Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Nuclear safety, security and safeguards in Ukraine: UK national statement to the IAEA Board, June 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Speech

    Nuclear safety, security and safeguards in Ukraine: UK national statement to the IAEA Board, June 2025

    UK Ambassador to the IAEA Corinne Kitsell’s statement to the International Atomic Energy Agency Board of Governors meeting on Ukraine

    Chair,

    The United Kingdom reiterates our support for the IAEA’s work to support nuclear safety, security and safeguards in Ukraine.

    We remain concerned that the IAEA was forced to conduct the most recent ISAMZ rotation through Ukraine’s temporarily occupied territory via the Russian Federation. The DG’s report explains the challenges the Agency has faced in obtaining security guarantees and ensuring the safety of the ISAMZ teams during rotations. The safety of Agency personnel must not be compromised.

    We welcome the DG’s continued commitment to this Board that the Agency will comply with UN General Assembly resolution 11/4 adopted on 12 October 2022 and all relevant resolutions from the IAEA policy making organs. All rotations must be conducted using routes agreed with the Government of Ukraine and with full respect of its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    Chair,

    The Agency’s assessment of the overall safety situation at Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant is that it remains “precarious”.

    For more than a month, ZNPP has been relying on a single external power line due to military activity near the site – a drastic reduction from the ten lines available before the conflict. This Board is now, sadly, accustomed to hearing about the vulnerability of the off-site power supply to ZNPP – such disruption increases the risk of a nuclear accident. There can be no room for complacency.

    The DG’s report highlights multiple other safety concerns at ZNPP: signs of potential degradation of equipment (paragraph 35), persistent “near daily” military activity around the plant, and obstruction, including by Russian troops, of access, which limits the IAEA’s ability to independently carry out its vital mission.

    We agree with the Agency’s assessment that in the current circumstances no reactor should be restarted. Any proposal to do so would be irresponsible and pose unacceptable risks to nuclear safety.

    Chair,

    Russia’s systematic strikes on Ukraine’s energy system, reports of drones, air raids and anti-aircraft fire continue to highlight the fragility of the situation in Ukraine. As a result of Russia’s irresponsible behaviour, all three of Ukraine’s operating nuclear power plants have been forced to reduce power supply and operate on “significantly degraded off-site energy backup systems” which, as the DG notes, “increases the likelihood of the total collapse of the electrical grid.”

    In addition, damage caused when a drone struck the Chornobyl New Safe Confinement in February has compromised its intended confinement function and its planned lifetime.

    Chair,

    Financial support from the international community, including the UK, has provided Ukraine with vital safety and security equipment and enabled the IAEA to maintain a continuous presence – 196 missions so far – across Ukraine’s five nuclear sites. This provides the international community with the only source of regular, independent reporting on the nuclear safety and security situation in Ukraine.

    Nuclear safety and security in Ukraine remains at risk for as long as Russia continues its aggression. A lasting peace – one that fully respects Ukraine’s sovereignty, including over its nuclear facilities within its internationally recognised borders – is the only path forward.

    Thank you, Chair.

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Strengthening the Economic and Environmental Dimension: UK Statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    Strengthening the Economic and Environmental Dimension: UK Statement to the OSCE

    Ambassador Neil Holland stresses the importance of the Economic and Environmental Dimension of the OSCE as part of its comprehensive approach to security.

    Thank you, Mr Chair.  

    The Second Dimension is vital to the OSCE’s comprehensive security approach. It addresses some of the most pressing challenges to our shared security and prosperity, including climate change, biodiversity loss, serious and organised crime, illicit finance, and the growing issue of irregular migration. This is particularly important given the devastating economic and environmental impact of Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine.  

    The OSCE is uniquely positioned to assist participating States in tackling these complex issues. To do so we need to fully leverage the tools at our disposal — especially those that support good governance by promoting transparency, combatting illicit finance, and reducing corruption. Our Foreign Secretary’s campaign on illicit finance is a key example of the UK’s efforts to combat corruption and strengthen national security. 

    The UK values the OSCE’s role in addressing security-related environmental concerns, such as water management, energy security, and the impacts of climate change. We are proud to support the OSCE project on strengthening responses to security risks from climate change in Central Asia. We acknowledge the particular vulnerabilities of Central Asian states to climate change and its consequences. To address these challenges, we are funding a regional programme to enhance resilience through regional water and energy cooperation for low-carbon, climate-resilient growth.  

    As Chair of the Security Committee, the UK is prioritising key areas that intersect with the Second Dimension – particularly the financial underpinnings of organised crime which we will deal with in July’s meeting. These crimes cause both direct and indirect harm to our citizens, eroding social cohesion, undermining democratic norms, exacerbating climate change, and impeding economic development. They contribute to instability and conflict and also disproportionately affect women and girls, which is one of the many reasons why the UK supports the OSCE’s emphasis on Women’s economic empowerment.  

    April’s Security Committee meeting focused on the security threats associated with irregular migration, recommending that the OSCE work together with other international organisations, including through field presences, to support States in countering the smuggling of migrants and other challenges. It is clear that the OSCE can and should be doing more on migrant smuggling. We will follow up on this in September when we mark the 20-year anniversary of the Border Security and Management Concept. Later this year, with our Slovenian colleagues, we will also host a joint session of the Security, and Environmental and Economic Committees on protecting critical infrastructure.  

    We will continue to support a strong and effective Second Dimension, including through the EEF cycle. As we approach the Helsinki discussions on organisational functionality a good place to start would be to fulfil the requirements set out by Ministers on holding mandated conferences according to the timetable laid out by them. 

    Thank you Mr Chair.

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK applauds Ukraine’s heroic resistance and demands Russia end its illegal war: UK Statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    UK applauds Ukraine’s heroic resistance and demands Russia end its illegal war: UK Statement to the OSCE

    UK Military Advisor, Lt Col Joby Rimmer, reiterates the UK’s call for Russia to cease its unlawful aggression against Ukraine and reaffirms Ukraine’s right to self-defence under international law.

    Thank you, Madame Chair. The United Kingdom again calls on the Russian Federation to immediately cease its illegal and unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. Prime Minister Keir Starmer has been extremely clear: Ukraine is not defeated. On the contrary, it has emerged as a formidable fighting force, demonstrating extraordinary resilience and determination in defending its sovereignty. And let us be clear, Ukraine has an absolute right to defend itself against aggression, and the United Kingdom stands firmly in support of that right.

    We remain focused on achieving a just and lasting peace. In Istanbul, Ukraine demonstrated its commitment to peace by offering reasonable and practical proposals aimed at securing an unconditional ceasefire. Regrettably, Russia failed to reciprocate. Instead, it presented maximalist, non-negotiable demands that do not respect Ukraine’s sovereignty. This behaviour underscores that President Putin is not serious about peace and remains committed to prolonging his illegal war.

    Since Ukraine’s offer of a full, unconditional ceasefire on 11 March 2025, Russia has continued its brutal campaign, launching daily airstrikes that have killed over 500 civilians and injured more than 2,700. We fully anticipate that the Russian Federation will deliver more disinformation in this forum today about alleged ‘acts of terrorism’ from Ukraine. But the distinction between Ukraine striking military targets and Russia hitting civilian targets is a critical one, both morally and under international law.

    There is a clear difference. Ukraine’s drone and missile strikes have been targeting military infrastructure within Russian territory or illegally occupied regions. These include airbases, logistics hubs, ammunition depots, command and control centres and radar and missile systems. These strikes are intended to degrade Russia’s ability to wage war, especially its long-range bombing capabilities. Under international humanitarian law, Ukraine is within its rights to target military assets of an aggressor state, especially in self-defence.

    In contrast, Russia has repeatedly launched drone and missile attacks on civilian areas across Ukraine. These have included Residential buildings, Hospitals and Schools, Energy Infrastructure and Emergency Services. In Kharkiv, over 50 explosions were recorded, damaging residential buildings and killing civilians. In Kyiv, three firefighters were killed while responding to earlier strikes. Lviv, Lutsk, and Chernihiv also suffered civilian casualties and infrastructure damage. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights verified a total of 45,000 civilian casualties as of 30th April 2025 and specified that the real numbers could be higher.

    Russian strikes on civilians or civilian infrastructure are either an attempt to terrorise the civilian population and break morale (rather than achieve legitimate military objectives), or a failure to adequately distinguish military targets and act proportionately for military necessity. These are not the actions of a nation seeking peace, despite what President Putin says. These are the acts of blatant retaliation from the Kremlin, following Ukraine’s most successful and comprehensive strike against Russian Strategic bomber air bases.

    Russia’s continued occupation in Ukraine and escalating aggression are not only unlawful, but they are also unsustainable. President Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, has now dragged on for over 1,200 days, resulting in catastrophic losses – including an estimated one million Russian casualties. President Putin continues to sacrifice Russian lives and futures and must choose another path – one of peace, responsibility and respect for international law. We have seen what the brave men and women of Ukraine’s Armed Forces are capable of, and the UK will continue to provide them with the tools they need to defend their sovereignty and protect their people. We call on Russia to accept the unconditional ceasefire, return to the negotiating table in good faith, and end this illegal war. Thank you, Madame Chair.

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: Radware Cyber Survey Uncovers Critical Weaknesses in Application Security Measures

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • Only 8% of organizations use AI-based protection solutions
    • Just 6% of respondents have full documentation for all their APIs
    • Half of respondents don’t know what third-party code is being used by their apps
    • Only 29% of security staff are fully trained to handle API business logic attacks

    MAHWAH, N.J., June 12, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Radware® (NASDAQ: RDWR), a global leader in application security and delivery solutions for multi-cloud environments, today released its new report, 2025 Cyber Survey: Application Security at a Breaking Point. The survey reveals threat areas of rapidly growing concern as organizations’ cyber defenses lag well behind. This includes a major lack of protection against AI threats, as well as API and business logic attacks, among others.

    “The weaponization of AI by malicious actors is intensifying cybersecurity threats and drawing even more attention to areas where companies are simply ill-protected,” said Shira Sagiv, Radware’s vice president of product portfolio. “Internal alarms should be sounding. Companies openly admit to major concerns about gaps in cyber protection and lack of readiness, especially around web applications and APIs; yet their usage continues to climb creating even more risk and exposure.”

    KEY FINDINGS

    The scramble is on to catch up with AI
    According to the report, the use of AI to improve and intensify hacking tradecraft is of greatest concern. Organizations have significant concerns about threat actors using AI to generate new attacks at a faster cadence, bypassing existing defenses and compromising areas that were previously too difficult to attack.

    • Top concerns: The following percentage of respondents are highly or extremely concerned about hackers using AI:
      • To create/improve hacking tools – 70%.
      • To generate a larger volume of cyberattacks – 67%.
      • To launch new zero-day attack vectors – 66%.
    • Large readiness gap: Despite the concerns about hackers embracing AI, only 8% of organizations are currently using AI-based solutions for defenses.
    • AI adoption: Four out of five organizations plan to implement AI-based cybersecurity solutions within the next 12 months.

    Security fails to keep up with sprawling API ecosystems
    APIs are in a constant state of fluctuation. Organizations are increasing their use of APIs even while they remain ill-protected.

    • Surge in API usage and updates: In 2025, API usage is up 42% compared to the highest rate of usage in 2023, with multiple daily updates to APIs surging 6X during the same time frame.
    • Widespread third-party usage: On average, organizations are using 19 third-party APIs per application, which introduces new types of threats around data compromise that cannot be mitigated at a coding level.
    • Poor business logic attack mitigation: Business logic attacks, a common form of API attacks, represent a threat area of rapidly growing concern. While 81% of respondents say it is very or extremely important to have real-time protection measures in place:
      • Just half have deployed runtime business logic protections.
      • Only 29% have security staff fully trained to detect and mitigate these attacks.
    • Lack of preparedness:
      • On average, only 6% of respondents have full documentation for all their APIs.
      • Half of respondents don’t know what third-party code is being used by their web applications, which data is being leaked to third-party services, and when malicious scripts and services are introduced.

    Risks to resilience continue to rise
    Survey respondents expressed a lack of confidence in the effectiveness of their defensive posture against growing threats.

    • Third-party breaches: Only 16% of respondents are confident in their current protection against data breach attempts of third-party services code running on their web applications.
    • Costly DDoS disruptions: Downtime caused by an application DDoS attack averages $6,100 per minute or $366,000 per hour.
    • High compliance pressures: An average of 54% of respondents express high or extreme concern about a range of regulations, including NIS2, HIPAA, SEC, PCI DSS 4, GDPR, DORA, and SOX.

    Methodology
    The survey, which was conducted with Osterman Research, includes responses from compliance, chief risk, and data privacy officers; vice presidents of research and development; senior network security administrators; senior DevOps and DevSecOps administrators; cloud security; API architects; among other titles. The survey was conducted in nine countries across North America, EMEA, APAC, and LATAM.

    Radware’s complete 2025 Cyber Survey: Application Security at a Breaking Point can be downloaded here.

    About Radware
    Radware® (NASDAQ: RDWR) is a global leader in application security and delivery solutions for multi-cloud environments. The company’s cloud application, infrastructure, and API security solutions use AI-driven algorithms for precise, hands-free, real-time protection from the most sophisticated web, application, and DDoS attacks, API abuse, and bad bots. Enterprises and carriers worldwide rely on Radware’s solutions to address evolving cybersecurity challenges and protect their brands and business operations while reducing costs. For more information, please visit the Radware website.

    Radware encourages you to join our community and follow us on: Facebook, LinkedIn, Radware Blog, X, and YouTube.

    ©2025 Radware Ltd. All rights reserved. Any Radware products and solutions mentioned in this press release are protected by trademarks, patents, and pending patent applications of Radware in the U.S. and other countries. For more details, please see: https://www.radware.com/LegalNotice/. All other trademarks and names are property of their respective owners.

    THIS PRESS RELEASE AND THE 2025 CYBER SURVEY: APPLICATION SECURITY AT A BREAKING POINT ARE PROVIDED FOR INFORMATIONAL PURPOSES ONLY. THESE MATERIALS ARE NOT INTENDED TO BE AN INDICATOR OF RADWARE’S BUSINESS PERFORMANCE OR OPERATING RESULTS FOR ANY PRIOR, CURRENT, OR FUTURE PERIOD.

    Radware believes the information in this document is accurate in all material respects as of its publication date. However, the information is provided without any express, statutory, or implied warranties and is subject to change without notice.

    The contents of any website or hyperlinks mentioned in this press release are for informational purposes and the contents thereof are not part of this press release.

    Safe Harbor Statement
    This press release includes “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Any statements made herein that are not statements of historical fact, including statements about Radware’s plans, outlook, beliefs, or opinions, are forward-looking statements. Generally, forward-looking statements may be identified by words such as “believes,” “expects,” “anticipates,” “intends,” “estimates,” “plans,” and similar expressions or future or conditional verbs such as “will,” “should,” “would,” “may,” and “could.” For example, when we say in this press release that the weaponization of AI by malicious actors is intensifying cybersecurity threats and drawing even more attention to areas where companies are simply ill-protected and that their usage continues to climb creating even more risk and exposure, we are using forward-looking statements. Because such statements deal with future events, they are subject to various risks and uncertainties, and actual results, expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements, could differ materially from Radware’s current forecasts and estimates. Factors that could cause or contribute to such differences include, but are not limited to: the impact of global economic conditions, including as a result of the state of war declared in Israel in October 2023 and instability in the Middle East, the war in Ukraine, tensions between China and Taiwan, financial and credit market fluctuations (including elevated interest rates), impacts from tariffs or other trade restrictions, inflation, and the potential for regional or global recessions; our dependence on independent distributors to sell our products; our ability to manage our anticipated growth effectively; our business may be affected by sanctions, export controls, and similar measures, targeting Russia and other countries and territories, as well as other responses to Russia’s military conflict in Ukraine, including indefinite suspension of operations in Russia and dealings with Russian entities by many multi-national businesses across a variety of industries; the ability of vendors to provide our hardware platforms and components for the manufacture of our products; our ability to attract, train, and retain highly qualified personnel; intense competition in the market for cybersecurity and application delivery solutions and in our industry in general, and changes in the competitive landscape; our ability to develop new solutions and enhance existing solutions; the impact to our reputation and business in the event of real or perceived shortcomings, defects, or vulnerabilities in our solutions, if our end-users experience security breaches, or if our information technology systems and data, or those of our service providers and other contractors, are compromised by cyber-attackers or other malicious actors or by a critical system failure; our use of AI technologies that present regulatory, litigation, and reputational risks; risks related to the fact that our products must interoperate with operating systems, software applications and hardware that are developed by others; outages, interruptions, or delays in hosting services; the risks associated with our global operations, such as difficulties and costs of staffing and managing foreign operations, compliance costs arising from host country laws or regulations, partial or total expropriation, export duties and quotas, local tax exposure, economic or political instability, including as a result of insurrection, war, natural disasters, and major environmental, climate, or public health concerns; our net losses in the past and the possibility that we may incur losses in the future; a slowdown in the growth of the cybersecurity and application delivery solutions market or in the development of the market for our cloud-based solutions; long sales cycles for our solutions; risks and uncertainties relating to acquisitions or other investments; risks associated with doing business in countries with a history of corruption or with foreign governments; changes in foreign currency exchange rates; risks associated with undetected defects or errors in our products; our ability to protect our proprietary technology; intellectual property infringement claims made by third parties; laws, regulations, and industry standards affecting our business; compliance with open source and third-party licenses; complications with the design or implementation of our new enterprise resource planning (“ERP”) system; our reliance on information technology systems; our ESG disclosures and initiatives; and other factors and risks over which we may have little or no control. This list is intended to identify only certain of the principal factors that could cause actual results to differ. For a more detailed description of the risks and uncertainties affecting Radware, refer to Radware’s Annual Report on Form 20-F, filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), and the other risk factors discussed from time to time by Radware in reports filed with, or furnished to, the SEC. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date on which they are made and, except as required by applicable law, Radware undertakes no commitment to revise or update any forward-looking statement in order to reflect events or circumstances after the date any such statement is made. Radware’s public filings are available from the SEC’s website at www.sec.gov or may be obtained on Radware’s website at www.radware.com.

    Media Contact:
    Gerri Dyrek
    Radware
    Gerri.Dyrek@radware.com

    Photos accompanying this announcement are available at

    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/f5342914-5ae1-430e-a838-b75e663c5eb4

    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/83a75b37-0294-485f-a2b8-c968fd9fce15

    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/08209312-e0da-48d4-a5aa-aa7deea6b77d

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Security: NATO Committee of the Chiefs of Military Medical Services gathered for its 63rd Plenary

    Source: NATO

    Washington D.C., 4–6 June 2025 – The NATO Committee of the Chiefs of Military Medical Services (COMEDS) convened its 63rd Plenary Meeting – hosted by the United States and held at the Henry Jackson Foundation – the biannual meeting brought together Surgeon Generals and senior medical leaders from Allied and Partner nations. The meeting took place during a time of increased security challenges, where the role of military medicine has become increasingly central to deterrence and defence.

    For the first time as Chair of COMEDS, Brigadier General Petter Iversen (Norway) welcomed participants, underscoring the importance of this meeting as a turning point for the medical community: “Over the past months, we have elevated the profile of the medical support domain across the Alliance. Now we must demonstrate that COMEDS is not only visible, but also influential and impactful.”

    In his keynote address, Major General Luc Vanbockryck, Director of the NATO International Military Staff’s Logistics & Resources Division, echoed this call for transformation, highlighting that: “Civilian plans for energy, transport, communications, and medical support must connect seamlessly to our regional defence plans, so that a shock to one sector does not paralyse the rest. Logistics and medicine share one purpose: safeguarding people so that strategy can succeed.”

    A core focus of the 63rd Plenary was the implementation of the NATO Medical Action Plan (MAP), with a special session dedicated to COMEDS restructure, in order to best align the Committee with the scope of the MAP and COMEDS’ core mission.

    Additionally, like previous plenary’s, a session was dedicated to Ukraine, where views, lessons identified and best practices on military medical capabilities were exchanged.

    COMEDS remains NATO’s highest military medical authority, providing strategic advice to the Military Committee and helping ensure the Alliance is medically prepared for today’s threats and tomorrow’s challenges. The 63rd Plenary reaffirmed COMEDS’ role as a driver of readiness and a critical enabler of NATO’s collective defence posture.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Russia’s victimhood narrative is inconsistent with the facts: UK statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    Russia’s victimhood narrative is inconsistent with the facts: UK statement to the OSCE

    Ambassador Holland calls out Russia’s victimhood narrative, which is inconsistent with the facts. The UK stands firmly and unapologetically with Ukraine in the face of Russia’s aggression.

    Thank you, Madam Chair.  We listened carefully to the statements made by the Russian Federation at last week’s Permanent Council.  The esteemed Russian representative noted then the OSCE “remains almost the only forum in the pan-European space where an equal and inclusive exchange of views is still possible.”

    The United Kingdom also values this forum for that reason. If we are willing to use it, the OSCE provides a platform for risk reduction, cooperation and confidence-building. And using these capacities to the maximum extent possible would fulfil the shared responsibility we took on for the security of the OSCE region that we took on in Helsinki in 1975.

    The signing of the Helsinki Final Act marked a pivotal moment when all participating States agreed to move beyond zero-sum security, which bred so many conflicts of the past. Reflecting this sentiment, Leonid Brezhnev told the 1975 Helsinki conference that the OSCE could “strengthen European and international security and develop mutually advantageous co-operation”.

    A lot has been said in recent weeks about trust, which is essential for such advantageous cooperation.  As we look ahead to Helsinki in late July, we must recognise that we build trust in this place when we speak truthfully and uphold the OSCE’s founding documents, including the Helsinki Final Act. However, trust is eroded by unfounded assertions and the selective reinterpretation of the commitments in those documents.

    Last week, the Russian Federation made several unsubstantiated claims about the United Kingdom in this Council. So, let me deal with these assertions and ask a couple of questions of my own in the hope of some direct answers.

    The UK does not seek military tension and regional instability to further our economic objectives. In fact, I think most economists would argue that conflict is bad for economies overall.  The UK’s aims for Ukraine are guided by our desire to achieve peace. We believe in upholding the fundamental norms that underpin our shared security, including the sovereign equality of states. We do so through our actions as well as our words.  The Russian Federation regularly reference the concepts of non-interference and inviolability of borders. The question I would put to them is how invading their peaceful neighbour lives up to these concepts.

    The Russian Federation also accused the UK of using their war of aggression to militarise its economy and prepare for war. Now it is true that the UK plans to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP by 2027, and to 3% in the next Parliament. But I would have thought the reasons for doing so were obvious.  We are increasing defence spending to deter war in the face of Russia’s increasing belligerence – not to provoke it. And we are taking on more responsibility for security in Europe, which faces a more serious and less predictable future because of the Kremlin’s actions. The hypocrisy of this allegation is of course that Russia’s military spending now exceeds 32% of their national budget. It is truly a war economy. My request to the Russian delegation is that they explain what response they expected from the European countries in the face of such rapid militarisation in a country that so regularly threatens its neighbours and whose recent history is one of breaching Helsinki commitments on borders and sovereignty?

    Madam Chair, the assertions made about my country reflect a broader narrative of Russian state victimhood that is inconsistent with the facts. The full-scale invasion of another country, illegal annexations, the targeting of civilians and the persistent obstruction of peace are not the actions of a victim – they are the actions of an aggressor. Our support for Ukraine, like our support for the OSCE’s mandate and principles, comes from our interest in upholding mutually agreed rules, including rules Russia has agreed to uphold. This is why the UK stands firmly and unapologetically with Ukraine in the face of this aggression.

    Thank you, Madam Chair.

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Address by the President of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, June 2025: UK response

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    Address by the President of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, June 2025: UK response

    Ambassador Neil Holland thanks Minister Ian Borg for Malta’s leadership as President of the Committee of Ministers and Chair of the OSCE in successive years.

    Thank you, Mr Chair. Let me start by adding my condolences for the tragic shooting in Graz. Our thoughts are with the Austrian delegation, the people of Austria and the families and friends of the victims.

    Minister Borg, welcome back to the Permanent Council, thank you for your presentation and for Malta’s commitment to multilateralism. You stepped up to lead the OSCE when we needed you. And as you celebrate 60 years since Malta’s accession to the Council of Europe, it is clear that you are treating your new role as Chair of the Committee of Ministers with the same dedication.

    The longstanding relationship between the OSCE and the Council of Europe is rooted in the promotion of human rights, democracy and rule of law – values that the UK is firmly committed to uphold. It is through these values that both institutions can- with their respective expertise- protect against violence and oppression; defend against democratic backsliding; utilise the opportunities technology provides to enhance our security; build resilience against the intensification of malign and destabilising hybrid activities affecting many of our States; and support Ukraine.

    The UK is fully committed to holding Russia to account for its illegal and barbaric actions in Ukraine. We support the progress in establishing a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine at the Council of Europe and are keen for progress to be made as soon as possible.

    Minister Borg, the busy agenda you have outlined today reminds us that our two institutions share much common ground and already learn from each-other through regular exchange on areas such as tackling organised crime and human trafficking, countering terrorism and violent extremism, as well as promoting free and fair elections, media freedom, and gender rights. You are right to think about cooperation, particularly given the common security challenges we are facing. We must continue to recognise each institution’s individual merits and distinctiveness – and to work in a coordinated way to employ the unique set of tools which each institution offers.

    Minister, thank you for your leadership, and commitment to the principles of the Council of Europe, the OSCE and the UN Charter. By the end of this year, you will have completed the hat-trick! On behalf of the UK, we offer you, and your team, our support for your work throughout the remainder of your Presidency and beyond.

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • Marco Rubio marks Russia Day, reaffirms calls for peace with Ukraine

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    The United States supports Russians’ aspirations for a brighter future, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on the occasion of Russia Day, reaffirming a desire for constructive engagement in efforts to bring about peace in the war with Ukraine.

    The Russia Day holiday marks the country’s 1990 declaration of sovereignty, more than a year before the collapse of the Soviet Union.

    “The United States remains committed to supporting the Russian people as they continue to build on their aspirations for a brighter future,” Rubio said in a statement on the State Department website.

    “We also take this opportunity to reaffirm the United States’ desire for constructive engagement with the Russian Federation to bring about a durable peace between Russia and Ukraine,” he added.

    “It is our hope that peace will foster more mutually beneficial relations between our countries.”

    On Wednesday, Russian news agencies said Moscow’s new ambassador to the United States, Alexander Darchiev, pledged to work to fully restore ties with Washington as he formally presented his credentials to President Donald Trump.

    Ties between Moscow and Washington have improved since Trump took office, as the two discuss a possible resolution to the Ukraine conflict.

    (Reuters)

  • MIL-OSI China: Russia, Ukraine confirm swap of bodies of fallen soldiers

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Russia has transferred 1,212 bodies of fallen Ukrainian soldiers to Ukraine, Russian Presidential Aide Vladimir Medinsky said Wednesday.

    Medinsky said on Telegram that 27 bodies of Russian soldiers were returned, adding that the work will continue over the next few days.

    Both sides will also begin exchanging seriously wounded prisoners from Thursday, he said.

    The repatriation of the deceased was made possible with the help of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and other agencies, Ukraine’s Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War said Wednesday in a statement.

    The agency also expressed gratitude to the International Committee of the Red Cross for its support in facilitating the return of the bodies.

    The return is part of a deal made during the talks between Russia and Ukraine in Türkiye’s Istanbul on June 2.

    During their last round of talks, Russia and Ukraine agreed on an “all-for-all” exchange involving seriously ill and wounded prisoners, as well as soldiers under the age of 25, according to Medinsky.

    Under the agreement, the first stage of the prisoner swap was carried out on Monday. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Bipartisan House Members Urge Secretary Rubio to Save Program Tracking Kidnapped Ukrainian Children

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Lloyd Doggett (D-TX)

    This follows a bipartisan appropriations request to reunite children with their families while holding war criminals accountable.

    Contact: Alexis.Torres@mail.house.gov

    Washington, D.C.—Today, U.S. Representative Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas), an active member of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, led a bipartisan group of colleagues in urging State Secretary Marco Rubio to maintain funding for the Conflict Observatory at Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab. Months after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Conflict Observatory began collecting, analyzing, and preserving information related to Russian war crimes, including Putin’s abduction and concealment of Ukrainian children within Russia’s adoption system.

    “Without your immediate action, the Conflict Observatory will be forced to shutter by July 1st, and its ongoing research identifying more kidnapped Ukrainian children will end. Although the Conflict Observatory’s database of children has been transferred to Europol, it will quickly become out-of-date in a matter of weeks—hindering efforts to ensure every child is returned to family. No explanation has been given to us as to why funding for the Conflict Observatory has been terminated. We are part of a bipartisan effort to seek the relatively modest amount of appropriations necessary to continue this invaluable work during the next fiscal year. We ask that you utilize your authority to keep the Conflict Observatory open until our appropriation request can become law,” wrote the lawmakers.

    Earlier this year, the Trump administration illegally terminated Congressionally authorized funding for the Conflict Observatory before reinstating a six-week funding allotment to transfer all research and data to Ukrainian organizations and Europol, the European Union’s agency for law enforcement cooperation. The lawmakers note that Europol and other organizations do not have the specific expertise and resources needed to successfully navigate open-source intelligence and Russian websites to locate missing children.

    “Research must continue unabated to maintain the rigorous process of identifying every Ukrainian child abducted by Russia. The Conflict Observatory has verified that at least 19,500 children have been forcibly deported from occupied areas of Ukraine, funneled into reeducation camps or adopted by Russian families, and their identities erased. The actual number of children remaining in Russia is presumably significantly higher, with a Russian official stating in July 2023 that Russia had brought 700,000 children from conflict zones in Ukraine to Russia. Many kidnapped Ukrainian children have not yet been identified due to the Kremlin changing their names, place of birth, and date of birth,” the lawmakers continued.

    To ensure the United States upholds its core democratic values, Rep. Doggett and more than 50 colleagues submitted a bipartisan request last month to the House Appropriations Subcommittee on National Security, Department of State and Related Programs calling for no less than $8 million to be included in its Fiscal Year 2026 government funding bill to continue tracking kidnapped Ukrainian children. With President Trump cruelly terminating funding for critical foreign and domestic programs, the forced closure of the Conflict Observatory is yet another abhorrent example of this administration dismantling our nation’s status as a global superpower.

    Today’s full letter can be read here. Rep. Doggett’s bipartisan appropriations request can be found here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Shaheen Presses Hegseth on Tariff Disruption to America’s Defense Industrial Base, National Security

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New Hampshire Jeanne Shaheen

    (Washington, DC) – U.S. Senator Jeanne Shaheen, a senior member of the U.S. Senate Armed Services and Appropriations Committees, today questioned U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General John Caine during a Defense Appropriations Subcommittee hearing examining the Fiscal Year (FY) 2026 budget request for the U.S. Department of Defense. During her questioning, Shaheen pressed Hegseth on the impacts of the administration’s tariffs on steel and aluminum on the defense industrial base, supply chain lead times and our overall military readiness. Click here to watch Shaheen’s full remarks and questions.  

    Key Quotes from Shaheen: 

    • On the impacts of steel and aluminum tariffs on lead times and the defense industrial base, Shaheen said: “Mr. Secretary, when you were asked about the impact of President Trump’s tariffs under Section 232 on the defense industrial base, you commented that you’re in the business of tanks, not trade—but you can’t buy tanks without trade. And the administration’s steel and aluminum tariffs are having an impact on the lead times for our defense industrial base. […] And how are we going to address that if we need munitions or tanks or whatever it is, and we don’t have the steel and aluminum because of the tariffs?” 
    • On Secretary Hegseth’s comments that the first Trump administration gave javelins to Ukraine, Shaheen said: “Let me just correct the record here before I close. I’m out of time. But, Mr. Secretary, you pointed out that javelins were given to Ukraine during the first Trump administration, and I support that. But I would point out that [President Trump] was impeached over holding up giving those javelins and equipment to Ukraine. So I think as we look at the record, we ought to try and be accurate about how we portray things.” 

    In a letter to U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth last month, Shaheen raised concerns about how the President’s trade war harms defense supply chains and ultimately weakens America’s military readiness. The Senator expressed how tariffs on imports will increase prices for the Department of Defense’s defense acquisitions – harming its purchasing power and further raising costs on small businesses.  

    Citing national security concerns and a lack of qualifications on the Senate floor, Shaheen announced in January that Hegseth would be the first nominee for Secretary of Defense that she opposed since joining the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee in 2011. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Durbin Meets With Illinois Members Of The Ukrainian Congress Committee Of America

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Dick Durbin

    June 11, 2025

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL), Co-Chair of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, today met with Illinois members of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA) who are in Washington, D.C. for their “Ukraine Days” advocacy effort. During the meeting, they discussed Putin’s unjustified and unprovoked war in Ukraine, President Trump’s continued manipulation by Russian President Putin, and what Congress can do to help our Ukrainian allies. They also discussed Durbin’s bill that prohibits the United States from recognizing the Russian Federation’s claim of sovereignty over Crimea or any other forcibly seized Ukrainian territory. 

    “The Chicago-area is home to thousands of Ukrainian Americans. I am fortunate to represent them in the U.S. Senate, and I welcomed them to the Capitol today,” said Durbin. “During our meeting, we discussed this Administration’s failure to end Russia’s war in Ukraine ‘on day one’, as President Trump had boasted. Instead, Trump’s actions have alienated and bullied our allies around the world.  We also discussed the need to pass various legislation, including a strong Russia sanctions bill that is supported by more than 80 Senators, that President Trump bewilderingly keeps asking to be delayed as Putin relentlessly bombs Ukraine.”

    A photo of the meeting is available here.

    In March, Durbin asked for unanimous consent (UC) to pass a simple resolution he introduced condemning Russia’s abduction of Ukrainian children and called on Russia to work with the international community to return all abducted Ukrainian children to their families. Senate Republicans rejected Durbin’s UC request.

    In February, Durbin introduced the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act, legislation that would provide temporary guest status to Ukrainians and their immediate family members who are already in the United States through the “Uniting for Ukraine” parole process. The bill allows Ukrainians to stay and work in the U.S. until the Secretary of State determines that hostilities in Ukraine have ceased and it is safe for them to return. Bill text can be found here.

    Durbin has also joined U.S. Senators Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Thom Tillis (R-NC), Roger Wicker (R-MS), and others in leading a simple resolution that expresses continued solidarity with the people of Ukraine and condolences for the loss of thousands of lives to Russian aggression; rejects Russia’s attempts to militarily seize sovereign Ukrainian territory; reaffirms U.S. support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine; and states unequivocally that Ukraine must be at the table for negotiations on its future.

    -30-

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: REMARKS: Ranking Member Coons calls out Secretary Hegseth for misplaced priorities, failure to submit budget in Defense Subcommittee hearing

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Delaware Christopher Coons
    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Chris Coons (D-Del.), Ranking Member of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, criticized Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth for a series of failures in his management of the military ranging from focusing on culture war issues instead of military readiness, to straining relations with crucial allies, to discussing classified military operations over unsecured messaging apps, to a refusal to strategically fund the department.
    “It pains me to point out the obvious at this budget hearing: that in the face of these threats, the Department of Defense is more internally divided and beset by challenges of its own making than at any point in my memory,” said Ranking Member Coons. “We cannot win the fight for the future without allies, nor deter China and Russia without a functional Department of Defense, and we on this committee simply cannot do our job without an adequate budget submission.”
    Ranking Member Coons’ comments came at a hearing to review the president’s Defense Department budget request for fiscal year 2026. Despite the president’s budget being announced in a press release nearly one month ago, the current request for the Defense Department still only consists of a one-page table. The department’s own website still shows an error page instead of a full budget, as Ranking Member Coons pointed out in the hearing. 
    “It should go without saying that the People’s Republic of China does not operate under a continuing resolution. The fiscal year 2026 request is no better.  If you go to [the] DOD fiscal year 2026 page right now, this is what you’ll see. This is what is currently publicly available, and the budget request was not much better,” said Ranking Member Coons. “More than a month after OMB’s press release, we are still waiting for real budget details. This is officially the latest budget submission of the modern era.”
    The lack of an actual budget request is just one of Secretary Hegseth’s repeated failures to ensure our military has the funds it needs during his first months in office. Secretary Hegseth failed to speak out against a continuing resolution (CR) for fiscal year 2025, resulting in the first year-long CR for the Department of Defense in our nation’s history that has undermined military operations, procurement, and readiness. Secretary Hegseth is currently advocating for increasing military spending through the Republican tax bill, rather than the normal appropriations process. Not only does linking military spending to a controversial, party-line bill needlessly politicize the process, any increase through reconciliation will be a one-time increase, making it harder for Defense Department leaders to plan for the future.
    Secretary Hegseth’s brief tenure has been filled with errors far beyond his failure to put future military spending on a consistent footing. In March, Ranking Member Coons called for Secretary Hegseth to resign over revelations that he shared critical information about military operations over an unsecure messaging app that could have endangered U.S. servicemembers if compromised. His department has chosen to spend $134 million illegally deploying Marines to Los Angeles, and as much as $45 million on a military parade in Washington that President Trump requested for his birthday at a time when the defense budget is already stretched. He has also spent much of his time on culture war issues – including personally directing the Navy to rename ships named after Thurgood Marshall and Harvey Milk – instead of addressing military threats in Eastern Europe and the Indo Pacific.
    A full video of his remarks can be found here.
    Senator Coons: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you as well, Secretary Hegseth, Chairman Caine, Ms. McDonald, for joining us here today.
    We are confronting a world more dangerous today than at any time since the Cold War, and our nation needs and deserves a strong and coordinated response to deter the threats we face, to protect our freedoms, and keep our citizens safe. The last several administrations correctly prioritized China, the People’s Republic of China, as the pacing threat to our nation’s security. More recently, as the Chairman just said, and as I strongly agree, China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea are increasingly aligned in ways that are making each of them more threatening to our national security.
    This is happening right now in Ukraine. Russia’s aggression is buttressed by Iranian drones, North Korean soldiers and Chinese components, technology, and funding. Ukraine is, though, not just a preview of geopolitics, it’s also the future of warfare, and the pervasive electronic warfare and drone swarms we see on the front lines are lessons from which we must learn. We need to address the urgency of this moment, to unify our efforts, and focus our precious time and money on what’s important. Chairman McConnell and I are ready to do that with anyone interested in engaging in good faith, which is why it pains me to point out the obvious at this budget hearing: that in the face of these threats, the Department of Defense is more internally divided and beset by challenges of its own making than at any point in my memory.
    Let’s start with the budget. Our Department of Defense and our troops are currently operating under a full year continuing resolution for the very first time. The continuing resolution provides tens of billions of dollars less in purchasing power than under the previous administration. This does not deliver on ‘peace through strength.’ No one on this subcommittee wanted this outcome.  Mr. Secretary, we appealed to your office to timely and publicly oppose the CR as all previous secretaries had done, but you were silent. You never responded. That CR’s cuts are forcing DOD to halt training and shrink exercises, and it fundamentally undermines readiness. DOD has made the CR worse by paying for DHS border activities with DOD funds meant for military quality of life – money to repair buildings, to relocate military families, to keep the Navy’s fleet operationally ready. Shrinking budgets will not speed up our acquisition system, complete kill chains, or deepen our magazines. We are falling behind thanks to some poor choices. It should go without saying that the People’s Republic of China does not operate under a continuing resolution. The fiscal year 2026 request is no better. If you go to DOD fiscal year 2026 page right now, this is what you’ll see. [Holds up 404 Not Found Page.] This is what is currently publicly available, and the budget request was not much better.
    We were given this on Monday. [Holds up single page.] More than a month after OMB’s press release, we are still waiting for real budget details. This is officially the latest budget submission of the modern era. For anyone not versed in how this should go at this stage, we would have received at least this, if not reams more. [Holds up large stack of papers.] This committee – to do its job – wants to work with you on the details of exactly which programs and exactly which deployments and exactly which end strength you are requesting, so that in a timely way, we can complete our work and avoid another disastrous continuing resolution, but the department has been AWOL in the [FY] 26 debate, as it was in the [FY] 25 debate. Bills are already being written, and the department’s inability to explain its budget is slowly making it less relevant to what it receives in fiscal year 26 in our appropriations process.
    What’s clear is the base request is exactly the same funding level as the FY 25 CR that’s created problems. Mr. Secretary, you’re requesting an increase instead through budget reconciliation, a partisan gamble that I believe shows poor judgment about how to handle our nation’s security. DOD’s ability to take care of our warfighters should not be contingent on whether Congress can pass a bill that also explodes the national debt, gives billionaires tax cuts, cuts access to health care – in short, is controversial and uncertain. I think it sends a bad message to the U.S. defense industry about the uncertainty of appropriations for key systems at precisely the time we want certainty and we want more from them.  
    Who wins in all this? Not the American people; our adversaries.
    Mr. Secretary, I’m also concerned that far more of your time so far has been spent inside the building on culture wars, rather than outside the building deterring real ones. This administration began by firing a long list of qualified uniformed leaders without cause: The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, the Chief of Naval Operations, the Vice Chief of the Air Force, the head of the National Security Agency, the U.S. military representative to NATO, the director of the Defense Health Agency, the head of the Coast Guard, and all of the Service Judge Advocates General; continues to push out tens of thousands of civilians who should instead be repairing our ships, testing equipment, providing healthcare. It’s rooting out fully qualified, combat proven service members solely because they are transgender to satisfy a petty animus, and it’s censoring service academy libraries so that no future leader of our military can read Maya Angelou or Janet Jacobs’ book on the Holocaust, even Jackie Robinson’s World War II service photo is not safe from culture warriors. In January of this year, any patriotic American who met the qualifications could serve our nation and the Marines at 29 Palms were training for the Indo-Pacific, not the streets of Los Angeles. We worried then about our enemies, rather than each other, and we should return to that model.
    We also, frankly, need to get back to partnering with and supporting our allies. This administration has publicly and repeatedly threatened to seize the territory of NATO allies and retake the Panama Canal. The president paused aid to Ukraine – both intelligence partnership and military support – in the middle of their just war against one of our primary global enemies. And at times, rather than help and partner with our allies, we have levied massive tariffs against our partners. The department’s fiscal year 26 request compounds these mistakes by explicitly eliminating assistance to Ukraine and slashing security cooperation with allies around the world, sending exactly the wrong signal. Our global network of strong allies is our asymmetric advantage. The administration’s budget request may try to abandon our allies, but this Congress should not. I’ll also cite a predecessor in your role, Secretary Mattis, who testified to Congress that we need to complement strong investments in defense with comparable investments in diplomacy and development. In fact, I think he once said famously, if we don’t spend adequately on diplomacy and development, I will need more bullets because we will be in more wars; yet, DOGE has shredded our development work, shredding trust as well with partners and allies.
    Last, I’m troubled by the chaos and poor judgment that have been on full display from the Pentagon front office. Mr. Secretary, you should not have shared operational details of U.S. military strikes on Signal with other executive branch officials or personal acquaintances. Mishandling important and sensitive military information in the middle of an operation by a secretary is unthinkable. You’ve also fired several top aides, and you’ve been unable to hire a new chief of staff for months.
    Mr. Secretary, this cannot continue. Your responsibilities to our troops and our nation are far too important. We cannot win the fight for the future without allies nor deter China and Russia without a functional Department of Defense, and we on this committee simply cannot do our job without an adequate budget submission. I welcome partnership on these important priorities, and I look forward to discussing why we haven’t been able to achieve that so far and where to go from here.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Goodbye to all that? Rethinking Australia’s alliance with Trump’s America

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Beeson, Adjunct professor, Australia-China Relations Institute, University of Technology Sydney

    Even the most ardent supporters of the alliance with the United States – the notional foundation of Australian security for more than 70 years – must be having some misgivings about the second coming of Donald Trump.

    If they’re not, they ought to read the two essays under review here. They offer a host of compelling reasons why a reassessment of the costs, benefits and possible future trajectory of the alliance is long overdue.


    Review: After America: Australia and the new world order – Emma Shortis (Australia Institute Press), Hard New World: Our Post-American Future; Quarterly Essay 98 – Hugh White (Black Inc)


    And yet, notwithstanding the cogency and timeliness of the critiques offered by Emma Shortis and Hugh White, it seems unlikely either of these will be read, much less acted upon, by those Shortis describes as the “mostly men in suits or uniforms, with no democratic accountability” who make security policy on our behalf.

    White, emeritus professor of strategic studies at the ANU, was the principal author of Australia’s Defence White Paper in 2000. Despite having been a prominent member of the defence establishment, it is unlikely even his observations will prove any more palatable to its current incumbents.

    Shortis, an historian and writer, is director of the Australia Institute’s International & Security Affairs Program. She is also a young woman, and while this shouldn’t matter, I suspect it does; at least to the “mostly men” who guard the nation from a host of improbable threats while ignoring what is arguably the most likely and important one: climate change.

    The age of insecurity

    To Shortis’s great credit, she begins her essay with a discussion of a “world on fire” in which the Trump administration is “locking in a bleaker future”.

    This matters for both generational and geographical reasons. While we live in what is arguably the safest place on the planet, the country has the rare distinction of regularly experiencing once-in-100-year floods and droughts, sometimes simultaneously.

    If that’s not a threat to security, especially of the young, it’s hard to know what is. It’s not one the current government or any other in this country has ever taken seriously enough.

    White gives a rather perfunctory acknowledgement of this reality, reflecting an essentially traditional understanding of security – even if some of his conclusions will induce conniptions in Canberra.

    While suggesting Trump is “the most prodigious liar in history”, White thinks he’s done Australia a favour by “puncturing the complacency” surrounding the alliance and our unwillingness to contemplate a world in which the US is not the reliable bedrock of security.

    Shortis doubts the US ever was a trustworthy or reliable ally. This helps explain what she calls the “strategy of pre-emptive capitulation”, in which Australian policymakers fall over themselves to appear useful and supportive to their “great and powerful friend”. Former prime minister John Howard’s activation of the ANZUS alliance in the wake of September 11 and the disastrous decision to take part in the war in Iraq is perhaps the most egregious example of this unfortunate national proclivity.

    White reminds us that all alliances are always transactional. Despite talk of a “history of mateship”, it’s vital to recognise if the great power doesn’t think something is in its “national interest”, it won’t be doing favours for allies. No matter how ingratiating and obliging they may be. While such observations may be unwelcome in Canberra, hopefully they won’t come as a revelation.

    Although White is one of Australia’s most astute critics of the conventional wisdom, sceptics and aspiring peace-builders will find little to cheer in his analysis.

    A good deal of his essay is taken up with the strategic situations in Europe and Asia. The discussion offers a penetrating, but rather despair-inducing insight into humanity’s collective predicament: only by credibly threatening our notional foes with nuclear Armageddon can we hope to keep the peace.

    The problem we now face, White argues, is the likes of Russia and China are beginning to doubt America’s part in the “balance of resolve”. During the Cold War both sides were confident about the other side’s ability and willingness to blow them to pieces.

    Now mutual destruction is less assured. While some of us might think this was a cause for cautious celebration, White suggests it fatally undermines the deterrent effect of nuclear weapons.

    Even before Trump reappeared, this was a source of angst and/or uncertainty for strategists around the world. The principle underpinning international order in a world in which nuclear weapons exist, according to White, is that

    a nuclear power can be stopped, but only by an unambiguous demonstration of willingness to fight a nuclear war to stop it.

    Trump represents a suitably existential threat to this cheery doctrine. Europeans have belatedly recognised the US is no longer reliable and they are responsible for their own security.

    Likewise, an ageing Xi Jinping may want to assure his position in China’s pantheon of great leaders by forcibly returning Taiwan to the motherland. It would be an enormous gamble, of course, but given Trump’s admiration for Xi, and Trump’s apparent willingness to see the world carved up into 19th century-style spheres of influence, it can’t be ruled out.

    Australia’s options

    If there’s one thing both authors agree on it’s that the AUKUS nuclear submarine project, the notional centrepiece of Australia’s future security is vastly overrated. It’s either a “disaster” (Shortis) or “insignificant” (White).

    Likewise, they agree the US is only going to help Australia if it’s judged to be in America’s interest to do so. Recognising quite what an ill-conceived, ludicrously expensive, uncertain project AUKUS is, and just how unreliable a partner the US has become under Trump, might be a useful step on the path to national strategic self-awareness.

    Shortis thinks some members of the Trump administration appear to be “aligned with Russia”. Tying ourselves closer to the US, she writes, “does not make us safer”. A major rethink of, and debate about, Australia’s security policy is clearly necessary.

    Policymakers also ought to take seriously White’s arguments about the need to reconfigure the armed forces to defend Australia independently in an increasingly uncertain international environment.

    Perhaps the hardest idea for Australia’s unimaginative strategic elites to grasp is that, as White points out,

    Asia’s future, and Australia’s, will not be decided in Washington. It will be decided in Asia.

    Former prime minister Paul Keating’s famous remark “Australia needs to seek its security in Asia rather than from Asia” remains largely unheeded. Despite plausible suggestions about developing closer strategic ties with Indonesia and even cooperating with China to offer leadership on climate change, some ideas remain sacrosanct and alternatives remain literally inconceivable.

    Even if we take a narrow view of the nature of security – one revolving around possible military threats to Australia – US Defence Secretary Pete Hesgeth’s demands for greater defence spending on our part confirm White’s point that,

    it is classic Trump to expect more and more from allies while he offers them less and less. This is the dead end into which our “America First” defence policy has led us.

    Quite so.

    Australia’s strategic elites have locked us into the foreign and strategic policies of an increasingly polarised, authoritarian and unpredictable regime.

    But as Shortis observes, we cannot be confident about our ability, or the world’s for that matter, to “just ride Trump out”, and hope everything will return to normal afterwards.

    It is entirely possible the international situation may get worse – possibly much worse – with or without Trump in the White House.

    The reality is American democracy may not survive another four years of Trump and the coterie of startlingly ill-qualified, inhumane, self-promoting chancers who make up much of his administration.

    A much-needed national debate

    Both authors think attempts to “smother” a serious national debate about defence policy in Australia (White), and the security establishment’s obsession with secrecy (Shortis), are the exact opposite of what this country needs at this historical juncture. They’re right.

    Several senior members of Australia’s security community have assured me if I only knew what they did I’d feel very differently about our strategic circumstances.

    Really? One thing I do know is that we’re spending far too much time – and money! – acting on what Shortis describes as a “shallow and ungenerous understanding of what ‘security’ really is”.

    We really could stop the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza if Xi had a word with Putin and the US stopped supplying Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with the weapons and money to slaughter women and children. But climate change would still be coming to get us.

    More importantly, global warming will get worse before it gets better, even in the unlikely event that the “international community” (whoever that may be) agrees on meaningful collective action tomorrow.

    You may not agree with all of the ideas and suggestions contained in these essays, but in their different ways they are vital contributions to a much-needed national debate.

    An informed and engaged public is a potential asset, not something to be frightened of, after all. Who knows, it may be possible to come up with some genuinely progressive, innovative ideas about what sort of domestic and international policies might be appropriate for an astonishingly fortunate country with no enemies.

    Perhaps Australia could even offer an example of the sort of creative, independent middle power diplomacy a troubled world might appreciate and even emulate.

    But given our political and strategic elites can’t free themselves from the past, it is difficult to see them dealing imaginatively with the threat of what Shortis calls the looming “environmental catastrophe”.

    No wonder so many of the young despair and have little confidence in democracy’s ability to fix what ails us.

    Mark Beeson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Goodbye to all that? Rethinking Australia’s alliance with Trump’s America – https://theconversation.com/goodbye-to-all-that-rethinking-australias-alliance-with-trumps-america-258066

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Cassidy on Senate Floor: Reestablishing American Energy Dominance Starts in Louisiana

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Louisiana Bill Cassidy

    [embedded content]

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Bill Cassidy, M.D. (R-LA) delivered a speech on the U.S. Senate floor highlighting Louisiana’s energy abundance and detailing how unleashing American energy will benefit American families, the economy, and our national security.
    “The benefits of unleashing American energy go beyond our borders. President Trump’s America First policies are good for the U.S., good for Louisiana, and good for the world,” said Dr. Cassidy. 
    “America has the resources. We have an abundance. Let’s put it to use,” concluded Dr. Cassidy. 
    Background
    In January, Cassidy released a statement applauding President Trump’s executive order to lift the Biden administration’s harmful pause on liquefied natural gas (LNG) export permitting. In March, Cassidy was joined by U.S. Senator John Kennedy (R-LA) in reiterating support for President Trump’s approach to American energy. 
    Last year, immediately following the Biden administration’s announcement that they would freeze pending applications for LNG export permits, Cassidy led 25 of his Republican colleagues in condemning the decision. Cassidy later delivered a speech on the U.S. Senate floor blasting the decision. In February 2024, Cassidy penned an op-ed with U.S. Senator John Cornyn (R-TX) in the Houston Chronicle underscoring the devastating economic, environmental, and national security impacts of the LNG export freeze.
    Cassidy also introduced the LNG Security Act to reverse President Biden’s LNG export ban and require the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) to approve LNG exports to all countries that have imported, currently import, or are capable of importing Russian or Iranian natural gas. Additionally, he introduced the Unlocking Domestic LNG Potential Act, which depoliticizes the export of American LNG. It eliminates the requirement for the DOE to authorize exports and instead gives the U.S. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) sole authority over the approval process. 
    Cassidy’s remarks as prepared for delivery are below:
    Louisiana fuels the world.
    That is what we say in my state. And that is true.
    Louisiana accounted for more than 60% of U.S. energy exports last year. The United States is the world’s largest LNG exporter—Louisiana has some of the largest export terminals in the world.
    And it’s a whole-of-state initiative! A lot of the gas that we export is produced in the Haynesville shale, which is in Northwest Louisiana.
    And that gas comes down to Cameron LNG in Hackberry, Louisiana. That one is capable of exporting 12 million metric tons of LNG per year.
    Cheniere Energy in Cameron Parish. 30 million metric tons of LNG per year.
    Venture Global in Plaquemines Parish. 27 million metric tons of LNG per year, and it is growing.
    President Trump wants to reestablish American energy dominance. That dominance starts in Louisiana.
    Louisiana has the infrastructure, the strategic location, and most importantly the workers to put America back on top.
    Louisiana’s ports, railroads, highways, and pipelines provide an outlet for gas and oil from landlocked states to export through our ports.
    Some oil is transported by rail. And the only place in the United States of America where six major freight railway carriers converge is in—you guessed it—Louisiana. 
    Our fully integrated, 50,000-mile pipeline network and 11,000 miles of state highways make Louisiana an obvious choice when considering which states can best transport these goods.
    We’re positioned where the Mississippi River drains into the Gulf of America.
    Besides our LNG export terminals, we have six combined deep draft ports.
    Louisiana moves oil and gas, and we also move the refined products of that oil and gas, which is part of fueling the world.
    Louisiana is critical to production and distribution of fuel and fuel products.
    I’m making these points because reestablishing American energy dominance is about creating better jobs—higher-paying jobs—changing the trajectory of a family in my state and across the nation. 
    By the end of President Biden’s term, after four years of attacks against American energy production, the Department of Energy reported tens of thousands of jobs lost.
    But tens of thousands of jobs is a statistic! **These are real people, real families we’re talking about!
    Think of the young couple with children who have lost their job!
    The wife immediately wonders how they’re going to pay the house note.
    The husband feels as if he’s letting his family down.
    The kids see conflict that was never there before between the parents.
    Those are human stories and those stories are relived over and over when those jobs are killed. Not because the fuel is not needed, but because the last administration decided they didn’t like it. 
    That was the case for tens of thousands of Americans under President Biden. His war on American energy was a war on American jobs, which is a war on American families.
    That war on the American family is over. I recognize, President Trump recognizes, that American energy dominance fueling our state, our country, and the world—and along with it, giving enough product for the manufacturing of the refined products that we all need—creates with it the high-paying jobs for the Americans who should never have been out of work in the first place. 
    Woodside Energy recently announced the largest single foreign direct investment in Louisiana history: a $17.5 billion investment in Calcasieu Parish for a new LNG export facility.
    It will support 15,000 jobs during construction and, once operational, thousands more after it’s built.
    By the way, there are other things we do with this plentiful, abundant energy! There are wonderful spin-offs!
    Last month, Hyundai Steel announced a $5.8 billion investment to build a new, next-generation steel production facility in Ascension Parish. The facility is expected to generate $4.1 billion in annual revenue and will bring nearly 1,500 direct jobs to the state, plus thousands of indirect jobs.
    That’s low-cost energy paving the way for more opportunity!
    By the way, this benefits my state, our nation, but guess who else it benefits? Our allies!
    Europe imports 45% of its LNG from the United States. Now they still get 20 from Russia, and the rest from Qatar and other countries.
    But WE send them 45% of their LNG. Before the Russia-Ukraine war, it was only 27%!
    We have a bill before Congress now to put even stricter sanctions upon Russia. If the Europeans buy even less gas from Russia, they’ll need more gas from us.
    We can make up that difference.
    With our LNG export facilities and with our gas, I want to send MORE natural gas from the Haynesville shale, through those LNG export facilities, across the Atlantic Ocean, creating tax revenue for my parish governments and wealth for my workers—to help their national security, to help our economy, to help my working families.
    The European Union using more U.S. LNG hurts Vladimir Putin’s war machine.
    Last year, the EU paid 22 billion euros for Russian natural gas, and Putin used that for his war machine.
    Next year, if the Europeans buy that much U.S. natural gas, that’s $25 billion coming to OUR economy!
    After Putin’s brutal invasion of Ukraine in 2022, America stood up against Putin. Europe did too. Let’s help them do it even more so.
    We can help them by saying, “Don’t buy Putin’s gas to fuel his war, buy OUR gas.”
    Louisiana is ready to help.
    America has the resources. We have an abundance. Let’s put it to use.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Boozman Touts Arkansas National Security Contributions, Cites Military Installation Vulnerability to Drone Threat

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Arkansas – John Boozman

    WASHINGTON—U.S. Senator John Boozman (R-AR) secured public support from Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General John Caine for several Natural State military missions and support capacities during a Senate Appropriations Defense Subcommittee hearing. He also expressed concerns about the potential for drone attacks on domestic military assets in light of the latest Ukrainian operation against Russia’s air force.

    Boozman highlighted the recent graduation of two Polish pilots at Ebbing Air National Guard Base in Fort Smith, the first to complete the F-35 Foreign Military Sales pilot training, and emphasized the program’s importance.

    “[This is] an accomplishment we’re very excited to see repeated,” Boozman said before inviting Hegseth to explain “the importance of training our partners and allies on American systems and how that enables mission readiness and deterrence around the world.” 

    “Our ability to project power by, with and through allies is one of the most important force multipliers that we have. The training of their people, and military-to-military training, creates enduring bonds over generations that we’re then able to leverage for future capability. I’m encouraged to hear about those two graduations. I know it keeps our defense industrial base robust and also projects capabilities to allies and partners,” Hegseth responded

    The senator then addressed the depletion of munitions amid conflicts in Ukraine and Israel while raising the need to adequately re-stockpile this capability through our organic industrial base as well as through private industry efforts, including in south Arkansas.

    “I had the opportunity of taking your predecessor to Camden, Arkansas, to see the great work our industry partners are doing to help solve the problem, however, the Department’s organic industrial base also fills important capability gaps,” Boozman said. “Where can we invest more to fix that?” he continued

    “One of my jobs as Chairman is to make sure the youngsters have the combat capability they need, at scale, before they need it. My hope is that we can raise everybody’s capacity through changing the culture not only in munitions production but across the entire national and defense industrial base, encourage competition to keep the prices down, write better contracts and increase the overall capacity,”Caine answered.

    Boozman has repeatedly championed investments in Camden and the industries that produce some of the world’s most effective weapon systems and munitions, including recent expansions by RTX, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin and Aerojet Rocketdyne – an L3Harris Technologies company. 

    The senator, who chairs the Military Construction and Veterans Affairs Appropriations Subcommittee, also took the opportunity to underscore how vulnerable U.S. installations remain to potential attacks and asked Hegseth how Ukraine’s successful Operation Spider’s Web has changed the way we defend military infrastructure and installations from emerging threats like armed drones. 

    “Even before that operation, it’s something we put on the forefront of our planning. Cheaper, commercially available drones with small explosives represent a new threat. That day, we met to evaluate that we’re doing enough. It’s a critical reality of the modern battlefield that we have a responsibility to address,” Hegseth explained.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Spending review delivers big boosts for health and defence – but Rachel Reeves is focused on investment

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Linda Yueh, Fellow in Economics/Adjunct Professor of Economics, University of Oxford

    UK chancellor Rachel Reeves has delivered the government’s spending review, setting out its plans and priorities for the next three years. The aim of the review is of course to allocate spending over that time period – but this government is keen for economic growth and so has directed the funds to try to boost GDP. This approach could work but is particularly challenging in an uncertain global environment.

    The parameters of the UK’s fiscal policy were set in the budget last October and the spring statement in March when the chancellor confirmed her fiscal rules, which allowed borrowing only for investment. Day-to-day spending on public services like the NHS and schools has to be met by tax revenues.

    As a result of an earlier tweak to the fiscal rules, public investment – spending on things like roads and hospitals – will total about £113 billion from now until nearly the end of this parliament.

    Many investors and creditors will have been looking out for this boost, as the UK has lagged behind comparable economies partly due to its lower levels of investment. The announcements have the potential to bring in private funding if more investors see an opportunity to benefit from increased economic growth, particularly if the UK’s relatively high energy costs are also addressed.

    Also in line for government investment is social and affordable housing. The announcement of £39 billion for this sector in England was a centrepiece of Reeves’ announcement. Coupled with planning reforms, the independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) judged in March that this could indeed boost growth.

    There will be more money for social housing – £39 billion over ten years in England.
    Irene Miller/Shutterstock

    In terms of day-to-day spending, health and defence received the biggest increases among government departments because of, respectively, pressures on the NHS arising from COVID-19 and the ageing population, and from geopolitical challenges like the war in Ukraine.

    Both departments, though, also have the potential to raise economic growth. Rates of economic inactivity (people who aren’t in paid work, for example) in the UK have not fallen back to their pre-COVID levels as they have in other major economies such as the US, France and Germany. Improving health services, cutting waiting lists and widening access to mental health support could help get more people back to work, which would boost employment and support growth.

    And on defence, spending in this area has the potential (depending greatly on the type of spend) to create technology that could eventually boost the nation’s productivity. GPS, for example, was developed by the US Department of Defense, as were many innovations now used in smartphones. Boosting UK defence spending to 2.6% of GDP by 2027 and investing in technology has the potential to unlock advances in equipment for the UK.

    Who loses out?

    This is not to say that increasing the settlements to other government departments would not support growth too. But some of those departments, including the Home Office, Foreign Office and transport, are now facing cuts in real terms to their spending. And they may find themselves under even more pressure should GDP growth slow.

    This is because of the chancellor’s fiscal rule about funding current spending from taxes. This would mean cuts if these receipts fall as a result of slowing growth, since Reeves has very little “fiscal headroom” (spare cash) to ensure she can meet her rules – only £9.9 billion.

    But the reverse may also prove to be true. Should investment in research and development (£22.6 billion per year by 2029‑30), renewable energy and infrastructure, alongside planning reforms, increase GDP growth, then the chancellor may find that she has more funding to allocate to day-to-day departmental spending to support public services.

    However, it takes time for investment to generate growth. OBR forecasts only expect increased growth of around 1.7% to 1.8% in the second half of this parliament. But those growth forecasts pre-date the US president Donald Trump’s tariffs announced in April, which are causing turmoil in global trade.

    This is why it is even more important for the UK to raise domestic economic growth through investing in people, technology and productivity. To govern is to choose, as the saying goes, and the government will hope that these are the right trade-offs to have made in order to grow during such shaky times. Despite the uncertain global picture, the chancellor has laid some promising foundations. Now the challenge will be delivering the growth.

    Linda Yueh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Spending review delivers big boosts for health and defence – but Rachel Reeves is focused on investment – https://theconversation.com/spending-review-delivers-big-boosts-for-health-and-defence-but-rachel-reeves-is-focused-on-investment-258746

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI USA: McConnell Opening Statement at SAC-D Hearing on FY 26 Budget Request for the Department of Defense

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Kentucky Mitch McConnell

    Washington, D.C.U.S. Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY), Chairman of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, convened today’s hearing “A Review of the President’s Fiscal Year 2026 Budget Request for the Department of Defense”. Prepared text of his opening statement follows: 

    “Secretary Hegseth, General Caine, Ms. MacDonnell, welcome. My colleagues and I are looking forward to your candid testimony. 

    “There’s no doubt that the global threat environment demands from us an uncompromisingly lethal force. And your efforts over recent months to renew the Department’s focus on lethality – and your attention to the concerns of servicemembers at the tip of the spear – are worthwhile and appreciated. 

    “Of course, sustaining this shift requires a clear strategy and adequate investments in capabilities. So we’re looking forward to hearing, in detail: What, exactly, the Office of Management and Budget is requesting on behalf of the Department of Defense for the coming fiscal year…And whether this budget flows from a strategy or instead defines and limits a strategy. 

    “This hearing will be the first public demonstration of what we hope to be a productive relationship between the Subcommittee and the Department. In the past, this relationship has functioned best when it’s been based on timely and forthcoming communication. 

    “Last year, details from the Department and the services about their growing requirements informed the Subcommittee’s efforts to mark up a bill to provide the military with $18.8 billion in resources above President Biden’s FY25 request. But that didn’t become law. Regrettably, the CR we’re under right now was yet another missed opportunity that compounded the constraints facing the Department today. 

    “On this subcommittee, you’ll find plenty of support for the Department’s efforts to – for example – improve air and missile defense systems, grow the pipeline for unmanned technologies, modernize our nuclear triad, and expand shipbuilding capacity. But lumping reconciliation spending in with full-year appropriations risks conflating different objectives. Chairman Wicker and his House counterpart have pointed out already that even an important, one-time investment in military modernization is not a substitute for steady growth in the annual budget topline. In fact, it may well end up functioning as a shell-game to avoid making the most significant annual investments that we spent years urging the Biden Administration to make. 

    “I struggle to understand why the Administration would cut procurement funding in the base FY26 budget by $14.4B and move funding for programs that have strong bipartisan support to a simple-majority reconciliation bill. The FY26 annual request seems to do just this for Virginia class submarines, Arleigh Burke class destroyers, and B-21 bombers. Like with critical munitions, we should send the Services and industry a sustained demand signal by incorporating them into annual appropriations. 

    “If we’re really serious about making the sustained, long-term investments in our military, then let’s do more than a one-time injection of funding. If the Administration wants to request a trillion-dollar defense budget for FY26 and make a full-year investment in urgent priorities and new programs, they ought to do it. 

    “In the meantime, let’s not overstate the FY26 request. The Administration’s requested base defense budget is lower than fifteen of the last twenty annual requests…including President Biden’s request for FY25. In fact, FY26 extends your predecessors’ streak to five straight base budget requests that would fail to keep pace with inflation – let alone with the pacing threat of China. But say we do take reconciliation into account. Even then, this is hardly the largest funding request for the Department of Defense. 

    “In constant dollars, the FY26 Department of Defense budget request still falls short of the annual funding requests from FY08, FY09, FY10, and FY11. As a share of GDP, even including reconciliation, the FY26 request is still just around 3%. That’s not just half the level of the Reagan buildup that secured peace through strength… it’s even less than the 4.5% of GDP requested for defense under President Carter. 

    “Why should we expect our allies to spend 5% of GDP on defense if we’re investing barely half that share? The failure to spend more on defense is compounded by another dynamic. Every year, a greater share of the defense budget goes to cover costs other than modernizing and procuring new weapons and equipment for our fighting forces. 

    “Without additional resources, rising Personnel and Operations & Maintenance costs risk crowding out new capabilities. How we allocate taxpayer dollars is an expression of our political will. We can’t expect our adversaries to take American hard power seriously if we don’t put our money where our mouth is. But as I mentioned, we’re also interested in your articulation of the strategy that informs – or is informed by – the Administration’s budget. How does that strategy account for adversary alignment? How does it address not only the threat of conflict in the Indo-Pacific, but the reality of conflict and military threats to our interests in Europe and the Middle East? 

    “Most of us on this panel believe that Russia’s war in Ukraine, its alignment with the aims of other U.S. adversaries, and its eventual outcome are profoundly important to American interests and offer more than just a glimpse into the future of warfare. 

    “I’d like to hear your views on this conflict. Who is the aggressor? What are the stakes for America and the West? What is the return on investment of our assistance to Ukraine? I don’t see funding for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative in your budget request. Is it the Administration’s view that terminating security assistance to Ukraine will make lasting peace more or less likely? 

    “What lessons is the U.S. military learning from the conflict? How will the Department or industry continue to learn if we cut off our partnership with the world’s leading battlefield innovators? Why would Asian partners trust us if we abandon partners in Europe? What lessons are China, Iran, and North Korea learning? And how much more will they benefit if Russia prevails? 

    “I’d like to hear your views on the impact of war in Europe on other theaters. The Asian and Pacific allies you just met with recently are under no delusions about how unchecked Russian aggression influences the calculus of Xi Jinping. They understand that strategic alignment among adversaries is global. 

    “America must recognize, in turn, that the risk of simultaneous conflict on multiple fronts is real and growing. Your Undersecretary for Policy acknowledged this reality in his confirmation hearing this spring. But the capabilities America needs to prevail in such a conflict do not seem to be reflected in the request we’ve received from OMB. 

    “So, there’s a lot we need to cover today. We’ll invite you to make opening comments in just a moment. But first, I’ll recognize Ranking Member Coons.”

     

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Bodies of 1,200 Dead Soldiers Returned to Ukraine

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    KYIV, June 11 (Xinhua) — The bodies of 1,212 servicemen killed in the conflict with Russia have been returned to Ukraine, the Ukrainian coordination headquarters for the treatment of prisoners of war said on Wednesday.

    The repatriation of the bodies was made possible by the joint efforts of the Coordination Headquarters of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and other structures, the headquarters said.

    Ukraine expressed gratitude to the International Committee of the Red Cross for assistance in returning the bodies of the fallen servicemen. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Russia has handed over 1,212 bodies of Ukrainian servicemen to Ukraine and received 27 bodies of servicemen of the Russian Armed Forces — Russian Presidential Aide V. Medinsky

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Moscow, June 11 /Xinhua/ — Russia has handed over 1,212 bodies of dead Ukrainian servicemen to Ukraine and received 27 bodies of dead servicemen of the Russian Armed Forces, Russian presidential aide and head of the Russian delegation at the talks with Ukraine Vladimir Medinsky said on Wednesday.

    “The transfer of bodies of fallen soldiers has begun in accordance with the Istanbul agreements. We have transferred 1,212 bodies of Ukrainian Armed Forces soldiers to the Ukrainian side. 27 fallen soldiers of the Russian Armed Forces have been returned to us,” V. Medinsky wrote on his Telegram channel.

    The transfer of the bodies of the dead servicemen is taking place in accordance with the agreement between Moscow and Kiev on humanitarian issues, which was reached during negotiations in Istanbul in early June. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI USA: ICYMI: Chair Emeritus McCaul on “Fox News Sunday”

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Michael McCaul (10th District of Texas)

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Congressman Michael McCaul (R-Texas) — chairman emeritus of the House Foreign Affairs and Homeland Security Committees — joined Shannon Bream on “Fox News Sunday” to discuss the latest on the war in Ukraine, the threat posed by Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the Trump administration’s efforts to protect the homeland from violent illegal immigrants.

    Click to Watch

    Excerpts from the interview:

    On ceasefire negotiations between Ukraine and Russia:

    “I think we have to be clear-eyed as to who Mr. Putin is. He has not come to the negotiating table. He is not called for ceasefire like Zelensky. And if you look at the targets that were hit by Ukraine — these were the bombers that carried the cruise missiles …. As opposed to [Putin’s targets]: apartment complex buildings, schools, you know, maternity hospitals and churches. Killing civilians is a criminal act actually, according to the Geneva Convention. So, it’s a very different playing field.

    “How do we get them to the table though? I do think we need a negotiated settlement. We’re not going to have a storm to Berlin like in World War II [with an] unconditional surrender. So you have to put pressure [on Putin]. How do you do that? Secondary sanctions, and secondly, keep the flow of weapons going into Ukraine to pressure Mr. Putin to act in good faith. I have little confidence in him.”

    On Ukraine’s Operation Spiderweb and the United States’ ability to respond to similar threats:

    “I think what we saw take place was a mastermind counter offensive. It was a seismic change in modern warfare technology — where you can take a very inexpensive little drone and take out a very expensive, big bomber that drops cruise missiles. I mean, it changes everything on its head, and I know the Pentagon’s looking at this from a standpoint of ‘how can we defend [against] this?’ We don’t have the countermeasures to block these UAVs, and we need to develop those because that will be the future of warfare.”

    On the threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation:

    “Trump says [any deal must have] zero enrichment. He is right about that because if [the Iranians] have enrichment, they get a bomb. So, you know, I think you have to give the diplomats a chance, right? And then when diplomacy breaks down, you have war. There’s no question in my mind, coming out of that meeting, what Mr. Netanyahu’s intentions are, and that is to strike Iran when the negotiations go bad. The question [for Israel] is going to be, what will be the United States’ role? … The retaliation from Iran will be severe, and we have a lot of troops there — US citizens there. They’ll hit Jordan, they’ll hit Saudi Arabia, and they’ll hit Israel. And we are the only country along with Israel that can stop all this from coming in.”

    On the Trump administration’s efforts to protect the Homeland from violent illegal immigrants:

    “The Supreme Court had its order. He was returned to the United States, but now it’s time for our justice. … For 20 years he had a smuggling operation, including smuggling MS-13 gang members, according to the indictment when he came back in. I would argue, to him, you’re probably better off than El Salvador than facing these kinds of charges, and this is precisely the [type of] case that Donald Trump ran on that got him a mandate from the American people.

    “They’re tired of seeing this, and what I’m amazed at — and I saw it at our hearing with Secretary Noem — is seeing the Democrats hold Mr. Garcia up as if he’s some golden boy poster child that they all rally behind when he’s in fact related to MS- 13, a trafficker, he beats his wife. I mean, it’s hardly a model for the Democratic party. I think they’re making a terrible mistake politically, and we saw that play out in the last election.”

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Deputy Secretary-General’s remarks to the Opening of the Eighteenth Session of the Conference of States Parties to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    Welcome to the 18th session of the Conference of States Parties to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

    On behalf of the Secretary-General, I extend my deepest gratitude to all of you for all you do to advance the rights of persons with disabilities around the world.

    A special welcome to civil society, and in particular, to the organizations led by persons with disabilities.

    Your presence fills this Hall with purpose.

    Advancing equality and expanding opportunities for people with disabilities is not only close to my heart – it is central to the vision of the Secretary-General and the UN Disability Inclusion Strategy.

    It is a test of our common values. Inclusion of persons with disabilities is also a testament to common sense.

    When persons with disabilities can fully participate in society, communities and economies are stronger.

    We know this.  And so do all those who realize the Convention.  

    In an often-divided world, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities stands as a powerful declaration: 

    Disability inclusion is fundamental to human rights — and essential to achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. 

    Yet today, we face a sobering truth.

    Progress is not just slow – in some cases, it is reversing.

    The UN Disability and Development Report found that nearly all SDG indicators for persons with disabilities are off track.

    The message is stark:

    Persons with disabilities face higher poverty, greater unemployment, deeper food and health insecurity, and more limited access to education, jobs and digital technologies.

    And as this session reminds us, indigenous persons with disabilities face even greater exclusion.

    This must change.

    The Pact for the Future, adopted last year, reinforces the call for a more peaceful, inclusive, accessible and equitable world – one in which persons with disabilities play a full and equal role in advancing sustainable development, climate action and digital transformation.

    We meet today on the threshold of two vital gatherings: the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, and the Second World Summit for Social Development.

    Your deliberations will help shape those events. 

    This session focuses on three critical themes.

    How we finance change.

    How we harness technology.

    And how we honour those most often left behind: Indigenous persons with disabilities.

    Let me offer a few reflections.

    First, on funding change.

    Progress requires investment.

    Yet today, global support for disability inclusion has been cut in half – falling from $500 million to $250 million in just two years.

    Behind these figures are real lives. 

    Children with disabilities shut out of classrooms.

    Adults with disabilities who cannot get to work, if they have work at all.

    Families of persons with disabilities denied essential services.

    Women and girls with disabilities are denied sexual and reproductive health and rights.

    We need targeted investments and tailored solutions – such as microfinance, social impact bonds and public-private alliances – that address gaps in realizing the rights of persons with disabilities.

    And we must unlock capital to fund inclusion today, and build sustainable, inclusive systems for tomorrow.

    This requires advancing the Pact for the Future’s calls to recapitalize Multilateral Development Banks, provide debt relief, and reform the international financial architecture – so that developing countries can invest in systems that are inclusive and accessible to persons with disabilities.  

    Second, we must continue to harness the transformative power of technologies.

    Artificial intelligence is the latest frontier – and it holds immense potential to advance inclusion. 

    AI can be the difference between isolation and participation.

    And help individuals navigate the world through tools such as speech recognition, sign language interpretation, real-time captioning, screen readers, accessible navigation assistance and personalized support for daily tasks.

    But this promise comes with a warning. 

    Biases are being hardwired into algorithms.

    And regulations on accessibility of emerging technologies are sorely lacking.

    Developed countries, in particular, have a responsibility to step up support.

    Today about 70% of AI-powered assistive technologies are concentrated in developed economies.

    Without global cooperation and fair technology transfer agreements, people in the poorest countries risk being excluded – again. 

    We must ensure that AI becomes a tool for humanity, not a mirror of entrenched inequalities.

    Through the Global Digital Compact, countries have made their expectations clear: 

    AI technologies must empower all people, including persons with disabilities, and ensure that no one is left behind in the digital age.     
        
    Third, we must do more to uphold the rights of Indigenous persons with disabilities.

    Persistent barriers in intersecting forms of discrimination are limiting their rights, and the disparities are stark.

    In Latin America, for example, indigenous persons with disabilities attend fewer years of school, earn half as much income, and hold fewer leadership roles.

    Indigenous women and girls with disabilities face greater rates of violence, isolation and lack of support services.

    Legal services are not accessible or are not culturally adequate for equal access to justice.

    This is not just neglect – it is erasure.

    Realizing the rights of Indigenous Persons with Disabilities requires culturally appropriate approaches – and meaningful inclusion in decision-making.

    The rallying cry has never been more fitting:  Nothing about us without us. 

    Dear friends,

    We’ve come a long way in 19 years.

    Laws have changed.

    Attitudes have shifted.

    And political realities have shifted, too.

    Armed conflict in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and elsewhere is leaving countless civilians with sustained permanent injuries and deep psychological trauma.

    Children with disabilities are especially vulnerable – Gaza alone has the highest number of child amputees in modern history.

    Families are bearing the brunt of conflicts, and communities will require inclusive and accessible rebuilding.

    Wars are draining budgets. And the foundations of multilateralism are being chiseled away by division and mistrust.

    Yet this session is proof that the world can still come together – with purpose and resolve. 

    It is a reminder that we must make sure promises made are promises kept.

    Let’s make the most of this conference – and the historic opportunities ahead – to drive action for persons with disabilities.  

    To build a world that is inclusive, accessible, and sustainable.

    And to say in one voice:

    Rights are not optional.

    They are universal. 

    They are non-negotiable.

    And they belong to all.

    Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Philip R. Lane: The euro area bond market

    Source: European Central Bank

    Keynote speech by Philip R. Lane, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the Government Borrowers Forum 2025

    Dublin, 11 June 2025

    I am grateful for the invitation to contribute to the Government Borrowers Forum. I will use my time to cover three topics.[1] First, I will briefly discuss last week’s monetary policy decision.[2] Second, I will describe some current features of the euro area bond market.[3] Third, I will outline some innovations that might expand the scope for euro-denominated bonds to serve as safe assets in global portfolios.

    Monetary policy

    At last week’s meeting, the Governing Council decided to lower the deposit facility rate (DFR) to two per cent. The baseline of the latest Eurosystem staff projections foresees inflation at 2.0 per cent in 2025, 1.6 per cent in 2026 and 2.0 per cent in 2027; output growth is foreseen at 0.9 per cent for 2025, 1.2 per cent in 2026 and 1.3 per cent in 2027. The lower inflation path in the June projections compared to the March projections reflects the significant movements in energy prices and the exchange rate in recent months. These relative price movements both have a direct impact on inflation but also an indirect impact via the impact of lower input costs and a lower cost of living on the dynamics of core inflation and wage inflation.

    The June projections were conditioned on a rate path that included a quarter-point reduction of the DFR in June: model-based optimal policy simulations and an array of monetary policy feedback rules indicated a cut was appropriate under the baseline and also constituted a robust decision, remaining appropriate across a range of alternative future paths for inflation and the economy. By supporting the pricing pressure needed to generate target-consistent inflation in the medium-term, this cut helps ensure that the projected negative inflation deviation over the next eighteen months remains temporary and does not convert into a longer-term deviation of inflation from the target. This cut also guards against any uncertainty about our reaction function by demonstrating that we are determined to make sure that inflation returns to target in the medium term. This helps to underpin inflation expectations and avoid an unwarranted tightening in financial conditions.

    The robustness of the decision is also indicated by a set of model-based optimal policy simulations conducted on various combinations of the scenarios discussed in the Eurosystem staff projections report, even when also factoring in upside scenarios for fiscal expenditure. A cut is also indicated by a broad range of monetary policy feedback rules. By contrast, leaving the DFR on hold at 2.25 per cent could have triggered an adverse repricing of the forward curve and a revision in inflation expectations that would risk generating a more pronounced and longer-lasting undershoot of the inflation target. In turn, if this risk materialised, a stronger monetary reaction would ultimately be required.

    Especially under current conditions of high uncertainty, it is essential to remain data dependent and take a meeting-by-meeting approach in making monetary policy decisions. Accordingly, the Governing Council does not pre-commit to any particular future rate path.

    The euro area bond market

    Chart 1

    Ten-year nominal OIS rate and GDP-weighted sovereign yield for the euro area

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    Let me now turn to a longer-run perspective by inspecting developments in the bond market. In the first two decades of the euro, nominal long-term interest rates in the euro area were, by and large, on a declining trend from the start of the currency bloc until the outbreak of the pandemic (Chart 1). The ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rate, considered as the ten-year risk-free rate in the euro area, declined from 6 percent in early 2000 to -50 basis points in 2020, a trend matched by the 10-year GDP-weighted sovereign bond yield.[4] The economic recovery from the pandemic and the soaring energy prices in response to the Russian invasion in Ukraine caused surges in inflation which led to an increase of interest rates. The recent stability of these long-term rates suggests that markets have seen the euro area economy gradually moving towards a new long-term equilibrium following the peak of annual headline inflation in October 2022, as past shocks have faded.

    Chart 2

    Decomposition of the ten-year spot euro area OIS rate into term premium and expected rates

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The decomposition of the OIS rate into expected rates and term premia is based on two affine term structure models, with and without survey information on rate expectations[5], and a lower bound term structure model[6] incorporating survey information on rate expectations. The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    A term structure model makes it possible to decompose OIS rates into a term premium component and an expectations component. For the ten-year OIS rate, the expectations component reflects the expected average ECB policy rate over the next ten years and is affected by ECB’s policy decisions on interest rates and communication about the future policy path (e.g., in the form of explicit or implicit forward guidance). The term premium is a measure of the estimated compensation investors demand for being exposed to interest rate risk: the risk that the realised policy rate can be different from the expected rate.

    Chart 3

    Ten-year euro area OIS rate expectations and term premium component

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The decomposition of the OIS rate into expected rates and term premia is based on two affine term structure models, with and without survey information on rate expectations4, and a lower bound term structure model5 incorporating survey information on rate expectations. The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    The decline of long-term rates in the first two decades of the euro and the rapid increase in 2022 were driven by both the expectations component and the term premium (Charts 2 and 3). The premium was estimated to be largely positive in the early 2000s, understood as a sign that the euro area economy was mostly confronted with supply-side shocks. Starting with the European sovereign debt crisis, the euro area was more and more characterised as a demand-shock dominated economy, in which nominal bonds act as a hedge against future crises and thus investors started requiring a lower or even negative term premium as compensation to hold these assets.[7] The large-scale asset purchases of the ECB under the APP reinforced the downward pressure on the term premium. By buying sovereign bonds (and other assets), the ECB reduced the overall amount of duration risk that had to be borne by private investors, reducing the compensation for risk.[8] With demand and supply shocks becoming more balanced again and central banks around the world normalising their balance sheet holdings of sovereign bonds in recent years, the term premium estimate turned positive again in early 2022 and continued to inch up through the first half of 2023. As it became clear in the second half of 2023 that upside risk scenarios for inflation were less likely, the term premium fell back to some extent and has been fairly stable since.

    Different to the ten-year maturity, very long-term sovereign spreads did not experience the same pronounced negative trend. From the inception of the euro until 2014, the thirty-year euro area GDP-weighted sovereign yield fluctuated around 3 percent. The decline to levels below 2 percent after 2014 and around 0.5 percent in 2020 reflect declining nominal risk-free rates more generally but also coincide with the announcements of large-scale asset purchases (PSPP and PEPP). Likewise, the upward shift back to above 3 percent during 2022 occurred on the back of rising policy rates and normalising central bank balance sheets.

    Chart 4

    Ten-year sovereign bond spreads vs Germany

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The spread is the difference between individual countries’ 10-year sovereign yields and the 10-year yield on German Bunds. The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    In the run-up to the global financial crisis, sovereign yields in the euro area were very much aligned between countries and also with risk-free rates (Chart 4). With the onset of the global financial crisis and later the European sovereign debt crisis, sovereign spreads for more vulnerable countries soared as investors started to discriminate between euro area countries according to their perceived creditworthiness.

    On top of the efforts of European sovereigns to consolidate their public finances, President Draghi’s 2012 “whatever it takes” speech and the subsequent announcement of Outright Monetary Transaction (OMTs) marked a turning point in the euro area sovereign debt crisis. Sovereign spreads came down from their peaks but have kept some variation across countries ever since.

    The large-scale asset purchases under the APP and PEPP further compressed sovereign spreads. During the pandemic and the subsequent monetary policy tightening, the flexibility in PEPP and the creation of the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) supported avoiding fragmentation risks in sovereign bond markets. The extraordinary demand for sovereign bonds as collateral at the beginning of the hiking cycle, at a time when central bank holdings of these bonds were still high, resulted in the yields of German bonds, which are the most-preferred assets when it comes to collateral, declining far below the risk-free OIS rate in the course of 2022. These tensions eased as collateral scarcity reversed.[9]

    This year, bond yields and bond spreads in the euro area have been relatively stable, despite significant movements in some other bond markets. This can be interpreted as reflecting a balancing between two opposing forces: in essence, the typical positive spillover across bond markets has been offset by an international portfolio preference shift towards the euro and euro-denominated securities. This international portfolio preference shift is likely not uniform and is some mix of a pull back by European investors towards the domestic market and some rebalancing by global investors away from the dollar and towards the euro. More deeply, the stability of the euro bond market reflects a high conviction that euro area inflation is strongly anchored at the two per cent target and that the euro area business cycle should be relatively stable, such that the likely scale of cyclical interest rate movements is contained. It also reflects growing confidence that the scope for the materialisation of national or area-wide fiscal risks is quite contained, in view of the shared commitment to fiscal stability among the member countries and the demonstrated capacity to react jointly to fiscal tail events.[10]

    Chart 5

    Holdings of “Big-4” euro area government debt

    (percentage of total amounts outstanding)

    Sources: ECB Securities Holding Statistics and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The chart is based on all general government plus public agency debt in nominal terms. The breakdown is shown for euro area holding sectors, while all non-euro area holders are aggregated in the orange category in lack of more detailed information. ICPF stands for insurance corporations and pension funds. The “Big-4” countries include DE, FR, IT, ES. 2014 Q4 reflects the holdings before the onset of quantitative easing. 2022 Q4 reflects the peak of Eurosystem holdings at the end of net asset purchases.

    Latest observation: Q1 2025

    In understanding the dynamics of the bond market, it is also useful to examine the distribution of bond holdings across sectors. The largest euro-area holder sectors are banks, insurance corporations and pension funds (ICPF) and investment funds, while non-euro area foreign investors also are significant holders (Chart 5). The relative importance of the sectors differs between countries. Domestic banks and insurance corporations play a relatively larger role in countries like Italy and Spain, while non-euro area international investors hold relatively larger shares of debt issued by France or Germany.

    Since the start of the APP in early 2015, the Eurosystem increased its market share in euro area sovereign bonds from about 5 per cent of total outstanding debt to a peak of 33 per cent in late 2022. Net asset purchases by the Eurosystem were stopped in July 2022, while the full reinvestment of redemptions ceased at the end of that year: by Q1 2025, the Eurosystem share had declined to 25 per cent. The increase in Eurosystem holdings during the QE period was mirrored by falling holdings of banks and non-euro area foreign investors. The holding share of banks declined from 22 per cent in 2014 to 14 per cent at the end of 2022, while the share held by foreign investors fell from 35 per cent to 25 per cent over the same period.

    ICPFs have consistently held a significant share of the outstanding debt, especially at the long-end of the yield curve. Since 2022, following the end of full reinvestments under the APP, more price-sensitive sectors, such as banks, investment funds and private foreign investors, have regained some market share. Holdings by households have also shown some noticeable growth in sovereign bond holdings, driven primarily by Italian households.[11] In summary, the holdings statistics show that the bond market has smoothly adjusted to the end of quantitative easing. In particular, the rise in bond yields in 2022 was sufficient to attract a wide range of domestic and global investors to expand their holdings of euro-denominated bonds.[12]

    To gain further insight into the recent dynamics of the euro area bond market, it is helpful to look at recent portfolio flow data and bond issuance data. Market data on portfolio flows[13] highlights a repatriation of investment funds in bonds by domestic investors during March, April, and May, contrasting sharply with 2024 trends, while foreign fund inflows into euro area bonds during the same period surpassed the 2024 average (Chart 6). Simultaneously, EUR-denominated bond issuance by non-euro area corporations has surged in 2025, reaching nearly EUR 100 billion year-to-date compared to an average of EUR 32 billion over the same period in the past five years (Chart 7).

    Expanding the pool of safe assets

    These developments (stable bond yields, increased foreign holdings of euro-denominated bonds) have naturally led to renewed interest in the international role of the euro.[14]

    The euro ranks as the second largest reserve currency after the dollar. However, the current design of the euro area financial architecture results in an under-supply of the safe assets that play a special role in investor portfolios.[15] In particular, a safe asset should rise in relative value during stress episodes, thereby providing essential hedging services.

    Since the bund is the highest-rated large-country national bond in the euro area, it serves as the main de facto safe asset but the stock of bunds is too small relative to the size of the euro area or the global financial system to satiate the demand for euro-denominated safe assets. Especially in the context of much smaller and less volatile spreads (as shown in Chart 4), other national bonds also directionally contribute to the stock of safe assets. However, the remaining scope for relative price movements across these bonds means that the overall stock of national bonds does not sufficiently provide safe asset services.

    In principle, common bonds backed by the combined fiscal capacity of the EU member states are capable of providing safe-asset services. However, the current stock of such bonds is simply too small to foster the necessary liquidity and risk management services (derivative markets; repo markets) that are part and parcel of serving as a safe asset.[16]

    There are several ways to expand the stock of common bonds. Just as the Next Generation EU (NGEU) programme was financed by the issuance of common bonds jointly backed by the member states, the member countries could decide to finance investment European-wide public goods through more common debt.[17] From a public finance perspective, it is natural to match European-wide public goods with common debt, in order to align the financing with the area-wide benefits of such public goods. If a multi-year investment programme were announced, the global investor community would recognise that the stock of euro common bonds would climb incrementally over time.

    In addition, in order to meet more quickly and more decisively the rising global demand for euro-denominated safe assets, there are a number of options in generating a larger stock of safe assets from the current stock of national bonds. Recently, Olivier Blanchard and Ángel Ubide have proposed that the “blue bond/red bond” reform be re-examined.[18] Under this approach, each member country would ring fence a dedicated revenue stream (say a certain amount of indirect tax revenues) that could be used to service commonly-issued bonds. In turn, the proceeds of issuing blue bonds would be deployed to purchase a given amount of the national bonds of each participating member state. This mechanism would result in a larger stock of common bonds (blue bonds) and a lower stock of national bonds (red bonds).

    While this type of financial reform was originally proposed during the euro area sovereign debt crisis, the conditions today are far more favourable, especially if the scale of blue bond issuance were to be calibrated in a prudent manner in order to mitigate some of the identified concerns. In particular, the euro area financial architecture is now far more resilient, thanks to the significant institutional reforms that were introduced in the wake of the euro area crisis and the demonstrated track record of financial stability that has characterised Europe over the last decade. The list of reforms include: an increase in the capitalisation of the European banking system; the joint supervision of the banking system through the Single Supervisory Mechanism; the adoption of a comprehensive set of macroprudential measures at national and European levels; the implementation of the Single Resolution Mechanism; the narrowing of fiscal, financial and external imbalances; the fiscal backstops provided by the European Stability Mechanism; the common solidarity shown during the pandemic through the innovative NGEU programme; the demonstrated track record of the ECB in supplying liquidity in the event of market stress; and the expansion of the ECB policy toolkit (TPI, OMT) to address a range of liquidity tail risks. [19] In the context of the sovereign bond market, these reforms have contributed to less volatile and less dispersed bond returns.

    As emphasised in the Blanchard-Ubide proposal, there is an inherent trade off in the issuance of blue bonds. In one direction, a larger stock of blue bonds boosts liquidity and, if a critical mass is attained, also would trigger the fixed-cost investments need to build out ancillary financial products such as derivatives and repos. In the other direction, too-large a stock of blue bonds would require the ringfencing of national tax revenues at a scale that would be excessive in the context of the current European political configuration in which fiscal resources and political decision-making primarily remains at the national level. As emphasised in the Blanchard-Ubide proposal, this trade-off is best navigated by calibrating the stock of blue bonds at an appropriate level.

    In particular, the Blanchard-Ubide proposal gives the example of a stock of blue bonds corresponding to 25 per cent of GDP. Just to illustrate the scale of the required fiscal resources to back this level of issuance: if bond yields were on average in the range of two to four per cent, the servicing of blue bond debt would require ringfenced tax revenues in the range of a half per cent to one per cent of GDP. While this would constitute a significant shift in the current allocation of tax revenues between national and EU levels, this would still leave tax revenues predominantly at the national level (the ratio of tax revenues to GDP in the euro area ranges from around 20 to 40 per cent). The shared payoff would be the reduction in debt servicing costs generated by the safe asset services provided by an expanded stock of common debt.

    An alternative, possibly complementary, approach that could also deliver a larger stock of safe assets from the pool of national bonds is provided by the sovereign bond backed securities (SBBS) proposal.[20] The SBBS proposal envisages that financial intermediaries (whether public or private) could bundle a portfolio of national bonds and issue tranched securities, with the senior slice constituting a highly-safe asset. The SBBS proposal has been extensively studied (I chaired a 2017 ESRB report) and draft enabling legislation has been prepared by the European Commission.[21] Just as with the blue/red bond proposal, sufficient issuance scale would be needed in order to foster the market liquidity needed for the senior bonds to act as highly liquid safe assets.

    In summary, such structural changes in the design of the euro area bond market would foster stronger global demand for euro-denominated safe assets. A comprehensive strategy to expand the international role of the euro and underpin a European savings and investment union should include making progress on this front.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: International use of the euro broadly stable in 2024

    Source: European Central Bank

    11 June 2025

    • Euro’s share across various indicators of international currency use largely unchanged at around 19%
    • Emerging challenges include initiatives promoting global use of cryptocurrencies
    • Upholding rule of law essential for maintaining, and potentially increasing, global trust in the euro

    The international role of the euro remained broadly stable in 2024 and the euro held on to its position as the second most important currency globally. The share of the euro across various indicators of international currency use has been largely unchanged since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, standing at around 19%. These are some of the main findings in the annual review of the Although current data indicate no significant changes in the international use of the euro, it is important to remain vigilant. Central banks continued to accumulate gold at a record pace and some countries have been actively exploring alternatives to traditional cross-border payment systems. There is evidence of a link between geopolitical alignments and shifts in invoicing currency patterns in global trade, particularly since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. New challenges to the international role of the euro have also emerged, including initiatives that promote the global use of cryptocurrencies.

    This changing landscape underscores the importance for European policymakers of creating the necessary conditions to strengthen the global role of the euro, such as advancing the Savings and Investment Union to fully leverage European financial markets. Eliminating barriers within the European Union would enhance the depth and liquidity of euro funding markets. Moreover, accelerating progress on a digital euro is key for supporting a competitive and resilient European payment system. “The digital euro would contribute to Europe’s economic security and strengthen the international role of the euro,” said Executive Board member Piero Cipollone. The global appeal of the euro is also supported by the ECB’s initiatives to offer solutions for settling wholesale financial transactions recorded on distributed ledger technology platforms in central bank money and to improve cross-border payments between the euro area and other jurisdictions. In addition, the ECB’s euro liquidity lines to non-euro area central banks foster the use of the euro in global financial and commercial transactions.

    For media queries, please contact The international role of the euro remained broadly stable in 2024

    Composite index of the international role of the euro

    (percentages; at current and constant Q4 2024 exchange rates; four-quarter moving averages)

    Sources: Bank for International Settlements, International Monetary Fund (IMF), CLS Bank International, Ilzetzki, Reinhart and Rogoff (2019) and ECB staff calculations.
    Notes: Arithmetic average of the shares of the euro at constant (current) exchange rates in stocks of international bonds, loans by banks outside the euro area to borrowers outside the euro area, deposits with banks outside the euro area from creditors outside the euro area, global foreign exchange settlements, global foreign exchange reserves and global exchange rate regimes. Estimates of the share of the euro in global exchange rate regimes from 2010 onwards are based on IMF data; pre-2010 shares are estimated using data from Ilzetzki, E., Reinhart, C. and Rogoff, K., “Exchange Arrangements Entering the Twenty-First Century: Which Anchor will Hold?”, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 134, Issue 2, May 2019, pp. 599-646. The latest observation is for the fourth quarter of 2024.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Human Rights Council to Hold its Fifty-Ninth Regular Session from 16 June to 9 July 2025

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The United Nations Human Rights Council will hold its fifty-ninth regular session from 16 June to 9 July 2025 at the Palais des Nations in Geneva. 

    The session will open at 10 a.m. on Monday, 16 June under the presidency of Ambassador Jürg Lauber of Switzerland.  The opening will be addressed by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, who will present his annual report.  The Council will be meeting in room XX of the Palais des Nations.

    Over almost four weeks, the Council will consider more than 60 reports presented by the Secretariat of the United Nations and the High Commissioner for Human Rights, human rights experts and other investigative bodies on numerous topics and relevant to the situation of human rights in more than 40 countries.  In total, the Council will hold 32 interactive dialogues. 

    During the session, the Council will hold interactive dialogues with the High Commissioner on his annual report under agenda item two; on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela under agenda item four; and on Ukraine and Colombia under agenda item 10. 

    The Council will hold enhanced interactive dialogues under agenda item two with  the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan and on the oral update of the Fact-Finding Mission on the human rights situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.  Under agenda item four, the Council will hold an enhanced interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, with the participation of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.

    On climate change, the Council will hold its annual panel on the adverse impacts of climate change on human rights, followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on climate change. The Council will also hold its annual panel on technical cooperation and capacity-building. 

    Under agenda item three, the Council will hold its annual panel discussion on women’s rights, and a panel on safe drinking water and sanitation.  It will also hold interactive dialogues on summary executions, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, transnational corporations, education, health, leprosy (Hansen’s disease), sexual orientation and gender identity, migrants, internally displaced persons, prevention of genocide, trafficking, extreme poverty, discrimination against women and girls, violence against women and girls, judges and lawyers, and international solidarity.   

    The Council will also hear the presentation of the Secretary-General’s interim report on the temporarily occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, under agenda item 10. Further, it will hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea and the Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and in Israel, under agenda item two; and with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi under agenda item four. The Council will also hear oral updates from the Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan under agenda item two and from the Commission of Inquiry on Syria under agenda item four. 

    Additionally, the Council will hold interactive dialogues under agenda item seven with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, and under agenda item nine with the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.  Under agenda item 10, it will hold an interactive dialogue with the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic. 

    The final outcomes of the Universal Periodic Review of 14 States will also be considered, namely those of Italy, El Salvador, Gambia, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Fiji, San Marino, Kazakhstan, Angola, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Madagascar, Iraq, Slovenia, Egypt, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    A detailed agenda and further information on the fifty-ninth session can be found on the session’s web page.  Reports to be presented are available here. All meetings of this session are broadcast on UN Web TV

    First Week of the Session

    The fifty-ninth regular session will open on Monday, 16 June under the presidency of Ambassador Jürg Lauber. After the opening, the Council will begin considerations under agenda item two, and the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, will present his annual report.  Subsequently, the Council will hold an enhanced interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, and an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. This will be followed by an enhanced interactive dialogue on the oral update of the Fact-Finding Mission on the human rights situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. 

    On Tuesday, 17 June, the Council will hold an interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s annual report, followed by an interactive dialogue with the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and in Israel.  At the end of the day, it will hear the presentation of an oral update by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan. 

    On Wednesday, 18 June, the Council will commence discussions under agenda item three on the promotion and protection of all human rights, holding interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, which will conclude on Thursday, 19 June. This will be followed by interactive dialogues with the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, the Special Rapporteur on the right to education, and the Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health. 

    On Friday, 20 June, the Council will hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on the elimination of discrimination against persons affected by leprosy (Hansen’s disease) and their family members, the Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, and the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons. 

    Second Week of the Session

    In its second week, the Council will conclude its interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons on Monday, 23 June.  It will then hold interactive dialogues with the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide, the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children, and the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights.

    The Council will start Tuesday, 24 June, with the first part of its annual discussion on women’s rights, focusing on gender-based violence against women and girls in conflict, post-conflict and humanitarian settings.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue with the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls.  In the afternoon, the second part of the annual discussion on women’s rights will be held, focusing on the commemoration of the International Day of Women in Diplomacy and on overcoming barriers to women’s leadership in peace processes.

    On Wednesday, 25 June, the Council will hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on violence against women and girls, its causes and consequences, the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, and the Independent Expert on human rights and international solidarity. 

    The Council will start Thursday, 26 June, with a panel discussion on the realisation of the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation, followed by the presentation of reports under agenda item three.  In the afternoon, it will start its consideration of reports under agenda item four on human rights situations that require the Council’s attention, hearing the presentation of an oral update by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, followed by interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus, and on the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi. 

    On Friday, 27 June, the Council will hold an enhanced interactive dialogue on the report of the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, and the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s report on the situation of human rights in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and the presentation of the High Commissioner’s oral update on the situation of human rights in Nicaragua.

    Third Week of the Session

    The Council will begin its third week on Monday, 30 June, with its annual panel discussion on the adverse impacts of climate change on human rights, focusing on facilitating just transitions in the context of addressing the impacts of climate change on human rights.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights in the context of climate change.  It will then hear the presentation of the report of the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises on the thirteenth session of the Forum on Business and Human Rights under agenda item five on human rights bodies and mechanisms.

    The Council will next start its consideration under item six of the outcomes of the Universal Periodic Review of Italy, El Salvador, Gambia, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Fiji, San Marino, Kazakhstan, Angola, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Madagascar, Iraq, Slovenia, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, which will conclude at the end of the day on Wednesday, 2 July. 

    On Thursday, 3 July, the Council will hold an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, under agenda item seven on the human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, under agenda item nine on racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance. 

    In the afternoon, the Council will begin discussions under item 10 on technical assistance and capacity-building, with interactive dialogues on the oral presentation of the High Commissioner regarding his Office’s periodic report on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, and on the interim report of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights in the temporarily occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s report on the enhancement of technical assistance and capacity-building to assist Colombia in the implementation of the recommendations made by the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition. 

    On Friday, 4 July, the Council will hold its annual panel discussion on technical cooperation and capacity-building, focusing on the role of technical cooperation and capacity-building in strengthening national structures which play a role in promoting and safeguarding human rights, particularly national human rights institutions and national mechanisms for implementation, reporting and follow-up. 

    This will be followed by an interactive dialogue on the oral update of the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic.

    In the afternoon, the Council will hear the presentation of the report of the High Commissioner relating to cooperation with Georgia.  It will then start taking action on draft resolutions and decisions. 

    Fourth Week of the Session

    The final week of the Council will be devoted to taking action on draft resolutions and decisions and the appointment of a member of the Expert Mechanism on the Right to Development and a member of the Working Group on arbitrary detention.  The session will conclude on Wednesday, 9 July.

    The Human Rights Council

    The Human Rights Council is an inter-governmental body within the United Nations system, made up of 47 States, which is responsible for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe.  The Council was created by the United Nations General Assembly on 15 March 2006 with the main purpose of addressing situations of human rights violations and making recommendations on them.

    The composition of the Human Rights Council at its fifty-ninth session is as follows: Albania (2026); Algeria (2025); Bangladesh (2025); Belgium (2025); Benin (2027); Bolivia (2027); Brazil (2026); Bulgaria (2026); Burundi (2026); Chile (2025); China (2026); Colombia (2027); Costa Rica (2025); Côte d’Ivoire (2026); Cuba (2026); Cyprus (2027); Czechia (2027); Democratic Republic of the Congo (2027); Dominican Republic (2026); Ethiopia (2027); France (2026); Gambia (2027); Georgia (2025); Germany (2025); Ghana (2026); Iceland (2027); Indonesia (2026); Japan (2026); Kenya (2027); Kuwait (2026); Kyrgyzstan (2025); Malawi (2026); Maldives (2025); Marshall Islands (2027); Mexico (2027); Morocco (2025); Netherlands (2026); North Macedonia (2027); Qatar (2027); Republic of Korea (2027); Romania (2025); South Africa (2025); Spain (2027); Sudan (2025); Switzerland (2027); Thailand (2027); and Viet Nam (2025).

    The term of membership of each State expires in the year indicated in parentheses.

    The President of the Human Rights Council in 2025 is Jürg Lauber (Switzerland).  The four Vice-Presidents are Tareq Md Ariful Islam (Bangladesh), Razvan Rusu (Romania), Claudia Puentes Julio (Chile), and Paul Empole Losoko Efambe (Democratic Republic of the Congo).  Mr. Efambe also serves as Rapporteur of the Geneva-based body. 

    The dates and venue of the fifty-ninth session are subject to change.

    Information on the fifty-ninth session can be found here, including the annotated agenda and the reports to be presented.

    For further information, please contact Pascal Sim (simp@un.org), Matthew Brown (matthew.brown@un.org) and David Díaz Martín (david.diazmartin@un.org)

    ___________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    HRC25.006E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-Evening Report: New Zealand’s ‘symbolic’ sanctions on Israel too little, too late, say opposition parties

    By Russell Palmer, RNZ News political reporter

    Opposition parties say Aotearoa New Zealand’s government should be going much further, much faster in sanctioning Israel.

    Foreign Minister Winston Peters overnight revealed New Zealand had joined Australia, Canada, the UK and Norway in imposing travel bans on Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

    Some of the partner countries went further, adding asset freezes and business restrictions on the far-right ministers.

    Peters said the pair had used their leadership positions to actively undermine peace and security and remove prospects for a two-state solution.

    Israel and the United States criticised the sanctions, with the US saying it undermined progress towards a ceasefire.

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, attending Fieldays in Waikato, told reporters New Zealand still enjoyed a good relationship with the US administration, but would not be backing down.

    “We have a view that this is the right course of action for us,” he said.

    Behind the scenes job
    “We have differences in approach but the Americans are doing an excellent job of behind the scenes trying to get Israel and the Palestinians to the table to talk about a ceasefire.”

    Asked if there could be further sanctions, Luxon said the government was “monitoring the situation all the time”.

    Peters has been busy travelling in Europe and was unavailable to be interviewed. ACT — probably the most vocally pro-Israel party in Parliament — refused to comment on the situation.

    The opposition parties also backed the move, but argued the government should have gone much further.

    Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick has since December been urging the coalition to back her bill imposing economic sanctions on Israel. With support from Labour and Te Pāti Māori it would need just six MPs to cross the floor to pass.

    Calling the Israeli actions in Gaza “genocide”, she told RNZ the government’s sanctions fell far short of those imposed on Russia.

    “This is symbolic, and it’s unfortunate that it’s taken so long to get to this point, nearly two years . . .  the Minister of Foreign Affairs also invoked the similarities with Russia in his statement this morning, yet we have seen far less harsh sanctions applied to Israel.

    “We’re well past the time for first steps.”

    ‘Cowardice’ by government
    The pushback from the US was “probably precisely part of the reason that our government has been so scared of doing the right thing”, she said, calling it “cowardice” on the government’s part.

    “What else are you supposed to call it at the end of the day?,” she said, saying at a bare minimum the Israeli ambassador should be expelled, Palestinian statehood should be recognised, and a special category of visas for Palestinians should be introduced.

    She rejected categorisation of her stance as anti-semitic, saying that made no sense.

    “If we are critiquing a government of a certain country, that is not the same thing as critiquing the people of that country. I think it’s actually far more anti-semitic to conflate the actions of the Israeli government with the entire Jewish peoples.”

    Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer . . . “It’s not a war, it’s an annihilation”. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer said the sanctions were political hypocrisy.

    “When it comes to war, human rights and the extent of violence and genocide that we’re seeing, Palestine is its own independent nation . . .  why is this government sanctioning only two ministers? They should be sanctioning the whole of Israel,” she said.

    “These two Israel far right ministers don’t act alone. They belong to an entire Israel government which has used its military might and everything it can possibly do to bombard, to murder and to commit genocide and occupy Gaza and the West Bank.”

    Suspend diplomatic ties
    She also wanted all diplomatic ties with Israel suspended, along with sanctions against Israeli companies, military officials and additional support for the international courts — also saying the government should have done more.

    “This government has been doing everything to do nothing . . .  to appease allies that have dangerously overstepped unjustifiable marks, and they should not be silent.

    “It’s not a war, it’s an annihilation, it’s an absolute annihilation of human beings . . .  we’re way out there supporting those allies that are helping to weaponise Israel and the flattening and the continual cruel occupation of a nation, and it’s just nothing that I thought in my living days I’d be witnessing.”

    She said the government should be pushing back against “a very polarised, very Trump attitude” to the conflict.

    “Trumpism has arrived in Aotearoa . . .  and we continue to go down that line, that is a really frightening part for this beautiful nation of ours.

    “As a nation, we have a different set of values. We’re a Pacific-based country with a long history of going against the grain – the mainstream, easy grind. We’ve been a peaceful, loving nation that stood up against the big boys when it came to our anti nuclear stance and that’s our role in this, our role is not to follow blindly.”

    Undermining two-state solution
    In a statement, Labour’s foreign affairs spokesperson Peeni Henare said the actions of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir had attempted to undermine the two-state solution and international law, and described the situation in Gaza as horrific.

    “The travel bans echo the sanctions placed on Russian individuals and organisations that supported the illegal invasion of Ukraine,” he said.

    He called for further action.

    “Labour has been calling for stronger action from the government on Israel’s invasion of Gaza, including intervening in South Africa’s case against Israel in the International Court of Justice, creation of a special visa for family members of New Zealanders fleeing Gaza, and ending government procurement from companies operating illegally in the Occupied Territories.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Secretary-General of ASEAN meets with the First Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine

    Source: ASEAN

    Secretary-General of ASEAN, Dr. Kao Kim Hourn, held a pull-aside meeting with H.E. Sergiy Kyslytsya, First Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine, on the sidelines of the Oslo Forum in Oslo, Norway, on 11 June 2025. Both sides exchanged views on the current ASEAN-Ukraine relations and underscored the importance of closer collaboration to further strengthen cooperation and relations between ASEAN and Ukraine for the benefits of people of both sides.
    The post Secretary-General of ASEAN meets with the First Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine appeared first on ASEAN Main Portal.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Philip R. Lane: The euro area bond market

    Source: European Central Bank

    Keynote speech by Philip R. Lane, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the Government Borrowers Forum 2025

    Dublin, 11 June 2025

    I am grateful for the invitation to contribute to the Government Borrowers Forum. I will use my time to cover three topics.[1] First, I will briefly discuss last week’s monetary policy decision.[2] Second, I will describe some current features of the euro area bond market.[3] Third, I will outline some innovations that might expand the scope for euro-denominated bonds to serve as safe assets in global portfolios.

    Monetary policy

    At last week’s meeting, the Governing Council decided to lower the deposit facility rate (DFR) to two per cent. The baseline of the latest Eurosystem staff projections foresees inflation at 2.0 per cent in 2025, 1.6 per cent in 2026 and 2.0 per cent in 2027; output growth is foreseen at 0.9 per cent for 2025, 1.2 per cent in 2026 and 1.3 per cent in 2027. The lower inflation path in the June projections compared to the March projections reflects the significant movements in energy prices and the exchange rate in recent months. These relative price movements both have a direct impact on inflation but also an indirect impact via the impact of lower input costs and a lower cost of living on the dynamics of core inflation and wage inflation.

    The June projections were conditioned on a rate path that included a quarter-point reduction of the DFR in June: model-based optimal policy simulations and an array of monetary policy feedback rules indicated a cut was appropriate under the baseline and also constituted a robust decision, remaining appropriate across a range of alternative future paths for inflation and the economy. By supporting the pricing pressure needed to generate target-consistent inflation in the medium-term, this cut helps ensure that the projected negative inflation deviation over the next eighteen months remains temporary and does not convert into a longer-term deviation of inflation from the target. This cut also guards against any uncertainty about our reaction function by demonstrating that we are determined to make sure that inflation returns to target in the medium term. This helps to underpin inflation expectations and avoid an unwarranted tightening in financial conditions.

    The robustness of the decision is also indicated by a set of model-based optimal policy simulations conducted on various combinations of the scenarios discussed in the Eurosystem staff projections report, even when also factoring in upside scenarios for fiscal expenditure. A cut is also indicated by a broad range of monetary policy feedback rules. By contrast, leaving the DFR on hold at 2.25 per cent could have triggered an adverse repricing of the forward curve and a revision in inflation expectations that would risk generating a more pronounced and longer-lasting undershoot of the inflation target. In turn, if this risk materialised, a stronger monetary reaction would ultimately be required.

    Especially under current conditions of high uncertainty, it is essential to remain data dependent and take a meeting-by-meeting approach in making monetary policy decisions. Accordingly, the Governing Council does not pre-commit to any particular future rate path.

    The euro area bond market

    Chart 1

    Ten-year nominal OIS rate and GDP-weighted sovereign yield for the euro area

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    Let me now turn to a longer-run perspective by inspecting developments in the bond market. In the first two decades of the euro, nominal long-term interest rates in the euro area were, by and large, on a declining trend from the start of the currency bloc until the outbreak of the pandemic (Chart 1). The ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rate, considered as the ten-year risk-free rate in the euro area, declined from 6 percent in early 2000 to -50 basis points in 2020, a trend matched by the 10-year GDP-weighted sovereign bond yield.[4] The economic recovery from the pandemic and the soaring energy prices in response to the Russian invasion in Ukraine caused surges in inflation which led to an increase of interest rates. The recent stability of these long-term rates suggests that markets have seen the euro area economy gradually moving towards a new long-term equilibrium following the peak of annual headline inflation in October 2022, as past shocks have faded.

    Chart 2

    Decomposition of the ten-year spot euro area OIS rate into term premium and expected rates

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The decomposition of the OIS rate into expected rates and term premia is based on two affine term structure models, with and without survey information on rate expectations[5], and a lower bound term structure model[6] incorporating survey information on rate expectations. The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    A term structure model makes it possible to decompose OIS rates into a term premium component and an expectations component. For the ten-year OIS rate, the expectations component reflects the expected average ECB policy rate over the next ten years and is affected by ECB’s policy decisions on interest rates and communication about the future policy path (e.g., in the form of explicit or implicit forward guidance). The term premium is a measure of the estimated compensation investors demand for being exposed to interest rate risk: the risk that the realised policy rate can be different from the expected rate.

    Chart 3

    Ten-year euro area OIS rate expectations and term premium component

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The decomposition of the OIS rate into expected rates and term premia is based on two affine term structure models, with and without survey information on rate expectations4, and a lower bound term structure model5 incorporating survey information on rate expectations. The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    The decline of long-term rates in the first two decades of the euro and the rapid increase in 2022 were driven by both the expectations component and the term premium (Charts 2 and 3). The premium was estimated to be largely positive in the early 2000s, understood as a sign that the euro area economy was mostly confronted with supply-side shocks. Starting with the European sovereign debt crisis, the euro area was more and more characterised as a demand-shock dominated economy, in which nominal bonds act as a hedge against future crises and thus investors started requiring a lower or even negative term premium as compensation to hold these assets.[7] The large-scale asset purchases of the ECB under the APP reinforced the downward pressure on the term premium. By buying sovereign bonds (and other assets), the ECB reduced the overall amount of duration risk that had to be borne by private investors, reducing the compensation for risk.[8] With demand and supply shocks becoming more balanced again and central banks around the world normalising their balance sheet holdings of sovereign bonds in recent years, the term premium estimate turned positive again in early 2022 and continued to inch up through the first half of 2023. As it became clear in the second half of 2023 that upside risk scenarios for inflation were less likely, the term premium fell back to some extent and has been fairly stable since.

    Different to the ten-year maturity, very long-term sovereign spreads did not experience the same pronounced negative trend. From the inception of the euro until 2014, the thirty-year euro area GDP-weighted sovereign yield fluctuated around 3 percent. The decline to levels below 2 percent after 2014 and around 0.5 percent in 2020 reflect declining nominal risk-free rates more generally but also coincide with the announcements of large-scale asset purchases (PSPP and PEPP). Likewise, the upward shift back to above 3 percent during 2022 occurred on the back of rising policy rates and normalising central bank balance sheets.

    Chart 4

    Ten-year sovereign bond spreads vs Germany

    (percentages per annum)

    Sources: LSEG and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The spread is the difference between individual countries’ 10-year sovereign yields and the 10-year yield on German Bunds. The latest observations are for 10 June 2025.

    In the run-up to the global financial crisis, sovereign yields in the euro area were very much aligned between countries and also with risk-free rates (Chart 4). With the onset of the global financial crisis and later the European sovereign debt crisis, sovereign spreads for more vulnerable countries soared as investors started to discriminate between euro area countries according to their perceived creditworthiness.

    On top of the efforts of European sovereigns to consolidate their public finances, President Draghi’s 2012 “whatever it takes” speech and the subsequent announcement of Outright Monetary Transaction (OMTs) marked a turning point in the euro area sovereign debt crisis. Sovereign spreads came down from their peaks but have kept some variation across countries ever since.

    The large-scale asset purchases under the APP and PEPP further compressed sovereign spreads. During the pandemic and the subsequent monetary policy tightening, the flexibility in PEPP and the creation of the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) supported avoiding fragmentation risks in sovereign bond markets. The extraordinary demand for sovereign bonds as collateral at the beginning of the hiking cycle, at a time when central bank holdings of these bonds were still high, resulted in the yields of German bonds, which are the most-preferred assets when it comes to collateral, declining far below the risk-free OIS rate in the course of 2022. These tensions eased as collateral scarcity reversed.[9]

    This year, bond yields and bond spreads in the euro area have been relatively stable, despite significant movements in some other bond markets. This can be interpreted as reflecting a balancing between two opposing forces: in essence, the typical positive spillover across bond markets has been offset by an international portfolio preference shift towards the euro and euro-denominated securities. This international portfolio preference shift is likely not uniform and is some mix of a pull back by European investors towards the domestic market and some rebalancing by global investors away from the dollar and towards the euro. More deeply, the stability of the euro bond market reflects a high conviction that euro area inflation is strongly anchored at the two per cent target and that the euro area business cycle should be relatively stable, such that the likely scale of cyclical interest rate movements is contained. It also reflects growing confidence that the scope for the materialisation of national or area-wide fiscal risks is quite contained, in view of the shared commitment to fiscal stability among the member countries and the demonstrated capacity to react jointly to fiscal tail events.[10]

    Chart 5

    Holdings of “Big-4” euro area government debt

    (percentage of total amounts outstanding)

    Sources: ECB Securities Holding Statistics and ECB calculations.

    Notes: The chart is based on all general government plus public agency debt in nominal terms. The breakdown is shown for euro area holding sectors, while all non-euro area holders are aggregated in the orange category in lack of more detailed information. ICPF stands for insurance corporations and pension funds. The “Big-4” countries include DE, FR, IT, ES. 2014 Q4 reflects the holdings before the onset of quantitative easing. 2022 Q4 reflects the peak of Eurosystem holdings at the end of net asset purchases.

    Latest observation: Q1 2025

    In understanding the dynamics of the bond market, it is also useful to examine the distribution of bond holdings across sectors. The largest euro-area holder sectors are banks, insurance corporations and pension funds (ICPF) and investment funds, while non-euro area foreign investors also are significant holders (Chart 5). The relative importance of the sectors differs between countries. Domestic banks and insurance corporations play a relatively larger role in countries like Italy and Spain, while non-euro area international investors hold relatively larger shares of debt issued by France or Germany.

    Since the start of the APP in early 2015, the Eurosystem increased its market share in euro area sovereign bonds from about 5 per cent of total outstanding debt to a peak of 33 per cent in late 2022. Net asset purchases by the Eurosystem were stopped in July 2022, while the full reinvestment of redemptions ceased at the end of that year: by Q1 2025, the Eurosystem share had declined to 25 per cent. The increase in Eurosystem holdings during the QE period was mirrored by falling holdings of banks and non-euro area foreign investors. The holding share of banks declined from 22 per cent in 2014 to 14 per cent at the end of 2022, while the share held by foreign investors fell from 35 per cent to 25 per cent over the same period.

    ICPFs have consistently held a significant share of the outstanding debt, especially at the long-end of the yield curve. Since 2022, following the end of full reinvestments under the APP, more price-sensitive sectors, such as banks, investment funds and private foreign investors, have regained some market share. Holdings by households have also shown some noticeable growth in sovereign bond holdings, driven primarily by Italian households.[11] In summary, the holdings statistics show that the bond market has smoothly adjusted to the end of quantitative easing. In particular, the rise in bond yields in 2022 was sufficient to attract a wide range of domestic and global investors to expand their holdings of euro-denominated bonds.[12]

    To gain further insight into the recent dynamics of the euro area bond market, it is helpful to look at recent portfolio flow data and bond issuance data. Market data on portfolio flows[13] highlights a repatriation of investment funds in bonds by domestic investors during March, April, and May, contrasting sharply with 2024 trends, while foreign fund inflows into euro area bonds during the same period surpassed the 2024 average (Chart 6). Simultaneously, EUR-denominated bond issuance by non-euro area corporations has surged in 2025, reaching nearly EUR 100 billion year-to-date compared to an average of EUR 32 billion over the same period in the past five years (Chart 7).

    Expanding the pool of safe assets

    These developments (stable bond yields, increased foreign holdings of euro-denominated bonds) have naturally led to renewed interest in the international role of the euro.[14]

    The euro ranks as the second largest reserve currency after the dollar. However, the current design of the euro area financial architecture results in an under-supply of the safe assets that play a special role in investor portfolios.[15] In particular, a safe asset should rise in relative value during stress episodes, thereby providing essential hedging services.

    Since the bund is the highest-rated large-country national bond in the euro area, it serves as the main de facto safe asset but the stock of bunds is too small relative to the size of the euro area or the global financial system to satiate the demand for euro-denominated safe assets. Especially in the context of much smaller and less volatile spreads (as shown in Chart 4), other national bonds also directionally contribute to the stock of safe assets. However, the remaining scope for relative price movements across these bonds means that the overall stock of national bonds does not sufficiently provide safe asset services.

    In principle, common bonds backed by the combined fiscal capacity of the EU member states are capable of providing safe-asset services. However, the current stock of such bonds is simply too small to foster the necessary liquidity and risk management services (derivative markets; repo markets) that are part and parcel of serving as a safe asset.[16]

    There are several ways to expand the stock of common bonds. Just as the Next Generation EU (NGEU) programme was financed by the issuance of common bonds jointly backed by the member states, the member countries could decide to finance investment European-wide public goods through more common debt.[17] From a public finance perspective, it is natural to match European-wide public goods with common debt, in order to align the financing with the area-wide benefits of such public goods. If a multi-year investment programme were announced, the global investor community would recognise that the stock of euro common bonds would climb incrementally over time.

    In addition, in order to meet more quickly and more decisively the rising global demand for euro-denominated safe assets, there are a number of options in generating a larger stock of safe assets from the current stock of national bonds. Recently, Olivier Blanchard and Ángel Ubide have proposed that the “blue bond/red bond” reform be re-examined.[18] Under this approach, each member country would ring fence a dedicated revenue stream (say a certain amount of indirect tax revenues) that could be used to service commonly-issued bonds. In turn, the proceeds of issuing blue bonds would be deployed to purchase a given amount of the national bonds of each participating member state. This mechanism would result in a larger stock of common bonds (blue bonds) and a lower stock of national bonds (red bonds).

    While this type of financial reform was originally proposed during the euro area sovereign debt crisis, the conditions today are far more favourable, especially if the scale of blue bond issuance were to be calibrated in a prudent manner in order to mitigate some of the identified concerns. In particular, the euro area financial architecture is now far more resilient, thanks to the significant institutional reforms that were introduced in the wake of the euro area crisis and the demonstrated track record of financial stability that has characterised Europe over the last decade. The list of reforms include: an increase in the capitalisation of the European banking system; the joint supervision of the banking system through the Single Supervisory Mechanism; the adoption of a comprehensive set of macroprudential measures at national and European levels; the implementation of the Single Resolution Mechanism; the narrowing of fiscal, financial and external imbalances; the fiscal backstops provided by the European Stability Mechanism; the common solidarity shown during the pandemic through the innovative NGEU programme; the demonstrated track record of the ECB in supplying liquidity in the event of market stress; and the expansion of the ECB policy toolkit (TPI, OMT) to address a range of liquidity tail risks. [19] In the context of the sovereign bond market, these reforms have contributed to less volatile and less dispersed bond returns.

    As emphasised in the Blanchard-Ubide proposal, there is an inherent trade off in the issuance of blue bonds. In one direction, a larger stock of blue bonds boosts liquidity and, if a critical mass is attained, also would trigger the fixed-cost investments need to build out ancillary financial products such as derivatives and repos. In the other direction, too-large a stock of blue bonds would require the ringfencing of national tax revenues at a scale that would be excessive in the context of the current European political configuration in which fiscal resources and political decision-making primarily remains at the national level. As emphasised in the Blanchard-Ubide proposal, this trade-off is best navigated by calibrating the stock of blue bonds at an appropriate level.

    In particular, the Blanchard-Ubide proposal gives the example of a stock of blue bonds corresponding to 25 per cent of GDP. Just to illustrate the scale of the required fiscal resources to back this level of issuance: if bond yields were on average in the range of two to four per cent, the servicing of blue bond debt would require ringfenced tax revenues in the range of a half per cent to one per cent of GDP. While this would constitute a significant shift in the current allocation of tax revenues between national and EU levels, this would still leave tax revenues predominantly at the national level (the ratio of tax revenues to GDP in the euro area ranges from around 20 to 40 per cent). The shared payoff would be the reduction in debt servicing costs generated by the safe asset services provided by an expanded stock of common debt.

    An alternative, possibly complementary, approach that could also deliver a larger stock of safe assets from the pool of national bonds is provided by the sovereign bond backed securities (SBBS) proposal.[20] The SBBS proposal envisages that financial intermediaries (whether public or private) could bundle a portfolio of national bonds and issue tranched securities, with the senior slice constituting a highly-safe asset. The SBBS proposal has been extensively studied (I chaired a 2017 ESRB report) and draft enabling legislation has been prepared by the European Commission.[21] Just as with the blue/red bond proposal, sufficient issuance scale would be needed in order to foster the market liquidity needed for the senior bonds to act as highly liquid safe assets.

    In summary, such structural changes in the design of the euro area bond market would foster stronger global demand for euro-denominated safe assets. A comprehensive strategy to expand the international role of the euro and underpin a European savings and investment union should include making progress on this front.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: US to Cut Defense Budget for Ukraine Next Year — Pentagon

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    HOUSTON, June 11 (Xinhua) — The U.S. administration will cut the defense budget for Ukraine next year, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said at a hearing in the House of Representatives on Tuesday.

    “We’re talking about cutting that [upcoming defense] budget,” the Pentagon chief told lawmakers. “This administration has a very different view of this conflict.”

    “We believe that a peaceful, negotiated settlement is in the interests of both sides and our country, especially given all the competing interests around the world,” he said.

    According to American media, Washington has provided Kyiv with more than $66 billion in aid since the start of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine in February 2022.

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Q+A follows The Project onto the scrap heap – so where to now for non-traditional current affairs?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

    Two long-running television current affairs programs are coming to an end at the same time, driving home the fact that no matter what the format, they have a shelf life.

    The Project on Channel 10 will end this month after 16 years, and after 18 years on the ABC, Q+A will not return from its current hiatus.

    Each was innovative in very different ways.

    Q+A was designed specifically to generate public participation. Its format of five panellists, a host and a studio audience of up to 1,000 was a daring experiment, because the audience was invited to ask questions that were not vetted in advance.

    This live-to-air approach gave it an edgy atmosphere not often achieved on television. From time to time, the edginess was real.

    In 2022, an audience member made a statement supporting Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and repeated Russian propaganda to the effect that Ukraine’s Azov battalion was a Nazi group that had killed an estimated 13,000 people in the Donbas region.

    After a brief discussion of these allegations, the host Stan Grant asked the man to leave, saying other audience members had been talking about family members who were dying in the war, and he could not countenance the advocating of violence.

    In 2017 the Sudanese-Australian writer Yassmin Abdel-Magied was involved in a fiery exchange with Senator Jacqui Lambie over sharia law.

    They had been asked by an audience member if it was time to define new rules surrounding migration to avoid community conflict, to which Lambie replied: “Anyone that supports sharia law should be deported.”

    Abdel-Magied questioned if Lambie even knew what that meant, before getting into a heated defence of feminism and Islam.

    In 2024, an audience member listening to politicians on the panel debate family violence could not contain his frustration, calling out:

    How dare you go into politics, in an environment like this, when one woman is murdered every four days, and all you […] can do is immediately talk about politics? That is just disgraceful.

    His outburst went viral.

    He had put his finger on what was an increasing problem with the program. It became hostage to fixed political positions among those of its panellists drawn from party politics.

    As a result, it became predictable, and although the surprise element supplied by audience participation remained a strength, the panellists’ responses increasingly became echoes of their parties’ policies.

    While the objective no doubt was to achieve a range of perspectives, it began to look like stage-managed political controversy.

    This is not to criticise the established presenters – Tony Jones, who fronted the program for 11 years, Stan Grant and most recently Patricia Karvelas, all gifted journalists who adroitly managed the time bombs occasionally set off in their midst.

    Unfortunately, especially for Grant, the program was a lightning rod for attacks on the ABC by The Australian newspaper. ABC management’s abandonment of him, after a particularly vicious attack in 2023 over his commentary during coverage of the king’s coronation, was disgraceful.

    Resigning from the program, Grant said: “Since the king’s coronation, I have seen people in the media lie and distort my words. They have tried to depict me as hate filled. They have accused me of maligning Australia. Nothing could be further from the truth.”

    The ABC is promising to continue with audience-participation programming along the lines of Your Say, a kind of online questionnaire which the ABC says was successfully tried during the 2025 federal election.

    How such a format would translate to television is not clear.

    Meanwhile at Ten, there is promise of a new current affairs program, but details are scant.

    The Project will be a hard act to follow. It promised “news done differently” – and it delivered. News stories were given context and a touch of humanity by a combination of humour, accidents, slips of the tongue and the intellectual firepower of Waleed Aly.

    Aly is a Sunni Muslim, and his “ISIL is weak” speech in 2015 spoke directly and passionately to the fears of the public at the peak of one of the many panics over terrorism.

    Inevitably, much of the attention in the wake of the announced closure has been on the celebrated gaffes of long-time presenter Carrie Bickmore, a little rich to be reproduced in a sober article such as this, but findable here.

    It may not be an auspicious time for launching a new current affairs program at Ten. Its ultimate parent company, Paramount, in the United States, is in the process of negotiating a settlement with US President Donald Trump over a trumped-up court case in which the president is suing the company for US$20 billion (A$30.7 billion).

    He says an interview done by another Paramount company, CBS News, with the Democrats’ former presidential nominee Kamala Harris during the election campaign was “deceptively edited”.

    This is said to have no prospect of succeeding in court, but Paramount wishes to merge with Skydance Media and fears the Trump administration would block it if the company doesn’t come across. The Wall Street Journal is reporting it is proposing to settle for $15 million.

    Senior editorial staff at CBS have already resigned in protest at Paramount’s cowardice, so what price editorial independence at Ten?

    Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Q+A follows The Project onto the scrap heap – so where to now for non-traditional current affairs? – https://theconversation.com/q-a-follows-the-project-onto-the-scrap-heap-so-where-to-now-for-non-traditional-current-affairs-258690

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz