s consumer sentiment indicators. They had been showing a gradual recovery in consumer confidence for some time (in step with lower inflation), while perceived consumer uncertainty had been retreating. Therefore, the high saving rate was unlikely to be explained by mainly precautionary motives. It rather reflected ongoing monetary policy transmission, which could, however, be expected to gradually weaken over time, with deposit and loan rates starting to fall. Surveys were already pointing to an increase in household spending. In this context, the lags in monetary policy transmission were recalled. For example, households that had not yet seen any increase in their mortgage payments would be confronted with a higher mortgage rate if their rate fixation period expired. This might be an additional factor encouraging a build-up of savings.

    Reference was also made to the concept of permanent income as an important determinant of consumer spending. If households feared that their permanent income had not increased by as much as their current disposable income, owing to structural developments in the economy, then it was not surprising that they were limiting their spending.

    Overall, it was generally considered that a recession in the euro area remained unlikely. The projected recovery relied on a pick-up in consumption and investment, which remained plausible and in line with standard economics, as the fundamentals for that dynamic to set in were largely in place. Sluggish spending was reflecting a lagged response to higher real incomes materialising over time. In addition, the rise in household savings implied a buffer that might support higher spending later, as had been the case in the United States, although consumption and savings behaviour clearly differed on opposite sides of the Atlantic.

    Particular concerns were expressed about the weakness in investment this year and in 2025, given the importance of investment for both the demand and the supply side of the economy. It was observed that the economic recovery was not expected to receive much support from capital accumulation, in part owing to the continued tightness of financial conditions, as well as to high uncertainty and structural weaknesses. Moreover, it was underlined that one of the main economic drivers of investment was profits, which had weakened in recent quarters, with firms’ liquidity buffers dissipating at the same time. In addition, in the staff projections, the investment outlook had been revised down and remained subdued. This was atypical for an economic recovery and contrasted strongly with the very significant investment needs that had been highlighted in Mario Draghi’s report on the future of European competitiveness.

    Turning to the labour market, its resilience was still remarkable. The unemployment rate remained at a historical low amid continued robust – albeit slowing – employment growth. At the same time, productivity growth had remained low and had surprised to the downside, implying that the increase in labour productivity might not materialise as projected. However, a declining vacancy rate was seen as reflecting weakening labour demand, although it remained above its pre-pandemic peak. It was noted that a decline in vacancies usually coincided with higher job destruction and therefore constituted a downside risk to employment and activity more generally. The decline in vacancies also coincided with a decline in the growth of compensation per employee, which was perceived as a sign that the labour market was cooling.

    Members underlined that it was still unclear to what extent low productivity was cyclical or might reflect structural changes with an impact on growth potential. If labour productivity was low owing to cyclical factors, it was argued that the projected increase in labour productivity did not require a change in European firms’ assumed rate of innovation or in total factor productivity. The projected increase in labour productivity could simply come from higher capacity utilisation (in the presence of remaining slack) in response to higher demand. From a cyclical perspective, in a scenario where aggregate demand did not pick up, this would sooner or later affect the labour market. Finally, even if demand were eventually to recover, there could still be a structural problem and labour productivity growth could remain subdued over the medium term. On the one hand, it was contended that in such a case potential output growth would be lower, with higher unit labour costs and price pressures. Such structural problems could not be solved by lower interest rates and had to be addressed by other policy domains. On the other hand, the view was taken that structural weakness could be amplified by high interest rates. Such structural challenges could therefore be a concern for monetary policy in the future if they lowered the natural rate of interest, potentially making recourse to unconventional policies more frequent.

    Reference was also made to the disparities in the growth outlook for different countries, which were perceived as an additional challenge for monetary policy. Since the share of manufacturing in gross value added (as well as trade openness) differed across economies, some countries in the euro area were suffering more than others from the slowdown in industrial activity. Weak growth in the largest euro area economy, in particular, was dragging down euro area growth. While part of the weakness was likely to be cyclical, this economy was facing significant structural challenges. By contrast, many other euro area countries had shown robust growth, including strong contributions from domestic demand. It was also highlighted that the course of national fiscal policies remained very uncertain, as national budgetary plans would have to be negotiated during a transition at the European Commission. In this context, the gradual improvement in the aggregated fiscal position of the euro area embedded in the projections was masking considerable differences across countries. Implementing the EU’s revised economic governance framework fully, transparently and without delay would help governments bring down budget deficits and debt ratios on a sustained basis. The effect of an expansionary fiscal policy on the economy was perceived as particularly uncertain in the current environment, possibly contributing to higher savings rather than higher spending by households (exerting “Ricardian” rather than “Keynesian” effects).

    Against this background, members called for fiscal and structural policies aimed at making the economy more productive and competitive, which would help to raise potential growth and reduce price pressures in the medium term. Mario Draghi’s report on the future of European competitiveness and Enrico Letta’s report on empowering the Single Market stressed the urgent need for reform and provided concrete proposals on how to make this happen. Governments should now make a strong start in this direction in their medium-term plans for fiscal and structural policies.

    In particular, it was argued that Mario Draghi’s report had very clearly identified the structural factors explaining Europe’s growth and industrial competitiveness gap with the United States. The report was seen as taking a long-term view on the challenges facing Europe, with the basic underlying question of how Europeans could remain in control of their own destiny. If Europe did not heed the call to invest more, the European economy would increasingly fall behind the United States and China.

    Against this background, members assessed that the risks to economic growth remained tilted to the downside. Lower demand for euro area exports, owing for instance to a weaker world economy or an escalation in trade tensions between major economies, would weigh on euro area growth. Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East were major sources of geopolitical risk. This could result in firms and households becoming less confident about the future and global trade being disrupted. Growth could also be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening turned out stronger than expected. Growth could be higher if inflation came down more quickly than expected and rising confidence and real incomes meant that spending increased by more than anticipated, or if the world economy grew more strongly than expected.

    With regard to price developments, members concurred with the assessment presented by Mr Lane in his introduction and underlined the fact that the recent declines in inflation had delivered good news. The incoming data had bolstered confidence that inflation would return to target by the end of 2025. Falling inflation, slowing wage growth and unit labour costs, as well as higher costs being increasingly absorbed by profits, suggested that the disinflationary process was on track. The unchanged baseline path for headline inflation in the staff projections gave reassurance that inflation would be back to target by the end of 2025.

    However, it was emphasised that core inflation was very persistent. In particular, services inflation had continued to come in stronger than projected and had moved sideways since November of last year. Recent declines in headline inflation had been strongly influenced by lower energy prices, which were known to be very volatile. Moreover, the baseline path to 2% depended critically on lower wage growth as well as on an acceleration of productivity growth towards rates not seen for many years and above historical averages.

    Conversely, it was stressed that inflation had recently been declining somewhat faster than expected, and the risk of undershooting the target was now becoming non-negligible. With Eurostat’s August HICP flash release, the projections were already too pessimistic on the pace of disinflation in the near term. Moreover, commodity prices had declined further since the cut-off date, adding downward pressure to inflation. Prices for raw materials, energy costs and competitors’ export prices had all fallen, while the euro had been appreciating against the US dollar. In addition, lower international prices not only had a short-term impact on headline euro area inflation but would ultimately also have an indirect effect on core inflation, through the price of services such as transportation (e.g. airfares). However, in that particular case, the size of the downward effect depended on how persistent the drop in energy prices was expected to be. From a longer perspective, it was underlined that for a number of consecutive rounds the projections had pointed to inflation reaching the 2% target by the end of 2025.

    At the same time, it was pointed out that the current level of headline inflation understated the challenges that monetary policy was still facing, which called for caution. Given the current high volatility in energy prices, headline inflation numbers were not very informative about medium-term price pressures. Overall, it was felt that core inflation required continued attention. Upward revisions to projected quarterly core inflation until the third quarter of 2025, which for some quarters amounted to as much as 0.3 percentage points, showed that the battle against inflation was not yet won. Moreover, domestic inflation remained high, at 4.4%. It reflected persistent price pressures in the services sector, where progress with disinflation had effectively stalled since last November. Services inflation had risen to 4.2% in August, above the levels of the previous nine months.

    The outlook for services inflation called for caution, as its stickiness might be driven by several structural factors. First, in some services sectors there was a global shortage of labour, which might be structural. Second, leisure services might also be confronted with a structural change in preferences, which warranted further monitoring. It was remarked that the projection for industrial goods inflation indicated that the sectoral rate would essentially settle at 1%, where it had been during the period of strong globalisation before the pandemic. However, in a world of fragmentation, deglobalisation and negative supply shocks, it was legitimate to expect higher price increases for non-energy industrial goods. Even if inflation was currently low in this category, this was not necessarily set to last.

    Members stressed that wage pressures were an important driver of the persistence of services inflation. While wage growth appeared to be easing gradually, it remained high and bumpy. The forward-looking wage tracker was still on an upward trajectory, and it was argued that stronger than expected wage pressures remained one of the major upside risks to inflation, in particular through services inflation. This supported the view that focus should be on a risk scenario where wage growth did not slow down as expected, productivity growth remained low and profits absorbed higher costs to a lesser degree than anticipated. Therefore, while incoming data had supported the baseline scenario, there were upside risks to inflation over the medium term, as the path back to price stability hinged on a number of critical assumptions that still needed to materialise.

    However, it was also pointed out that the trend in overall wage growth was mostly downwards, especially when focusing on growth in compensation per employee. Nominal wage growth for the first half of the year had been below the June projections. While negotiated wage growth might be more volatile, in part owing to one-off payments, the difference between it and compensation per employee – the wage drift – was more sensitive to the currently weak state of the economy. Moreover, despite the ongoing catching-up of real wages, the currently observed faster than expected disinflation could ultimately also be expected to put further downward pressure on wage claims – with second-round effects having remained contained during the latest inflation surge – and no sign of wage-price spirals taking root.

    As regards longer-term inflation expectations, market-based measures had come down notably and remained broadly anchored at 2%, reflecting the market view that inflation would fall rapidly. A sharp decline in oil prices, driven mainly by benign supply conditions and lower risk sentiment, had pushed down inflation expectations in the United States and the euro area to levels not seen for a long time. In this context it was mentioned that, owing to the weakness in economic activity and faster and broader than anticipated disinflation, risks of a downward unanchoring of inflation expectations had increased. Reference was made, in particular, to the prices of inflation fixings (swap contracts linked to specific monthly releases for euro area year-on-year HICP inflation excluding tobacco), which pointed to inflation well below 2% in the very near term – and falling below 2% much earlier than foreseen in the September projections. The view was expressed that, even if such prices were not entirely comparable with measured HICP inflation and were partly contaminated by negative inflation risk premia, their low readings suggested that the risks surrounding inflation were at least balanced or might even be on the downside, at least in the short term. However, it was pointed out that inflation fixings were highly correlated with oil prices and had limited forecasting power beyond short horizons.

    Against this background, members assessed that inflation could turn out higher than anticipated if wages or profits increased by more than expected. Upside risks to inflation also stemmed from the heightened geopolitical tensions, which could push energy prices and freight costs higher in the near term and disrupt global trade. Moreover, extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices. By contrast, inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand more than expected or if the economic environment in the rest of the world worsened unexpectedly.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, members largely concurred with the assessment provided by Ms Schnabel and Mr Lane in their introductions. Market interest rates had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting in July. Market participants were now fully pricing in a 25 basis point cut in the deposit facility rate for the September meeting and attached a 35% probability to a further rate cut in October. In total, between two and three rate cuts were now priced in by the end of the year, up from two cuts immediately after the June meeting. The two-year OIS rate had also decreased by over 40 basis points since the July meeting. More generally it was noted that, because financial markets were anticipating the full easing cycle, this had already implied an additional and immediate easing of the monetary policy stance, which was reflected in looser financial conditions.

    The decline in market interest rates in the euro area and globally was mostly attributable to a weaker outlook for global growth and the anticipation of monetary policy easing due to reduced concerns about inflation pressures. Spillovers from the United States had played a significant role in the development of euro area market rates, while changes in euro area data – notably the domestic inflation outlook – had been limited, as could be seen from the staff projections. In addition, it was noted that, while a lower interest rate path in the United States reflected the Federal Reserve’s assessment of prospects for inflation and employment under its dual mandate, lower rates would normally be expected to stimulate the world economy, including in the euro area. However, the concurrent major decline in global oil prices suggested that this spillover effect could be counteracted by concerns about a weaker global economy, which would naturally reverberate in the euro area.

    Tensions in global markets in August had led to a temporary tightening of conditions in some riskier market segments, which had mostly and swiftly been reversed. Compared with earlier in the year, market participants had generally now switched from being concerned about inflation remaining higher for longer in a context of robust growth to being concerned about too little growth, which could be a prelude to a hard landing, amid receding inflation pressures. While there were as yet no indications of a hard landing in either the United States or the euro area, it was argued that the events of early August had shown that financial markets were highly sensitive to disappointing growth readings in major economies. This was seen to represent a source of instability and downside risks, although market developments at that time indicated that investors were still willing to take on risk. However, the view was also expressed that the high volatility and market turbulence in August partly reflected the unwinding of carry trades in wake of Bank of Japan’s policy tightening following an extended period of monetary policy accommodation. Moreover, the correction had been short-lived amid continued high valuations in equity markets and low risk premia across a range of assets.

    Financing costs in the euro area, measured by the interest rates on market debt instruments and bank loans, had remained restrictive as past policy rate increases continued to work their way through the transmission chain. The average interest rates on new loans to firms and on new mortgages had stayed high in July, at 5.1 and 3.8% respectively. It was suggested that other elements of broader financing conditions were not as tight as the level of the lending rates or broader indicators of financial conditions might suggest. Equity financing, for example, had been abundant during the entire period of disinflation and credit spreads had been very compressed. At the same time, it was argued that this could simply reflect weak investment demand, whereby firms did not need or want to borrow and so were not prepared to issue debt securities at high rates.

    Against this background, credit growth had remained sluggish amid weak demand. The growth of bank lending to firms and households had remained at levels not far from zero in July, with the former slightly down from June and the latter slightly up. The annual growth in broad money – as measured by M3 – had in July remained relatively subdued at 2.3%, the same rate as in June.

    It was suggested that the weakness in credit dynamics also reflected the still restrictive financing conditions, which were likely to keep credit growth weak through 2025. It was also argued that banks faced challenges, with their price-to-book ratios, while being higher than in earlier years, remaining generally below one. Moreover, it was argued that higher credit risk, with deteriorating loan books, had the potential to constrain credit supply. At the same time, the June rate cut and the anticipation of future cuts had already slightly lowered bank funding costs. In addition, banks remained highly profitable, with robust valuations. It was also not unusual for price-to-book ratios to be below one and banks had no difficulty raising capital. Credit demand was considered the main factor holding back loan growth, since investment remained especially weak. On the household side, it was suggested that the demand for mortgages was likely to increase with the pick-up in housing markets.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements of the Governing Council’s reaction function.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, the latest ECB staff projections had confirmed the inflation outlook from the June projections. Inflation was expected to rise again in the latter part of this year, partly because previous sharp falls in energy prices would drop out of the annual rates. It was then expected to decline towards the target over the second half of next year, with the disinflation process supported by receding labour cost pressures and the past monetary policy tightening gradually feeding through to consumer prices. Inflation was subsequently expected to remain close to the target on a sustained basis. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations stood at around 2%, and the market-based measures had fallen closer to that level since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting.

    Members agreed that recent economic developments had broadly confirmed the baseline outlook, as reflected in the unchanged staff projections for headline inflation, and indicated that the disinflationary path was progressing well and becoming more robust. Inflation was on the right trajectory and broadly on track to return to the target of 2% by the end of 2025, even if headline inflation was expected to remain volatile for the remainder of 2024. But this bumpy inflation profile also meant that the final phase of disinflation back to 2% was only expected to start in 2025 and rested on a number of assumptions. It therefore needed to be carefully monitored whether inflation would settle sustainably at the target in a timely manner. The risk of delays in reaching the ECB’s target was seen to warrant some caution to avoid dialling back policy restriction prematurely. At the same time, it was also argued that monetary policy had to remain oriented to the medium term even in the presence of shocks and that the risk of the target being undershot further out in the projection horizon was becoming more significant.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members noted that most measures had been broadly unchanged in July. Domestic inflation had remained high, with strong price pressures coming especially from wages. Core inflation was still relatively high, had been sticky since the beginning of the year and was continuing to surprise to the upside. Moreover, the projections for core inflation in 2024 and 2025 had been revised up slightly, as services inflation had been higher than expected. Labour cost dynamics would continue to be a central concern, with the projected decline in core and services inflation next year reliant on key assumptions for wages, productivity and profits, for which the actual data remained patchy. In particular, productivity was low and had not yet picked up, while wage growth, despite gradual easing, remained high and bumpy. A disappointment in productivity growth could be a concern, as the capacity of profits to absorb increases in unit labour costs might be reaching its limits. Wage growth would then have to decline even further for inflation to return sustainably to the target. These factors could mean that core inflation and services inflation might be stickier and not decline as much as currently expected.

    These risks notwithstanding, comfort could be drawn from the gradual decline in the momentum of services inflation, albeit from high levels, and the expectation that it would fall further, partly as a result of significant base effects. The catching-up process for wages was advanced, with wage growth already slowing down by more than had previously been projected and expected to weaken even faster next year, with no signs of a wage-price spiral. If lower energy prices or other factors reduced the cost of living now, this should put downward pressure on wage claims next year.

    Finally, members generally agreed that monetary policy transmission from the past tightening continued to dampen economic activity, even if it had likely passed its peak. Financing conditions remained restrictive. This was reflected in weak credit dynamics, which had dampened consumption and investment, and thereby economic activity more broadly. The past monetary policy tightening had gradually been feeding through to consumer prices, thereby supporting the disinflation process. There were many other reasons why monetary policy was still working its way through the economy, with research suggesting that there could be years of lagged effects before the full impact dissipated completely. For example, as firms’ and households’ liquidity buffers had diminished, they were now more exposed to higher interest rates than previously, and banks could, in turn, also be facing more credit risk. At the same time, with the last interest rate hike already a year in the past, the transmission of monetary policy was expected to weaken progressively from its peak, also as loan and deposit rates had been falling, albeit very moderately, for almost a year. The gradually fading effects of restrictive monetary policy were thus expected to support consumption and investment in the future. Nonetheless, ongoing uncertainty about the transmission mechanism, in terms of both efficacy and timing, underscored the continuing importance of monitoring the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, members considered the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – by 25 basis points. As had been previously announced on 13 March 2024, some changes to the operational framework for implementing monetary policy would also take effect from 18 September. In particular, the spread between the interest rate on the main refinancing operations and the deposit facility rate would be set at 15 basis points. The spread between the rate on the marginal lending facility and the rate on the main refinancing operations would remain unchanged at 25 basis points. Accordingly, the deposit facility rate would be decreased to 3.50% and the interest rates on the main refinancing operations and the marginal lending facility would be decreased to 3.65% and 3.90% respectively.

    Based on the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission, it was now appropriate to take another step in moderating the degree of monetary policy restriction. The recent incoming data and the virtually unchanged staff projections had increased members’ confidence that disinflation was proceeding steadily and inflation was on track to return towards the 2% target in a sustainable and timely manner. Headline inflation had fallen in August to levels previously seen in the summer of 2021 before the inflation surge, and there were signs of easing pressures in the labour market, with wage growth and unit labour costs both slowing. Despite some bumpy data expected in the coming months, the big picture remained one of a continuing disinflationary trend progressing at a firm pace and more or less to plan. In particular, the Governing Council’s expectation that significant wage growth would be buffered by lower profits had been confirmed in the recent data. Both survey and market-based measures of inflation expectations remained well anchored, and longer-term expectations had remained close to 2% for a long period which included times of heightened uncertainty. Confidence in the staff projections had been bolstered by their recent stability and increased accuracy, and the projections had shown inflation to be on track to reach the target by the end of 2025 for at least the last three rounds.

    It was also noted that the overall economic outlook for the euro area was more concerning and the projected recovery was fragile. Economic activity remained subdued, with risks to economic growth tilted to the downside and near-term risks to growth on the rise. These concerns were also reflected in the lower growth projections for 2024 and 2025 compared with June. A remark was made that, with inflation increasingly close to the target, real economic activity should become more relevant for calibrating monetary policy.

    Against this background, all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to reduce the degree of monetary policy restriction through a second 25 basis point rate cut, which was seen as robust across a wide range of scenarios in offering two-sided optionality for the future.

    Looking ahead, members emphasised that they remained determined to ensure that inflation would return to the 2% medium-term target in a timely manner and that they would keep policy rates sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary to achieve this aim. They would also continue to follow a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate level and duration of restriction. There should be no pre-commitment to a particular rate path. Accordingly, it was better to maintain full optionality for the period ahead to be free to respond to all of the incoming data.

    It was underlined that the speed at which the degree of restrictiveness should be reduced depended on the evolution of incoming data, with the three elements of the stated reaction function as a solid anchor for the monitoring and decision-making process. However, such data-dependence did not amount to data point-dependence, and no mechanical weights could be attached to near-term developments in headline inflation or core inflation or any other single statistic. Rather, it was necessary to assess the implications of the totality of data for the medium-term inflation outlook. For example, it would sometimes be appropriate to ignore volatility in oil prices, but at other times, if oil price moves were likely to create material spillovers across the economy, it would be important to respond.

    Members broadly concurred that a gradual approach to dialling back restrictiveness would be appropriate if future data were in line with the baseline projections. This was also seen to be consistent with the anticipation that a gradual easing of financial conditions would support economic activity, including much-needed investment to boost labour productivity and total factor productivity.

    It was mentioned that a gradual and cautious approach currently seemed appropriate because it was not fully certain that the inflation problem was solved. It was therefore too early to declare victory, also given the upward revisions in the quarterly projections for core inflation and the recent upside surprises to services inflation. Although uncertainty had declined, it remained high, and some of the key factors and assumptions underlying the baseline outlook, including those related to wages, productivity, profits and core and services inflation, still needed to materialise and would move only slowly. These factors warranted close monitoring. The real test would come in 2025, when it would become clearer whether wage growth had come down, productivity growth had picked up as projected and the pass-through of higher labour costs had been moderate enough to keep price pressures contained.

    At the same time, it was argued that continuing uncertainty meant that there were two-sided risks to the baseline outlook. As well as emphasising the value of maintaining a data-dependent approach, this also highlighted important risk management considerations. In particular, it was underlined that there were alternative scenarios on either side. For example, a faster pace of rate cuts would likely be appropriate if the downside risks to domestic demand and the growth outlook materialised or if, for example, lower than expected services inflation increased the risk of the target being undershot. It was therefore important to maintain a meeting-by-meeting approach.

    Conversely, there were scenarios in which it might be necessary to suspend the cutting cycle for a while, perhaps because of a structural decline in activity or other factors leading to higher than expected core inflation.

    Turning to communication, members agreed that it was important to convey that recent inflation data had come in broadly as expected, and that the latest ECB staff projections had confirmed the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, to reduce the risk of near-term inflation data being misinterpreted, it should be explained that inflation was expected to rise again in the latter part of this year, partly as a result of base effects, before declining towards the target over the second half of next year. It should be reiterated that the Governing Council would continue to follow a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach, would not pre-commit to a particular rate path and would continue to set policy based on the established elements of the reaction function. In view of the previously announced change to the spread between the interest rate on the main refinancing operations and the deposit facility rate, it was also important to make clear at the beginning of the communication that the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance through the deposit facility rate.

    Members also agreed with the Executive Board proposal to continue applying flexibility in the partial reinvestment of redemptions falling due in the pandemic emergency purchase programme portfolio.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Monetary policy statement for the press conference of 12 September 2024

    Press release

    Monetary policy decisions

    Meeting of the ECB’s Governing Council, 11-12 September 2024

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Centeno*
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna*
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá
    • Mr Holzmann*
    • Mr Kazāks
    • Mr Kažimír
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn
    • Mr Reinesch
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Vasle*
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau*
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch

    * Members not holding a voting right in September 2024 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Mr Dombrovskis, Commission Executive Vice-President**
    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Economics

    ** In accordance with Article 284 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

    Accompanying persons

    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Haber
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kroes
    • Mr Luikmel
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Papageorghiou
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šiaudinis
    • Mr Šošić
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Ulbrich
    • Mr Välimäki
    • Mr Vanackere
    • Ms Žumer Šujica

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 14 November 2024.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Sweden’s Prime Minister receives President-elect of the European Council

    Source: Government of Sweden

    Sweden’s Prime Minister receives President-elect of the European Council – Government.se

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    Published

    President-elect of the European Council António Costa will take office at the beginning of December. On 8 October, Mr Costa was welcomed to Stockholm by Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson. During a working lunch, they discussed working methods and issues that will be high on the EU agenda going forward.

    • Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson and President-elect of the European Council António Costa held a working lunch in the Sager House.

      Photo: Government Offices

    • Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson and President-elect of the European Council António Costa held a working lunch in the Sager House.

      Photo: Magnus Liljegren/Government Offices

    • Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson and President-elect of the European Council António Costa held a working lunch in the Sager House.

      Photo: Magnus Liljegren/Government Offices

    “Among other topics, we spoke about Sweden’s four main priorities in the EU going forward. It’s about supporting Ukraine, strengthening the Union’s competitiveness, ambitious and effective climate action measures, and the fight against organised crime. I also underlined that Sweden will continue to be a constructive and active player in the EU,” said Mr Kristersson. 

    Mr Costa will take up his post as President of the European Council in early December. He succeeds Charles Michel, who has been President since 2019. 

    “António Costa is highly experienced and capable. I am convinced that he will take on the Presidency in a commendable manner,” said Mr Kristersson. 

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Trump accuses people of wrongdoing he himself committed − an explanation of projection

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By April Johnson, Associate Professor of Political Science, Kennesaw State University

    Donald Trump accuses others of acts he has done at an Oct. 3, 2024, rally in Michigan. AP Photo/Carlos Osorio

    Donald Trump has a particular formula he uses to convey messages to his supporters and opponents alike: He highlights others’ wrongdoings even though he has committed similar acts himself.

    On Oct. 3, 2024, Trump accused the Biden administration of spending Federal Emergency Management Agency funds – money meant for disaster relief – on services for immigrants. Biden did no such thing, but Trump did during his time in the White House, including to pay for additional detention space.

    This is not the first time he has accused someone of something he had done or would do in the future. In 2016, Trump criticized opponent Hillary Clinton’s use of an unsecured personal email server while secretary of state as “extreme carelessness with classified material.” But once he was elected, Trump continued to use his unsecured personal cellphone while in office. And he has been criminally charged with illegally keeping classified government documents after he left office and storing them in his bedroom, bathroom and other places at his Mar-a-Lago estate.

    After complaining about how Hillary Clinton handled classified documents, Donald Trump stored national secrets in a bathroom.
    Justice Department via AP

    More recently, the Secret Service arrested a man with a rifle who was allegedly planning to shoot Trump during a round of golf. In the wake of this event, Trump accused Democrats of using “inflammatory language” that stokes the fires of political violence. Meanwhile, Trump himself has a long history of making inflammatory remarks that could potentially incite violence.

    As a scholar of both politics and psychology, I’m familiar with the psychological strategies candidates use to persuade the public to support them and to cast their rivals in a negative light. This strategy Trump has used repeatedly is called “projection.” It’s a tactic people use to lessen their own faults by calling out these faults in others.

    Projection abounds

    There are plenty of examples. During his Sept. 10, 2024, debate with Vice President Kamala Harris, Trump claimed that Democrats were responsible for the July 13 assassination attempt against him. “I probably took a bullet to the head because of the things that they say about me,” he declared.

    Earlier in the debate he had falsely accused immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, of eating other people’s pets – a statement that sparked bomb threats and prompted the city’s mayor to declare a state of emergency.

    Similarly, congressional investigators and federal prosecutors have found that Trump’s remarks called thousands of people to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6, 2021, encouraging them to violently storm the Capitol in order to stop the counting of electoral votes.

    Trump isn’t the only politician who uses projection. His running mate, JD Vance, claimed “the rejection of the American family is perhaps the most pernicious and the most evil thing the left has done in this country.” Critics quickly pointed out that his own family has a history of dysfunction and drug addiction.

    Projection happens on both sides of the political aisle. In reference to Trump’s proposed 10% tariff on all imported goods, the Harris campaign launched social media efforts to condemn the so-called “Trump tequila tax.” While Harris frames this proposal as a sales tax that would devastate middle-class families, she deflects from the fact that inflation has made middle-class life more expensive since she and President Joe Biden took office.

    How it works

    Projection is one example of unconscious psychological processes called defense mechanisms. Some people find it hard to accept criticism or believe information that they wish were not true. So they seek – and then provide – another explanation for the difference between what’s happening in the world and what’s happening in their minds.

    In general, this is called “motivated reasoning,” which is an umbrella phrase used to describe the array of mental gymnastics people use to reconcile their views with reality.

    Some examples include seeking out information that confirms their beliefs, dismissing factual claims or creating alternate explanations. For example, a smoker might downplay or simply avoid information related to the link between smoking and lung cancer, or perhaps tell themselves that they don’t smoke as much as they actually do.

    Motivated reasoning is not unique to politics. It can be a challenging concept to consider because people tend to think they are fully in control of their decision-making abilities and that they are capable of objectively processing political information. The evidence is clear, however, that there are unconscious thought processes at work, too.

    Influencing the audience

    Audiences are also susceptible to unconscious psychological dynamics. Research has found that over time, people’s minds subconsciously attach emotions to concepts, names or phrases. So someone might have a particular emotional reaction to the words “gun control,” “Ron DeSantis” or “tax relief.”

    And people’s minds also unconsciously create defenses for those seemingly automatic emotions. When a person’s emotions and defenses are questioned, a phenomenon called the “backfire effect” can occur, in which the process of controlling, correcting or counteracting mistaken beliefs ends up reinforcing the person’s beliefs rather than changing them.

    For instance, some people may find it hard to believe that the candidate they prefer – whom they believe to be the best person for the job – truly lost an election. So they seek another explanation and accept explanations that justify their beliefs. Perhaps they choose to believe, even in the absence of evidence, that the race was rigged or that many fraudulent votes were cast. And when evidence to the contrary is offered, they insist their views are correct.

    Vice President Kamala Harris has campaigned with Liz Cheney, right, a prominent Republican who formerly served in Congress.
    AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein

    A way out

    Fortunately, research shows specific ways to reduce people’s reliance on these automatic psychological processes, including reiterating and providing details of objective facts and – importantly – attempting to correct untruths via a trusted source from the same political party.

    For instance, challenges to Democrats’ belief that the Trump-affiliated conservative agenda called Project 2025 is “dangerous” would be more effective coming from a Democrat than from a Republican.

    Similarly, a counter to Trump’s claim that the international community is headed toward World War III with Democrats in the White House would be stronger coming from one of Trump’s fellow Republicans. And certainly, statements that Trump “can never be trusted with power again” carries more weight when it comes from the lips of former Republican Vice President Dick Cheney than from any member of the Democratic Party.

    Critiques from within a candidate’s own party are not out of the question. But they are certainly improbable given the hotly charged climate that is election season 2024.

    April Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why Trump accuses people of wrongdoing he himself committed − an explanation of projection – https://theconversation.com/why-trump-accuses-people-of-wrongdoing-he-himself-committed-an-explanation-of-projection-237912

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The vote in Pennsylvania could decide the US election – it’s a battle for the suburbs

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas Gift, Associate Professor and Director of the Centre on US Politics, UCL

    Pennsylvania has many slogans and nicknames. “The Keystone State.” “State of Independence.” “Home of beer, chocolate, and liberty and Taylor Swift.” And now: “centre of the political universe”.

    According to recent analysis by political statistician Nate Silver, how Pennsylvania swings on November 5 is likely to determine the next leader of the free world. If Kamala Harris wins the state, her odds of taking the White House reach 91%. If Trump wins, his odds skyrocket to 96%.

    That’s how much Pennsylvania’s 19 electoral votes matter (270 are needed to win the Electoral College), and how much the state is a bellwether nationally for how each candidate is performing with “must-win” voters.

    Nearly every statewide poll conducted in Pennsylvania (PA) in the last month shows a statistical tie in the presidential contest. FiveThirtyEight forecasts in its simulations that Harris would win the state 54 times out of 100 elections and Trump 46 times, meaning the state is a virtual toss-up.

    In 2016, Trump pulled off a narrow upset in PA, defeating Democrat Hillary Clinton 48.2 to 47.5%. The victory cracked the crucial “Blue Wall,” alongside Michigan and Wisconsin, which paved Trump’s path to the White House. In 2020, President Joe Biden, thanks partly to touting his family’s roots in the working-class city of Scranton, beat Trump in Pennsylvania 50 to 48.8%. In the last 10 elections, Pennsylvania has selected the eventual occupant of the Oval Office eight times.


    The world is watching as the US election campaign unfolds. Sign up to join us at a special Conversation event on October 17. Expert panellists will discuss with the audience the upcoming election and its possible fallout.


    Beyond the race for the White House, arguably there’s nowhere else with a more high-stakes race. Most notably, incumbent Democratic Senator Bob Casey has been exchanging barbs with Republican challenger Dave McCormick in an election that could tip the balance of the US Congress.

    Bellwether state

    Democratic political strategist James Carville once quipped that Pennsylvania is Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, with Alabama in between. Today, one could say it’s the Land of Walmart, Tractor Supply Co. and Fox News v the Land of Starbucks, Lululemon stores and MSNBC.

    Zooming out, an electoral map of the state looks a lot like that of the country: vast swaths of Republican red in the rural, central parts of the state, and dashes of Democratic deep blue in the east and the west denoting its population centres.

    Pennsylvania reflects the political realignment of both the Democratic and Republican parties in the last decade plus. Predominantly white, blue-collar Americans have gravitated to the Republican party. Meanwhile affluent urbanites have remade the Democratic party, formerly a base for the working class, into the party of the college educated and those who are less likely to be religious. But the Democrats still pick up 49% of the non-college educated and their share of the suburban vote has been rising.

    Neither presidential candidate, however, is writing off key constituencies in PA. The Harris team has opened up 50 headquarters across Pennsylvania in an effort to make inroads in conservative, rural communities. Meanwhile, Trump has made a major play for Black voters and had looked like he was on track to win the highest support from Black voters of any Republican presidential candidate in history.

    Particularly up for grabs are moderate suburbanites, such as those on Philadelphia’s “Main Line” (an area of well-off suburbs) and in upscale outskirts of the state capital of Harrisburg, who tend to be more liberal on social issues and conservative on economic issues.

    Democrats have a slight edge in overall registration numbers in PA, at 44% compared to Republicans at 40% (12% of Pennsylvanians identify as independents). However, the registration advantage for Democrats is the thinnest it’s been in decades.

    Big spending and big issues

    As 2024’s biggest electoral prize, no state has been bombarded with more cash and attention than PA. Harris and Trump have criss-crossed the state for months at locations such as the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex (a huge agricultural showground) and at union rallies.

    Harris and her allies have spent US$21.2 million (£16.9 million) on political ads in Pennsylvania (that’s three times what they’ve spent in Georgia, twice what they’ve spent in Michigan and 18 times what they’ve spent in North Carolina). To match, Trump and his allies have doled out $20.9 million in PA (twice what they’ve spent in Georgia, three times than they’ve spent in Michigan and eight times what they’ve spent in North Carolina).

    Dollars have funnelled into negative ads galore on the many issues that Americans more broadly face, including inflation and the cost of living crisis, crime, abortion and immigration. The war in Ukraine has featured as an especially central issue for Pennsylvania’s large Polish community in an attempt by the Democrats to harness historic fears about Russia.

    No topic, however, has sparked more controversy than fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from underground rock. PA has become a national leader in fracking, triggering outrage among environmentalists, even as advocates tout the industry as an enormous wealth and job creator for the state.

    Harris, who declared as a Democratic presidential primary candidate in 2019 that: “There’s no question I’m in favor of banning fracking,” now says “let me be absolutely clear, as I’ve been when I said it back in 2020, I will not ban fracking”. Trump has unequivocally championed fracking as part of his “drill, baby, drill” message on lowering prices and creating domestic energy independence.

    What’s in store

    If Pennsylvania’s presidential race is anywhere near as tight as the polls suggest, a winner might not be announced in Pennsylvania, or the country, on election night. With the counting of absentee and overseas ballots (and the possibility of a recount), the process could drag on for days, if not weeks.

    That’s one reason why both sides are already “lawyered-up” in anticipation of litigious combat. In 2020, the US Supreme Court declined to intervene in a case in Pennsylvania that tested rules surrounding the timing of when mail-in votes could still be counted. However, other aspects of electoral protocols or the integrity of ballots could again be challenged.

    Already in 2024, Pennsylvania has been politically consequential. The first assassination attempt of Trump occurred in the tiny town of Butler, PA. Harris’s decision to snub popular state governor Josh Shapiro as her running mate also raised concerns, and could lead to considerable second-guessing if she loses PA and the presidency. Pennsylvania also hosted the one (and likely only) debate between Harris and Trump.

    Whether Harris or Trump ends up as president will depend on whether their political stars align. Either way, those stars revolve around Pennsylvania, the centre of the political universe.

    Thomas Gift does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The vote in Pennsylvania could decide the US election – it’s a battle for the suburbs – https://theconversation.com/the-vote-in-pennsylvania-could-decide-the-us-election-its-a-battle-for-the-suburbs-240587

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Civilians and medical staff in Lebanon must be protected amid Israeli bombardment News Oct 10, 2024

    Source: Doctors Without Borders –

    NEW YORK/BEIRUT, October 10, 2024 — Israeli attacks in Lebanon have forced health care facilities to close, limiting people’s access to health care at a time when medical and humanitarian needs are rising due to the ongoing conflict, said Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Medical facilities and medical personnel in Lebanon must be protected to ensure people have access to essential health care services. 

    Heavy Israeli bombardments have severely disrupted access to medical care across Lebanon. As of October 1, six hospitals and 40 general health care centers have closed their doors as the intensity of the fighting has made it impossible to work without safety guarantees, according to OCHA. In the last two weeks, Israeli strikes have claimed the lives of at least 50 paramedics. This brings the total number of health care workers killed since October last year to over 100, as reported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health.  

    “We must ensure the continuation of care for those in need,” said François Zamparini, emergency coordinator for MSF in Lebanon. “We urge all parties to respect international humanitarian law. Civilians, civilian infrastructure, and medical facilities and medical personnel must not be targeted. Their safety must be guaranteed.” 

    Intense Israeli airstrikes impede MSF response

    To reduce devastating consequences for civilians, MSF is working to ensure the continuation of health care in its existing facilities, while also scaling up and adapting activities. However, due to intense Israeli airstrikes, MSF has been forced to suspend some activities in highly affected areas.

    “Given the intensity of the violence, road damage, and the lack of guaranteed safety, we are currently unable to reach all affected areas in Lebanon despite the increasing medical and humanitarian needs,” Zamparini said.

    Last week, MSF was forced to completely close its clinic in the Palestinian camp of Burj el Barajneh in the southern suburbs of Beirut and temporarily stop activities in Baalbek-Hermel, northeast Lebanon. These are both areas heavily affected by the strikes. The closure of medical facilities has left vulnerable people in these areas, specifically those living with chronic diseases, without the essential services they need.

    Given the intensity of the violence, road damage, and the lack of guaranteed safety, we are currently unable to reach all affected areas in Lebanon despite the increasing medical and humanitarian needs.

    François Zamparini, emergency coordinator for MSF in Lebanon

    “We partially reopened our clinic in Hermel this week to ensure that patients receive their medications, providing them with a two-to-three-month stock of essential drugs, depending on the severity of their conditions and medical risks,” Zamparini said. “One of the hospitals we planned to support and had donated medications and trauma kits to, in Nabatiyeh—only a few kilometers away from the active frontlines—was hit on October 5.”

    What’s happening in Lebanon?

    Read more

    In the south of Lebanon, where the conflict and needs are greatest, MSF medical teams remain unable to operate at full capacity due to a lack of safety guarantees for medical personnel. For example, an MSF mobile medical team, which had been actively supporting general health care centers in Nabatiyeh and other areas closer to the Lebanese border since last November, has been forced to stop its activities. The team, which was once able to reach areas near the border, can no longer do so and is currently limited to operating only as far as Saida, which is about 50 kilometers [31 miles] north of the southern border.

    MSF mobile medical teams provide primary health care and medications for internally displaced people, but the intense Israeli bombardments have forced the suspension of some activities.
    Lebanon 2024 © Salam Daoud/MSF

    A worsening humanitarian crisis in Lebanon

    The armed conflict is worsening an ongoing humanitarian crisis. Lebanon’s health care system was already overburdened by the country’s economic crisis, which has caused the immigration of many medical staff and strained the capacity and resources of medical facilities. Local health centers—already at capacity—are now facing increasing pressure as they try to meet the growing medical needs of displaced people.

    The scale of displacement in Lebanon significantly surpasses the country’s ability to provide adequate shelter, with over a million people displaced, according to UNHCR. The majority of shelters in which people are seeking safety are in dire condition. In response, MSF has deployed 12 mobile medical teams across various regions of the country, including Beirut, Mount Lebanon, Saida, Tripoli, Bekaa, and Akkar. These teams are providing psychological first aid, general medical consultations, and mental health support, in addition to donating mattresses, hygiene kits, hot meals, and clean water.

    MSF first began working in Lebanon in 1976 and has worked in the country without interruption since 2000.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: MSF urges for protection of civilians and medical staff amid Israeli bombardment in Lebanon

    Source: Médecins Sans Frontières –

    • Healthcare facilities are being forced to close in areas affected by airstrikes.
    • Our teams are working to ensure the continuation of care in our facilities, while also suspending some activities in heavily affected areas.
    • All warring parties must spare civilians, medical facilities, and medical personnel.

    Beirut – As Israeli attacks intensify in Lebanon, healthcare facilities in areas most affected by airstrikes are being forced to close. This is leading to devastating consequences for civilians and their access to healthcare.

    Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) teams are working tirelessly to ensure the continuation of care in our existing facilities, while also scaling up our activities to address the needs emerging from the ongoing conflict. However, due to the intense Israeli airstrikes, we were forced to suspend some activities in highly affected areas. We continue to adapt our activities to provide people with much needed healthcare.

    MSF urges all warring parties to spare civilians, medical facilities, and medical personnel in Lebanon to ensure that vital healthcare services can adequately address people’s urgent medical needs.

    “Given the intensity of the violence, road damage, and the lack of guaranteed safety, we are currently unable to reach all affected areas in Lebanon despite the increasing medical and humanitarian needs,” says François Zamparini, emergency coordinator for MSF in Lebanon.

    Distribution of essential item kits in downtown Beirut, Aazarieh building shelter. October 2, 2024.
    Maryam Srour/MSF

    Last week, MSF was forced to completely close its clinic in the Palestinian camp of Burj el Barajneh in the southern suburbs of Beirut. We also had to temporarily stop our activities in Baalbek-Hermel, northeast Lebanon. These are both areas heavily affected by the strikes.

    “We partially reopened our clinic in Hermel this week to ensure that patients receive their medications, providing them with a two-to-three-month stock of essential drugs, depending on the severity of their condition and medical risks,” adds Zamparini.

    Patients in these areas are already vulnerable, struggling to access the healthcare they desperately need. The closure of medical facilities has left them, specifically people living with chronic diseases, without the essential services they need.

    MSF medical teams also remain unable to operate properly in southern Lebanon due to a lack of safety guarantees for our medical personnel.

    “One of the hospitals we planned to support and had donated medications and trauma kits to, in Nabatiyeh, only a few kilometres away from the active frontlines, was hit on 5 October,” explains Zamparini.

    An MSF mobile medical team, which had been actively supporting general healthcare centres in Nabatiyeh and other areas closer to the Lebanese border since November 2023, has been forced to stop its activities. The team, which was once able to reach areas near the border, can no longer do so and is currently limited to operating only as far as Saida, which is about 50 kilometres north of the southern border, where needs are highest.

    In the last two weeks, Israeli strikes have claimed the lives of at least fifty paramedics. This brings the total number of healthcare workers killed since October last year to over a hundred, as reported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Healthhttps://apnews.com/article/lebanon-israel-medics-hezbollah-hospitals-6c7f75c921c9deec0fa5c160ce639664#:~:text=The%20health%20ministry%20on%20Thursday,wounded%20in%20the%20intense%20fighting.. The heavy Israeli bombardments have also severely disrupted access to medical care across Lebanon. As of 1 October 2024, six hospitals and 40 general healthcare centres have closed their doors as the intensity of the fighting made it impossible to work without safety guarantees, according to OCHA.https://www.unocha.org/news/todays-top-news-lebanon-occupied-palestinian-territory-and-israel-syria-haiti-ukraine-eastern

    The armed conflict is worsening an ongoing humanitarian crisis, aggravating existing needs. Lebanon’s healthcare system was already overburdened by the country’s economic crisis, which has caused the emigration of many medical staff and strained the capacity and resources of medical facilities. Local health centres, already at capacity, are now facing increasing pressure as they try to meet the growing medical needs of displaced people.

    The scale of displacement in Lebanon significantly surpasses the country’s ability to provide adequate shelter, with over a million people displaced according to UNHCRhttps://www.unhcr.org/news/press-releases/unhcr-s-grandi-appeals-urgent-humanitarian-support-and-end-bloodshed-lebanon. The majority of shelters people are seeking safety in are in dire conditions. To respond, MSF deployed 12 mobile medical teams across various regions of the country, including Beirut, Mount Lebanon, Saida, Tripoli, Bekaa, and Akkar. These teams are providing psychological first aid, general medical consultations, and mental health support, in addition to donating mattresses, hygiene kits, hot meals, and clean water. Nevertheless, people’s needs are far greater than what we are able to cover.

    “We must ensure the continuation of care for those in need,” emphasises Zamparini. “We urge all parties to respect international humanitarian law. Civilians and civilian infrastructure, medical facilities and medical personnel must not be targeted. Their safety must be guaranteed.”

    MSF’s response to the humanitarian crisis in Lebanon:

    In response to the ongoing escalation of conflict and intense Israeli bombing in Lebanon, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has deployed 12 mobile medical teams across various regions of the country, including Beirut, Mount Lebanon, Saida, Tripoli, Bekaa, and Akkar. These teams are providing psychological first aid, general medical consultations, medication, and mental health support. MSF is also distributing essential items such as blankets, mattresses, and hygiene kits, as well as supplying water by trucks to schools and shelters where displaced people have gathered. Additionally, we are offering hot meals and drinking water to hundreds of displaced families. MSF has also donated fuel and trauma kits to several hospitals, prepositioned 10 tons of medical supplies and trained over 100 healthcare workers in trauma care and mass casualty management across the country.

    About MSF in Lebanon:

    MSF is an independent international medical humanitarian organisation that provides aid and free healthcare to people in need, without discrimination. MSF first began to work in Lebanon in 1976, and its teams have worked in the country without interruption since 2008.

    In 2023, MSF teams worked in six locations across Lebanon, providing 13,609 free medical consultations for vulnerable communities, including Lebanese citizens, refugees, and migrant workers. MSF’s services include mental healthcare, sexual and reproductive healthcare, paediatric care, vaccinations, and treatment for non-communicable diseases such as diabetes.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Press release: PM meeting with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine: 10 October 2024

    Source: United Kingdom – Prime Minister’s Office 10 Downing Street

    The Prime Minister hosted President Zelenskyy in Downing Street this morning to discuss his victory plan for Ukraine.

    The Prime Minister hosted President Zelenskyy in Downing Street this morning to discuss his victory plan for Ukraine.

    The Prime Minister welcomed the opportunity to be briefed by the President, and underscored the UK’s steadfast commitment to a sovereign Ukraine. He added that he looked forward to hearing reflections from President Zelenskyy and the other international partners he was visiting this week.

    Looking ahead to the winter, and the challenges that would bring, they both agreed on the need to ensure Ukraine was in the best possible position.

    The leaders also discussed Ukraine’s long-term future, and how investment in the country’s security today would support Europe’s broader security for generations to come.

    Both looked forward to seeing one another again soon.

    Updates to this page

    Published 10 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM meeting with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine: 10 October 2024

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The Prime Minister hosted President Zelenskyy in Downing Street this morning to discuss his victory plan for Ukraine.

    The Prime Minister hosted President Zelenskyy in Downing Street this morning to discuss his victory plan for Ukraine.

    The Prime Minister welcomed the opportunity to be briefed by the President, and underscored the UK’s steadfast commitment to a sovereign Ukraine. He added that he looked forward to hearing reflections from President Zelenskyy and the other international partners he was visiting this week.

    Looking ahead to the winter, and the challenges that would bring, they both agreed on the need to ensure Ukraine was in the best possible position.

    The leaders also discussed Ukraine’s long-term future, and how investment in the country’s security today would support Europe’s broader security for generations to come.

    Both looked forward to seeing one another again soon.

    Updates to this page

    Published 10 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: A Senior Defense and Military Official Host a Background Briefing on Russia’s War in Ukraine

    Source: United States Department of Defense

    PENTAGON PRESS SECRETARY MAJOR GENERAL PAT RYDER: Hey, good afternoon. Can I have a quick comms check? Can you hear me ok?

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Great. All right. Well, good afternoon, everyone. This is Major General Pat Ryder, Pentagon press secretary. Thanks very much for joining us today for today’s background briefing and update on the situation in Ukraine.

    As you may be aware, the Ukraine Defense Contact Group originally scheduled for October 12th has been postponed, so we’ll provide updates on that in the near future regarding a date and location for the next UDCG session. However, we thought it would still be useful to provide you with an update on where things stand in Ukraine, to include US support for Ukraine against Russian aggression, and we’ll endeavor to host these background briefings on a fairly regular basis since many of you have requested them.

    As a reminder, today’s call is on background attributable to a senior defense official and a senior military official, not for reporting.

    Please note I will call on reporters try to get to as many of your questions as possible in the time we have available. And before we begin, I would ask you to please keep your phones on mute unless you’re asking a question. With that, I will turn it over to our senior defense official, followed by our senior military official for an opening.

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: Thanks. Thanks, everyone, for the opportunity to speak with you today. Certainly, I had hoped to brief you ahead of a leader level Ukraine Defense Contact Group meeting. But as I’m sure everyone understands, President Biden decided to remain in the United States to coordinate the response to Hurricane Milton.

    As you heard during the president’s bilateral meeting with President Zelenskyy on September 26th, the administration remains focused on surging security assistance and taking other steps through the end of the term to help Ukraine prevail. I want to begin with a brief discussion of some of our recent security assistance packages.

    The president exercised his authority on September 26th to ensure the $5.55 billion of remaining presidential drawdown, or PDA, authority did not expire before the end of the fiscal year, ensuring that the United States can continue supporting Ukraine with this authority. Preserving this authority will allow us to continue our steady support with security assistance to Ukraine via these PDA packages.

    In the 66th package announced on September 26th at a value of $375 million, the department will provide Ukraine additional capabilities to meet its most urgent battlefield needs, including air to ground weapons, munitions for rocket systems and artillery, armored vehicles and anti-tank weapons.

    President Biden also announced a $2.4 billion Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative package. This package will provide Ukraine with additional air defense, unmanned aerial systems, and air to ground munitions as well as strengthen Ukraine’s defense industrial base and support its maintenance and sustainment requirements. Through this package, we will make a significant investment in Ukraine’s drone capability, providing thousands of unmanned aerial vehicles and providing components to enable Ukraine’s domestic production of drones.

    That support has been critical to augmenting Ukraine’s successes on the battlefield. Since February 2022, Ukraine has inflicted more than 600,000 casualties on Russian forces. In September of this year, Russia — Russian forces sustained more casualties in terms of both killed and wounded in action than in any other month of the war. Russian losses, again both killed and wounded in action, in just the first year of the war exceeded the total of all Russian losses — Soviet losses in any conflict since World War II combined.

    Ukrainian forces also have sunk, destroyed or damaged at least 32 medium to large Russian Federation navy vessels in the Black Sea, forcing Russia to relocate its Black Sea fleet away from Crimea. They have also destroyed more than two thirds of Russia’s pre-war inventory of tanks, forcing the Russian military to dig into Soviet era stockpiles and field tanks from World War II.

    And most recently, Ukrainian forces have used indigenously produced drones to strike Russian strategic ammunition depots at Toropets and Tihoretsk, making a serious dent in Russian supply lines. The total tonnage of ammunition destroyed in strikes on these facilities represents the largest loss of Russian and North Korean supplied ammunition during the war, with hundreds of thousands of rounds destroyed. Russian efforts to minimize risk to existing ammunition depots probably will force the Russian military to undertake inefficient adaptations that will slow delivery of ammunition to the front.

    Now, I am not, however, suggesting that Ukraine has an easy path to victory. Russia does continue to devote significant amounts of resources and, as I underscored earlier, lives toward a grinding campaign, redoubling its efforts in the east despite Ukraine’s offensive into Kursk. Russia has also demonstrated time and time again a willingness to do whatever it takes to attempt to force the Ukrainians to capitulate, including purposely targeting Ukrainian civilians and critical infrastructure.

    Despite these challenges, the United States and our allies and partners remain committed to supporting Ukraine as it defends against Russian aggression. Thank you, and I look forward to the questions.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Thank you very much.

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL: Hey, good afternoon, everyone. Just a couple of things that I’ll start out with and then happy to talk more specifics as we go into question and answer afterwards.

    But broadly speaking, no major changes in the overall strategy on either side. It’s an attritional strategy on the Russian side, and of course the Ukrainians are mounting a strong defense both on the ground and from an air defense perspective.

    For the battlefield itself, the two areas that remain most active are up in the Kursk area and then out in Donetsk. I would say that there have been overall minor changes to where the forward line of troops are on the battlefield in both of those areas.

    Up in Kursk, there have been some limited counterattacks by the Russians, but really no meaningful gains or exchanges of territory in the last several weeks. And then down in Donetsk, while the Russians did make some advances earlier in the summer, those advances have slowed compared to that time period. And again, I’m happy to go into some more specifics on that during question and answer.

    As far as long range strikes, we’ve seen some successful one way attack drone strikes by the — by the Ukrainians against ammo storage points in Russia. We’ve also seen some strikes against fuel facilities down in Crimea. We do think that those will have some impact on the battlefield. As most of you would understand, those sorts of deep targets, when they’re hit, there’ll be a delayed impact on how things are looking on the battlefield, but over time it certainly would manifest. So, we do think that those have been effective, and we’ll see when those effects manifest in a meaningful way on the battlefield.

    And then finally, I’ll just highlight Ukrainian air defense. The Ukrainians do continue to defend their skies with the capabilities that they have. It’s a tough fight, with a large number of attacks coming from the Russians each day, but the Ukrainians are doing a sound job of defending their critical infrastructure and defending at the front — on the front lines as well. We, of course, are keeping a very close eye on their inventories of weapons that they have to defend themselves and working that with our policy counterparts to try to increase the stocks that they have on hand for their — for their defense against those attacks.

    So, I’ll leave it at that as just a broad overview, and then I’d be happy to go into more detail or specifics during question and answer.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Great. Thank you very much to our senior defense official and our senior military official. First question will go to Associated Press, Lita Baldor.

    Q: Hi. Good afternoon and thank you both for doing this. Can you — you know, first of all,  can you address sort of — at the risk of beating a dead horse here, the Ukrainians continue to press for the permission of the US to do longer range strikes into Russia. Do you see a change in US policy on that coming, and/or do you see any shift that the US will give Ukraine something else that will sort of make up for not allowing that?

    And then just quickly, can you give us a sense of sort of how the — both countries are setting up for the winter months and whether one or the other can gain some sort of advantage with this — at this point this year? Thank you.

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: Great. So, Lita, on the long range strike issue, we have not changed the position on this. I think I’ve spoken with some of you about this before in terms of how we consider, you know, decisions on capability. We always look at kind of risks and benefits. And in this particular case, we certainly have to look at risks in terms of readiness.

    This is a — you know, a munition that has, you know, finite quantities. And we also, obviously, have to look at risks of escalation. But in terms of effectiveness, we also have to look at whether the quantities that exist, and again, they are limited, whether they would have the strategic effect.

    And we certainly know that many of the capabilities that are of greatest concern, particularly for glide bomb use, for instance, have actually moved out beyond ATACMS range. And we also know that we’ve seen tremendously effective Ukrainian strikes using their indigenously produced capabilities.

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL: Lita, on the question of how they’re setting up for the winter months, I think the way I’d characterize it is I expect more of the same from the Russians. I expect them to continue to try to make incremental gains to try to attrit Ukrainian defenses.

    As I know that you’re aware, that’s a really tall task for them, and that’s why we’ve seen such incremental gains out of the Russians over the last while, despite, you know, a significant force ratio advantage in many places on the front. And so, as a — as the senior defense official mentioned, we do see a large and growing number of Russian casualties as they do this, but I think we’ll see more of the same. It’s kind of the Russian way of war, that they continue to throw mass into the — into the problem, and I think we’ll continue to see high losses.

    On the Ukrainian side, I think it’s a little bit more nuanced. And of course, it’ll be up to the Ukrainians on exactly how this plays out. But in general, I would characterize their thinking as a little bit deeper in time and space, and that they’re thinking certainly of how they defend through the winter months and at the tactical front, you know, where are the most defendable lines where they can impose the most costs on the Russians as the Russians advance.

    But I’d say that, in my estimation, the Ukrainians are thinking forward to the — 2025 and how they set themselves up for battlefield success then. And so, that includes things like ensuring that the additional brigades can come online as they increase their recruitment, as they get better equipment and training, reconstituting brigades that they’re cycling off the front line, and really building up their combat power for the future.

    So, I think that’s how I would characterize the Ukrainian approach. Certainly, they’re focused on how they get through the winter, but they’re thinking a little bit longer term about how they set conditions for success next year.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Thank you both. Next question will go to Washington Post, Missy Ryan. Missy, are you there?

    Q:  Yeah, I’m here, but I actually think Alex Horton is — has a question that he’s going to ask.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Ok. We’ll go to Alex in Ukraine.

    Q: Appreciate that. Yeah, this is for the SDO and Russian losses. You know, this sort of harkens back to Vietnam. It’s very General Westmoreland-ish to sort of characterize Russian casualties as some sort of metric for success. So, I was curious if you could put more meat on the bone on what we’re supposed to exactly take away from that when we know that, you know, in between Bakhmut and down all the way to Vuhledar, they’ve gained more territory than they have in the last two years. So, they are trading for bodies for space, and that seems to be working for them at least in terms of the space aspect. So, what exactly is the body count suggesting that is, you know, something we should take away from?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: So, Alex, thanks, and glad to hear that you’re reporting from Ukraine. I’ll look forward to seeing — to seeing your writing. I think that in terms of, you know, mentioning the Russian casualties is not to suggest that this is a definitive metric for the war, but it is an important factor. And, you know, certainly we do know that, you know, Putin is trying to avoid a mass mobilization because of the effect that would have on, you know, Russia’s domestic population.

    At this point, he has been able to significantly increase the pay of these voluntary soldiers, and he has been able to continue to field those forces without doing a major mobilization. And I think we’re just watching very closely how long that stance can actually be one that he can maintain. And I think it’s an important one for all of us watch very closely.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Thank you very much. Next question will go to New York Times, Eric Schmitt. Eric, are you there? Ok, nothing heard, we’ll go to CBS, Charlie D’Agata.

    Q:  Yes. Thank you. I wanted to actually follow up from what Alex was saying. Those are extraordinary numbers, 600,000 casualties, and I’m more — paying attention to more casualties in September than exceeded any other month of the war. That in itself says something. Where are these casualties happening? Where is the ferocious fighting happening? As was already pointed out, the Russians are making ground. Is this on Russian territory? Is it along concentrated front lines? And is there a reason for an increase, or is just — is this just a spike in ferocity of the fighting in the past couple of months?

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL: Yeah. Charlie, I’ll take the first answer to that and let the senior defense official fill in if she’d like. But I would say, you know, the Russians have been — as Alex mentioned, they’ve been attempting to move on the offensive, and they have had some success with taking minor amounts of terrain.

    And as they — the cost of taking that minor amount of terrain, particularly in Donetsk and down around Pokrovsk and Vuhledar, has been the substantial casualties that they’ve incurred there. So, they have attempted to overcome fires with mass of maneuver. And that, I think, is probably the — that is where I would say most of their casualties have come, is because of that offensive.

    I mean, if you look at the salient around Pokrovsk or pointing toward Pokrovsk, the number of Russian forces in there is astounding. It’s tens of thousands of forces that they’ve put into that very small area. And as you know, when you have that many forces in a very small area, indirect fire of any kind or any — or direct fire, for that matter, it’s a target rich environment. So, that’s what I think is the proximate cause or one of the leading proximate causes of those casualties.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Thank you. Let’s go to —

    Q: Wait. Can I just follow up that? Is this artillery war that we’re seeing? Is this the kind of fight? And more to that point, as the time that I’ve spent in Ukraine, they were begging for more artillery shells. Where’s the equipment pinch if any, at the moment?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: So, I’ll allow the senior military official to talk about kind of the nature of the fight. But we are co-chairing the Artillery Capability Coalition with France to support Ukraine’s artillery needs, both for today but also for the future. And what we have seen in the past six months of assiduous work to both increase production, and the US has really led the way here, with increased production of 155 millimeter artillery shells, but also in terms of, you know, increased procurement, increased donations from stocks, and the Czech initiative, which is really sourcing ammunition from around the world, we have seen a much more steady supply of artillery munitions for the Ukrainian forces, and it really has tangibly changed the situation on the battlefield from what you saw, you know, as much as a year ago in terms of the shortages that were being experienced. But there may be more detail from the SMO.

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL: I don’t know, Charlie, that I have too much to add except, yeah, there is, as you know, a huge amount of artillery that’s being exchanged back and forth.

    I would just note, and again, this is probably fairly obvious to all, that if you’re undergoing an artillery barrage while you’re on defense, that’s a little bit better than if you’re undergoing an artillery barrage while you’re on the offense and you’re exposed. You have to leave from, you know, the revetments that you’re hiding behind, the berms, etc., and move out across open terrain. So, I think that that — those two factors combine to add up to what we’re seeing in terms of casualty producing effects.

    Q: Thanks to both.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Thanks. Let’s go to Chris Gordon, Air and Space Forces Magazine.

    Q:  Thanks, Pat. And thank you to the officials. For the senior military official, how are Ukraine’s F-16s being used? What sort of missions is Ukraine conducting with its F-16s, and how much are they still reliant on their Soviet era fleet?

    And then secondly for either official, the US announced last month it will train 18 Ukrainian F-16 pilots next year. Where will those pilots be trained? What’s the timeline for that training? What is the experience level of the pilots that will be trained? Could it include newer pilots, if we have any more fidelity on that announcement? Thank you.

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL: Hey, Chris, thanks. I’ll take the first part of the question. You know, I can’t go into a lot of detail on exactly how the Ukrainians are using their F-16s, except to say, you know, it is a different kind of weapon system, as you’re well aware, from the Soviet and Russian technology that they’ve employed in the past, and so there is a bit of a transition there.

    Our — you know, the overall recommendation is, whenever you’re adopting a new technology to make sure that you’re mastering it, you know how to use it, you’ve got the appropriate amount of experience with it before you try to do too much with it. And I’ll just leave it at that.

    You know, as far as how they’re — as far as how they’re employing it, etc., I really can’t go into those details here. But I do think that over time, as they increase their proficiency, as the numbers increase, as the pilots that the senior defense official will give you a little bit of background here on a second increases, you’ll see the battlefield effects that that platform is able to provide increase.

    And, you know, I would also just highlight, you know, the F-16 program, many of us seem to — we tend to think of it as what is its immediate impact going to be. But this is really about the long term security of Ukraine and how we set them up to be — interoperability with Western forces over the longer term and how they can defend their airspace over the longer term. So, some of it certainly is going to apply to the current battle, but I think of this as a much more longer term project.

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: Great. And the 18 pilots, this is really just the latest number of pilots that we are pulling into the F-16 training pipeline. As you may recall, the Air Force Capability Coalition is a co-led effort by the Netherlands, Denmark and the United States. And working with the Ukrainians and those allies, we actually work together to identify slots in multiple countries.

    So, the US is hosting some, but there’s other countries that host other pieces of the training pipeline, and that includes everything from, you know, the English language training that is typically necessary at the front end to basic pilot training to the more advanced F-16 pilot training. So, we work together to construct a pipeline that makes sense for the skill level of each individual pilot.

    And it is a mix. Some have been experienced pilots, and we still are, you know, receiving more experienced pilots, but there’s also those that do not have that kind of pilot training and experience.

    Q: Can I just clarify one thing you said there? Of those 18, are those a mix of countries, or are those all in the US?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: It’s — there’s a mix of locations for the different pieces of the training pipeline. And that’s true not just of the 18, that’s true across the board. And I won’t get into the specific details of exactly who is training in which location out of respect for operational security.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Thank you. Let’s go to NBC, Courtney Kube.

    Q:  Hey, I’m sorry. We had some technical problems on our end early, so forgive me if you’ve already addressed this. But can you tell us anything about the South Korean announcement that some North Korean troops may be joining Russia to fight in Ukraine? Have you seen any seen any indications of that, whether it’s individuals or equipment that’s moving in that direction?

    And then on the — on F-16s in general, I wonder has Ukraine I guess briefed you on the F-16 crash from several weeks ago on the cause of that yet? Can you share anything that you’ve learned on that?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: So, I’ll just say on the question about the reports coming out, including the one from South Korea, we don’t have anything additional to add. In the past, we have spoken about the support that North Korea has provided Russia in terms of munitions. But I don’t have anything to add to this latest — this latest news report.

    And in terms of F-16s and the specific investigation, we would refer you to the Ukrainians on anything they may want to offer on that.

    Q: When you say you don’t have anything to add on the North Korea, I mean, do you — does that mean that the US doesn’t have any indications that’s true? Are you — I mean, are you — it’s from South Korea, a close US ally. So, I mean, is it that you just haven’t seen anything of that, or do you not think that it’s actually accurate?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: So, I don’t have any other specific information to add beyond what you have seen in the — in the media reporting.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Ok. Thank you very much. Let’s go to Defense News, Noah Robertson.

    Q: Hey, thank you both for doing this. I have two questions. The first is on the discussion of Ukrainian made drones that you had at the top. As early as this summer, some senior US military officials were saying, including in interviews that I did, about Ukrainian drones are more of a nuisance rather than a capability that could replace some of the precision strikes being provided by the US. I now hear a more positive tone coming from the two officials on this call. I’m wondering if you can describe, A, whether anything has changed with the advanced nature of their capabilities, or B, whether the Ukrainians are just getting better at integrating these capabilities in counter EW operations? And then I have a second question. Thank you.

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL Noah, thanks. Thanks for the question. I certainly am more positive than some of that — some of the other officials that you are referencing. I do think the Ukrainian made drones are doing very well. And we’ve seen — you know, there’s clear evidence of that with some of the one-way attack drone. Attacks against the ammo storage points is a very easy example to leverage.

    I think — you know, I would say it’s a little bit of both. I would say that there’s some capability enhancements, and I wouldn’t want to go into the details of those for operational security reasons. But I know, of course, that the Ukrainians are rapidly innovating on the battlefield with their capabilities. The pressure of war will have that effect on any military. And so, there certainly are capability enhancements that have happened very rapidly.

    And also, they are getting just, you know, more sophisticated in their tactics, techniques and procedures. And so, I think it’s a combination of both of those things that have — if there has been an increase of effectiveness, which, again, I think it’s reasonable to say that there has, and that these will continue to improve in effectiveness over time. It’s for those two reasons.

    Q: A second question is on the provision of aid by China. I know to this point US officials in the Pentagon have described this as dual use aid. Kurt Campbell went out publicly and said that it went beyond that last month. Do you have indications that China is providing direct lethal aid, or has that still not changed?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: So, I don’t have any new information beyond what the administration has released previously on China’s support for Russia.

    Q: Is it fair to say that it’s increased at least?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: I think it depends on what time frame you look at. I wouldn’t be able to give you a specific sense of kind of quantitative or even qualitative over time. But certainly, we are concerned about China’s support for Russia in the midst of this horrific war.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Ok, we’ve got time for just a couple more. Let’s go to Fox News, Jen Griffin.

    Q: Thank you, Pat. I wanted to ask about the Ukraine Contact Group and whether the postponement or canceling has anything to do with the fact that it is harder and harder to get donations of weaponry. Anything that you can quantify in terms of difficulties in getting weaponry right now for Ukraine?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: Absolutely not, Jen. I would say that this is really just all about the president wanting to take care of his responsibilities here in the United States as Hurricane Milton bears down on US territory, and it has absolutely nothing to do with international support.

    We were really looking forward to a host of countries participating and also making new donation announcements. So, I see continued very strong support from the donor community, both in terms of individual donations but also, increasingly, in terms of participation in these capability coalitions, where you see countries coming together to coordinate how they are making future procurements for Ukraine’s future force and giving Ukraine a better sense of predictability about its weapons supplies over time.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Ok. And last question. We’ll go to Bloomberg, Tony Capaccio.

    Q:  I think Tony just stepped away, so I’m going to take it for us if that’s ok, Natalia Drozdiak. Thanks so much for doing this. I just have two questions. For the SMO on Kursk, are you still confident that Ukraine can hold that territory through the winter, given the likely difficulties they’re going to have in terms of maintaining supply lines?

    And then secondly, for the senior defense official, about the aid package to support Ukraine’s drone production, was that the first time that the US was investing directly in Ukraine’s industrial production? And if so, have there been any sort of conditions set around that, like when it comes to preventing corruption or anything? Thanks.

    SENIOR MILITARY OFFICIAL: Hey, thanks, Natalia. On the Kursk question, my assessment is that the Ukrainians will be able to maintain their position in Kursk for some amount of time here into the future, I think several months and potentially beyond. You know, the battlefield is ultimately unpredictable.

    But if I look at the combat power ratios, you know, you mentioned supply issues for the Ukrainians, I haven’t seen a significant supply issue on their side. I would tell you I’ve — I would argue that, because this is not the main area where major Russian combat formations have been operating, they have significant logistical issues on their side in terms of repositioning troops and organizing themselves to go on the offensive, etc.

    So, I still think — as I mentioned, there have been some uneven counteroffensives, some limited counteroffensives by the Russians, but there’s been nothing that would indicate to me that they’re ready to make a major play toward taking Kursk back. And I don’t think they’ll be able to do it anytime soon.

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: So, in terms of your question about kind of investments in Ukrainian defense industry, we have cooperated with Ukrainian defense industry in the past. And I think it’s important to note that, with our Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative authorities, these are contracting mechanisms, so these are procurement mechanisms in which we have contract with companies. So, it’s a very um kind of rigorous way of accounting for the procurement. And we will do the same with this as we would do with any other procurement.

    And I would say that we — the experiences that we’ve had most recently with Ukraine defense industry in the context of the war that have been tremendously successful revolve around our — what we call our FrankenSAM project. So, it’s the project where we combined Soviet type air defense systems with Western technologies and munitions. And we actually partnered US companies with Ukrainian companies and engineers to devise this very creative way forward that has helped Ukraine deal with massive shortages in air defense interceptors and systems. So, from that experience, we took away a very positive sense of the possibilities of cooperating with Ukraine’s defense industry.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: All right. Well, thank you.

    Q: This is Phil Stewart. Is there any way — is there any way we could just clarify, because I think a lot of people are confused, if the senior defense official was confirming that there are North Korean soldiers fighting in — alongside Russia and Ukraine?

    SENIOR DEFENSE OFFICIAL: Sorry, Phil. No, I am just saying that the only information I have is this open source information, and I do not have additional information to offer.

    MAJOR GENERAL RYDER: Right. In other words, we have nothing to corroborate those reports, if that makes sense. Ok. All right.

    Well, again, I want to thank our senior defense official, our senior military official. As a reminder, this discussion today was on background. Thank you for joining us. That’s all the time we have. Out here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Banking: Meeting of 11-12 September 2024

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 11-12 September 2024

    10 October 2024

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel noted that since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 17-18 July 2024 there had been repeated periods of elevated market volatility, as growth concerns had become the dominant market theme. The volatility in risk asset markets had left a more persistent imprint on broader financial markets associated with shifting expectations for the policy path of the Federal Reserve System.

    The reappraisal of expectations for US monetary policy had spilled over into euro area rate expectations, supported by somewhat weaker economic data and a notable decline in headline inflation in the euro area. Overnight index swap (OIS) markets were currently pricing in a steeper and more frontloaded rate-cutting cycle than had been anticipated at the time of the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. At the same time, survey expectations had hardly changed relative to July.

    Volatility in US equity markets had shot up to levels last seen in October 2020, following the August US non-farm payroll employment report and the unwinding of yen carry trades. Similarly, both the implied volatility in the euro area stock market and the Composite Indicator of Systemic Stress had spiked. However, the turbulence had proved short-lived, and indicators of volatility and systemic stress had come down quickly.

    The sharp swings in risk aversion among global investors had been mirrored in equity prices, with the weaker growth outlook having also been reflected in the sectoral performance of global equity markets. In both the euro area and the United States, defensive sectors had recently outperformed cyclical ones, suggesting that equity investors were positioning themselves for weaker economic growth.

    Two factors could have amplified stock market dynamics. One was that the sensitivity of US equity prices to US macroeconomic shocks can depend on prevailing valuations. Another was the greater role of speculative market instruments, including short volatility equity funds.

    The pronounced reappraisal of the expected path of US monetary policy had spilled over into rate expectations across major advanced economies, including the euro area. The euro area OIS forward curve had shifted noticeably lower compared with expectations prevailing at the time of the Governing Council’s July meeting. In contrast to market expectations, surveys had proven much more stable. The expectations reported in the most recent Survey of Monetary Analysts (SMA) had been unchanged versus the previous round and pointed towards a more gradual rate path.

    The dynamics of market-based and survey-based policy rate expectations over the year – as illustrated by the total rate cuts expected by the end of 2024 and the end of 2025 in the markets and in the SMA – showed that the higher volatility in market expectations relative to surveys had been a pervasive feature. Since the start of 2024 market-based expectations had oscillated around stable SMA expectations. The dominant drivers of interest rate markets in the inter-meeting period and for most of 2024 had in fact been US rather than domestic euro area factors, which could partly explain the more muted sensitivity of analysts’ expectations to recent incoming data.

    At the same time, the expected policy divergence between the euro area and the United States had changed signs, with markets currently expecting a steeper easing cycle for the Federal Reserve.

    The decline in US nominal rates across maturities since the Governing Council’s last meeting could be explained mainly by a decline in expected real rates, as shown by a breakdown of OIS rates across different maturities into inflation compensation and real rates. By contrast, the decline in euro area nominal rates had largely related to a decline in inflation compensation.

    The market’s reassessment of the outlook for inflation in the euro area and the United States had led to the one-year inflation-linked swap (ILS) rates one year ahead declining broadly in tandem on both sides of the Atlantic. The global shift in investor focus from inflation to growth concerns may have lowered investors’ required compensation for upside inflation risks. A second driver of inflation compensation had been the marked decline in energy prices since the Governing Council’s July meeting. Over the past few years the market’s near-term inflation outlook had been closely correlated with energy prices.

    Market-based inflation expectations had again been oscillating around broadly stable survey-based expectations, as shown by a comparison of the year-to-date developments in SMA expectations and market pricing for inflation rates at the 2024 and 2025 year-ends.

    The dominance of US factors in recent financial market developments and the divergence in policy rate expectations between the euro area and the United States had also been reflected in exchange rate developments. The euro had been pushed higher against the US dollar owing to the repricing of US monetary policy expectations and the deterioration in the US macroeconomic outlook. In nominal effective terms, however, the euro exchange rate had depreciated mildly, as the appreciation against the US dollar and other currencies had been more than offset by a weakening against the Swiss franc and the Japanese yen.

    Sovereign bond markets had once again proven resilient to the volatility in riskier asset market segments. Ten-year sovereign spreads over German Bunds had widened modestly after the turbulence but had retreated shortly afterwards. As regards corporate borrowing, the costs of rolling over euro area and US corporate debt had eased measurably across rating buckets relative to their peak.

    Finally, there had been muted take-up in the first three-month lending operation extending into the period of the new pricing for the main refinancing operations. As announced in March, the spread to the deposit facility rate would be reduced from 50 to 15 basis points as of 18 September 2024. Moreover, markets currently expected only a slow increase in take-up and no money market reaction to this adjustment.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started by reviewing inflation developments in the euro area. Headline inflation had decreased to 2.2% in August (flash release), which was 0.4 percentage points lower than in July. This mainly reflected a sharp decline in energy inflation, from 1.2% in July to -3.0% in August, on account of downward base effects. Food inflation had been 2.4% in August, marginally up from 2.3% in July. Core inflation – as measured by the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) excluding energy and food – had decreased by 0.1 percentage points to 2.8% in August, as the decline in goods inflation to 0.4% had outweighed the rise in services inflation to 4.2%.

    Most measures of underlying inflation had been broadly unchanged in July. However, domestic inflation remained high, as wages were still rising at an elevated pace. But labour cost pressures were moderating, and lower profits were partially buffering the impact of higher wages on inflation. Growth in compensation per employee had fallen further, to 4.3%, in the second quarter of 2024. And despite weak productivity unit labour costs had grown less strongly, by 4.6%, after 5.2% in the first quarter. Annual growth in unit profits had continued to fall, coming in at -0.6%, after -0.2% in the first quarter and +2.5% in the last quarter of 2023. Negotiated wage growth would remain high and volatile over the remainder of the year, given the significant role of one-off payments in some countries and the staggered nature of wage adjustments. The forward-looking wage tracker also signalled that wage growth would be strong in the near term but moderate in 2025.

    Headline inflation was expected to rise again in the latter part of this year, partly because previous falls in energy prices would drop out of the annual rates. According to the latest ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.5% in 2024, 2.2% in 2025 and 1.9% in 2026, notably reaching 2.0% during the second half of next year. Compared with the June projections, the profile for headline inflation was unchanged. Inflation projections including owner-occupied housing costs were a helpful cross-check. However, in the September projections these did not imply any substantial difference, as inflation both in rents and in the owner-occupied housing cost index had shown a very similar profile to the overall HICP inflation projection. For core inflation, the projections for 2024 and 2025 had been revised up slightly, as services inflation had been higher than expected. Staff continued to expect a rapid decline in core inflation, from 2.9% this year to 2.3% in 2025 and 2.0% in 2026. Owing to a weaker economy and lower wage pressures, the projections now saw faster disinflation in the course of 2025, resulting in the projection for core inflation in the fourth quarter of that year being marked down from 2.2% to 2.1%.

    Turning to the global economy, Mr Lane stressed that global activity excluding the euro area remained resilient and that global trade had strengthened in the second quarter of 2024, as companies frontloaded their orders in anticipation of shipping delays ahead of the Christmas season. At the same time downside risks were rising, with indicators signalling a slowdown in manufacturing. The frontloading of trade in the first half of the year meant that trade performance in the second half could be weaker.

    The euro had been appreciating against the US dollar (+1.0%) since the July Governing Council meeting but had been broadly stable in effective terms. As for the energy markets, Brent crude oil prices had decreased by 14%, to around USD 75 per barrel, since the July meeting. European natural gas prices had increased by 16%, to stand at around €37 per megawatt-hour amid ongoing geopolitical concerns.

    Euro area real GDP had expanded by 0.2% in the second quarter of this year, after being revised down. This followed 0.3% in the first quarter and fell short of the latest staff projections for real GDP. It was important not to exaggerate the slowdown in the second quarter of 2024. This was less pronounced when excluding a small euro area economy with a large and volatile contribution from intangible investment. However, while the euro area economy was continuing to grow, the expansion was being driven not by private domestic demand, but mainly by net exports and government spending. Private domestic demand had weakened, as households were consuming less, firms had cut business investment and housing investment had dropped sharply. The euro area flash composite output Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) had risen to 51.2 in August from 50.2 in July. While the services sector continued to expand, the more interest-sensitive manufacturing sector continued to contract, as it had done for most of the past two years. The flash PMI for services business activity for August had risen to 53.3, while the manufacturing output PMI remained deeply in contractionary territory at 45.7. The overall picture raised concerns: as developments were very similar for both activity and new orders, there was no indication that the manufacturing sector would recover anytime soon. Consumer confidence remained subdued and industrial production continued to face strong headwinds, with the highly interconnected industrial sector in the euro area’s largest economy suffering from a prolonged slump. On trade, it was also a concern that the improvements in the PMIs for new export orders for both services and manufacturing had again slipped in the last month or two.

    After expanding by 3.5% in 2023, global real GDP was expected to grow by 3.4% in 2024 and 2025, and 3.3% in 2026, according to the September ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Compared to the June projections, global real GDP growth had been revised up by 0.1 percentage points in each year of the projection horizon. Even though the outlook for the world economy had been upgraded slightly, there had been a downgrade in terms of the export prices of the euro area’s competitors, which was expected to fuel disinflationary pressures in the euro area, particularly in 2025.

    The euro area labour market remained resilient. The unemployment rate had been broadly unchanged in July, at 6.4%. Employment had grown by 0.2% in the second quarter. At the same time, the growth in the labour force had slowed. Recent survey indicators pointed to a further moderation in the demand for labour, with the job vacancy rate falling from 2.9% in the first quarter to 2.6% in the second quarter, close to its pre-pandemic peak of 2.4%. Early indicators of labour market dynamics suggested a further deceleration of labour market momentum in the third quarter. The employment PMI had stood at the broadly neutral level of 49.9 in August.

    In the staff projections output growth was expected to be 0.8% in 2024 and to strengthen to 1.3% in 2025 and 1.5% in 2026. Compared with the June projections, the outlook for growth had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points in each year of the projection horizon. For 2024, the downward revision reflected lower than expected GDP data and subdued short-term activity indicators. For 2025 and 2026 the downward revisions to the average annual growth rates were the result of slightly weaker contributions from net trade and domestic demand.

    Concerning fiscal policies, the euro area budget balance was projected to improve progressively, though less strongly than in the previous projection round, from -3.6% in 2023 to -3.3% in 2024, -3.2% in 2025 and -3.0% in 2026.

    Turning to monetary and financial analysis, risk-free market interest rates had decreased markedly since the last monetary policy meeting, mostly owing to a weaker outlook for global growth and reduced concerns about inflation pressures. Tensions in global markets over the summer had led to a temporary tightening of financial conditions in the riskier market segments. But in the euro area and elsewhere forward rates had fallen across maturities. Financing conditions for firms and households remained restrictive, as the past policy rate increases continued to work their way through the transmission chain. The average interest rates on new loans to firms and on new mortgages had stayed high in July, at 5.1% and 3.8% respectively. Monetary dynamics were broadly stable amid marked volatility in monthly flows, with net external assets remaining the main driver of money creation. The annual growth rate of M3 had stood at 2.3% in July, unchanged from June but up from 1.5% in May. Credit growth remained sluggish amid weak demand.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    Regarding the assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission, Mr Lane concluded that confidence in a timely return of inflation to target was supported by both declining uncertainty around the projections, including their stability across projection rounds, and also by inflation expectations across a range of indicators that remained aligned with a timely convergence to target. The incoming data on wages and profits had been in line with expectations. The baseline scenario foresaw a demand-led economic recovery that boosted labour productivity, allowing firms to absorb the expected growth in labour costs without denting their profitability too much. This should buffer the cost pressures stemming from higher wages, dampening price increases. Most measures of underlying inflation, including those with a high predictive content for future inflation, were stable at levels consistent with inflation returning to target in a sufficiently timely manner. While domestic inflation was still being kept elevated by pay rises, the projected slowdown in wage growth next year was expected to make a major contribution to the final phase of disinflation towards the target.

    Based on this assessment, it was now appropriate to take another step in moderating the degree of monetary policy restriction. Accordingly, Mr Lane proposed lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – by 25 basis points. This decision was robust across a wide range of scenarios. At a still clearly restrictive level of 3.50% for the deposit facility rate, upside shocks to inflation calling into question the timely return of inflation to target could be addressed with a slower pace of rate reductions in the coming quarters compared with the baseline rate path embedded in the projections. At the same time, compared with holding the deposit facility rate at 3.75%, this level also offered greater protection against downside risks that could lead to an undershooting of the target further out in the projection horizon, including the risks associated with an excessively slow unwinding of the rate tightening cycle.

    Looking ahead, a gradual approach to dialling back restrictiveness would be appropriate if the incoming data were in line with the baseline projection. At the same time, optionality should be retained as regards the speed of adjustment. In one direction, if the incoming data indicated a sustained acceleration in the speed of disinflation or a material shortfall in the speed of economic recovery (with its implications for medium-term inflation), a faster pace of rate adjustment could be warranted; in the other direction, if the incoming data indicated slower than expected disinflation or a faster pace of economic recovery, a slower pace of rate adjustment could be warranted. These considerations reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting and data-dependent approach that maintained two-way optionality and flexibility for future rate decisions. This implied reiterating (i) the commitment to keep policy rates sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary to achieve a timely return of inflation to target; (ii) the emphasis on a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach in setting policy; and (iii) the retention of the three-pronged reaction function, based on the Governing Council’s assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    As announced in March, some changes to the operational framework for implementing monetary policy were to come into effect at the start of the next maintenance period on 18 September. The spread between the rate on the main refinancing operations and the deposit facility rate would be reduced to 15 basis points. The spread between the rate on the marginal lending facility and the rate on the main refinancing operations would remain unchanged at 25 basis points. These technical adjustments implied that the main refinancing operations and marginal lending facility rates would be reduced by 60 basis points the following week, to 3.65% and 3.90% respectively. In view of these changes, the Governing Council should emphasise in its communication that it steered the monetary policy stance by adjusting the deposit facility rate.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    Looking at the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Incoming data confirmed growth in global activity had been resilient, although recent negative surprises in PMI manufacturing output indicated potential headwinds to the near-term outlook. While the services sector was growing robustly, the manufacturing sector was contracting. Goods inflation was declining sharply, in contrast to persistent services inflation. Global trade had surprised on the upside in the second quarter, likely owing to frontloaded restocking. However, it was set to decelerate again in the third quarter and then projected to recover and grow in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Euro area foreign demand followed a path similar to global trade and had been revised up for 2024 (owing mainly to strong data). Net exports had been the main demand component supporting euro area activity in the past two quarters. Looking ahead, though, foreign demand was showing signs of weakness, with falling export orders and PMIs.

    Overall, the September projections had shown a slightly improved growth outlook relative to the June projections, both globally and for the major economies, which suggested that fears of a major global slowdown might be exaggerated. US activity remained robust, despite signs of rebalancing in the labour market. The recent rise in unemployment was due primarily to an increasing labour force, driven by higher participation rates and strong immigration, rather than to weakening labour demand or increased slack. China’s growth had slowed significantly in the second quarter as the persistent downturn in the property market continued to dampen household demand. Exports remained the primary driver of growth. Falling Chinese export prices highlighted the persisting overcapacity in the construction and high-tech manufacturing sectors.

    Turning to commodities, oil prices had fallen significantly since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. The decline reflected positive supply news, dampened risk sentiment and the slowdown in economic activity, especially in China. The futures curve suggested a downward trend for oil prices. In contrast, European gas prices had increased in the wake of geopolitical concerns and localised supply disruptions. International prices for both metal and food commodities had declined slightly. Food prices had fallen owing to favourable wheat crop conditions in Canada and the United States. In this context, it was argued that the decline in commodity prices could be interpreted as a barometer of sentiment on the strength of global activity.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members concurred with the assessment presented by Mr Lane and acknowledged the weaker than expected growth outcome in the second quarter. While broad agreement was expressed with the latest macroeconomic projections, it was emphasised that incoming data implied a downward revision to the growth outlook relative to the previous projection round. Moreover, the remark was made that the private domestic economy had contributed negatively to GDP growth for the second quarter in a row and had been broadly stagnating since the middle of 2022.

    It was noted that, since the cut-off for the projections, Eurostat had revised data for the latest quarters, with notable changes to the composition of growth. Moreover, in earlier national account releases, there had already been sizeable revisions to backdata, with upward revisions to the level of activity, which had been broadly taken into account in the September projections. With respect to the latest release, the demand components for the second quarter pointed to an even less favourable contribution from consumption and investment and therefore presented a more pessimistic picture than in the September staff projections. The euro area current account surplus also suggested that domestic demand remained weak. Reference was made to potential adverse non-linear dynamics resulting from the current economic weakness, for example from weaker balance sheets of households and firms, or originating in the labour market, as in some countries large firms had recently moved to lay off staff.

    It was underlined that the long-anticipated consumption-led recovery in the euro area had so far not materialised. This raised the question of whether the projections relied too much on consumption driving the recovery. The latest data showed that households had continued to be very cautious in their spending. The saving rate was elevated and had rebounded in recent quarters in spite of already high accumulated savings, albeit from a lower level following the national accounts revisions to the backdata. This might suggest that consumers were worried about their economic prospects and had little confidence in a robust recovery, even if this was not fully in line with the observed trend increase in consumer confidence. In this context, several factors that could be behind households’ increased caution were mentioned. These included uncertainty about the geopolitical situation, fiscal policy, the economic impact of climate change and transition policies, demographic developments as well as the outcome of elections. In such an uncertain environment, businesses and households could be more cautious and wait to see how the situation would evolve.

    At the same time, it was argued that an important factor boosting the saving ratio was the high interest rate environment. While the elasticity of savings to interest rates was typically relatively low in models, the increase in interest rates since early 2022 had been very significant, coming after a long period of low or negative rates. Against this background, even a small elasticity implied a significant impact on consumption and savings. Reference was also made to the European Commission’s consumer sentiment indicators. They had been showing a gradual recovery in consumer confidence for some time (in step with lower inflation), while perceived consumer uncertainty had been retreating. Therefore, the high saving rate was unlikely to be explained by mainly precautionary motives. It rather reflected ongoing monetary policy transmission, which could, however, be expected to gradually weaken over time, with deposit and loan rates starting to fall. Surveys were already pointing to an increase in household spending. In this context, the lags in monetary policy transmission were recalled. For example, households that had not yet seen any increase in their mortgage payments would be confronted with a higher mortgage rate if their rate fixation period expired. This might be an additional factor encouraging a build-up of savings.

    Reference was also made to the concept of permanent income as an important determinant of consumer spending. If households feared that their permanent income had not increased by as much as their current disposable income, owing to structural developments in the economy, then it was not surprising that they were limiting their spending.

    Overall, it was generally considered that a recession in the euro area remained unlikely. The projected recovery relied on a pick-up in consumption and investment, which remained plausible and in line with standard economics, as the fundamentals for that dynamic to set in were largely in place. Sluggish spending was reflecting a lagged response to higher real incomes materialising over time. In addition, the rise in household savings implied a buffer that might support higher spending later, as had been the case in the United States, although consumption and savings behaviour clearly differed on opposite sides of the Atlantic.

    Particular concerns were expressed about the weakness in investment this year and in 2025, given the importance of investment for both the demand and the supply side of the economy. It was observed that the economic recovery was not expected to receive much support from capital accumulation, in part owing to the continued tightness of financial conditions, as well as to high uncertainty and structural weaknesses. Moreover, it was underlined that one of the main economic drivers of investment was profits, which had weakened in recent quarters, with firms’ liquidity buffers dissipating at the same time. In addition, in the staff projections, the investment outlook had been revised down and remained subdued. This was atypical for an economic recovery and contrasted strongly with the very significant investment needs that had been highlighted in Mario Draghi’s report on the future of European competitiveness.

    Turning to the labour market, its resilience was still remarkable. The unemployment rate remained at a historical low amid continued robust – albeit slowing – employment growth. At the same time, productivity growth had remained low and had surprised to the downside, implying that the increase in labour productivity might not materialise as projected. However, a declining vacancy rate was seen as reflecting weakening labour demand, although it remained above its pre-pandemic peak. It was noted that a decline in vacancies usually coincided with higher job destruction and therefore constituted a downside risk to employment and activity more generally. The decline in vacancies also coincided with a decline in the growth of compensation per employee, which was perceived as a sign that the labour market was cooling.

    Members underlined that it was still unclear to what extent low productivity was cyclical or might reflect structural changes with an impact on growth potential. If labour productivity was low owing to cyclical factors, it was argued that the projected increase in labour productivity did not require a change in European firms’ assumed rate of innovation or in total factor productivity. The projected increase in labour productivity could simply come from higher capacity utilisation (in the presence of remaining slack) in response to higher demand. From a cyclical perspective, in a scenario where aggregate demand did not pick up, this would sooner or later affect the labour market. Finally, even if demand were eventually to recover, there could still be a structural problem and labour productivity growth could remain subdued over the medium term. On the one hand, it was contended that in such a case potential output growth would be lower, with higher unit labour costs and price pressures. Such structural problems could not be solved by lower interest rates and had to be addressed by other policy domains. On the other hand, the view was taken that structural weakness could be amplified by high interest rates. Such structural challenges could therefore be a concern for monetary policy in the future if they lowered the natural rate of interest, potentially making recourse to unconventional policies more frequent.

    Reference was also made to the disparities in the growth outlook for different countries, which were perceived as an additional challenge for monetary policy. Since the share of manufacturing in gross value added (as well as trade openness) differed across economies, some countries in the euro area were suffering more than others from the slowdown in industrial activity. Weak growth in the largest euro area economy, in particular, was dragging down euro area growth. While part of the weakness was likely to be cyclical, this economy was facing significant structural challenges. By contrast, many other euro area countries had shown robust growth, including strong contributions from domestic demand. It was also highlighted that the course of national fiscal policies remained very uncertain, as national budgetary plans would have to be negotiated during a transition at the European Commission. In this context, the gradual improvement in the aggregated fiscal position of the euro area embedded in the projections was masking considerable differences across countries. Implementing the EU’s revised economic governance framework fully, transparently and without delay would help governments bring down budget deficits and debt ratios on a sustained basis. The effect of an expansionary fiscal policy on the economy was perceived as particularly uncertain in the current environment, possibly contributing to higher savings rather than higher spending by households (exerting “Ricardian” rather than “Keynesian” effects).

    Against this background, members called for fiscal and structural policies aimed at making the economy more productive and competitive, which would help to raise potential growth and reduce price pressures in the medium term. Mario Draghi’s report on the future of European competitiveness and Enrico Letta’s report on empowering the Single Market stressed the urgent need for reform and provided concrete proposals on how to make this happen. Governments should now make a strong start in this direction in their medium-term plans for fiscal and structural policies.

    In particular, it was argued that Mario Draghi’s report had very clearly identified the structural factors explaining Europe’s growth and industrial competitiveness gap with the United States. The report was seen as taking a long-term view on the challenges facing Europe, with the basic underlying question of how Europeans could remain in control of their own destiny. If Europe did not heed the call to invest more, the European economy would increasingly fall behind the United States and China.

    Against this background, members assessed that the risks to economic growth remained tilted to the downside. Lower demand for euro area exports, owing for instance to a weaker world economy or an escalation in trade tensions between major economies, would weigh on euro area growth. Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East were major sources of geopolitical risk. This could result in firms and households becoming less confident about the future and global trade being disrupted. Growth could also be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening turned out stronger than expected. Growth could be higher if inflation came down more quickly than expected and rising confidence and real incomes meant that spending increased by more than anticipated, or if the world economy grew more strongly than expected.

    With regard to price developments, members concurred with the assessment presented by Mr Lane in his introduction and underlined the fact that the recent declines in inflation had delivered good news. The incoming data had bolstered confidence that inflation would return to target by the end of 2025. Falling inflation, slowing wage growth and unit labour costs, as well as higher costs being increasingly absorbed by profits, suggested that the disinflationary process was on track. The unchanged baseline path for headline inflation in the staff projections gave reassurance that inflation would be back to target by the end of 2025.

    However, it was emphasised that core inflation was very persistent. In particular, services inflation had continued to come in stronger than projected and had moved sideways since November of last year. Recent declines in headline inflation had been strongly influenced by lower energy prices, which were known to be very volatile. Moreover, the baseline path to 2% depended critically on lower wage growth as well as on an acceleration of productivity growth towards rates not seen for many years and above historical averages.

    Conversely, it was stressed that inflation had recently been declining somewhat faster than expected, and the risk of undershooting the target was now becoming non-negligible. With Eurostat’s August HICP flash release, the projections were already too pessimistic on the pace of disinflation in the near term. Moreover, commodity prices had declined further since the cut-off date, adding downward pressure to inflation. Prices for raw materials, energy costs and competitors’ export prices had all fallen, while the euro had been appreciating against the US dollar. In addition, lower international prices not only had a short-term impact on headline euro area inflation but would ultimately also have an indirect effect on core inflation, through the price of services such as transportation (e.g. airfares). However, in that particular case, the size of the downward effect depended on how persistent the drop in energy prices was expected to be. From a longer perspective, it was underlined that for a number of consecutive rounds the projections had pointed to inflation reaching the 2% target by the end of 2025.

    At the same time, it was pointed out that the current level of headline inflation understated the challenges that monetary policy was still facing, which called for caution. Given the current high volatility in energy prices, headline inflation numbers were not very informative about medium-term price pressures. Overall, it was felt that core inflation required continued attention. Upward revisions to projected quarterly core inflation until the third quarter of 2025, which for some quarters amounted to as much as 0.3 percentage points, showed that the battle against inflation was not yet won. Moreover, domestic inflation remained high, at 4.4%. It reflected persistent price pressures in the services sector, where progress with disinflation had effectively stalled since last November. Services inflation had risen to 4.2% in August, above the levels of the previous nine months.

    The outlook for services inflation called for caution, as its stickiness might be driven by several structural factors. First, in some services sectors there was a global shortage of labour, which might be structural. Second, leisure services might also be confronted with a structural change in preferences, which warranted further monitoring. It was remarked that the projection for industrial goods inflation indicated that the sectoral rate would essentially settle at 1%, where it had been during the period of strong globalisation before the pandemic. However, in a world of fragmentation, deglobalisation and negative supply shocks, it was legitimate to expect higher price increases for non-energy industrial goods. Even if inflation was currently low in this category, this was not necessarily set to last.

    Members stressed that wage pressures were an important driver of the persistence of services inflation. While wage growth appeared to be easing gradually, it remained high and bumpy. The forward-looking wage tracker was still on an upward trajectory, and it was argued that stronger than expected wage pressures remained one of the major upside risks to inflation, in particular through services inflation. This supported the view that focus should be on a risk scenario where wage growth did not slow down as expected, productivity growth remained low and profits absorbed higher costs to a lesser degree than anticipated. Therefore, while incoming data had supported the baseline scenario, there were upside risks to inflation over the medium term, as the path back to price stability hinged on a number of critical assumptions that still needed to materialise.

    However, it was also pointed out that the trend in overall wage growth was mostly downwards, especially when focusing on growth in compensation per employee. Nominal wage growth for the first half of the year had been below the June projections. While negotiated wage growth might be more volatile, in part owing to one-off payments, the difference between it and compensation per employee – the wage drift – was more sensitive to the currently weak state of the economy. Moreover, despite the ongoing catching-up of real wages, the currently observed faster than expected disinflation could ultimately also be expected to put further downward pressure on wage claims – with second-round effects having remained contained during the latest inflation surge – and no sign of wage-price spirals taking root.

    As regards longer-term inflation expectations, market-based measures had come down notably and remained broadly anchored at 2%, reflecting the market view that inflation would fall rapidly. A sharp decline in oil prices, driven mainly by benign supply conditions and lower risk sentiment, had pushed down inflation expectations in the United States and the euro area to levels not seen for a long time. In this context it was mentioned that, owing to the weakness in economic activity and faster and broader than anticipated disinflation, risks of a downward unanchoring of inflation expectations had increased. Reference was made, in particular, to the prices of inflation fixings (swap contracts linked to specific monthly releases for euro area year-on-year HICP inflation excluding tobacco), which pointed to inflation well below 2% in the very near term – and falling below 2% much earlier than foreseen in the September projections. The view was expressed that, even if such prices were not entirely comparable with measured HICP inflation and were partly contaminated by negative inflation risk premia, their low readings suggested that the risks surrounding inflation were at least balanced or might even be on the downside, at least in the short term. However, it was pointed out that inflation fixings were highly correlated with oil prices and had limited forecasting power beyond short horizons.

    Against this background, members assessed that inflation could turn out higher than anticipated if wages or profits increased by more than expected. Upside risks to inflation also stemmed from the heightened geopolitical tensions, which could push energy prices and freight costs higher in the near term and disrupt global trade. Moreover, extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices. By contrast, inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand more than expected or if the economic environment in the rest of the world worsened unexpectedly.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, members largely concurred with the assessment provided by Ms Schnabel and Mr Lane in their introductions. Market interest rates had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting in July. Market participants were now fully pricing in a 25 basis point cut in the deposit facility rate for the September meeting and attached a 35% probability to a further rate cut in October. In total, between two and three rate cuts were now priced in by the end of the year, up from two cuts immediately after the June meeting. The two-year OIS rate had also decreased by over 40 basis points since the July meeting. More generally it was noted that, because financial markets were anticipating the full easing cycle, this had already implied an additional and immediate easing of the monetary policy stance, which was reflected in looser financial conditions.

    The decline in market interest rates in the euro area and globally was mostly attributable to a weaker outlook for global growth and the anticipation of monetary policy easing due to reduced concerns about inflation pressures. Spillovers from the United States had played a significant role in the development of euro area market rates, while changes in euro area data – notably the domestic inflation outlook – had been limited, as could be seen from the staff projections. In addition, it was noted that, while a lower interest rate path in the United States reflected the Federal Reserve’s assessment of prospects for inflation and employment under its dual mandate, lower rates would normally be expected to stimulate the world economy, including in the euro area. However, the concurrent major decline in global oil prices suggested that this spillover effect could be counteracted by concerns about a weaker global economy, which would naturally reverberate in the euro area.

    Tensions in global markets in August had led to a temporary tightening of conditions in some riskier market segments, which had mostly and swiftly been reversed. Compared with earlier in the year, market participants had generally now switched from being concerned about inflation remaining higher for longer in a context of robust growth to being concerned about too little growth, which could be a prelude to a hard landing, amid receding inflation pressures. While there were as yet no indications of a hard landing in either the United States or the euro area, it was argued that the events of early August had shown that financial markets were highly sensitive to disappointing growth readings in major economies. This was seen to represent a source of instability and downside risks, although market developments at that time indicated that investors were still willing to take on risk. However, the view was also expressed that the high volatility and market turbulence in August partly reflected the unwinding of carry trades in wake of Bank of Japan’s policy tightening following an extended period of monetary policy accommodation. Moreover, the correction had been short-lived amid continued high valuations in equity markets and low risk premia across a range of assets.

    Financing costs in the euro area, measured by the interest rates on market debt instruments and bank loans, had remained restrictive as past policy rate increases continued to work their way through the transmission chain. The average interest rates on new loans to firms and on new mortgages had stayed high in July, at 5.1 and 3.8% respectively. It was suggested that other elements of broader financing conditions were not as tight as the level of the lending rates or broader indicators of financial conditions might suggest. Equity financing, for example, had been abundant during the entire period of disinflation and credit spreads had been very compressed. At the same time, it was argued that this could simply reflect weak investment demand, whereby firms did not need or want to borrow and so were not prepared to issue debt securities at high rates.

    Against this background, credit growth had remained sluggish amid weak demand. The growth of bank lending to firms and households had remained at levels not far from zero in July, with the former slightly down from June and the latter slightly up. The annual growth in broad money – as measured by M3 – had in July remained relatively subdued at 2.3%, the same rate as in June.

    It was suggested that the weakness in credit dynamics also reflected the still restrictive financing conditions, which were likely to keep credit growth weak through 2025. It was also argued that banks faced challenges, with their price-to-book ratios, while being higher than in earlier years, remaining generally below one. Moreover, it was argued that higher credit risk, with deteriorating loan books, had the potential to constrain credit supply. At the same time, the June rate cut and the anticipation of future cuts had already slightly lowered bank funding costs. In addition, banks remained highly profitable, with robust valuations. It was also not unusual for price-to-book ratios to be below one and banks had no difficulty raising capital. Credit demand was considered the main factor holding back loan growth, since investment remained especially weak. On the household side, it was suggested that the demand for mortgages was likely to increase with the pick-up in housing markets.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements of the Governing Council’s reaction function.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, the latest ECB staff projections had confirmed the inflation outlook from the June projections. Inflation was expected to rise again in the latter part of this year, partly because previous sharp falls in energy prices would drop out of the annual rates. It was then expected to decline towards the target over the second half of next year, with the disinflation process supported by receding labour cost pressures and the past monetary policy tightening gradually feeding through to consumer prices. Inflation was subsequently expected to remain close to the target on a sustained basis. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations stood at around 2%, and the market-based measures had fallen closer to that level since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting.

    Members agreed that recent economic developments had broadly confirmed the baseline outlook, as reflected in the unchanged staff projections for headline inflation, and indicated that the disinflationary path was progressing well and becoming more robust. Inflation was on the right trajectory and broadly on track to return to the target of 2% by the end of 2025, even if headline inflation was expected to remain volatile for the remainder of 2024. But this bumpy inflation profile also meant that the final phase of disinflation back to 2% was only expected to start in 2025 and rested on a number of assumptions. It therefore needed to be carefully monitored whether inflation would settle sustainably at the target in a timely manner. The risk of delays in reaching the ECB’s target was seen to warrant some caution to avoid dialling back policy restriction prematurely. At the same time, it was also argued that monetary policy had to remain oriented to the medium term even in the presence of shocks and that the risk of the target being undershot further out in the projection horizon was becoming more significant.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members noted that most measures had been broadly unchanged in July. Domestic inflation had remained high, with strong price pressures coming especially from wages. Core inflation was still relatively high, had been sticky since the beginning of the year and was continuing to surprise to the upside. Moreover, the projections for core inflation in 2024 and 2025 had been revised up slightly, as services inflation had been higher than expected. Labour cost dynamics would continue to be a central concern, with the projected decline in core and services inflation next year reliant on key assumptions for wages, productivity and profits, for which the actual data remained patchy. In particular, productivity was low and had not yet picked up, while wage growth, despite gradual easing, remained high and bumpy. A disappointment in productivity growth could be a concern, as the capacity of profits to absorb increases in unit labour costs might be reaching its limits. Wage growth would then have to decline even further for inflation to return sustainably to the target. These factors could mean that core inflation and services inflation might be stickier and not decline as much as currently expected.

    These risks notwithstanding, comfort could be drawn from the gradual decline in the momentum of services inflation, albeit from high levels, and the expectation that it would fall further, partly as a result of significant base effects. The catching-up process for wages was advanced, with wage growth already slowing down by more than had previously been projected and expected to weaken even faster next year, with no signs of a wage-price spiral. If lower energy prices or other factors reduced the cost of living now, this should put downward pressure on wage claims next year.

    Finally, members generally agreed that monetary policy transmission from the past tightening continued to dampen economic activity, even if it had likely passed its peak. Financing conditions remained restrictive. This was reflected in weak credit dynamics, which had dampened consumption and investment, and thereby economic activity more broadly. The past monetary policy tightening had gradually been feeding through to consumer prices, thereby supporting the disinflation process. There were many other reasons why monetary policy was still working its way through the economy, with research suggesting that there could be years of lagged effects before the full impact dissipated completely. For example, as firms’ and households’ liquidity buffers had diminished, they were now more exposed to higher interest rates than previously, and banks could, in turn, also be facing more credit risk. At the same time, with the last interest rate hike already a year in the past, the transmission of monetary policy was expected to weaken progressively from its peak, also as loan and deposit rates had been falling, albeit very moderately, for almost a year. The gradually fading effects of restrictive monetary policy were thus expected to support consumption and investment in the future. Nonetheless, ongoing uncertainty about the transmission mechanism, in terms of both efficacy and timing, underscored the continuing importance of monitoring the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, members considered the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – by 25 basis points. As had been previously announced on 13 March 2024, some changes to the operational framework for implementing monetary policy would also take effect from 18 September. In particular, the spread between the interest rate on the main refinancing operations and the deposit facility rate would be set at 15 basis points. The spread between the rate on the marginal lending facility and the rate on the main refinancing operations would remain unchanged at 25 basis points. Accordingly, the deposit facility rate would be decreased to 3.50% and the interest rates on the main refinancing operations and the marginal lending facility would be decreased to 3.65% and 3.90% respectively.

    Based on the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission, it was now appropriate to take another step in moderating the degree of monetary policy restriction. The recent incoming data and the virtually unchanged staff projections had increased members’ confidence that disinflation was proceeding steadily and inflation was on track to return towards the 2% target in a sustainable and timely manner. Headline inflation had fallen in August to levels previously seen in the summer of 2021 before the inflation surge, and there were signs of easing pressures in the labour market, with wage growth and unit labour costs both slowing. Despite some bumpy data expected in the coming months, the big picture remained one of a continuing disinflationary trend progressing at a firm pace and more or less to plan. In particular, the Governing Council’s expectation that significant wage growth would be buffered by lower profits had been confirmed in the recent data. Both survey and market-based measures of inflation expectations remained well anchored, and longer-term expectations had remained close to 2% for a long period which included times of heightened uncertainty. Confidence in the staff projections had been bolstered by their recent stability and increased accuracy, and the projections had shown inflation to be on track to reach the target by the end of 2025 for at least the last three rounds.

    It was also noted that the overall economic outlook for the euro area was more concerning and the projected recovery was fragile. Economic activity remained subdued, with risks to economic growth tilted to the downside and near-term risks to growth on the rise. These concerns were also reflected in the lower growth projections for 2024 and 2025 compared with June. A remark was made that, with inflation increasingly close to the target, real economic activity should become more relevant for calibrating monetary policy.

    Against this background, all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to reduce the degree of monetary policy restriction through a second 25 basis point rate cut, which was seen as robust across a wide range of scenarios in offering two-sided optionality for the future.

    Looking ahead, members emphasised that they remained determined to ensure that inflation would return to the 2% medium-term target in a timely manner and that they would keep policy rates sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary to achieve this aim. They would also continue to follow a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate level and duration of restriction. There should be no pre-commitment to a particular rate path. Accordingly, it was better to maintain full optionality for the period ahead to be free to respond to all of the incoming data.

    It was underlined that the speed at which the degree of restrictiveness should be reduced depended on the evolution of incoming data, with the three elements of the stated reaction function as a solid anchor for the monitoring and decision-making process. However, such data-dependence did not amount to data point-dependence, and no mechanical weights could be attached to near-term developments in headline inflation or core inflation or any other single statistic. Rather, it was necessary to assess the implications of the totality of data for the medium-term inflation outlook. For example, it would sometimes be appropriate to ignore volatility in oil prices, but at other times, if oil price moves were likely to create material spillovers across the economy, it would be important to respond.

    Members broadly concurred that a gradual approach to dialling back restrictiveness would be appropriate if future data were in line with the baseline projections. This was also seen to be consistent with the anticipation that a gradual easing of financial conditions would support economic activity, including much-needed investment to boost labour productivity and total factor productivity.

    It was mentioned that a gradual and cautious approach currently seemed appropriate because it was not fully certain that the inflation problem was solved. It was therefore too early to declare victory, also given the upward revisions in the quarterly projections for core inflation and the recent upside surprises to services inflation. Although uncertainty had declined, it remained high, and some of the key factors and assumptions underlying the baseline outlook, including those related to wages, productivity, profits and core and services inflation, still needed to materialise and would move only slowly. These factors warranted close monitoring. The real test would come in 2025, when it would become clearer whether wage growth had come down, productivity growth had picked up as projected and the pass-through of higher labour costs had been moderate enough to keep price pressures contained.

    At the same time, it was argued that continuing uncertainty meant that there were two-sided risks to the baseline outlook. As well as emphasising the value of maintaining a data-dependent approach, this also highlighted important risk management considerations. In particular, it was underlined that there were alternative scenarios on either side. For example, a faster pace of rate cuts would likely be appropriate if the downside risks to domestic demand and the growth outlook materialised or if, for example, lower than expected services inflation increased the risk of the target being undershot. It was therefore important to maintain a meeting-by-meeting approach.

    Conversely, there were scenarios in which it might be necessary to suspend the cutting cycle for a while, perhaps because of a structural decline in activity or other factors leading to higher than expected core inflation.

    Turning to communication, members agreed that it was important to convey that recent inflation data had come in broadly as expected, and that the latest ECB staff projections had confirmed the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, to reduce the risk of near-term inflation data being misinterpreted, it should be explained that inflation was expected to rise again in the latter part of this year, partly as a result of base effects, before declining towards the target over the second half of next year. It should be reiterated that the Governing Council would continue to follow a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach, would not pre-commit to a particular rate path and would continue to set policy based on the established elements of the reaction function. In view of the previously announced change to the spread between the interest rate on the main refinancing operations and the deposit facility rate, it was also important to make clear at the beginning of the communication that the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance through the deposit facility rate.

    Members also agreed with the Executive Board proposal to continue applying flexibility in the partial reinvestment of redemptions falling due in the pandemic emergency purchase programme portfolio.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 14 November 2024.

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Ukraine’s ban on the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate – E-001881/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001881/2024
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Fernand Kartheiser (ECR)

    At the end of August 2024, Ukraine banned the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate. The UN, Pope Francis, the World Council of Churches and several other bodies have all voiced their concern about the law, which they believe violates the freedom of religion and poses a threat to human rights. Its opponents say the ban is tantamount to a collective punishment of the faithful and infringes many human rights provisions laid down in international conventions.

    • 1.What does the Commission make of this ban, and has it made its view known to the Ukrainian authorities?
    • 2.What impact will this ban have on Ukraine’s accession process?
    • 3.Will the Commission continue to advocate for the freedom of religion?

    Submitted: 30.9.2024

    Last updated: 10 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Translation: 10/10/2024 Conversation between Minister Radosław Sikorski and the Speaker of the Swedish Parliament

    MIL ASI Translation. Region: Polish/Europe –

    Fuente: Gobierno de Polonia en poleco.

    Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski met in Warsaw with the Speaker of the Swedish Riksdag Andreas Norlén. The interlocutors emphasized that the excellent cooperation between Poland and Sweden for years has recently been intensified due to threats in the immediate vicinity and as a result of Sweden’s accession to NATO. Warsaw and Stockholm – the initiators of the Eastern Partnership – want to deepen cooperation for Ukraine and towards the Eastern partners. It was emphasized that Russia as an aggressor must face the consequences of its criminal actions, and international law must be observed. The outcome of the war will influence the shape of the world order for many years to come, and especially security in the Baltic Sea region. The head of Polish diplomacy emphasized the excellent contacts with the Swedish partners, both in bilateral and multilateral formats. Minister Sikorski indicated that Poland is interested in regional cooperation with the Nordic and Baltic countries, also in Baltic formats, such as the Council of the Baltic Sea States. This cooperation enables better coordination of Polish policy towards key challenges faced by our region, such as hybrid threats, disinformation or the shadow fleet in the Baltic Sea. The talks also covered the priorities of the Polish presidency of the EU Council, with particular emphasis on the security aspect. The interlocutors agreed on the need for cooperation between Poland and Sweden in counteracting the use of illegal migration by the Belarusian and Russian sides to attempt to destabilize the political situation in the European Union. The Speaker of the Swedish Parliament, Andreas Norlén, is in Poland on a two-day official visit.

    Photo: Barbara Milkowska/Ministry of Foreign Affairs

    MILES AXIS

    EDITOR’S NOTE: This article is a translation. Apologies should the grammar and/or sentence structure not be perfect.

    MIL Translation OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA News: A Proclamation on General Pulaski Memorial Day,  2024

    Source: The White House

         Today, we pay tribute to General Casimir Pulaski, a Polish immigrant who served alongside American soldiers in the Revolutionary War and made the ultimate sacrifice for our Nation.  And we honor the culture and contributions of all our Nation’s Polish Americans who follow his legacy, standing up for the cause of freedom at home and around the world.

         General Pulaski dedicated his life to the pursuit of liberty — not just for himself or his country but for all of us.  Born and raised in Warsaw, Poland, he fought against the Russian domination of Poland — efforts that ultimately led him to flee his home country.  Later in life, when he was offered an opportunity to join another fight for liberty on the other side of the world, he took it — joining our Nation’s fight for independence.  General Pulaski’s service was critical:  He led a critical counterattack that helped slow the British, and during the course of the war, it was said that he even saved George Washington’s life. 

         General Pulaski’s story and service are just one example of how much Polish Americans have shaped our Nation’s history and our future.  Our country’s Polish-American communities have helped create new possibilities for all of us — leading in every sector, powering our economy, and enriching our culture.  They also strengthen our deep alliance and partnership with Poland and its people at a critical time in our history.  Since Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine, the people of Poland have courageously stood up for freedom, liberty, and justice, rallying around the Ukrainian people and offering them safety and light in their darkest moments.  At the same time, Poland has donated tanks, artillery, and aircraft to support Ukraine’s self-defense all while becoming an important hub for aid from key partners.

         No one knows better than the people of Poland that, in moments of great upheaval and uncertainty, what you stand for is important and who you stand with makes all the difference.  Today, we celebrate General Casimir Pulaski, who decided to stand with our Nation to fight for our freedoms.  And we honor all the Polish Americans, who continue to push our Nation forward and fight for a future based on our most fundamental values:  dignity, liberty, and opportunity.

         NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim October 11, 2024, as General Pulaski Memorial Day.  I encourage all Americans to commemorate this occasion with appropriate programs and activities paying tribute to General Casimir Pulaski, honoring all those who champion freedom around the world, and celebrating the vast contributions of the Polish American communities.

         IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this tenth day of October, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-four, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-ninth.

                                 JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau meets with Prime Minister of Thailand Paetongtarn Shinawatra

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Today, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau met with the Prime Minister of Thailand, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, on the margins of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit.

    Prime Minister Trudeau congratulated Prime Minister Shinawatra on her recent appointment. The two leaders reaffirmed the strong ties between Canada and Thailand and discussed potential areas for increased collaboration on mutual priorities, including education exchanges, clean energy technologies, and peace and security.

    The leaders discussed the ongoing implementation of Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy. They also highlighted opportunities to strengthen the trade relationship between Canada and Thailand, including through the upcoming Team Canada Trade Mission to Thailand in 2025 and ongoing work toward a Canada-ASEAN free trade agreement.

    The prime ministers discussed the situation in Ukraine, including its global impacts. Prime Minister Trudeau invited Thailand to participate in the Ministerial Conference on the Human Dimensions of Ukraine’s 10-Point Peace Formula, which Canada will co-host with Ukraine and Norway, in Montréal, on October 30 and 31.

    Prime Minister Trudeau and Prime Minister Shinawatra agreed to stay in close contact and looked forward to ongoing collaboration on shared priorities.

    Associated Links

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau meets with President of the Philippines Ferdinand Marcos Jr.

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Today, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau met with the President of the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., on the margins of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit.

    The leaders highlighted the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Canada and the Philippines, rooted in deep people-to-people ties.

    President Marcos Jr. noted that the Canada-Philippines relationship is stronger than ever, and the two leaders discussed progress in different areas of bilateral co-operation, including defence, development assistance, trade, agriculture and agri-food, education, and clean technologies. They welcomed the upcoming Team Canada Trade Mission to the Philippines, planned for December, as well as progress in negotiations toward a Canada-ASEAN free trade agreement.

    The leaders discussed Russia’s unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine and its global impacts. Prime Minister Trudeau invited the Philippines to participate in the Ministerial Conference on the Human Dimensions of Ukraine’s 10-Point Peace Formula, which Canada will co-host with Ukraine and Norway, in Canada, from October 30 to 31.

    In the context of Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, both leaders also expressed concern over increasing tensions in the South China Sea, noting their mutual commitment to regional security and international law. Each of them welcomed the strengthening of maritime co-operation through Canada’s Dark Vessel Detection Program.

    Prime Minister Trudeau and President Marcos Jr. agreed to remain in close contact and looked forward to meeting again.

    Associated Links

    MIL OSI Canada News