Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Meeting of 5-6 March 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 5-6 March 2025

    3 April 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that, since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 29-30 January 2025, euro area and US markets had moved in opposite directions in a highly volatile political environment. In the euro area, markets had focused on the near-term macroeconomic backdrop, with incoming data in the euro area surprising on the upside. Lower energy prices responding in part to the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine, looser fiscal policy due to increased defence spending and a potential relaxation of Germany’s fiscal rules had supported investor sentiment. This contrasted with developments in the United States, where market participants’ assessment of the new US Administration’s policy decisions had turned more negative amid fears of tariffs driving prices up and dampening consumer and business sentiment.

    A puzzling feature of recent market developments had been the dichotomy between measures of policy uncertainty and financial market volatility. Global economic policy uncertainty had shot up in the final quarter of 2024 and had reached a new all-time high, surpassing the peak seen at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. By contrast, volatility in euro area and US equity markets had remained muted, despite having broadly traced dynamics in economic policy uncertainty over the past 15 years. Only more recently, with the prospect of tariffs becoming more concrete, had stock market volatility started to pick up from low levels.

    Risk sentiment in the euro area remained strong and close to all-time highs, outpacing the United States, which had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s January monetary policy meeting. This mirrored the divergence of macroeconomic developments. The Citigroup Economic Surprise Index for the euro area had turned positive in February 2025, reaching its highest level since April 2024. This was in contrast to developments in the United States, where economic surprises had been negative recently.

    The divergence in investor appetite was most evident in stock markets. The euro area stock market continued to outperform its US counterpart, posting the strongest year-to-date performance relative to the US index in almost a decade. Stock market developments were aligned with analysts’ earnings expectations, which had been raised for European firms since the start of 2025. Meanwhile, US earnings estimates had been revised down continuously for the past eleven weeks.

    Part of the recent outperformance of euro area equities stemmed from a catch-up in valuations given that euro area equities had performed less strongly than US stocks in 2024. Moreover, in spite of looming tariffs, the euro area equity market was benefiting from potential growth tailwinds, including a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, the greater prospect of a stable German government following the country’s parliamentary elections and the likelihood of increased defence spending in the euro area. The share prices of tariff-sensitive companies had been significantly underperforming their respective benchmarks in both currency areas, but tariff-sensitive stocks in the United States had fared substantially worse.

    Market pricing also indicated a growing divergence in inflation prospects between the euro area and the United States. In the euro area, the market’s view of a gradual disinflation towards the ECB’s 2% target remained intact. One-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead stood at around 2%, while the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate one year ahead continued to stand somewhat below 2%. However, inflation compensation had moved up across maturities on 5 March 2025. In the United States, one-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead had increased significantly, likely driven in part by bond traders pricing in the inflationary effects of tariffs on US consumer prices. Indicators of the balance of risks for inflation suggested that financial market participants continued to see inflation risks in the euro area as broadly balanced across maturities.

    Changing growth and inflation prospects had also been reflected in monetary policy expectations for the euro area. On the back of slightly lower inflation compensation due to lower energy prices, expectations for ECB monetary policy had edged down. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the current Governing Council monetary policy meeting, while markets saw a further rate cut at the following meeting as uncertain. Most recently, at the time of the meeting, rate investors no longer expected three more 25 basis point cuts in the deposit facility rate in 2025. Participants in the Survey of Monetary Analysts, finalised in the last week of February, had continued to expect a slightly faster easing cycle.

    Turning to euro area market interest rates, the rise in nominal ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rates since the 11-12 December 2024 Governing Council meeting had largely been driven by improving euro area macroeconomic data, while the impact of US factors had been small overall. Looking back, euro area ten-year nominal and real OIS rates had overall been remarkably stable since their massive repricing in 2022, when the ECB had embarked on the hiking cycle. A key driver of persistently higher long-term rates had been the market’s reassessment of the real short-term rate that was expected to prevail in the future. The expected real one-year forward rate four years ahead had surged in 2022 as investors adjusted their expectations away from a “low-for-long” interest rate environment, suggesting that higher real rates were expected to be the new normal.

    The strong risk sentiment had also been transmitted to euro area sovereign bond spreads relative to yields on German government bonds, which remained at contained levels. Relative to OIS rates, however, the spreads had increased since the January monetary policy meeting – this upward move intensified on 5 March with the expectation of a substantial increase in defence spending. One factor behind the gradual widening of asset swap spreads over the past two years had been the increasing net supply of government bonds, which had been smoothly absorbed in the market.

    Regarding the exchange rate, after a temporary depreciation the euro had appreciated slightly against the US dollar, going above the level seen at the time of the January meeting. While the repricing of expectations regarding ECB monetary policy relative to the United States had weighed on the euro, as had global risk sentiment, the euro had been supported by the relatively stronger euro area economic outlook.

    Ms Schnabel then considered the implications of recent market developments for overall financial conditions. Since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting, a broad-based and pronounced easing in financial conditions had been observed. This was driven primarily by higher equity prices and, to a lesser extent, by lower interest rates. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the yield curve implied that the euro area real yield curve remained well within neutral territory.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started his introduction by noting that, according to Eurostat’s flash release, headline inflation in the euro area had declined to 2.4% in February, from 2.5% in January. While energy inflation had fallen from 1.9% to 0.2% and services inflation had eased from 3.9% to 3.7%, food inflation had increased to 2.7%, from 2.3%, and non-energy industrial goods inflation had edged up from 0.5% to 0.6%.

    Most indicators of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. The Persistent and Common Component of Inflation had ticked down to 2.1% in January. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined by 0.2 percentage points to 4.0%. But it remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. Recent wage negotiations pointed to a continued moderation in labour cost pressures. For instance, negotiated wage growth had decreased to 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The wage tracker and an array of survey indicators also suggested a continued weakening of wage pressures in 2025.

    Inflation was expected to evolve along a slightly higher path in 2025 than had been expected in the Eurosystem staff’s December projections, owing to higher energy prices. At the same time, services inflation was expected to continue declining in early 2025 as the effects from lagged repricing faded, wage pressures receded and the impact of past monetary policy tightening continued to feed through. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations still stood at around 2%. Near-term market-based inflation compensation had declined across maturities, likely reflecting the most recent decline in energy prices, but longer-term inflation compensation had recently increased in response to emerging fiscal developments. Consumer inflation expectations had resumed their downward momentum in January.

    According to the March ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.3% in 2025, 1.9% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Compared with the December 2024 projections, inflation had been revised up by 0.2 percentage points for 2025, reflecting stronger energy price dynamics in the near term. At the same time, the projections were unchanged for 2026 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2027. For core inflation, staff projected a slowdown from an average of 2.2% in 2025 to 2.0% in 2026 and to 1.9% in 2027 as labour cost pressures eased further, the impact of past shocks faded and the past monetary policy tightening continued to weigh on prices. The core inflation projection was 0.1 percentage points lower for 2025 compared with the December projections round, as recent data releases had surprised on the downside, but they had been revised up by the same amount for 2026, reflecting the lagged indirect effects of the past depreciation of the euro as well as higher energy inflation in 2025.

    Geopolitical uncertainties loomed over the global growth outlook. The Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) for global composite output excluding the euro area had declined in January to 52.0, amid a broad-based slowdown in the services sector across key economies. The discussions between the United States and Russia over a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, as well as the de-escalation in the Middle East, had likely contributed to the recent decline in oil and gas prices on global commodity markets. Nevertheless, geopolitical tensions remained a major source of uncertainty. Euro area foreign demand growth was projected to moderate, declining from 3.4% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025 and then to 3.1% in 2026 and 2027. Downward revisions to the projections for global trade compared with the December 2024 projections reflected mostly the impact of tariffs on US imports from China.

    The euro had remained stable in nominal effective terms and had appreciated against the US dollar since the last monetary policy meeting. From the start of the easing cycle last summer, the euro had depreciated overall both against the US dollar and in nominal effective terms, albeit showing a lot of volatility in the high frequency data. Energy commodity prices had decreased following the January meeting, with oil prices down by 4.6% and gas prices down by 12%. However, energy markets had also seen a lot of volatility recently.

    Turning to activity in the euro area, GDP had grown modestly in the fourth quarter of 2024. Manufacturing was still a drag on growth, as industrial activity remained weak in the winter months and stood below its third-quarter level. At the same time, survey indicators for manufacturing had been improving and indicators for activity in the services sector were moderating, while remaining in expansionary territory. Although growth in domestic demand had slowed in the fourth quarter, it remained clearly positive. In contrast, exports had likely continued to contract in the fourth quarter. Survey data pointed to modest growth momentum in the first quarter of 2025. The composite output PMI had stood at 50.2 in February, unchanged from January and up from an average of 49.3 in the fourth quarter of 2024. The PMI for manufacturing output had risen to a nine-month high of 48.9, whereas the PMI for services business activity had been 50.6, remaining in expansionary territory but at its lowest level for a year. The more forward-looking composite PMI for new orders had edged down slightly in February owing to its services component. The European Commission’s Economic Sentiment Indicator had improved in January and February but remained well below its long-term average.

    The labour market remained robust. Employment had increased by 0.1 percentage points in the fourth quarter and the unemployment rate had stayed at its historical low of 6.2% in January. However, demand for labour had moderated, which was reflected in fewer job postings, fewer job-to-job transitions and declining quit intentions for wage or career reasons. Recent survey data suggested that employment growth had been subdued in the first two months of 2025.

    In terms of fiscal policy, a tightening of 0.9 percentage points of GDP had been achieved in 2024, mainly because of the reversal of inflation compensatory measures and subsidies. In the March projections a further slight tightening was foreseen for 2025, but this did not yet factor in the news received earlier in the week about the scaling-up of defence spending.

    Looking ahead, growth should be supported by higher incomes and lower borrowing costs. According to the staff projections, exports should also be boosted by rising global demand as long as trade tensions did not escalate further. But uncertainty had increased and was likely to weigh on investment and exports more than previously expected. Consequently, ECB staff had again revised down growth projections, by 0.2 percentage points to 0.9% for 2025 and by 0.2 percentage points to 1.2% for 2026, while keeping the projection for 2027 unchanged at 1.3%. Respondents to the Survey of Monetary Analysts expected growth of 0.8% in 2025, 0.2 percentage points lower than in January, but continued to expect growth of 1.1% in 2026 and 1.2% in 2027, unchanged from January.

    Market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the January meeting but had risen over recent days in response to the latest fiscal developments. The past interest rate cuts, together with anticipated future cuts, were making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households, and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, a headwind to the easing of financing conditions was coming from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remained subdued overall. The cost of new loans to firms had declined further by 12 basis points to 4.2% in January, about 1 percentage point below the October 2023 peak. By contrast, the cost of issuing market-based corporate debt had risen to 3.7%, 0.2 percentage points higher than in December. Mortgage rates were 14 basis points lower at 3.3% in January, around 80 basis points below their November 2023 peak. However, the average cost of bank credit measured on the outstanding stock of loans had declined substantially less than that of new loans to firms and only marginally for mortgages.

    Annual growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December. This had mainly reflected base effects, as the negative flow in January 2024 had dropped out of the annual calculation. Corporate debt issuance had increased in January in terms of the monthly flow, but the annual growth rate had remained broadly stable at 3.4%. Mortgage lending had continued its gradual rise, with an annual growth rate of 1.3% in January after 1.1% in December.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, the disinflation process remained well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff expected, and the latest projections closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Wage growth was moderating as expected. The recent interest rate cuts were making new borrowing less expensive and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, past interest rate hikes were still transmitting to the stock of credit and lending remained subdued overall. The economy faced continued headwinds, reflecting lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment, in part originating from high trade policy uncertainty as well as broader policy uncertainty. Rising real incomes and the gradually fading effects of past rate hikes continued to be the key drivers underpinning the expected pick-up in demand over time.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. In particular, the proposal to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was rooted in the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Moving the deposit facility rate from 2.75% to 2.50% would be a robust decision. In particular, holding at 2.75% could weaken the required recovery in consumption and investment and thereby risk undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. Furthermore, the new projections indicated that, if the baseline dynamics for inflation and economic growth continued to hold, further easing would be required to stabilise inflation at the medium-term target on a sustainable basis. Under this baseline, from a macroeconomic perspective, a variety of rate paths over the coming meetings could deliver the remaining degree of easing. This reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting approach, with no pre-commitment to any particular rate path. In the near term, it would allow the Governing Council to take into account all the incoming data between the current meeting and the meeting on 16-17 April, together with the latest waves of the ECB’s surveys, including the bank lending survey, the Corporate Telephone Survey, the Survey of Professional Forecasters and the Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Moreover, the Governing Council should pay special attention to the unfolding geopolitical risks and emerging fiscal developments in view of their implications for activity and inflation. In particular, compared with the rate paths consistent with the baseline projection, the appropriate rate path at future meetings would also reflect the evolution and/or materialisation of the upside and downside risks to inflation and economic momentum.

    As the Governing Council had advanced further in the process of lowering rates from their peak, the communication about the state of transmission in the monetary policy statement should evolve. Mr Lane proposed replacing the “level” assessment that “monetary policy remains restrictive” with the more “directional” statement that “our monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive”. In a similar vein, the Governing Council should replace the reference “financing conditions continue to be tight” with an acknowledgement that “a headwind to the easing of financing conditions comes from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remains subdued overall”.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    As regards the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Global activity at the end of 2024 had been marginally stronger than expected (possibly supported by firms frontloading imports of foreign inputs ahead of potential trade disruptions) and according to the March 2025 ECB staff projections global growth was expected to remain fairly solid overall, while moderating slightly over 2025-27. This moderation came mainly from expected lower growth rates for the United States and China, which were partially compensated for by upward revisions to the outlook for other economies. Euro area foreign demand was seen to evolve broadly in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Compared with the December 2024 Eurosystem staff projections, foreign demand was projected to be slightly weaker over 2025-27. This weakness was seen to stem mainly from lower US imports. Recent data in the United States had come in on the soft side. It was highlighted that the March 2025 projections only incorporated tariffs implemented at the time of the cut-off date (namely US tariffs of 10% on imports from China and corresponding retaliatory tariffs on US exports to China). By contrast, US tariffs that had been suspended or not yet formally announced at the time of the cut-off date were treated as risks to the baseline projections.

    Elevated and exceptional uncertainty was highlighted as a key theme for both the external environment and the euro area economy. Current uncertainties were seen as multidimensional (political, geopolitical, tariff-related and fiscal) and as comprising “radical” or “Knightian” elements, in other words a type of uncertainty that could not be quantified or captured well by standard tools and quantitative analysis. In particular, the unpredictable patterns of trade protectionism in the United States were currently having an impact on the outlook for the global economy and might also represent a more lasting regime change. It was also highlighted that, aside from specific, already enacted tariff measures, uncertainty surrounding possible additional measures was creating significant extra headwinds in the global economy.

    The impact of US tariffs on trading partners was seen to be clearly negative for activity while being more ambiguous for inflation. For the latter, an upside effect in the short term, partly driven by the exchange rate, might be broadly counterbalanced by downside pressures on prices from lower demand, especially over the medium term. It was underlined that it was challenging to determine, ex ante, the impact of protectionist measures, as this would depend crucially on how the measures were deployed and was likely to be state and scale-dependent, in particular varying with the duration of the protectionist measures and the extent of any retaliatory measures. More generally, a tariff could be seen as a tax on production and consumption, which also involved a wealth transfer from the private to the public sector. In this context, it was underlined that tariffs were generating welfare losses for all parties concerned.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members broadly agreed with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The overall narrative remained that the economy continued to grow, but in a modest way. Based on Eurostat’s flash release for the euro area (of 14 February) and available country data, year-on-year growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 appeared broadly in line with what had been expected. However, the composition was somewhat different, with more private and government consumption, less investment and deeply negative net exports. It was mentioned that recent surveys had been encouraging, pointing to a turnaround in the interest rate-sensitive manufacturing sector, with the euro area manufacturing PMI reaching its highest level in 24 months. While developments in services continued to be better than those in manufacturing, survey evidence suggested that momentum in the services sector could be slowing, although manufacturing might become less negative – a pattern of rotation also seen in surveys of the global economy. Elevated uncertainty was undoubtedly a factor holding back firms’ investment spending. Exports were also weak, particularly for capital goods.The labour market remained resilient, however. The unemployment rate in January (6.2%) was at a historical low for the euro area economy, once again better than expected, although the positive momentum in terms of the rate of employment growth appeared to be moderating.

    While the euro area economy was still expected to grow in the first quarter of the year, it was noted that incoming data were mixed. Current and forward-looking indicators were becoming less negative for the manufacturing sector but less positive for the services sector. Consumer confidence had ticked up in the first two months of 2025, albeit from low levels, while households’ unemployment expectations had also improved slightly. Regarding investment, there had been some improvement in housing investment indicators, with the housing output PMI having improved measurably, thus indicating a bottoming-out in the housing market, and although business investment indicators remained negative, they were somewhat less so. Looking ahead, economic growth should continue and strengthen over time, although once again more slowly than previously expected. Real wage developments and more affordable credit should support household spending. The outlook for investment and exports remained the most uncertain because it was clouded by trade policy and geopolitical uncertainties.

    Broad agreement was expressed with the latest ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Economic growth was expected to continue, albeit at a modest pace and somewhat slower than previously expected. It was noted, however, that the downward revision to economic growth in 2025 was driven in part by carry-over effects from a weak fourth quarter in 2024 (according to Eurostat’s flash release). Some concern was raised that the latest downward revisions to the current projections had come after a sequence of downward revisions. Moreover, other institutions’ forecasts appeared to be notably more pessimistic. While these successive downward revisions to the staff projections had been modest on an individual basis, cumulatively they were considered substantial. At the same time, it was highlighted that negative judgement had been applied to the March projections, notably on investment and net exports among the demand components. By contrast, there had been no significant change in the expected outlook for private consumption, which, supported by real wage growth, accumulated savings and lower interest rates, was expected to remain the main element underpinning growth in economic activity.

    While there were some downward revisions to expectations for government consumption, investment and exports, the outlook for each of these components was considered to be subject to heightened uncertainty. Regarding government consumption, recent discussions in the fiscal domain could mean that the slowdown in growth rates of government spending in 2025 assumed in the projections might not materialise after all. These new developments could pose risks to the projections, as they would have an impact on economic growth, inflation and possibly also potential growth, countering the structural weakness observed so far. At the same time, it was noted that a significant rise in the ten-year yields was already being observed, whereas the extra stimulus from military spending would likely materialise only further down the line. Overall, members considered that the broad narrative of a modestly growing euro area economy remained valid. Developments in US trade policies and elevated uncertainty were weighing on businesses and consumers in the euro area, and hence on the outlook for activity.

    Private consumption had underpinned euro area growth at the end of 2024. The ongoing increase in real wages, as well as low unemployment, the stabilisation in consumer confidence and saving rates that were still above pre-pandemic levels, provided confidence that a consumption-led recovery was still on track. But some concern was expressed over the extent to which private consumption could further contribute to a pick-up in growth. In this respect, it was argued that moderating real wage growth, which was expected to be lower in 2025 than in 2024, and weak consumer confidence were not promising for a further increase in private consumption. Concerning the behaviour of household savings, it was noted that saving rates were clearly higher than during the pre-pandemic period, although they were projected to decline gradually over the forecast horizon. However, the current heightened uncertainty and the increase in fiscal deficits could imply that higher household savings might persist, partly reflecting “Ricardian” effects (i.e. consumers prone to increase savings in anticipation of higher future taxes needed to service the extra debt). At the same time, it was noted that the modest decline in the saving rate was only one factor supporting the outlook for private consumption.

    Regarding investment, a distinction was made between housing and business investment. For housing, a slow recovery was forecast during the course of 2025 and beyond. This was based on the premise of lower interest rates and less negative confidence indicators, although some lag in housing investment might be expected owing to planning and permits. The business investment outlook was considered more uncertain. While industrial confidence was low, there had been some improvement in the past couple of months. However, it was noted that confidence among firms producing investment goods was falling and capacity utilisation in the sector was low and declining. It was argued that it was not the level of interest rates that was currently holding back business investment, but a high level of uncertainty about economic policies. In this context, concern was expressed that ongoing uncertainty could result in businesses further delaying investment, which, if cumulated over time, would weigh on the medium-term growth potential.

    The outlook for exports and the direct and indirect impact of tariff measures were a major concern. It was noted that, as a large exporter, particularly of capital goods, the euro area might feel the biggest impact of such measures. Reference was made to scenario calculations that suggested that there would be a significant negative impact on economic growth, particularly in 2025, if the tariffs on Mexico, Canada and the euro area currently being threatened were actually implemented. Regarding the specific impact on euro area exports, it was noted that, to understand the potential impact on both activity and prices, a granular level of analysis would be required, as sectors differed in terms of competition and pricing power. Which specific goods were targeted would also matter. Furthermore, while imports from the United States (as a percentage of euro area GDP) had increased over the past decade, those from the rest of the world (China, the rest of Asia and other EU countries) were larger and had increased by more.

    Members overall assessed that the labour market continued to be resilient and was developing broadly in line with previous expectations. The euro area unemployment rate remained at historically low levels and well below estimates of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment. The strength of the labour market was seen as attenuating the social cost of the relatively weak economy as well as supporting upside pressures on wages and prices. While there had been some slowdown in employment growth, this also had to be seen in the context of slowing labour force growth. Furthermore, the latest survey indicators suggested a broad stabilisation rather than any acceleration in the slowdown. Overall, the euro area labour market remained tight, with a negative unemployment gap.

    Against this background, members reiterated that fiscal and structural policies should make the economy more productive, competitive and resilient. It was noted that recent discussions at the national and EU levels raised the prospect of a major change in the fiscal stance, notably in the euro area’s largest economy but also across the European Union. In the baseline projections, which had been finalised before the recent discussions, a fiscal tightening over 2025-27 had been expected owing to a reversal of previous subsidies and termination of the Next Generation EU programme in 2027. Current proposals under discussion at the national and EU levels would represent a substantial change, particularly if additional measures beyond extra defence spending were required to achieve the necessary political buy-in. It was noted, however, that not all countries had sufficient fiscal space. Hence it was underlined that governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework and should prioritise essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment. It was also reiterated that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action and its proposals should be swiftly adopted.

    In light of exceptional uncertainty around trade policies and the fiscal outlook, it was noted that one potential impact of elevated uncertainty was that the baseline scenario was becoming less likely to materialise and risk factors might suddenly enter the baseline. Moreover, elevated uncertainty could become a persistent fact of life. It was also considered that the current uncertainty was of a different nature to that normally considered in the projection exercises and regular policymaking. In particular, uncertainty was not so much about how certain variables behaved within the model (or specific model parameters) but whether fundamental building blocks of the models themselves might have to be reconsidered (also given that new phenomena might fall entirely outside the realm of historical data or precedent). This was seen as a call for new approaches to capture uncertainty.

    Against this background, members assessed that even though some previous downside risks had already materialised, the risks to economic growth had increased and remained tilted to the downside. An escalation in trade tensions would lower euro area growth by dampening exports and weakening the global economy. Ongoing uncertainty about global trade policies could drag investment down. Geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. Growth could be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening lasted longer than expected. At the same time, growth could be higher if easier financing conditions and falling inflation allowed domestic consumption and investment to rebound faster. An increase in defence and infrastructure spending could also add to growth. For the near-term outlook, the ECB’s mechanical updates of growth expectations in the first half of 2025 suggested some downside risk. Beyond the near term, it was noted that the baseline projections only included tariffs (and retaliatory measures) already implemented but not those announced or threatened but not yet implemented. The materialisation of additional tariff measures would weigh on euro area exports and investment as well as add to the competitiveness challenges facing euro area businesses. At the same time, the potential fiscal impulse had not been included either.

    With regard to price developments, members largely agreed that the disinflation process was on track, with inflation continuing to develop broadly as staff had expected. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a delay. However, recent wage negotiations pointed to an ongoing moderation in labour cost pressures, with a lower contribution from profits partially buffering their impact on inflation and most indicators of underlying inflation pointing to a sustained return of inflation to target. Preliminary indicators for labour cost growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 suggested a further moderation, which gave some greater confidence that moderating wage growth would support the projected disinflation process.

    It was stressed that the annual growth of compensation per employee, which, based on available euro area data, had stood at 4.4% in the third quarter of 2024, should be seen as the most important and most comprehensive measure of wage developments. According to the projections, it was expected to decline substantially by the end of 2025, while available hard data on wage growth were still generally coming in above 4%, and indications from the ECB wage tracker were based only on a limited number of wage agreements for the latter part of 2025. The outlook for wages was seen as a key element for the disinflation path foreseen in the projections, and the sustainable return of inflation to target was still subject to considerable uncertainty. In this context, some concern was expressed that relatively tight labour markets might slow the rate of moderation and that weak labour productivity growth might push up the rate of increase in unit labour costs.

    With respect to the incoming data, members reiterated that hard data for the first quarter would be crucial for ascertaining further progress with disinflation, as foreseen in the staff projections. The differing developments among the main components of the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) were noted. Energy prices had increased but were volatile, and some of the increases had already been reversed most recently. Notwithstanding the increases in the annual rate of change in food prices, momentum in this salient component was down. Developments in the non-energy industrial goods component remained modest. Developments in services were the main focus of discussions. While some concerns were expressed that momentum in services appeared to have remained relatively elevated or had even edged up (when looking at three-month annualised growth rates), it was also argued that the overall tendency was clearly down. It was stressed that detailed hard data on services inflation over the coming months would be key and would reveal to what extent the projected substantial disinflation in services in the first half of 2025 was on track.

    Regarding the March inflation projections, members commended the improved forecasting performance in recent projection rounds. It was underlined that the 0.2 percentage point upward revision to headline inflation for 2025 primarily reflected stronger energy price dynamics compared with the December projections. Some concern was expressed that inflation was now only projected to reach 2% on a sustained basis in early 2026, rather than in the course of 2025 as expected previously. It was also noted that, although the baseline scenario had been broadly materialising, uncertainties had been increasing substantially in several respects. Furthermore, recent data releases had seen upside surprises in headline inflation. However, it was remarked that the latest upside revision to the headline inflation projections had been driven mainly by the volatile prices of crude oil and natural gas, with the decline in those prices since the cut-off date for the projections being large enough to undo much of the upward revision. In addition, it was underlined that the projections for HICP inflation excluding food and energy were largely unchanged, with staff projecting an average of 2.2% for 2025 and 2.0% for 2026. The argument was made that the recent revisions showed once again that it was misleading to mechanically relate lower growth to lower inflation, given the prevalence of supply-side shocks.

    With respect to inflation expectations, reference was made to the latest market-based inflation fixings, which were typically highly sensitive to the most recent energy commodity price developments. Beyond the short term, inflation fixings were lower than the staff projections. Attention was drawn to a sharp increase in the five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead following the latest expansionary fiscal policy announcements. However, it was argued that this measure remained consistent with genuine expectations broadly anchored around 2% if estimated risk premia were taken into account, and there had been a less substantial adjustment in nearer-term inflation compensation. Looking at other sources of evidence on expectations, collected before the fiscal announcements (as was the case for all survey evidence), panellists in the Survey of Monetary Analysts saw inflation close to 2%. Consumer inflation expectations from the ECB Consumer Expectations Survey were generally at higher levels, but they showed a small downtick for one-year ahead expectations. It was also highlighted that firms mentioned inflation in their earnings calls much less frequently, suggesting inflation was becoming less salient.

    Against this background, members saw a number of uncertainties surrounding the inflation outlook. Increasing friction in global trade was adding more uncertainty to the outlook for euro area inflation. A general escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, which would put upward pressure on inflation. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports as a result of higher tariffs and a re-routing of exports into the euro area from countries with overcapacity would put downward pressure on inflation. Geopolitical tensions created two-sided inflation risks as regards energy markets, consumer confidence and business investment. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected. Inflation could turn out higher if wages or profits increased by more than expected. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation through its effect on aggregate demand. But inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand by more than expected. The view was expressed that the prospect of significantly higher fiscal spending, together with a potentially significant increase in inflation in the event of a tariff scenario with retaliation, deserved particular consideration in future risk assessments. Moreover, the risks might be exacerbated by potential second-round effects and upside wage pressures in an environment where inflation had not yet returned to target and the labour market remained tight. In particular, it was argued that the boost to domestic demand from fiscal spending would make it easier for firms to pass through higher costs to consumers rather than absorb them in their profits, at a time when inflation expectations were more fragile and firms had learned to rapidly adapt the frequency of repricing in an environment of high uncertainty. It was argued that growth concerns were mainly structural in nature and that monetary policy was ineffective in resolving structural weaknesses.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the Governing Council’s January meeting, before surging in the days immediately preceding the March meeting. Long-term bond yields had risen significantly: for example, the yield on ten-year German government bonds had increased by about 30 basis points in a day – the highest one-day jump since the surge linked to German reunification in March 1990. These moves probably reflected a mix of expectations of higher average policy rates in the future and a rise in the term premium, and represented a tightening of financing conditions. The revised outlook for fiscal policy – associated in particular with the need to increase defence spending – and the resulting increase in aggregate demand were the main drivers of these developments and had also led to an appreciation of the euro.

    Looking back over a longer period, it was noted that broader financial conditions had already been easing substantially since late 2023 because of factors including monetary policy easing, the stock market rally and the recent depreciation of the euro until the past few days. In this respect, it was mentioned that, abstracting from the very latest developments, after the strong increase in long-term rates in 2022, yields had been more or less flat, albeit with some volatility. However, it was contended that the favourable impact on debt financing conditions of the decline in short-term rates had been partly offset by the recent significant increase in long-term rates. Moreover, debt financing conditions remained relatively tight compared with longer-term historical averages over the past ten to 15 years, which covered the low-interest period following the financial crisis. Wider financial markets appeared to have become more optimistic about Europe and less optimistic about the United States since the January meeting, although some doubt was raised as to whether that divergence was set to last.

    The ECB’s interest rate cuts were gradually contributing to an easing of financing conditions by making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 4.2% in January, from 4.4% in December. Over the same period the average interest rate on new mortgages had fallen to 3.3%, from 3.4%. At the same time, lending rates were proving slower to turn around in real terms, so there continued to be a headwind to the easing of financing conditions from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit. This meant that lending rates on the outstanding stock of loans had only declined marginally, especially for mortgages. The recent substantial increase in long-term yields could also have implications for lending conditions by affecting bank funding conditions and influencing the cost of loans linked to long-term yields. However, it was noted that it was no surprise that financing conditions for households and firms still appeared tight when compared with the period of negative interest rates, because longer-term fixed rate loans taken out during the low-interest rate period were being refinanced at higher interest rates. Financing conditions were in any case unlikely to return to where they had been prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and the inflation surge. Furthermore, the most recent bank lending survey pointed to neutral or even stimulative effects of the general level of interest rates on bank lending to firms and households. Overall, it was observed that financing conditions were at present broadly as expected in a cycle in which interest rates would have been cut by 150 basis points according to the proposal, having previously been increased by 450 basis points.

    As for lending volumes, loan growth was picking up, but lending remained subdued overall. Growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December, on the back of a moderate monthly flow of new loans. Growth in debt securities issued by firms had risen to 3.4% in annual terms. Mortgage lending had continued to rise gradually but remained muted overall, with an annual growth rate of 1.3%, up from 1.1% in December.

    Underlying momentum in bank lending remained strong, with the three-month and six-month annualised growth rates standing above the annual growth rate. At the same time, it was contended that the recent uptick in bank lending to firms mainly reflected a substitution from market-based financing in response to the higher cost of debt security financing, so that the overall increase in corporate borrowing had been limited. Furthermore, lending was increasing from quite low levels, and the stock of bank loans to firms relative to GDP remained lower than 25 years ago. Nonetheless, the growth of credit to firms was now roughly back to pre-pandemic levels and more than three times the average during the 2010s, while mortgage credit growth was only slightly below the average in that period. On the household side, it was noted that the demand for housing loans was very strong according to the bank lending survey, with the average increase in demand in the last two quarters of 2024 being the highest reported since the start of the survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of lower interest rates and suggested that mortgage lending would keep rising. However, consumer credit had not really improved over the past year.

    Strong bank balance sheets had been contributing to the recovery in credit, although it was observed that non-performing and “stage 2” loans – those loans associated with a significant increase in credit risk – were increasing. The credit dynamics that had been picking up also suggested that the decline in excess liquidity held by banks as reserves with the Eurosystem was not adversely affecting banks’ lending behaviour. This was to be expected since banks’ liquidity coverage ratios were high, and it was underlined that banks could in any case post a wide range of collateral to obtain liquidity from the ECB at any time.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members noted that inflation had continued to develop broadly as expected, with incoming data largely in line with the previous projections. Indeed, the central scenario had broadly materialised for several successive quarters, with relatively limited changes in the inflation projections. This was again the case in the March projections, which were closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Inflation expectations had remained well anchored despite the very high uncertainty, with most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continuing to stand at around 2%. This suggested that inflation remained on course to stabilise at the 2% inflation target in the medium term. Still, this continued to depend on the materialisation of the projected material decline in wage growth over the course of 2025 and on a swift and significant deceleration in services inflation in the coming months. And, while services inflation had declined in February, its momentum had yet to show conclusive signs of a stable downward trend.

    It was widely felt that the most important recent development was the significant increase in uncertainty surrounding the outlook for inflation, which could unfold in either direction. There were many unknowns, notably related to tariff developments and global geopolitical developments, and to the outlook for fiscal policies linked to increased defence and other spending. The latter had been reflected in the sharp moves in long-term yields and the euro exchange rate in the days preceding the meeting, while energy prices had rebounded. This meant that, while the baseline staff projection was still a reasonable anchor, a lower probability should be attached to that central scenario than in normal times. In this context, it was argued that such uncertainty was much more fundamental and important than the small revisions that had been embedded in the staff inflation projections. The slightly higher near-term profile for headline inflation in the staff projections was primarily due to volatile components such as energy prices and the exchange rate. Since the cut-off date for the projections, energy prices had partially reversed their earlier increases. With the economy now in the flat part of the disinflation process, small adjustments in the inflation path could lead to significant shifts in the precise timing of when the target would be reached. Overall, disinflation was seen to remain well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff had expected and the latest projections closedly aligned with the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, it was widely acknowledged that risks and uncertainty had clearly increased.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Core inflation was coming down and was projected to decline further as a result of a further easing in labour cost pressures and the continued downward pressure on prices from the past monetary policy tightening. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and prices of certain services were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. However, while the continuing strength of the labour market and the potentially large fiscal expansion could both add to future wage pressures, there were many signs that wage growth was moderating as expected, with lower profits partially buffering the impact on inflation.

    Regarding the transmission of monetary policy, recent credit dynamics showed that monetary policy transmission was working, with both the past tightening and recent interest rate cuts feeding through smoothly to market interest rates, financing conditions, including bank lending rates, and credit flows. Gradual and cautious rate cuts had contributed substantially to the progress made towards a sustainable return of inflation to target and ensured that inflation expectations remained anchored at 2%, while securing a soft landing of the economy. The ECB’s monetary policy had supported increased lending. Looking ahead, lags in policy transmission suggested that, overall, credit growth would probably continue to increase.

    The impact of financial conditions on the economy was discussed. In particular, it was argued that the level of interest rates and possible financing constraints – stemming from the availability of both internal and external funds – might be weighing on corporate investment. At the same time, it was argued that structural factors contributed to the weakness of investment, including high energy and labour costs, the regulatory environment and increased import competition, and high uncertainty, including on economic policy and the outlook for demand. These were seen as more important factors than the level of interest rates in explaining the weakness in investment. Consumption also remained weak and the household saving rate remained high, though this could also be linked to elevated uncertainty rather than to interest rates.

    On this basis, the view was expressed that it was no longer clear whether monetary policy continued to be restrictive. With the last rate hike having been 18 months previously, and the first cut nine months previously, it was suggested that the balance was increasingly shifting towards the transmission of rate cuts. In addition, although quantitative tightening was operating gradually and smoothly in the background, the stock of asset holdings was still compressing term premia and long-term rates, while the diminishing compression over time implied a tightening.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Looking ahead, the point was made that the likely shocks on the horizon, including from escalating trade tensions, and uncertainty more generally, risked significantly weighing on growth. It was argued that these factors could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. In addition, it was argued that the recent appreciation of the euro and the decline in energy prices since the cut-off date for the staff projections, together with the cooling labour market and well-anchored inflation expectations, mitigated concerns about the upward revision to the near-term inflation profile and upside risks to inflation more generally. From this perspective, it was argued that being prudent in the face of uncertainty did not necessarily equate to being gradual in adjusting the interest rate.

    By contrast, it was contended that high levels of uncertainty, including in relation to trade policies, fiscal policy developments and sticky services and domestic inflation, called for caution in policy-setting and especially in communication. Inflation was no longer foreseen to return to the 2% target in 2025 in the latest staff projections and the date had now been pushed out to the first quarter of 2026. Moreover, the latest revision to the projected path meant that inflation would by that time have remained above target for almost five years. This concern would be amplified should upside risks to inflation materialise and give rise to possible second-round effects. For example, a significant expansion of fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending would increase price pressures. This had the potential to derail the disinflation process and keep inflation higher for longer. Indeed, investors had immediately reacted to the announcements in the days preceding the meeting. This was reflected in an upward adjustment of the market interest rate curve, dialling back the number of expected rate cuts, and a sharp increase in five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead. The combination of US tariffs and retaliation measures could also pose upside risks to inflation, especially in the near term. Moreover, firms had also learned to raise their prices more quickly in response to new inflationary shocks.

    Against this background, a few members stressed that they could only support the proposal to reduce interest rates by a further 25 basis points if there was also a change in communication that avoided any indication of future cuts or of the future direction of travel, which was seen as akin to providing forward guidance. One member abstained, as the proposed communication did not drop any reference to the current monetary policy stance being restrictive.

    In this context, members discussed in more detail the extent to which monetary policy could still be described as restrictive following the proposed interest rate cut. While it was clear that, with each successive rate cut, monetary policy was becoming less restrictive and closer to most estimates of the natural or neutral rate of interest, different views were expressed in this regard.

    On the one hand, it was argued that it was no longer possible to be confident that monetary policy was restrictive. It was noted that, following the proposed further cut of 25 basis points, the level of the deposit facility rate would be roughly equal to the current level of inflation. Even after the increase in recent days, long-term yields remained very modest in real terms. Credit and equity risk premia continued to be fairly contained and the euro was not overvalued despite the recent appreciation. There were also many indications in lending markets that the degree of policy restriction had declined appreciably. Credit was responding to monetary policy broadly as expected, with the tightening effect of past rate hikes now gradually giving way to the easing effects of the subsequent rate cuts, which had been transmitting smoothly to market and bank lending rates. This shifting balance was likely to imply a continued move towards easier credit conditions and a further recovery in credit flows. In addition, subdued growth could not be taken as evidence that policy was restrictive, given that the current weakness was seen by firms as largely structural.

    In this vein, it was also noted that a deposit facility rate of 2.50% was within, or at least at around the upper bound of, the range of Eurosystem staff estimates for the natural or neutral interest rate, with reference to the recently published Economic Bulletin box, entitled “Natural rate estimates for the euro area: insights, uncertainties and shortcomings”. Using the full array of models and ignoring estimation uncertainty, this currently ranged from 1.75% to 2.75%. Notwithstanding important caveats and the uncertainties surrounding the estimates, it was contended that they still provided a guidepost for the degree of monetary policy restrictiveness. Moreover, while recognising the high model uncertainty, it was argued that both model-based and market-based measures suggested that one main driver of the notable increase in the neutral interest rate over the past three years had been the increased net supply of government bonds. In this context, it was suggested that the impending expansionary fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending – and the likely associated increase in the excess supply of bonds – would affect real interest rates and probably lead to a persistent and significant increase in the neutral interest rate. This implied that, for a given policy rate, monetary policy would be less restrictive.

    On the other hand, it was argued that monetary policy would still be in restrictive territory even after the proposed interest rate cut. Inflation was on a clear trajectory to return to the 2% medium-term target while the euro area growth outlook was very weak. Consumption and investment remained weak despite high employment and past wage increases, consumer confidence continued to be low and the household saving ratio remained at high levels. This suggested an economy in stagnation – a sign that monetary policy was still in restrictive territory. Expansionary fiscal policy also had the potential to increase asset swap spreads between sovereign bond and OIS markets. With a greater sovereign bond supply, that intermediation spread would probably widen, which would contribute to tighter financing conditions. In addition, it was underlined that the latest staff projections were conditional on a market curve that implied about three further rate cuts, indicating that a 2.50% deposit facility rate was above the level necessary to sustainably achieve the 2% target in the medium term. It was stressed, in this context, that the staff projections did not hinge on assumptions about the neutral interest rate.

    More generally, it was argued that, while the natural or neutral rate could be a useful concept when policy rates were very far away from it and there was a need to communicate the direction of travel, it was of little value for steering policy on a meeting-by-meeting basis. This was partly because its level was fundamentally unobservable, and so it was subject to significant model and parameter uncertainty, a wide range between minimum and maximum estimates, and changing estimates over time. The range of estimates around the midpoint and the uncertainty bands around each estimate underscored why it was important to avoid excessive focus on any particular value. Rather, it was better to simply consider what policy setting was appropriate at any given point in time to meet the medium-term inflation target in light of all factors and shocks affecting the economy, including structural elements. To the extent that consideration should be given to the natural or neutral interest rate, it was noted that the narrower range of the most reliable staff estimates, between 1.75% and 2.25%, indicated that monetary policy was still restrictive at a deposit facility rate of 2.50%. Overall, while there had been a measurable increase in the natural interest rate since the pandemic, it was argued that it was unlikely to have reached levels around 2.5%.

    Against this background, the proposal by Mr Lane to change the wording of the monetary policy statement by replacing “monetary policy remains restrictive” with “monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive” was widely seen as a reasonable compromise. On the one hand, it was acknowledged that, after a sustained sequence of rate reductions, the policy rate was undoubtedly less restrictive than at earlier stages in the current easing phase, but it had entered a range in which it was harder to determine the precise level of restrictiveness. In this regard, “meaningfully” was seen as an important qualifier, as monetary policy had already become less restrictive with the first rate cut in June 2024. On the other hand, while interest rates had already been cut substantially, the formulation did not rule out further cuts, even if the scale and timing of such cuts were difficult to determine ex ante.

    On the whole, it was considered important that the amended language should not be interpreted as sending a signal in either direction for the April meeting, with both a cut and a pause on the table, depending on incoming data. The proposed change in the communication was also seen as a natural progression from the previous change, implemented in December. This had removed the intention to remain “sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary” and shifted to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance, on a meeting-by-meeting basis, depending on incoming data. From this perspective there was no need to identify the neutral interest rate, particularly given that future policy might need to be above, at or below neutral, depending on the inflation and growth outlook.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. Its interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Uncertainty was particularly high and rising owing to increasing friction in global trade, geopolitical developments and the design of fiscal policies to support increased defence and other spending. This underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna*
    • Mr Dolenc, Deputy Governor of Banka Slovenije
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks*
    • Mr Kažimír
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta*
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn
    • Mr Reinesch*
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus*
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch

    * Members not holding a voting right in March 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Mr Dombrovskis, Commissioner**
    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    ** In accordance with Article 284 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

    Accompanying persons

    • Mr Arpa
    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kyriacou
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Reedik
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šiaudinis
    • Mr Sleijpen
    • Mr Šošić
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki
    • Ms Žumer Šujica

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 22 May 2025.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI USA: Fast Flux: A National Security Threat

    News In Brief – Source: US Computer Emergency Readiness Team

    Executive summary

    Many networks have a gap in their defenses for detecting and blocking a malicious technique known as “fast flux.” This technique poses a significant threat to national security, enabling malicious cyber actors to consistently evade detection. Malicious cyber actors, including cybercriminals and nation-state actors, use fast flux to obfuscate the locations of malicious servers by rapidly changing Domain Name System (DNS) records. Additionally, they can create resilient, highly available command and control (C2) infrastructure, concealing their subsequent malicious operations. This resilient and fast changing infrastructure makes tracking and blocking malicious activities that use fast flux more difficult. 

    The National Security Agency (NSA), Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre (ASD’s ACSC), Canadian Centre for Cyber Security (CCCS), and New Zealand National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC-NZ) are releasing this joint cybersecurity advisory (CSA) to warn organizations, Internet service providers (ISPs), and cybersecurity service providers of the ongoing threat of fast flux enabled malicious activities as a defensive gap in many networks. This advisory is meant to encourage service providers, especially Protective DNS (PDNS) providers, to help mitigate this threat by taking proactive steps to develop accurate, reliable, and timely fast flux detection analytics and blocking capabilities for their customers. This CSA also provides guidance on detecting and mitigating elements of malicious fast flux by adopting a multi-layered approach that combines DNS analysis, network monitoring, and threat intelligence. 

    The authoring agencies recommend all stakeholders—government and providers—collaborate to develop and implement scalable solutions to close this ongoing gap in network defenses against malicious fast flux activity.

    Download the PDF version of this report: Fast Flux: A National Security Threat (PDF, 841 KB).

    Technical details

    When malicious cyber actors compromise devices and networks, the malware they use needs to “call home” to send status updates and receive further instructions. To decrease the risk of detection by network defenders, malicious cyber actors use dynamic resolution techniques, such as fast flux, so their communications are less likely to be detected as malicious and blocked. 

    Fast flux refers to a domain-based technique that is characterized by rapidly changing the DNS records (e.g., IP addresses) associated with a single domain [T1568.001]. 

    Single and double flux

    Malicious cyber actors use two common variants of fast flux to perform operations:

    1. Single flux: A single domain name is linked to numerous IP addresses, which are frequently rotated in DNS responses. This setup ensures that if one IP address is blocked or taken down, the domain remains accessible through the other IP addresses. See Figure 1 as an example to illustrate this technique.

    Figure 1: Single flux technique.

    Note: This behavior can also be used for legitimate purposes for performance reasons in dynamic hosting environments, such as in content delivery networks and load balancers.

    2. Double flux: In addition to rapidly changing the IP addresses as in single flux, the DNS name servers responsible for resolving the domain also change frequently. This provides an additional layer of redundancy and anonymity for malicious domains. Double flux techniques have been observed using both Name Server (NS) and Canonical Name (CNAME) DNS records. See Figure 2 as an example to illustrate this technique.

    Figure 2: Double flux technique. 

    Both techniques leverage a large number of compromised hosts, usually as a botnet from across the Internet that acts as proxies or relay points, making it difficult for network defenders to identify the malicious traffic and block or perform legal enforcement takedowns of the malicious infrastructure. Numerous malicious cyber actors have been reported using the fast flux technique to hide C2 channels and remain operational. Examples include:

    • Bulletproof hosting (BPH) services offer Internet hosting that disregards or evades law enforcement requests and abuse notices. These providers host malicious content and activities while providing anonymity for malicious cyber actors. Some BPH companies also provide fast flux services, which help malicious cyber actors maintain connectivity and improve the reliability of their malicious infrastructure. [1]
    • Fast flux has been used in Hive and Nefilim ransomware attacks. [3], [4]
    • Gamaredon uses fast flux to limit the effectiveness of IP blocking. [5], [6], [7]

    The key advantages of fast flux networks for malicious cyber actors include:

    • Increased resilience. As a fast flux network rapidly rotates through botnet devices, it is difficult for law enforcement or abuse notifications to process the changes quickly and disrupt their services.
    • Render IP blocking ineffective. The rapid turnover of IP addresses renders IP blocking irrelevant since each IP address is no longer in use by the time it is blocked. This allows criminals to maintain resilient operations.
    • Anonymity. Investigators face challenges in tracing malicious content back to the source through fast flux networks. This is because malicious cyber actors’ C2 botnets are constantly changing the associated IP addresses throughout the investigation.

    Additional malicious uses

    Fast flux is not only used for maintaining C2 communications, it also can play a significant role in phishing campaigns to make social engineering websites harder to block or take down. Phishing is often the first step in a larger and more complex cyber compromise. Phishing is typically used to trick victims into revealing sensitive information (such as login passwords, credit card numbers, and personal data), but can also be used to distribute malware or exploit system vulnerabilities. Similarly, fast flux is used for maintaining high availability for cybercriminal forums and marketplaces, making them resilient against law enforcement takedown efforts. 

    Some BPH providers promote fast flux as a service differentiator that increases the effectiveness of their clients’ malicious activities. For example, one BPH provider posted on a dark web forum that it protects clients from being added to Spamhaus blocklists by easily enabling the fast flux capability through the service management panel (See Figure 3). A customer just needs to add a “dummy server interface,” which redirects incoming queries to the host server automatically. By doing so, only the dummy server interfaces are reported for abuse and added to the Spamhaus blocklist, while the servers of the BPH customers remain “clean” and unblocked. 

    Figure 3: Example dark web fast flux advertisement.

    The BPH provider further explained that numerous malicious activities beyond C2, including botnet managers, fake shops, credential stealers, viruses, spam mailers, and others, could use fast flux to avoid identification and blocking. 

    As another example, a BPH provider that offers fast flux as a service advertised that it automatically updates name servers to prevent the blocking of customer domains. Additionally, this provider further promoted its use of separate pools of IP addresses for each customer, offering globally dispersed domain registrations for increased reliability.

    Detection techniques

    The authoring agencies recommend that ISPs and cybersecurity service providers, especially PDNS providers, implement a multi-layered approach, in coordination with customers, using the following techniques to aid in detecting fast flux activity [CISA CPG 3.A]. However, quickly detecting malicious fast flux activity and differentiating it from legitimate activity remains an ongoing challenge to developing accurate, reliable, and timely fast flux detection analytics. 

    1. Leverage threat intelligence feeds and reputation services to identify known fast flux domains and associated IP addresses, such as in boundary firewalls, DNS resolvers, and/or SIEM solutions.

    2. Implement anomaly detection systems for DNS query logs to identify domains exhibiting high entropy or IP diversity in DNS responses and frequent IP address rotations. Fast flux domains will frequently cycle though tens or hundreds of IP addresses per day.

    3. Analyze the time-to-live (TTL) values in DNS records. Fast flux domains often have unusually low TTL values. A typical fast flux domain may change its IP address every 3 to 5 minutes.

    4. Review DNS resolution for inconsistent geolocation. Malicious domains associated with fast flux typically generate high volumes of traffic with inconsistent IP-geolocation information.

    5. Use flow data to identify large-scale communications with numerous different IP addresses over short periods.

    6. Develop fast flux detection algorithms to identify anomalous traffic patterns that deviate from usual network DNS behavior.

    7. Monitor for signs of phishing activities, such as suspicious emails, websites, or links, and correlate these with fast flux activity. Fast flux may be used to rapidly spread phishing campaigns and to keep phishing websites online despite blocking attempts.

    8. Implement customer transparency and share information about detected fast flux activity, ensuring to alert customers promptly after confirmed presence of malicious activity.

    Mitigations

    All organizations

    To defend against fast flux, government and critical infrastructure organizations should coordinate with their Internet service providers, cybersecurity service providers, and/or their Protective DNS services to implement the following mitigations utilizing accurate, reliable, and timely fast flux detection analytics. 

    Note: Some legitimate activity, such as common content delivery network (CDN) behaviors, may look like malicious fast flux activity. Protective DNS services, service providers, and network defenders should make reasonable efforts, such as allowlisting expected CDN services, to avoid blocking or impeding legitimate content.

    1. DNS and IP blocking and sinkholing of malicious fast flux domains and IP addresses

    • Block access to domains identified as using fast flux through non-routable DNS responses or firewall rules.
    • Consider sinkholing the malicious domains, redirecting traffic from those domains to a controlled server to capture and analyze the traffic, helping to identify compromised hosts within the network.
    • Block IP addresses known to be associated with malicious fast flux networks.

    2. Reputational filtering of fast flux enabled malicious activity

    • Block traffic to and from domains or IP addresses with poor reputations, especially ones identified as participating in malicious fast flux activity.

    3. Enhanced monitoring and logging

    • Increase logging and monitoring of DNS traffic and network communications to identify new or ongoing fast flux activities.
    • Implement automated alerting mechanisms to respond swiftly to detected fast flux patterns.
    • Refer to ASD’s ACSC joint publication, Best practices for event logging and threat detection, for further logging recommendations.

    4. Collaborative defense and information sharing

    • Share detected fast flux indicators (e.g., domains, IP addresses) with trusted partners and threat intelligence communities to enhance collective defense efforts. Examples of indicator sharing initiatives include CISA’s Automated Indicator Sharing or sector-based Information Sharing and Analysis Centers (ISACs) and ASD’s Cyber Threat Intelligence Sharing Platform (CTIS) in Australia.
    • Participate in public and private information-sharing programs to stay informed about emerging fast flux tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTPs). Regular collaboration is particularly important because most malicious activity by these domains occurs within just a few days of their initial use; therefore, early discovery and information sharing by the cybersecurity community is crucial to minimizing such malicious activity. [8]

    5. Phishing awareness and training

    • Implement employee awareness and training programs to help personnel identify and respond appropriately to phishing attempts.
    • Develop policies and procedures to manage and contain phishing incidents, particularly those facilitated by fast flux networks.
    • For more information on mitigating phishing, see joint Phishing Guidance: Stopping the Attack Cycle at Phase One.

    Network defenders

    The authoring agencies encourage organizations to use cybersecurity and PDNS services that detect and block fast flux. By leveraging providers that detect fast flux and implement capabilities for DNS and IP blocking, sinkholing, reputational filtering, enhanced monitoring, logging, and collaborative defense of malicious fast flux domains and IP addresses, organizations can mitigate many risks associated with fast flux and maintain a more secure environment. 

    However, some PDNS providers may not detect and block malicious fast flux activities. Organizations should not assume that their PDNS providers block malicious fast flux activity automatically and should contact their PDNS providers to validate coverage of this specific cyber threat. 

    For more information on PDNS services, see the 2021 joint cybersecurity information sheet from NSA and CISA about Selecting a Protective DNS Service. [9] In addition, NSA offers no-cost cybersecurity services to Defense Industrial Base (DIB) companies, including a PDNS service. For more information, see NSA’s DIB Cybersecurity Services and factsheet. CISA also offers a Protective DNS service for federal civilian executive branch (FCEB) agencies. See CISA’s Protective Domain Name System Resolver page and factsheet for more information. 

    Conclusion

    Fast flux represents a persistent threat to network security, leveraging rapidly changing infrastructure to obfuscate malicious activity. By implementing robust detection and mitigation strategies, organizations can significantly reduce their risk of compromise by fast flux-enabled threats. 

    The authoring agencies strongly recommend organizations engage their cybersecurity providers on developing a multi-layered approach to detect and mitigate malicious fast flux operations. Utilizing services that detect and block fast flux enabled malicious cyber activity can significantly bolster an organization’s cyber defenses. 

    Works cited

    [1] Intel471. Bulletproof Hosting: A Critical Cybercriminal Service. 2024. https://intel471.com/blog/bulletproof-hosting-a-critical-cybercriminal-service 

    [2] Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre. “Bulletproof” hosting providers: Cracks in the armour of cybercriminal infrastructure. 2025. https://www.cyber.gov.au/about-us/view-all-content/publications/bulletproof-hosting-providers 

    [3] Logpoint. A Comprehensive guide to Detect Ransomware. 2023. https://www.logpoint.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/logpoint-a-comprehensive-guide-to-detect-ransomware.pdf

    [4] Trendmicro. Modern Ransomware’s Double Extortion Tactic’s and How to Protect Enterprises Against Them. 2021. https://www.trendmicro.com/vinfo/us/security/news/cybercrime-and-digital-threats/modern-ransomwares-double-extortion-tactics-and-how-to-protect-enterprises-against-them

    [5] Unit 42. Russia’s Trident Ursa (aka Gamaredon APT) Cyber Conflict Operations Unwavering Since Invasion of Ukraine. 2022. https://unit42.paloaltonetworks.com/trident-ursa/

    [6] Recorded Future. BlueAlpha Abuses Cloudflare Tunneling Service for GammaDrop Staging Infrastructure. 2024. https://www.recordedfuture.com/research/bluealpha-abuses-cloudflare-tunneling-service 

    [7] Silent Push. ‘From Russia with a 71’: Uncovering Gamaredon’s fast flux infrastructure. New apex domains and ASN/IP diversity patterns discovered. 2023. https://www.silentpush.com/blog/from-russia-with-a-71/

    [8] DNS Filter. Security Categories You Should be Blocking (But Probably Aren’t). 2023. https://www.dnsfilter.com/blog/security-categories-you-should-be-blocking-but-probably-arent

    [9] National Security Agency. Selecting a Protective DNS Service. 2021. https://media.defense.gov/2025/Mar/24/2003675043/-1/-1/0/CSI-SELECTING-A-PROTECTIVE-DNS-SERVICE-V1.3.PDF

    Disclaimer of endorsement

    The information and opinions contained in this document are provided “as is” and without any warranties or guarantees. Reference herein to any specific commercial product, process, or service by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise, does not constitute or imply its endorsement, recommendation, or favoring by the United States Government, and this guidance shall not be used for advertising or product endorsement purposes.

    Purpose

    This document was developed in furtherance of the authoring cybersecurity agencies’ missions, including their responsibilities to identify and disseminate threats, and develop and issue cybersecurity specifications and mitigations. This information may be shared broadly to reach all appropriate stakeholders.

    Contact

    National Security Agency (NSA):

    Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA):

    • All organizations should report incidents and anomalous activity to CISA via the agency’s Incident Reporting System, its 24/7 Operations Center at report@cisa.gov, or by calling 1-844-Say-CISA (1-844-729-2472). When available, please include the following information regarding the incident: date, time, and location of the incident; type of activity; number of people affected; type of equipment user for the activity; the name of the submitting company or organization; and a designated point of contact.

    Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI):

    • To report suspicious or criminal activity related to information found in this advisory, contact your local FBI field office or the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center (IC3). When available, please include the following information regarding the incident: date, time, and location of the incident; type of activity; number of people affected; type of equipment used for the activity; the name of the submitting company or organization; and a designated point of contact.

    Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre (ASD’s ACSC):

    • For inquiries, visit ASD’s website at www.cyber.gov.au or call the Australian Cyber Security Hotline at 1300 CYBER1 (1300 292 371).

    Canadian Centre for Cyber Security (CCCS):

    New Zealand National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC-NZ):

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Impact of the new sanctions on Russia – E-000807/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The EU has so far imposed 16 packages of massive and unprecedented restrictive measures in response to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.

    EU sanctions have had a major effect on Russia’s economy, putting its supply chains under significant strain. By closing down sources of essential revenue and access to critical goods and technologies, these measures have made it costlier and more difficult for Russia to wage war.

    The package of sanctions adopted on 24 February 2025 continues targeting important sectors of the Russian economy and the Russian Government’s means of revenue generation.

    The EU has notably imposed a port access ban and a ban on the provision of a broad range of services related to maritime transport on 74 additional non-EU tankers that are part of Putin’s shadow fleet, circumventing the oil price cap and supporting Russia’s energy sector.

    A total of 153 vessels are now designated by the EU. Those measures have an important impact in curtailing the activities of the shadow fleet and reducing energy shipping capacities available to Russia. The EU will continue to work with Member States and partners to further close related networks.

    The EU has also targeted a number of systemically important sectors of Russia, including energy, trade, transport and infrastructure, such as through a transaction ban on Russian airports and ports used to support Russia’s war efforts or circumvent EU sanctions.

    In addition, to further restrict Russia’s access to revenue, the EU has added primary aluminium to the list of goods subject to a prohibition for their purchase, import or transfer, directly or indirectly into the EU, if they originate in Russia or are exported from Russia.

    The scope of this ban therefore goes beyond import to the EU.

    Last updated: 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Update 284 – IAEA Director General Statement on Situation in Ukraine

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency – IAEA

    The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has delivered a new ambulance and other medical equipment to help Ukraine provide adequate health care for the personnel operating its nuclear power plants (NPPs) in challenging conditions during the military conflict, Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi said today.

    The ambulance was handed over to the Emergency Technical Center of the national nuclear energy company Energoatom last Friday, during a 12-day IAEA mission to review the medical capacities of Ukraine’s three operating NPPs, the Chornobyl site as well as nearby hospitals and health facilities that provide critical medical support and care to plant staff.

    “Nuclear safety and security require a well-functioning workforce that has timely access to medical services, including mental health support. The personnel of these facilities have been working in extremely difficult circumstances for more than three years now, enabling the continued safe production of much-needed electricity. Their physical and psychological well-being is of paramount importance for nuclear safety and security,” Director General Grossi said.

    In addition to the new ambulance – the third such vehicle provided by the IAEA to Ukraine – an ultrasound system was delivered to a specialised health care facility in the city of Netishyn, located close to the Khmelnytskyy NPP.

    During the recent mission to Ukraine, IAEA medical and procurement experts discussed the impact of assistance delivered so far under its Medical Assistance Programme for Operating Personnel at NPPs in Ukraine as well as future needs with medical personnel and psychologists, both at the NPPs’ own health care units and nearby hospitals. The IAEA team also visited the National Research Centre for Radiation Medicine (NRCRM).

    “It was a very important mission to obtain a better understanding of the many challenges and difficulties these medical professionals face daily in carrying out their extremely important work. Based on the team’s findings, we will be able to direct our medical support to where it is most needed,” Director General Grossi said.

    Over the past week, the IAEA has also continued to provide other technical support and assistance to Ukraine to help maintain nuclear safety and security, with 120 deliveries since the start of the armed conflict valued at a total of 16 million euros.

    Last week, the Kherson Regional Clinical Hospital received ultrasound and radiographic equipment. It was part of an IAEA initiative to support – through the delivery of equipment using nuclear or isotopic-based techniques – the areas severely affected by the destruction of the Kakhovka dam in 2023.  More deliveries are planned in the coming months.

    Separately, State Enterprise USIE Izotop – involved in the management of radioactive material intended for medical, industrial and other purposes – received vehicles to support their daily field activities in nuclear and radiation safety and security.

    The recent deliveries of equipment were supported by Canada, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea and Malta.

    Despite such assistance, the general nuclear safety and security situation in Ukraine remains precarious, based on the assessments of the IAEA teams continuously deployed at all the NPP sites.

    At the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP), the IAEA team reported hearing military activities at varying distances away from the site. The team continued to monitor nuclear safety and security, conducting a walkdown of the reactor buildings of units 1, 3 and 5 and of the turbine halls of units 1 and 2.

    Elsewhere, the IAEA teams based at the Khmelnytskyy, Rivne and South Ukraine NPPs as well as the Chornobyl site reported hearing air raid alarms over the past week. At Chornobyl, the team also heard a loud explosion and a drone in the evening of 30 March.

    Over the past week, the IAEA teams at the Rivne, South Ukraine and Chornobyl sites rotated, with newly-arrived staff replacing their colleagues who have been monitoring nuclear safety and security there for the past several weeks.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Cook, The Economic Outlook and Path of Policy

    Source: US State of New York Federal Reserve

    Thank you, Dr. Ripoll. It is wonderful to be here at the University of Pittsburgh. I am honored to deliver the 2025 McKay Lecture in memory of Dr. Marion McKay, who led the economics department here for more than 30 years. I am especially humbled to have this opportunity, given the many significant contributors to the field of economics who have spoken in this series, including David Autor, Claudia Goldin, Bob Lucas, and Joe Stiglitz.1

    I have been looking forward to this lecture for many months, because researching, discussing, and teaching economics have long been my favorite activities. I have been a professor for much longer than I have been a member of the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors, which I joined three years ago. Today, I would like to discuss my outlook for the economy and my views on the path of monetary policy. For this speech, I will also offer recent historical context about how the economy arrived in its current position, take some time to review some concepts in economics, and, finally, discuss my approach to monetary policy at a time of increasing uncertainty.
    Over the past few years, the U.S. economy has grown at a strong pace, supported by resilient consumer spending. Currently, I see the economy as being in a solid position, though American households, businesses, and investors are reporting heightened levels of uncertainty about both the direction of government policy and the economy. For instance, the Beige Book, a Fed report that compiles anecdotal information on economic conditions gathered from around the country, had 45 mentions of “uncertainty.” That is the largest number of mentions of the word in the history of the Beige Book, up from 12 mentions a year ago. Consistent with elevated uncertainty, there are increasing signs that consumer spending and business investment are slowing. Inflation has come down considerably from its peak in 2022 but remains somewhat above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent target. The labor market appears to have stabilized, and there is a rough balance between available workers and the demand for labor. The unemployment rate remains low by historical standards.
    The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), the Fed’s primary body for making monetary policy, raised interest rates sharply in 2022 and 2023 in response to elevated inflation. Then, amid progress on disinflation and a rebalancing labor market, last year my FOMC colleagues and I voted to make policy somewhat less restrictive. At our past two policy meetings, we held rates steady at 4.25 to 4.5 percent. Looking ahead, monetary policy will need to navigate the high degree of uncertainty about the economic outlook.
    Structure for PolicymakingI will discuss the elements of my economic outlook in more detail in a moment. But first let me tell you a bit about how I structure my thinking related to monetary policy and the economy. The starting point for that exercise is always the mandate given to the Federal Reserve by Congress, which has two goals: maximum employment and stable prices. Achieving those goals will result in the best economic outcomes for all Americans.
    So, when I say “maximum employment,” what do I mean? Maximum employment is the highest level of employment, or the lowest level of unemployment, the economy can sustain while maintaining a stable inflation rate. Unemployment has very painful consequences for individual workers and their families, including lower standards of living and greater incidence of poverty. In contrast, maintaining maximum employment for a sustained period results in many benefits and opportunities to families and communities that often had been left behind, including those in rural and urban communities and those with lower levels of education.
    More broadly, having ample job opportunities typically results in a larger and more prosperous economy. It allows workers, a vital resource in the economy, to be deployed most productively. Maximizing employment promotes business investment and the economy’s long-run growth potential. When people can enter the labor force and move to better and more productive positions, it fosters the development of more and better ideas and innovation.
    How about “stable prices?” Like former Fed Chair Alan Greenspan, I consider prices to be stable when shoppers and businesses do not have to worry about costs significantly rising or falling when making plans, such as whether to take out a loan or make an investment.2 Since 2012, the Fed has been explicit about the rate of inflation that constitutes price stability. An inflation rate of 2 percent over the longer run is most consistent with the Fed’s price-stability mandate. Price stability means avoiding prolonged periods of high inflation. We know that high inflation is particularly difficult on those who are least able to bear it. Moreover, high inflation may require a forceful monetary policy response, which can lead to bouts of higher unemployment. In contrast, price stability creates the conditions for a sustainable labor market.
    Economic Developments in the Pandemic PeriodWith the backdrop of the Fed’s dual-mandate goals, I would like to discuss the extraordinary developments that have occurred over the past five years, since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Reviewing that recent history is important context for understanding the current state of monetary policy. Before reviewing the data, it is important to recognize the tragic human suffering and loss of life the pandemic caused. That loss can never be fully described in numbers and charts. For today’s discussion, I will describe the economic implications, which were profound and will likely be studied for decades.
    When the global pandemic took hold in the spring of 2020, economies around the world shut down or sharply limited activity. This was especially true for in-person services, such as travel, dining out at restaurants, and trips to the barber shop or hair salon. I would like to turn your attention to the screen, where I will display some charts to better illustrate economic developments. In figure 1, you can see the sharp downturn in economic growth, followed by the subsequent recovery. At this time, it also became apparent that the economic effects of shutdowns in one part of the world were exacerbated by constrained supplies from other parts of the world. Global policymakers faced the common challenge of supporting incomes and limiting the negative effects of shutdowns, which, mercifully, were temporary. The initial policy response was largely uniform across developed economies. This generally included fiscal support from governments, particularly to help those most in need, although the magnitude differed across countries. Central banks set monetary policy with the aim to prevent a sharp financial and economic deterioration. Later, central banks extended accommodative policy to support the economic recovery. The Federal Reserve, specifically, cut its policy rate in the spring of 2020 to near zero and bought assets to support the flow of credit to households and businesses and to foster accommodative financial conditions. Establishing a low interest rate is intended to support spending and investment.
    At the onset of the pandemic, a very deep but short contraction of economic activity occurred. Millions of Americans lost their jobs, tens of thousands of school districts sent students and teachers home, factories closed because of outbreaks, and the supply of many goods was disrupted. People also adjusted consumption patterns, rotating toward purchases of goods. Americans who canceled vacation plans and gym memberships sought to buy televisions, exercise equipment, and other goods. Demand for goods rose rapidly, but supply chains were unable to adjust at the same speed. This contributed to a global surge in inflation. That surge was followed by a further upswing in prices after February 2022, when Russia’s invasion of Ukraine caused a shock to global supplies of commodities, including food and energy.
    At the start of 2022, inflation topped 6 percent, and by the middle of that year it reached a peak above 7 percent.3 With inflation unacceptably high, Fed policymakers turned toward tightening. Take a look at figure 2. You can see that from March 2022 to July 2023, the Fed raised its policy rate 5‑1/4 percentage points. Those higher interest rates helped restrain aggregate demand, and the forceful response helped keep long-term inflation expectations well anchored.
    The Fed’s policy actions occurred alongside increases in aggregate supply. Global trade flows recovered from disruptions, and the availability of manufacturing inputs returned to pre-pandemic levels. U.S. labor supply recovered significantly in 2022 and 2023, boosted by rebounds in labor force participation and immigration. Figure 3 shows the rebound in labor force participation. Notice that workers aged 25 to 54, the dark orange line, led that gain. In response to rising rents, construction of multifamily housing picked up, helping counter shortages of available homes in some areas. The combination of increased supply and policy restraint contributed to a significant slowing of inflation. Notably, inflation came down without a painful increase in unemployment. This was a historically unusual, but most welcome, result.
    Productivity GainsIn addition to increased supply and policy restraint, another factor allowed the U.S. economy to grow in recent years as inflation abated—a resurgence in productivity growth. Let’s look at figure 4. Data through the end of last year indicate that labor productivity has grown at a 2 percent annual rate since the end of 2019, surpassing its 1.5 percent growth rate over the previous 12 years. As a result, the level of productivity, the blue line, has been higher than expected given the pre-pandemic trend, the dashed orange line.
    Several forces likely supported productivity in recent years. New business formation in the U.S. has risen since the start of the pandemic. These newer firms are more likely to innovate and adopt new technologies and business processes, and this, in turn, can support productivity gains. As the economy reopened after pandemic shutdowns, workers took new jobs and moved to new locations, and the pace of job switching remained elevated for some time. That reallocation may have resulted in better and more productive matches between the skills of workers and their jobs, thus raising labor productivity.4 Labor shortages during the pandemic recovery also spurred businesses to invest in labor-saving technologies and to improve efficiency, which may have supplied at least a one-time boost to productivity.
    Looking ahead, investment in new technologies may continue to support productivity growth. Much of this investment has gone toward artificial intelligence (AI). As I have discussed in previous speeches, I see AI, and generative AI in particular, as likely to become a general purpose technology, similar to the printing press and computer, that will spread throughout the economy and spark downstream innovation as well as continue to improve over time.5 It holds the promise to increase the pace of idea generation, and each newly discovered idea could itself provide an incremental boost to productivity. In the longer run, I am optimistic about the potential for gains in total factor productivity growth from the growing integration of AI into business processes throughout the economy.
    Economic OutlookNow that I have reviewed the path of the economy over the past five years, I would like to present my near-term outlook for the economy in more detail. In the past year, overall economic activity and the labor market have been solid, while inflation has run somewhat above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent target.
    InflationI will start with inflation, which you can see in figure 5. The most recent data show that inflation was 2.5 percent for the 12 months ending in February, as measured by the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, shown in blue. This is a marked shift down from the peak of 7.2 percent in June 2022. The dark orange line shows that core PCE prices—which exclude the volatile food and energy categories—increased 2.8 percent in February, down from a peak of 5.6 percent in February 2022. Economists pay careful attention to core prices, as they are typically a better indicator of underlying inflation and the path of future inflation.
    While the progress since 2022 has been notable, the decline in inflation over the past year has been slow and uneven. Prices for energy, including gasoline, have moderated. Food inflation has mostly stabilized over the past year, but it is still elevated for some grocery items. Let’s look at the components of core inflation in figure 6. You can see that housing services inflation, the dashed green line, remains high but has moderated steadily over the past two years, consistent with the past slowing in market rents.
    Since we are talking about housing and the cost of renting, let me say a word about the data we use at the Federal Reserve. Most of the data I have presented thus far are carefully collected, analyzed, and released by federal government agencies, like the Bureau of Economic Analysis which collects data on GDP. But we use a wide variety of sources, including series generated by the private sector. Market rents—the cost many of you pay for your apartment—is a good example. Where do you think we get information on rents? From some of the same websites you would use to find an apartment. We use high-frequency data series from sources like those as inputs into a model of rents on new leases in real time. This turns out to be helpful in the timely determination of where rents are, because they show up with a lag in official measures of inflation.
    Going back to figure 6, outside of housing, core services inflation, the dark orange line, has eased only a bit over the past year, held up by persistent inflation in restaurant meals, airline fares, and financial fees. Notably, goods prices outside of food and energy, the blue line, have increased recently after a period of decline associated with the resolution of pandemic-related supply disruptions. The recent rise in core goods prices may partly reflect sellers’ anticipation that tariff increases could raise the cost of supplies.
    Tariff increases typically result in an increase in the level of prices for the affected goods, which temporarily pushes up the overall inflation rate. But what matters for monetary policy would be a persistent boost to inflation. I am carefully watching various channels through which tariff effects could have more widespread implications for prices. Tariffs on steel and aluminum have already raised prices for those manufacturing inputs. As those cost increases work their way through the manufacturing process, they could boost prices of a range of goods over time. In the motor vehicle industry, those indirect effects, as well as direct tariffs on vehicles, could raise prices for new cars. That in turn could feed through to prices for used cars. And, as seen in recent years, higher prices for motor vehicles could, with a lag, raise costs for related services, such as rentals, insurance, and car repair.
    Inflation expectations are another channel through which tariffs could affect inflation over time. Figure 7 shows the University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers inflation expectation readings. It shows a large increase in one-year inflation expectations, the blue line, which is consistent with the cost of tariffs being largely passed through to prices. Indeed, many respondents mentioned tariffs as the reason for that rise. Moreover, businesses, including contacts in the Beige Book, also report that they expect to pass on the costs of tariffs to their customers. More worrisome is the uptick in longer-term inflation expectations, the dark orange line, which may be influenced by tariff concerns or the slow pace of disinflation.
    However, I look at several measures of inflation expectations, including those derived from financial markets, shown in figure 8. Those measures show a significant rise in inflation compensation for this year, the blue line. However, reassuringly, there has been little increase in inflation compensation over the five years starting five years from now, the dark orange line. It will be important to watch closely those indicators of longer-term inflation expectations. If they were to rise substantially, it may become more difficult to keep actual inflation on a path back toward our 2 percent goal.
    Labor MarketNow let’s examine something I am sure some soon-to-be graduates here are monitoring: the labor market. Currently, the labor market does not appear to be a significant source of inflation pressure, as wage growth has continued to moderate. Looking at figure 9, you can see the Labor Department’s employment cost index report showed that wages and salaries for private-sector workers rose at a 3.6 percent annual rate in the fourth quarter. After rising during the post-pandemic recovery, wage growth has moved closer to a level consistent with moderate inflation. Moreover, the wage premium for job switchers over those staying in their jobs, a substantial contributor to wage growth early in the pandemic recovery, has largely disappeared, according to data from the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta. Notably, wage gains continue to outpace inflation, consistent with other measures showing that the labor market remains in a solid position.
    After a long period of normalization that began in 2022, the labor market appears to have stabilized since last summer. While hiring has slowed, layoffs continue to be low overall. The unemployment rate, at 4.1 percent in February, remains historically low. Looking at figure 10, you can see that the rate has held in a narrow range between 3.9 and 4.2 percent for the past year. Economists sometimes call the unemployment rate the U-3 series, as it is one of several measures of labor market slack. Employers added 200,000 jobs per month in the three months through February, a solid pace of job creation, although it is down from its post-pandemic peaks. Recent data show the labor market to be balanced. Take a look at figure 11. It shows the number of available jobs is about equal to the number of available workers. You can see that is much different from 2022, when vacancies were high relative to people looking for work. We will learn more details about the labor market tomorrow, when the March jobs report is released.
    Looking beyond the headline labor market data, recent signals of softness have emerged and should be monitored. Figure 12 shows the number of workers with part-time jobs who want full-time jobs. Economists say these people are working “part time for economic reasons.” The February jobs data showed a pickup in the number of workers in this category. This group is part of a broader measure of unemployment and underemployment, called the U-6 series. In addition, one measure of confidence in the labor market is the rate at which workers voluntarily quit their jobs. Take a look at figure 13. The quits rate was very high in 2022, when workers expected to be able to easily find a new job with higher wages. Now you can see that the quits rate has fallen to a more normal level. Consistent with that, surveys show that workers’ perceptions of job availability have declined. Both measures are now below their levels from 2018 and 2019, before the pandemic, when the labor market was very strong.
    We are also beginning to see ripples from cuts to federal jobs and funding. These cuts have affected federal workers across the entire country. Also affected are government contractors and universities, who have announced layoffs or hiring freezes amid cuts and pauses in federal research grants. Although the number of layoffs so far has been modest, the news and uncertainty have raised concerns about job security for households and consumer demand for businesses, as is evident in the Michigan survey and the Beige Book. The Federal Reserve produces the Beige Book before every FOMC meeting, and it provides a timely, useful narrative about the economy from all 12 districts to accompany the multitude of data we receive prior to FOMC meetings. This is recommended reading for all econ majors and anyone else interested in economic activity throughout the country.
    Economic ActivityOverall, the U.S. economy entered the year in a solid position. Real GDP rose at a 2.4 percent annual rate in the fourth quarter of last year, extending a period of steady growth. Robust income growth and the wealth effect from several years of strong increases in asset prices boosted consumer outlays.
    Data show that personal consumption spending slowed in the first two months of this year. Although some of the reduction in spending may be due to unseasonably bad weather, consumers appear to have less of a financial cushion now than in recent years, and they are more pessimistic about their labor-market and income prospects.
    Businesses say that heightened uncertainty due to trade and other policies has hurt their plans for hiring and investment. Figure 14 shows a sizable increase in firms mentioning trade policy uncertainty on earnings calls in recent months. Some businesses, especially in construction, agriculture, senior care, and food services, are also concerned that a slowdown in immigration will reduce labor supply. In addition to survey data, businesses have expressed uncertainty in their forecasts, on earnings calls, and in other anecdotal reports.
    Currently, my baseline forecast is that U.S. economic growth will slow moderately this year, with the unemployment rate picking up a bit, while inflation progress will stall in the near term, in part because of tariffs and other policy changes. Elevated and rising uncertainty, however, means that I am very attentive to scenarios that could be quite different from my baseline. It is possible that new policies could prove to be minimally disruptive and consumer demand could remain resilient, and overall growth may be stronger than anticipated. However, I currently place more weight on scenarios where risks are skewed to the upside for inflation and to the downside for growth. Such scenarios, with higher initial inflation and slower growth, could pose challenges for monetary policy.
    Monetary Policy at a Time of UncertaintyNow that I have explained my economic outlook, I would like to explore an important question at this moment: How should monetary policy be conducted during a time of heightened uncertainty? I believe one useful guide is the framework on optimal monetary policy decision making under uncertainty described by former Fed Chair Ben Bernanke in 2007.6 He saw three areas of uncertainty relevant for policymakers:

    The current state of the economy.
    The structure of the economy.
    The way in which private agents form expectations about future economic developments and policy actions.

    Let us take those one by one.
    So how do I seek clarity on the current state of the economy? As I have said since I first joined the Federal Reserve Board nearly three years ago, I think it is important to look at a wide range of data in judging the economy. Certainly, the key monthly and quarterly economic data releases are the gold standard, but I also find useful information in real-time data, surveys, and contacts with participants in the economy.
    During the pandemic, the economic effects of widespread shutdowns were quickly seen in real-time data from unconventional sources, including Google mobility data, Open Table reservations, and social media metrics. More recently, the sharp rise in uncertainty—and some of the implications—can be seen in timely information from affected businesses. For instance, the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia conducts a survey of manufacturing firms in its District. In figure 15, you can see that those firms report a significant rise so far this year in the prices they are paying for inputs and in the prices they expect to charge for their products. Turning to figure 16, those firms report that current manufacturing activity was boosted in January—the spike in the orange line—in part as firms built up inventories ahead of expected trade policy changes. Activity then slowed, and their expectations of future activity have eased as well.
    What about a second source of uncertainty—the structure of the economy? One aspect of that is how demand in the economy responds to changes in the Fed’s policy rate. A way of judging those changes is by looking at financial conditions more broadly. Among the data series that matter for decisions of consumers and businesses are mortgage rates, other long-term interest rates, equity prices, and the foreign exchange value of the dollar. Using those variables, Fed staff have constructed an index of overall financial conditions, called FCI-G. You can see that in figure 17. That index showed financial conditions easing notably (becoming a tailwind to GDP growth) in 2020 and into 2021 as the Fed eased policy in response to the economic fallout from the pandemic and then tightening sharply in 2022 along with higher Fed policy rates. Over the past two years, overall financial conditions have eased modestly amid a strong stock market and moderation in long-term interest rates as inflation came down. Currently, the FCI-G index shows financial conditions to be about neutral for GDP growth in the coming year.
    What about uncertainty related to how private agents form expectations about future economic developments and policy actions as a source of uncertainty? Currently, I believe this is the primary source of uncertainty. Even before yesterday’s larger than expected announcements on trade policy, businesses and consumers reported a high degree of uncertainty about current and future trade policy actions, and—as I discussed—surveys generally show increased expectations of inflation, at least for the coming year.
    What could be the effects of that uncertainty, and what should be the monetary policy response? Tariff-related price increases and rising inflation expectations could argue for maintaining a restrictive stance for longer to reduce the risk of unanchored inflation expectations. But these price increases also lower disposable personal income, which could lead to lower consumer spending. And the uncertainty related to tariffs, by stalling hiring and investment, could generate a negative growth impulse to the economy and a weaker labor market.
    Amid growing uncertainty and risks to both sides of our dual mandate, I believe it will be appropriate to maintain the policy rate at its current level while continuing to vigilantly monitor developments that could change the outlook.
    Monetary policy is still moderately restrictive, though less so than before our rate cuts last year, which totaled 1 percentage point. Over time, if uncertainty clears and we see further progress on inflation toward our 2 percent target, it will likely be appropriate to lower the policy rate to reduce the degree of monetary policy restriction. I could imagine scenarios where rates could be held at current levels longer or eased faster based on the evolution of inflation and unemployment. For now, we can afford to be patient but attentive. I believe that policy is well situated to respond to developments, and I am continuously updating my outlook as matters evolve.
    ConclusionAs I conclude, I will reiterate the economy has been through an extraordinary period, since the onset of the pandemic, that has posed significant challenges for monetary policymakers. It is encouraging that inflation has moderated, albeit to a rate above our 2 percent target, while the labor market and broader economy remain solid. It appears that the economy, for the moment, has entered a period of uncertainty. I will repeat that I believe that current monetary policy is well positioned to respond to coming economic developments, and I will be watching those developments carefully.
    Thank you again for hosting me here at Pitt. It has been an honor to deliver the McKay lecture, and I look forward to continuing our conversation.

    1. The views expressed here are my own and not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Open Market Committee. Return to text
    2. Alan Greenspan (1994), “Semiannual Monetary Policy Report to the Congress,” testimony before the Subcommittee on Economic Growth and Credit Formation of the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives, February 22. Return to text
    3. This is the Personal Consumption Expenditures price index. Return to text
    4. See David Autor, Arindrajit Dube, and Annie McGrew (2023), “The Unexpected Compression: Competition at Work in the Low Wage Labor Market,” NBER Working Paper Series 31010 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, March; revised May 2024). Return to text
    5. See Lisa D. Cook (2024), “Artificial Intelligence, Big Data, and the Path Ahead for Productivity,” speech delivered at “Technology-Enabled Disruption: Implications of AI, Big Data, and Remote Work,” a conference organized by the Federal Reserve Banks of Atlanta, Boston, and Richmond, Atlanta, October 1; Lisa D. Cook (2024), “What Will Artificial Intelligence Mean for America’s Workers?” speech delivered at The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, September 26. Return to text
    6. See Ben S. Bernanke (2007), “Monetary Policy under Uncertainty,” speech delivered at the 32nd Annual Economic Policy Conference, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (via videoconference), October 19. Return to text

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: NATO Deputy Secretary General calls for stepping up support to Ukraine at EU Defence Ministers’ informal meeting

    Source: NATO

    On Thursday (3 April 2025), NATO Deputy Secretary General Radmila Shekerinska attended an informal meeting of EU Defence Ministers in Warsaw, hosted by EU High Representative/Vice-President Kaja Kallas and Polish Minister of Defence Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, together with Ukrainian Defence Minister Rustem Umerov.

    Ms Shekerinska stressed that securing lasting peace for Ukraine is essential for European security and for global stability. She called for strengthened support for Ukraine, now and for the long haul, noting that for peace to be lasting, Ukraine must remain strong.

    The Deputy Secretary General welcomed recent announcements by NATO Allies of further aid to Ukraine, including air defence, armoured vehicles, drones, and munitions. NATO is also helping to strengthen Ukraine’s armed forces for the long-term, including through financial support, NATO’s Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (NSATU), and the new NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis Training and Education Centre in Poland.

    Ms Shekerinska commended NATO-EU cooperation, both in Brussels and on the ground, where NSATU works closely with the EU’s Military Assistance Mission for Ukraine (EUMAM) to streamline international support for Ukraine. She welcomed the EU’s recent initiatives on defence and noted that NATO-EU discussions would continue with High Representative/Vice-President Kaja Kallas, at the upcoming meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Marat Khusnullin: By 2030, it is planned to build more than 100 bridges with a total length of over 40 km on the federal road network

    Translartion. Region: Russians Fedetion –

    Source: Government of the Russian Federation – An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    April 3, 2025

    Bridge across the Volga on the M-12 Vostok highway, Republic of Tatarstan.

    On April 3, 1760, a decree was issued on the construction of the first bridges in St. Petersburg, and now they are one of the main attractions of the Northern capital. Many bridges in Russia are outstanding monuments of architecture, engineering art, and also an example of the use of the latest technology.

    “The construction of bridges and artificial structures in the regions of Russia is of colossal importance for millions of people. They connect dispersed territories and significantly reduce travel time. This is especially important for regions with seasonal features, when some roads become impassable due to weather conditions. But thanks to artificial structures, people can be sure that they will be able to get to the right place at any time of the year. Bridge construction in the country is noticeably gaining momentum, becoming a platform for the use of innovative technologies that increase the service life of some of the most complex elements of road construction. In recent years alone, the country’s road and transport framework has been replenished with such outstanding structures as the cable-stayed bridge across the Oka on the M-12 “Vostok” highway with a unique architectural appearance and a system developed and certified in Russia, the Vysokogorsky Bridge across the Yenisei in Krasnoyarsk Krai, the bridge across the Svir River in Leningrad Oblast, the railway bridge across the Areda River on the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Crimean Bridge, the bridge across the Ob in Surgut, the bridge across the Volga on the bypass of Tver, the Arkhangelsky Bridge across the Sheksna. By 2030, it is planned to build more than 100 bridges with a total length of more than 40 km on the federal network alone,” said Deputy Prime Minister Marat Khusnullin.

    The Deputy Prime Minister added that promising artificial structures include a 12-kilometer bridge across the Volga on the southern bypass of Saratov, which will be the second longest after the Krymsky. Also, as part of the extension of the M-12 “Vostok” highway, bridges across the Belaya River in the Republic of Bashkortostan with a length of 813 m and a unique bridge across the Bolshaya Sarana River in the Sverdlovsk Region with supports over 50 m high will open this year.

    There are over 250 artificial structures under construction or reconstruction on the federal road network under the jurisdiction of Rosavtodor. For example, the longest overpass in the Southern Urals and the Urals is being built across the Sim River in the Chelyabinsk Region. The complex natural landscape requires road workers to put in the utmost effort and come up with unique engineering solutions. The artificial steel-reinforced concrete structure, over 1 km long and over 40 m high, is being erected as part of a large-scale reconstruction of the M-5 Ural highway and the construction of a bypass around the city of Sim. In total, four bridges, two interchanges and five overpasses are planned to be built here.

    Among the regional projects under construction are bridges across the Ob in Surgut and Novosibirsk, a bridge across the Lena in Yakutsk, which is being built in permafrost conditions, as well as a new bridge across the Volga in Yaroslavl and across the Oka in Ryazan.

    The state-owned company Avtodor is currently constructing 162 artificial structures, including 38 bridges as part of the reconstruction projects of the M-1 Belarus and M-3 Ukraine highways, the new Dyurtyuli-Achit highway, which will be part of the M-12 Vostok highway, and the Adler bypass.

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: €157 million finance package for private Ukraine wind farms

    Source: Black Sea Trade and Development Bank

    Press Release | 03-Apr-2025

    Loans from EBRD, IFC and BSTDB, supported by EU, the UK, and CIF’s CTF, will boost Ukraine’s energy security

    • International finance package of €157 million for private wind project to boost Ukraine’s energy security
    • Project is co-financed by European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, International Finance Corporation and Black Sea Trade and Development Bank
    • The European Union (EU), the United Kingdom and Climate Investment Funds’ (CIF’s) Clean Technology Fund (CFT) supported the mobilisation of the finance package
    • Deal marks a pivotal step in advancing Ukraine’s shift towards renewable energy

    An international finance package will bring €157 million of project finance debt to a private wind power project that aims to boost Ukraine’s energy security. The deal, announced today in Kyiv, is co-financed by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), International Finance Corporation (IFC) and Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB) and supported by the European Union (EU), the United Kingdom, and the Climate Investment Funds’ (CIF’s) Clean Technology Fund (CTF).

    One of the first greenfield private projects in Ukraine’s power sector since the beginning of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, this project forms part of efforts to advance Ukraine’s shift towards renewable energy generation as well as bolster its energy security following attacks from Russia on the country’s energy generation infrastructure.

    The EBRD and IFC will each lend €60 million and BSTDB €37 million. The total cost of the project is estimated at €225 million (excluding VAT), with the rest to be met by equity from the project sponsor, GNG Group or Galnaftogaz, widely known in Ukraine as OKKO Group. The loans are to Wind Power GSI Volyn LLC and Wind Power GSI Volyn 3 LLC, special purpose vehicles incorporated in Ukraine.

    The loans will support OKKO to construct and operate wind power plants in Ukraine with a combined capacity of 147 MW. The plants are expected to generate at least 380 GWh of renewable zero carbon electricity annually, resulting in carbon dioxide emission savings of approximately 245,000 tons per year.

    The EBRD’s funding will be backed by financial guarantees from the European Union provided under its Ukraine facility, the Ukraine Investment Framework. This comes from the Ukraine Investment Framework Hi-Bar guarantee programme, which supports both new and existing climate mitigation technologies, in particular in the energy sector, in line with the EU’s detailed Ukraine Plan.

    IFC and BSTDB’s loans are backed by guarantees from the European Union under the Ukraine Investment Framework as part of IFC’s Better Futures Program: RE-Ukraine. The United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) provided £3.8 million (€4.5 million) in grant funding as a first loss guarantee to enable the mobilisation of IFC and BSTDB’s loans. IFC’s funding package also includes €10 million in debt financing from the CTF and was enabled by pre-investment work through which IFC helped optimise the project structure in a highly volatile market environment. This was possible thanks to support from Austria’s Federal Ministry of Finance and the Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs SECO.

    “We are grateful to our partners for their long-term, sustainable cooperation, which is especially valuable during wartime — for both business and the country as a whole. This project addresses several key challenges at once. Firstly, it strengthens the country’s energy security and independence. Secondly, it advances the transition to zero-emission electricity production,” said OKKO Chief Executive Officer Vasyl Danyliak.

    “With significant power generation capacity in Ukraine destroyed as a result of the war, this investment is crucial to address the severe current energy shortfall, support Ukraine’s decarbonisation goals and boost the private sector’s role in further development of the renewable energy sector in the country,” said Matteo Patrone, the EBRD’s Vice President, Banking.

    Ines Rocha, IFC’s Regional Director for Europe, said: “This project will ensure that people can keep the lights on, stay warm and connected – therefore marking a significant milestone in Ukraine’s recovery. While paving the way for a more resilient Ukraine, this transaction also sends a clear signal about the country’s readiness for private investment and ability to meet the challenges of tomorrow.”

    “Ukraine’s energy sector has faced unprecedented challenges due to the ongoing crisis, making the diversification and resilience of its power infrastructure more critical than ever. Supporting projects that strengthen the country’s energy independence and accelerate its transition to renewable energy is a priority for BSTDB. This wind power project is a tangible step toward building a sustainable energy future for Ukraine. We are proud to stand alongside our development partners in mobilizing essential resources, enabling investments that will help restore and stabilize Ukraine’s energy supply while fostering long-term economic recovery and environmental sustainability,” said Dr Serhat Köksal, BSTDB President.

    “This is a smart investment at a critical time. It boosts Ukraine’s energy security and supports its shift to renewables. The EU is glad to help make it happen,” said Stefan Schleuning, Head of Cooperation at the EU Delegation to Ukraine.

    The EBRD and IFC have been supporting OKKO Group, their client since 2005, to move forward with the decarbonisation strategy it is pursuing against the backdrop of Russia’s war on Ukraine, as it prepares for Ukraine’s integration into the European Union and a future net-zero economy. The EBRD, which initially supported the group to grow its petroleum retail business, branded OKKO, into the one of the largest national fuel retail chains in the country, also financed GNG’s first biofuel project last year.

    The BSTDB’s partnership with OKKO Group has been ongoing for over 20 years, with the first transaction closed back in 2004, unlocking subsequently the Company’s potential to a wider investment community. Since then, BSTDB and OKKO Group have entered into several financings, contributing to the Company’s expansion and operational success. Supporting projects that strengthen the country’s energy independence and accelerate its transition to renewable energy is a priority for BSTDB.

    As part of the wind project, tailored technical cooperation from the EBRD, provided by the TaiwanBusiness-EBRD Technical Cooperation Fund, will strengthen the client’s ability to detect cybersecurity threats.

    The EBRD, a leading climate financier, has offered Ukraine strong support in wartime, making almost €6.5 billion available to support the country’s real economy since 2022. It has secured shareholders’ agreement for a €4 billion capital increase to continue its Ukraine investments. Energy security is one of its five priority investment areas, along with support for vital infrastructure, food security, trade and the private sector.

     

    Wind Power GSI Volyn LLC and/or Wind Power GSI Volyn 3 LLC are Ukraine-incorporated legal entities established as a special purpose vehicle (SPV) in charge of the development, construction, commissioning, operation, and maintenance of project. The special purpose vehicle is owned and controlled by Galnaftogaz.

    JSC “Concern Galnaftogaz (GNG), is an independent petroleum products distribution company in Ukraine. It operates one of the largest and most efficient gas filling stations networks in the county under the OKKO brand. Besides distribution of light petroleum products, the Company also actively participates in the petroleum wholesale market and provides logistics services to other distribution companies

    The Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB)is an international financial institution headquartered in Thessaloniki, Greece. BSTDB supports economic development and regional cooperation in the countries of the greater Black Sea region by providing loans, credit lines, equity and guarantees for projects and trade financing in the public and private sectors in its member countries. The authorized capital of the Bank is EUR 3.45 billion. Through its active role in the partnership with other MDBs and donors, BSTDB continues to demonstrate its commitment to fostering a resilient energy infrastructure in Ukraine and throughout the wider Black Sea region, with a focus on sustainable development, climate resilience, and energy security.

    For information on BSTDB, visit www.bstdb.org

     

    Contact: Haroula Christodoulou

    : @BSTDB

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Global: COVID modelling reveals new insights into ancient social distancing – podcast

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    lindasky76/Shutterstock

    Five years since COVID emerged, not only has the pandemic affected the way we live and work, it’s also influencing the way researchers are thinking about the past.

    In this episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, archaeologist Alex Bentley explains how the pandemic has sparked new research into how disease may have affected ancient civilisations, and the clues this offers about a change in the way humans designed their villages and cities 8,000 years ago.

    As an anthropologist and archaeologist at the University of Tennessee, Alex Bentley usually spend his time studying neolithic farming villages. But in the early days of the pandemic, he decided to team up with an epidemiologist on a research project to model the feedback loops between social behaviour, such as wearing a mask or not and the spread of disease. He says:

     In doing that project, we learned so much about the spread of disease and its interaction with different behaviours. It was a perfect setup for looking at the same kind of question in the distant past when diseases were evolving for the first time in dense settlements.

    Bentley was particularly interested in whether it could shed light on a conundrum: a curious pattern from the archaeological record that showed that early European farmers lived in large dense villages, then dispersed for centuries, then later formed cities again, which they also abandoned.

    All this was happening in the neolithic period, between around 9000BC and 3000BC, a time when humans shifted from a nomadic hunterer-gatherer lifestyle to settling in small tribes in one place, cultivating the land and domesticating animals.

    Bentley decided to apply the same model of how disease and patterns of behaviour spread during COVID, to map out how a contagious disease could have spread in an mega settlement called Nebelivka in modern-day Ukraine. This settlement was designed in an oval layout and divided into neighbourhoods, or clusters. Bentley and his colleagues suggest this layout, whether the inhabitants knew it or not, could have helped prevent the spread of disease.

    Listen to the full episode of The Conversation Weekly to hear the interview with Alex Bentley.


    This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Katie Flood and hosted by Gemma Ware. Sound design was by Eloise Stevens and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

    Newsclips in this episode from ABC News.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.

    R. Alexander Bentley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. COVID modelling reveals new insights into ancient social distancing – podcast – https://theconversation.com/covid-modelling-reveals-new-insights-into-ancient-social-distancing-podcast-253649

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: 22 days after Ukraine agreed to an immediate ceasefire, Russia continues to distract and delay: UK statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    22 days after Ukraine agreed to an immediate ceasefire, Russia continues to distract and delay: UK statement to the OSCE

    Ambassador Holland questions Russia’s seriousness about peace when it continues to attack Ukraine with hundreds of drones and refuses to commit to a full, immediate ceasefire.

    Thank you, Mister Chair. It is now a full 22 days since Ukraine expressed its readiness to accept an immediate 30-day ceasefire. The only condition that Ukraine attached was that Russia should agree to it too. Rather than grasp this opportunity for peace, Russia has chosen to continue to fight, a decision whose consequence is the needless sacrifice of more lives of soldiers and civilians on both sides. The indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas has shown no sign of slowing down. Last week, Russia sent over a thousand drones towards Ukraine. In Kharkiv, a military hospital was targeted. A kindergarten was damaged. At least, 25 people were hurt, including a 15-year-old girl left in a serious condition.

    This is the price that Ukrainians pay for the Kremlin’s game playing with the peace process. Rather than engaging seriously with the US-led peace initiative, President Putin is resorting to his old playbook and looking to distract and delay. His attempt last week to question the credibility of President Zelenskyy was nothing more than a transparent ploy to deflect from the real matter at hand: Russia’s failure to get more seriously to the table, and commit to a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire.

    Regrettably, we see no evidence that President Putin is seriously preparing for peace. Published readouts of the US convened ceasefire talks in Saudi Arabia confirmed a naval ceasefire and prevention of use of commercial vessels for military purposes in the Black Sea. The UK welcomed this important step, but Russia immediately backtracked and placed conditions on the agreement – despite good faith commitment from Ukraine. Just this week, President Putin has ordered the largest conscription drive since the war began.

    We do not need to look far for reminders as to why this war must end. This week marks the third anniversary of the appalling acts by the invading Russian forces in Bucha. The gruesome images of bodies lying in the streets shocked the world. Russia’s armed forces acted with total contempt and disregard for civilian life and the most fundamental principles of the laws of war.

    However, rather than reckoning with these atrocities, we see continued Russian efforts in this council and others, to spread disinformation in an effort to absolve themselves of responsibility for these illegal and inhumane actions. This is despite the litany of evidence, including witness testimonies, independently verified satellite imagery, photos and videos. The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine has categorically documented attacks on civilians, including conflict-related sexual violence, and summary executions.

    Mister Chair, we must emphasise the need for accountability for these actions and renew our commitment to collaborating towards enduring peace. Distortions of the historical record will not help in this endeavour. Rather we need the Russian state to commit to peace and demonstrate the sincerity of its words. Thank you, Mister Chair.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Meeting of 5-6 March 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 5-6 March 2025

    3 April 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that, since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 29-30 January 2025, euro area and US markets had moved in opposite directions in a highly volatile political environment. In the euro area, markets had focused on the near-term macroeconomic backdrop, with incoming data in the euro area surprising on the upside. Lower energy prices responding in part to the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine, looser fiscal policy due to increased defence spending and a potential relaxation of Germany’s fiscal rules had supported investor sentiment. This contrasted with developments in the United States, where market participants’ assessment of the new US Administration’s policy decisions had turned more negative amid fears of tariffs driving prices up and dampening consumer and business sentiment.

    A puzzling feature of recent market developments had been the dichotomy between measures of policy uncertainty and financial market volatility. Global economic policy uncertainty had shot up in the final quarter of 2024 and had reached a new all-time high, surpassing the peak seen at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. By contrast, volatility in euro area and US equity markets had remained muted, despite having broadly traced dynamics in economic policy uncertainty over the past 15 years. Only more recently, with the prospect of tariffs becoming more concrete, had stock market volatility started to pick up from low levels.

    Risk sentiment in the euro area remained strong and close to all-time highs, outpacing the United States, which had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s January monetary policy meeting. This mirrored the divergence of macroeconomic developments. The Citigroup Economic Surprise Index for the euro area had turned positive in February 2025, reaching its highest level since April 2024. This was in contrast to developments in the United States, where economic surprises had been negative recently.

    The divergence in investor appetite was most evident in stock markets. The euro area stock market continued to outperform its US counterpart, posting the strongest year-to-date performance relative to the US index in almost a decade. Stock market developments were aligned with analysts’ earnings expectations, which had been raised for European firms since the start of 2025. Meanwhile, US earnings estimates had been revised down continuously for the past eleven weeks.

    Part of the recent outperformance of euro area equities stemmed from a catch-up in valuations given that euro area equities had performed less strongly than US stocks in 2024. Moreover, in spite of looming tariffs, the euro area equity market was benefiting from potential growth tailwinds, including a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, the greater prospect of a stable German government following the country’s parliamentary elections and the likelihood of increased defence spending in the euro area. The share prices of tariff-sensitive companies had been significantly underperforming their respective benchmarks in both currency areas, but tariff-sensitive stocks in the United States had fared substantially worse.

    Market pricing also indicated a growing divergence in inflation prospects between the euro area and the United States. In the euro area, the market’s view of a gradual disinflation towards the ECB’s 2% target remained intact. One-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead stood at around 2%, while the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate one year ahead continued to stand somewhat below 2%. However, inflation compensation had moved up across maturities on 5 March 2025. In the United States, one-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead had increased significantly, likely driven in part by bond traders pricing in the inflationary effects of tariffs on US consumer prices. Indicators of the balance of risks for inflation suggested that financial market participants continued to see inflation risks in the euro area as broadly balanced across maturities.

    Changing growth and inflation prospects had also been reflected in monetary policy expectations for the euro area. On the back of slightly lower inflation compensation due to lower energy prices, expectations for ECB monetary policy had edged down. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the current Governing Council monetary policy meeting, while markets saw a further rate cut at the following meeting as uncertain. Most recently, at the time of the meeting, rate investors no longer expected three more 25 basis point cuts in the deposit facility rate in 2025. Participants in the Survey of Monetary Analysts, finalised in the last week of February, had continued to expect a slightly faster easing cycle.

    Turning to euro area market interest rates, the rise in nominal ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rates since the 11-12 December 2024 Governing Council meeting had largely been driven by improving euro area macroeconomic data, while the impact of US factors had been small overall. Looking back, euro area ten-year nominal and real OIS rates had overall been remarkably stable since their massive repricing in 2022, when the ECB had embarked on the hiking cycle. A key driver of persistently higher long-term rates had been the market’s reassessment of the real short-term rate that was expected to prevail in the future. The expected real one-year forward rate four years ahead had surged in 2022 as investors adjusted their expectations away from a “low-for-long” interest rate environment, suggesting that higher real rates were expected to be the new normal.

    The strong risk sentiment had also been transmitted to euro area sovereign bond spreads relative to yields on German government bonds, which remained at contained levels. Relative to OIS rates, however, the spreads had increased since the January monetary policy meeting – this upward move intensified on 5 March with the expectation of a substantial increase in defence spending. One factor behind the gradual widening of asset swap spreads over the past two years had been the increasing net supply of government bonds, which had been smoothly absorbed in the market.

    Regarding the exchange rate, after a temporary depreciation the euro had appreciated slightly against the US dollar, going above the level seen at the time of the January meeting. While the repricing of expectations regarding ECB monetary policy relative to the United States had weighed on the euro, as had global risk sentiment, the euro had been supported by the relatively stronger euro area economic outlook.

    Ms Schnabel then considered the implications of recent market developments for overall financial conditions. Since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting, a broad-based and pronounced easing in financial conditions had been observed. This was driven primarily by higher equity prices and, to a lesser extent, by lower interest rates. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the yield curve implied that the euro area real yield curve remained well within neutral territory.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started his introduction by noting that, according to Eurostat’s flash release, headline inflation in the euro area had declined to 2.4% in February, from 2.5% in January. While energy inflation had fallen from 1.9% to 0.2% and services inflation had eased from 3.9% to 3.7%, food inflation had increased to 2.7%, from 2.3%, and non-energy industrial goods inflation had edged up from 0.5% to 0.6%.

    Most indicators of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. The Persistent and Common Component of Inflation had ticked down to 2.1% in January. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined by 0.2 percentage points to 4.0%. But it remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. Recent wage negotiations pointed to a continued moderation in labour cost pressures. For instance, negotiated wage growth had decreased to 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The wage tracker and an array of survey indicators also suggested a continued weakening of wage pressures in 2025.

    Inflation was expected to evolve along a slightly higher path in 2025 than had been expected in the Eurosystem staff’s December projections, owing to higher energy prices. At the same time, services inflation was expected to continue declining in early 2025 as the effects from lagged repricing faded, wage pressures receded and the impact of past monetary policy tightening continued to feed through. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations still stood at around 2%. Near-term market-based inflation compensation had declined across maturities, likely reflecting the most recent decline in energy prices, but longer-term inflation compensation had recently increased in response to emerging fiscal developments. Consumer inflation expectations had resumed their downward momentum in January.

    According to the March ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.3% in 2025, 1.9% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Compared with the December 2024 projections, inflation had been revised up by 0.2 percentage points for 2025, reflecting stronger energy price dynamics in the near term. At the same time, the projections were unchanged for 2026 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2027. For core inflation, staff projected a slowdown from an average of 2.2% in 2025 to 2.0% in 2026 and to 1.9% in 2027 as labour cost pressures eased further, the impact of past shocks faded and the past monetary policy tightening continued to weigh on prices. The core inflation projection was 0.1 percentage points lower for 2025 compared with the December projections round, as recent data releases had surprised on the downside, but they had been revised up by the same amount for 2026, reflecting the lagged indirect effects of the past depreciation of the euro as well as higher energy inflation in 2025.

    Geopolitical uncertainties loomed over the global growth outlook. The Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) for global composite output excluding the euro area had declined in January to 52.0, amid a broad-based slowdown in the services sector across key economies. The discussions between the United States and Russia over a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, as well as the de-escalation in the Middle East, had likely contributed to the recent decline in oil and gas prices on global commodity markets. Nevertheless, geopolitical tensions remained a major source of uncertainty. Euro area foreign demand growth was projected to moderate, declining from 3.4% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025 and then to 3.1% in 2026 and 2027. Downward revisions to the projections for global trade compared with the December 2024 projections reflected mostly the impact of tariffs on US imports from China.

    The euro had remained stable in nominal effective terms and had appreciated against the US dollar since the last monetary policy meeting. From the start of the easing cycle last summer, the euro had depreciated overall both against the US dollar and in nominal effective terms, albeit showing a lot of volatility in the high frequency data. Energy commodity prices had decreased following the January meeting, with oil prices down by 4.6% and gas prices down by 12%. However, energy markets had also seen a lot of volatility recently.

    Turning to activity in the euro area, GDP had grown modestly in the fourth quarter of 2024. Manufacturing was still a drag on growth, as industrial activity remained weak in the winter months and stood below its third-quarter level. At the same time, survey indicators for manufacturing had been improving and indicators for activity in the services sector were moderating, while remaining in expansionary territory. Although growth in domestic demand had slowed in the fourth quarter, it remained clearly positive. In contrast, exports had likely continued to contract in the fourth quarter. Survey data pointed to modest growth momentum in the first quarter of 2025. The composite output PMI had stood at 50.2 in February, unchanged from January and up from an average of 49.3 in the fourth quarter of 2024. The PMI for manufacturing output had risen to a nine-month high of 48.9, whereas the PMI for services business activity had been 50.6, remaining in expansionary territory but at its lowest level for a year. The more forward-looking composite PMI for new orders had edged down slightly in February owing to its services component. The European Commission’s Economic Sentiment Indicator had improved in January and February but remained well below its long-term average.

    The labour market remained robust. Employment had increased by 0.1 percentage points in the fourth quarter and the unemployment rate had stayed at its historical low of 6.2% in January. However, demand for labour had moderated, which was reflected in fewer job postings, fewer job-to-job transitions and declining quit intentions for wage or career reasons. Recent survey data suggested that employment growth had been subdued in the first two months of 2025.

    In terms of fiscal policy, a tightening of 0.9 percentage points of GDP had been achieved in 2024, mainly because of the reversal of inflation compensatory measures and subsidies. In the March projections a further slight tightening was foreseen for 2025, but this did not yet factor in the news received earlier in the week about the scaling-up of defence spending.

    Looking ahead, growth should be supported by higher incomes and lower borrowing costs. According to the staff projections, exports should also be boosted by rising global demand as long as trade tensions did not escalate further. But uncertainty had increased and was likely to weigh on investment and exports more than previously expected. Consequently, ECB staff had again revised down growth projections, by 0.2 percentage points to 0.9% for 2025 and by 0.2 percentage points to 1.2% for 2026, while keeping the projection for 2027 unchanged at 1.3%. Respondents to the Survey of Monetary Analysts expected growth of 0.8% in 2025, 0.2 percentage points lower than in January, but continued to expect growth of 1.1% in 2026 and 1.2% in 2027, unchanged from January.

    Market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the January meeting but had risen over recent days in response to the latest fiscal developments. The past interest rate cuts, together with anticipated future cuts, were making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households, and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, a headwind to the easing of financing conditions was coming from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remained subdued overall. The cost of new loans to firms had declined further by 12 basis points to 4.2% in January, about 1 percentage point below the October 2023 peak. By contrast, the cost of issuing market-based corporate debt had risen to 3.7%, 0.2 percentage points higher than in December. Mortgage rates were 14 basis points lower at 3.3% in January, around 80 basis points below their November 2023 peak. However, the average cost of bank credit measured on the outstanding stock of loans had declined substantially less than that of new loans to firms and only marginally for mortgages.

    Annual growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December. This had mainly reflected base effects, as the negative flow in January 2024 had dropped out of the annual calculation. Corporate debt issuance had increased in January in terms of the monthly flow, but the annual growth rate had remained broadly stable at 3.4%. Mortgage lending had continued its gradual rise, with an annual growth rate of 1.3% in January after 1.1% in December.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, the disinflation process remained well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff expected, and the latest projections closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Wage growth was moderating as expected. The recent interest rate cuts were making new borrowing less expensive and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, past interest rate hikes were still transmitting to the stock of credit and lending remained subdued overall. The economy faced continued headwinds, reflecting lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment, in part originating from high trade policy uncertainty as well as broader policy uncertainty. Rising real incomes and the gradually fading effects of past rate hikes continued to be the key drivers underpinning the expected pick-up in demand over time.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. In particular, the proposal to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was rooted in the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Moving the deposit facility rate from 2.75% to 2.50% would be a robust decision. In particular, holding at 2.75% could weaken the required recovery in consumption and investment and thereby risk undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. Furthermore, the new projections indicated that, if the baseline dynamics for inflation and economic growth continued to hold, further easing would be required to stabilise inflation at the medium-term target on a sustainable basis. Under this baseline, from a macroeconomic perspective, a variety of rate paths over the coming meetings could deliver the remaining degree of easing. This reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting approach, with no pre-commitment to any particular rate path. In the near term, it would allow the Governing Council to take into account all the incoming data between the current meeting and the meeting on 16-17 April, together with the latest waves of the ECB’s surveys, including the bank lending survey, the Corporate Telephone Survey, the Survey of Professional Forecasters and the Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Moreover, the Governing Council should pay special attention to the unfolding geopolitical risks and emerging fiscal developments in view of their implications for activity and inflation. In particular, compared with the rate paths consistent with the baseline projection, the appropriate rate path at future meetings would also reflect the evolution and/or materialisation of the upside and downside risks to inflation and economic momentum.

    As the Governing Council had advanced further in the process of lowering rates from their peak, the communication about the state of transmission in the monetary policy statement should evolve. Mr Lane proposed replacing the “level” assessment that “monetary policy remains restrictive” with the more “directional” statement that “our monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive”. In a similar vein, the Governing Council should replace the reference “financing conditions continue to be tight” with an acknowledgement that “a headwind to the easing of financing conditions comes from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remains subdued overall”.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    As regards the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Global activity at the end of 2024 had been marginally stronger than expected (possibly supported by firms frontloading imports of foreign inputs ahead of potential trade disruptions) and according to the March 2025 ECB staff projections global growth was expected to remain fairly solid overall, while moderating slightly over 2025-27. This moderation came mainly from expected lower growth rates for the United States and China, which were partially compensated for by upward revisions to the outlook for other economies. Euro area foreign demand was seen to evolve broadly in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Compared with the December 2024 Eurosystem staff projections, foreign demand was projected to be slightly weaker over 2025-27. This weakness was seen to stem mainly from lower US imports. Recent data in the United States had come in on the soft side. It was highlighted that the March 2025 projections only incorporated tariffs implemented at the time of the cut-off date (namely US tariffs of 10% on imports from China and corresponding retaliatory tariffs on US exports to China). By contrast, US tariffs that had been suspended or not yet formally announced at the time of the cut-off date were treated as risks to the baseline projections.

    Elevated and exceptional uncertainty was highlighted as a key theme for both the external environment and the euro area economy. Current uncertainties were seen as multidimensional (political, geopolitical, tariff-related and fiscal) and as comprising “radical” or “Knightian” elements, in other words a type of uncertainty that could not be quantified or captured well by standard tools and quantitative analysis. In particular, the unpredictable patterns of trade protectionism in the United States were currently having an impact on the outlook for the global economy and might also represent a more lasting regime change. It was also highlighted that, aside from specific, already enacted tariff measures, uncertainty surrounding possible additional measures was creating significant extra headwinds in the global economy.

    The impact of US tariffs on trading partners was seen to be clearly negative for activity while being more ambiguous for inflation. For the latter, an upside effect in the short term, partly driven by the exchange rate, might be broadly counterbalanced by downside pressures on prices from lower demand, especially over the medium term. It was underlined that it was challenging to determine, ex ante, the impact of protectionist measures, as this would depend crucially on how the measures were deployed and was likely to be state and scale-dependent, in particular varying with the duration of the protectionist measures and the extent of any retaliatory measures. More generally, a tariff could be seen as a tax on production and consumption, which also involved a wealth transfer from the private to the public sector. In this context, it was underlined that tariffs were generating welfare losses for all parties concerned.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members broadly agreed with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The overall narrative remained that the economy continued to grow, but in a modest way. Based on Eurostat’s flash release for the euro area (of 14 February) and available country data, year-on-year growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 appeared broadly in line with what had been expected. However, the composition was somewhat different, with more private and government consumption, less investment and deeply negative net exports. It was mentioned that recent surveys had been encouraging, pointing to a turnaround in the interest rate-sensitive manufacturing sector, with the euro area manufacturing PMI reaching its highest level in 24 months. While developments in services continued to be better than those in manufacturing, survey evidence suggested that momentum in the services sector could be slowing, although manufacturing might become less negative – a pattern of rotation also seen in surveys of the global economy. Elevated uncertainty was undoubtedly a factor holding back firms’ investment spending. Exports were also weak, particularly for capital goods.The labour market remained resilient, however. The unemployment rate in January (6.2%) was at a historical low for the euro area economy, once again better than expected, although the positive momentum in terms of the rate of employment growth appeared to be moderating.

    While the euro area economy was still expected to grow in the first quarter of the year, it was noted that incoming data were mixed. Current and forward-looking indicators were becoming less negative for the manufacturing sector but less positive for the services sector. Consumer confidence had ticked up in the first two months of 2025, albeit from low levels, while households’ unemployment expectations had also improved slightly. Regarding investment, there had been some improvement in housing investment indicators, with the housing output PMI having improved measurably, thus indicating a bottoming-out in the housing market, and although business investment indicators remained negative, they were somewhat less so. Looking ahead, economic growth should continue and strengthen over time, although once again more slowly than previously expected. Real wage developments and more affordable credit should support household spending. The outlook for investment and exports remained the most uncertain because it was clouded by trade policy and geopolitical uncertainties.

    Broad agreement was expressed with the latest ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Economic growth was expected to continue, albeit at a modest pace and somewhat slower than previously expected. It was noted, however, that the downward revision to economic growth in 2025 was driven in part by carry-over effects from a weak fourth quarter in 2024 (according to Eurostat’s flash release). Some concern was raised that the latest downward revisions to the current projections had come after a sequence of downward revisions. Moreover, other institutions’ forecasts appeared to be notably more pessimistic. While these successive downward revisions to the staff projections had been modest on an individual basis, cumulatively they were considered substantial. At the same time, it was highlighted that negative judgement had been applied to the March projections, notably on investment and net exports among the demand components. By contrast, there had been no significant change in the expected outlook for private consumption, which, supported by real wage growth, accumulated savings and lower interest rates, was expected to remain the main element underpinning growth in economic activity.

    While there were some downward revisions to expectations for government consumption, investment and exports, the outlook for each of these components was considered to be subject to heightened uncertainty. Regarding government consumption, recent discussions in the fiscal domain could mean that the slowdown in growth rates of government spending in 2025 assumed in the projections might not materialise after all. These new developments could pose risks to the projections, as they would have an impact on economic growth, inflation and possibly also potential growth, countering the structural weakness observed so far. At the same time, it was noted that a significant rise in the ten-year yields was already being observed, whereas the extra stimulus from military spending would likely materialise only further down the line. Overall, members considered that the broad narrative of a modestly growing euro area economy remained valid. Developments in US trade policies and elevated uncertainty were weighing on businesses and consumers in the euro area, and hence on the outlook for activity.

    Private consumption had underpinned euro area growth at the end of 2024. The ongoing increase in real wages, as well as low unemployment, the stabilisation in consumer confidence and saving rates that were still above pre-pandemic levels, provided confidence that a consumption-led recovery was still on track. But some concern was expressed over the extent to which private consumption could further contribute to a pick-up in growth. In this respect, it was argued that moderating real wage growth, which was expected to be lower in 2025 than in 2024, and weak consumer confidence were not promising for a further increase in private consumption. Concerning the behaviour of household savings, it was noted that saving rates were clearly higher than during the pre-pandemic period, although they were projected to decline gradually over the forecast horizon. However, the current heightened uncertainty and the increase in fiscal deficits could imply that higher household savings might persist, partly reflecting “Ricardian” effects (i.e. consumers prone to increase savings in anticipation of higher future taxes needed to service the extra debt). At the same time, it was noted that the modest decline in the saving rate was only one factor supporting the outlook for private consumption.

    Regarding investment, a distinction was made between housing and business investment. For housing, a slow recovery was forecast during the course of 2025 and beyond. This was based on the premise of lower interest rates and less negative confidence indicators, although some lag in housing investment might be expected owing to planning and permits. The business investment outlook was considered more uncertain. While industrial confidence was low, there had been some improvement in the past couple of months. However, it was noted that confidence among firms producing investment goods was falling and capacity utilisation in the sector was low and declining. It was argued that it was not the level of interest rates that was currently holding back business investment, but a high level of uncertainty about economic policies. In this context, concern was expressed that ongoing uncertainty could result in businesses further delaying investment, which, if cumulated over time, would weigh on the medium-term growth potential.

    The outlook for exports and the direct and indirect impact of tariff measures were a major concern. It was noted that, as a large exporter, particularly of capital goods, the euro area might feel the biggest impact of such measures. Reference was made to scenario calculations that suggested that there would be a significant negative impact on economic growth, particularly in 2025, if the tariffs on Mexico, Canada and the euro area currently being threatened were actually implemented. Regarding the specific impact on euro area exports, it was noted that, to understand the potential impact on both activity and prices, a granular level of analysis would be required, as sectors differed in terms of competition and pricing power. Which specific goods were targeted would also matter. Furthermore, while imports from the United States (as a percentage of euro area GDP) had increased over the past decade, those from the rest of the world (China, the rest of Asia and other EU countries) were larger and had increased by more.

    Members overall assessed that the labour market continued to be resilient and was developing broadly in line with previous expectations. The euro area unemployment rate remained at historically low levels and well below estimates of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment. The strength of the labour market was seen as attenuating the social cost of the relatively weak economy as well as supporting upside pressures on wages and prices. While there had been some slowdown in employment growth, this also had to be seen in the context of slowing labour force growth. Furthermore, the latest survey indicators suggested a broad stabilisation rather than any acceleration in the slowdown. Overall, the euro area labour market remained tight, with a negative unemployment gap.

    Against this background, members reiterated that fiscal and structural policies should make the economy more productive, competitive and resilient. It was noted that recent discussions at the national and EU levels raised the prospect of a major change in the fiscal stance, notably in the euro area’s largest economy but also across the European Union. In the baseline projections, which had been finalised before the recent discussions, a fiscal tightening over 2025-27 had been expected owing to a reversal of previous subsidies and termination of the Next Generation EU programme in 2027. Current proposals under discussion at the national and EU levels would represent a substantial change, particularly if additional measures beyond extra defence spending were required to achieve the necessary political buy-in. It was noted, however, that not all countries had sufficient fiscal space. Hence it was underlined that governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework and should prioritise essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment. It was also reiterated that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action and its proposals should be swiftly adopted.

    In light of exceptional uncertainty around trade policies and the fiscal outlook, it was noted that one potential impact of elevated uncertainty was that the baseline scenario was becoming less likely to materialise and risk factors might suddenly enter the baseline. Moreover, elevated uncertainty could become a persistent fact of life. It was also considered that the current uncertainty was of a different nature to that normally considered in the projection exercises and regular policymaking. In particular, uncertainty was not so much about how certain variables behaved within the model (or specific model parameters) but whether fundamental building blocks of the models themselves might have to be reconsidered (also given that new phenomena might fall entirely outside the realm of historical data or precedent). This was seen as a call for new approaches to capture uncertainty.

    Against this background, members assessed that even though some previous downside risks had already materialised, the risks to economic growth had increased and remained tilted to the downside. An escalation in trade tensions would lower euro area growth by dampening exports and weakening the global economy. Ongoing uncertainty about global trade policies could drag investment down. Geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. Growth could be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening lasted longer than expected. At the same time, growth could be higher if easier financing conditions and falling inflation allowed domestic consumption and investment to rebound faster. An increase in defence and infrastructure spending could also add to growth. For the near-term outlook, the ECB’s mechanical updates of growth expectations in the first half of 2025 suggested some downside risk. Beyond the near term, it was noted that the baseline projections only included tariffs (and retaliatory measures) already implemented but not those announced or threatened but not yet implemented. The materialisation of additional tariff measures would weigh on euro area exports and investment as well as add to the competitiveness challenges facing euro area businesses. At the same time, the potential fiscal impulse had not been included either.

    With regard to price developments, members largely agreed that the disinflation process was on track, with inflation continuing to develop broadly as staff had expected. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a delay. However, recent wage negotiations pointed to an ongoing moderation in labour cost pressures, with a lower contribution from profits partially buffering their impact on inflation and most indicators of underlying inflation pointing to a sustained return of inflation to target. Preliminary indicators for labour cost growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 suggested a further moderation, which gave some greater confidence that moderating wage growth would support the projected disinflation process.

    It was stressed that the annual growth of compensation per employee, which, based on available euro area data, had stood at 4.4% in the third quarter of 2024, should be seen as the most important and most comprehensive measure of wage developments. According to the projections, it was expected to decline substantially by the end of 2025, while available hard data on wage growth were still generally coming in above 4%, and indications from the ECB wage tracker were based only on a limited number of wage agreements for the latter part of 2025. The outlook for wages was seen as a key element for the disinflation path foreseen in the projections, and the sustainable return of inflation to target was still subject to considerable uncertainty. In this context, some concern was expressed that relatively tight labour markets might slow the rate of moderation and that weak labour productivity growth might push up the rate of increase in unit labour costs.

    With respect to the incoming data, members reiterated that hard data for the first quarter would be crucial for ascertaining further progress with disinflation, as foreseen in the staff projections. The differing developments among the main components of the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) were noted. Energy prices had increased but were volatile, and some of the increases had already been reversed most recently. Notwithstanding the increases in the annual rate of change in food prices, momentum in this salient component was down. Developments in the non-energy industrial goods component remained modest. Developments in services were the main focus of discussions. While some concerns were expressed that momentum in services appeared to have remained relatively elevated or had even edged up (when looking at three-month annualised growth rates), it was also argued that the overall tendency was clearly down. It was stressed that detailed hard data on services inflation over the coming months would be key and would reveal to what extent the projected substantial disinflation in services in the first half of 2025 was on track.

    Regarding the March inflation projections, members commended the improved forecasting performance in recent projection rounds. It was underlined that the 0.2 percentage point upward revision to headline inflation for 2025 primarily reflected stronger energy price dynamics compared with the December projections. Some concern was expressed that inflation was now only projected to reach 2% on a sustained basis in early 2026, rather than in the course of 2025 as expected previously. It was also noted that, although the baseline scenario had been broadly materialising, uncertainties had been increasing substantially in several respects. Furthermore, recent data releases had seen upside surprises in headline inflation. However, it was remarked that the latest upside revision to the headline inflation projections had been driven mainly by the volatile prices of crude oil and natural gas, with the decline in those prices since the cut-off date for the projections being large enough to undo much of the upward revision. In addition, it was underlined that the projections for HICP inflation excluding food and energy were largely unchanged, with staff projecting an average of 2.2% for 2025 and 2.0% for 2026. The argument was made that the recent revisions showed once again that it was misleading to mechanically relate lower growth to lower inflation, given the prevalence of supply-side shocks.

    With respect to inflation expectations, reference was made to the latest market-based inflation fixings, which were typically highly sensitive to the most recent energy commodity price developments. Beyond the short term, inflation fixings were lower than the staff projections. Attention was drawn to a sharp increase in the five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead following the latest expansionary fiscal policy announcements. However, it was argued that this measure remained consistent with genuine expectations broadly anchored around 2% if estimated risk premia were taken into account, and there had been a less substantial adjustment in nearer-term inflation compensation. Looking at other sources of evidence on expectations, collected before the fiscal announcements (as was the case for all survey evidence), panellists in the Survey of Monetary Analysts saw inflation close to 2%. Consumer inflation expectations from the ECB Consumer Expectations Survey were generally at higher levels, but they showed a small downtick for one-year ahead expectations. It was also highlighted that firms mentioned inflation in their earnings calls much less frequently, suggesting inflation was becoming less salient.

    Against this background, members saw a number of uncertainties surrounding the inflation outlook. Increasing friction in global trade was adding more uncertainty to the outlook for euro area inflation. A general escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, which would put upward pressure on inflation. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports as a result of higher tariffs and a re-routing of exports into the euro area from countries with overcapacity would put downward pressure on inflation. Geopolitical tensions created two-sided inflation risks as regards energy markets, consumer confidence and business investment. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected. Inflation could turn out higher if wages or profits increased by more than expected. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation through its effect on aggregate demand. But inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand by more than expected. The view was expressed that the prospect of significantly higher fiscal spending, together with a potentially significant increase in inflation in the event of a tariff scenario with retaliation, deserved particular consideration in future risk assessments. Moreover, the risks might be exacerbated by potential second-round effects and upside wage pressures in an environment where inflation had not yet returned to target and the labour market remained tight. In particular, it was argued that the boost to domestic demand from fiscal spending would make it easier for firms to pass through higher costs to consumers rather than absorb them in their profits, at a time when inflation expectations were more fragile and firms had learned to rapidly adapt the frequency of repricing in an environment of high uncertainty. It was argued that growth concerns were mainly structural in nature and that monetary policy was ineffective in resolving structural weaknesses.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the Governing Council’s January meeting, before surging in the days immediately preceding the March meeting. Long-term bond yields had risen significantly: for example, the yield on ten-year German government bonds had increased by about 30 basis points in a day – the highest one-day jump since the surge linked to German reunification in March 1990. These moves probably reflected a mix of expectations of higher average policy rates in the future and a rise in the term premium, and represented a tightening of financing conditions. The revised outlook for fiscal policy – associated in particular with the need to increase defence spending – and the resulting increase in aggregate demand were the main drivers of these developments and had also led to an appreciation of the euro.

    Looking back over a longer period, it was noted that broader financial conditions had already been easing substantially since late 2023 because of factors including monetary policy easing, the stock market rally and the recent depreciation of the euro until the past few days. In this respect, it was mentioned that, abstracting from the very latest developments, after the strong increase in long-term rates in 2022, yields had been more or less flat, albeit with some volatility. However, it was contended that the favourable impact on debt financing conditions of the decline in short-term rates had been partly offset by the recent significant increase in long-term rates. Moreover, debt financing conditions remained relatively tight compared with longer-term historical averages over the past ten to 15 years, which covered the low-interest period following the financial crisis. Wider financial markets appeared to have become more optimistic about Europe and less optimistic about the United States since the January meeting, although some doubt was raised as to whether that divergence was set to last.

    The ECB’s interest rate cuts were gradually contributing to an easing of financing conditions by making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 4.2% in January, from 4.4% in December. Over the same period the average interest rate on new mortgages had fallen to 3.3%, from 3.4%. At the same time, lending rates were proving slower to turn around in real terms, so there continued to be a headwind to the easing of financing conditions from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit. This meant that lending rates on the outstanding stock of loans had only declined marginally, especially for mortgages. The recent substantial increase in long-term yields could also have implications for lending conditions by affecting bank funding conditions and influencing the cost of loans linked to long-term yields. However, it was noted that it was no surprise that financing conditions for households and firms still appeared tight when compared with the period of negative interest rates, because longer-term fixed rate loans taken out during the low-interest rate period were being refinanced at higher interest rates. Financing conditions were in any case unlikely to return to where they had been prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and the inflation surge. Furthermore, the most recent bank lending survey pointed to neutral or even stimulative effects of the general level of interest rates on bank lending to firms and households. Overall, it was observed that financing conditions were at present broadly as expected in a cycle in which interest rates would have been cut by 150 basis points according to the proposal, having previously been increased by 450 basis points.

    As for lending volumes, loan growth was picking up, but lending remained subdued overall. Growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December, on the back of a moderate monthly flow of new loans. Growth in debt securities issued by firms had risen to 3.4% in annual terms. Mortgage lending had continued to rise gradually but remained muted overall, with an annual growth rate of 1.3%, up from 1.1% in December.

    Underlying momentum in bank lending remained strong, with the three-month and six-month annualised growth rates standing above the annual growth rate. At the same time, it was contended that the recent uptick in bank lending to firms mainly reflected a substitution from market-based financing in response to the higher cost of debt security financing, so that the overall increase in corporate borrowing had been limited. Furthermore, lending was increasing from quite low levels, and the stock of bank loans to firms relative to GDP remained lower than 25 years ago. Nonetheless, the growth of credit to firms was now roughly back to pre-pandemic levels and more than three times the average during the 2010s, while mortgage credit growth was only slightly below the average in that period. On the household side, it was noted that the demand for housing loans was very strong according to the bank lending survey, with the average increase in demand in the last two quarters of 2024 being the highest reported since the start of the survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of lower interest rates and suggested that mortgage lending would keep rising. However, consumer credit had not really improved over the past year.

    Strong bank balance sheets had been contributing to the recovery in credit, although it was observed that non-performing and “stage 2” loans – those loans associated with a significant increase in credit risk – were increasing. The credit dynamics that had been picking up also suggested that the decline in excess liquidity held by banks as reserves with the Eurosystem was not adversely affecting banks’ lending behaviour. This was to be expected since banks’ liquidity coverage ratios were high, and it was underlined that banks could in any case post a wide range of collateral to obtain liquidity from the ECB at any time.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members noted that inflation had continued to develop broadly as expected, with incoming data largely in line with the previous projections. Indeed, the central scenario had broadly materialised for several successive quarters, with relatively limited changes in the inflation projections. This was again the case in the March projections, which were closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Inflation expectations had remained well anchored despite the very high uncertainty, with most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continuing to stand at around 2%. This suggested that inflation remained on course to stabilise at the 2% inflation target in the medium term. Still, this continued to depend on the materialisation of the projected material decline in wage growth over the course of 2025 and on a swift and significant deceleration in services inflation in the coming months. And, while services inflation had declined in February, its momentum had yet to show conclusive signs of a stable downward trend.

    It was widely felt that the most important recent development was the significant increase in uncertainty surrounding the outlook for inflation, which could unfold in either direction. There were many unknowns, notably related to tariff developments and global geopolitical developments, and to the outlook for fiscal policies linked to increased defence and other spending. The latter had been reflected in the sharp moves in long-term yields and the euro exchange rate in the days preceding the meeting, while energy prices had rebounded. This meant that, while the baseline staff projection was still a reasonable anchor, a lower probability should be attached to that central scenario than in normal times. In this context, it was argued that such uncertainty was much more fundamental and important than the small revisions that had been embedded in the staff inflation projections. The slightly higher near-term profile for headline inflation in the staff projections was primarily due to volatile components such as energy prices and the exchange rate. Since the cut-off date for the projections, energy prices had partially reversed their earlier increases. With the economy now in the flat part of the disinflation process, small adjustments in the inflation path could lead to significant shifts in the precise timing of when the target would be reached. Overall, disinflation was seen to remain well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff had expected and the latest projections closedly aligned with the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, it was widely acknowledged that risks and uncertainty had clearly increased.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Core inflation was coming down and was projected to decline further as a result of a further easing in labour cost pressures and the continued downward pressure on prices from the past monetary policy tightening. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and prices of certain services were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. However, while the continuing strength of the labour market and the potentially large fiscal expansion could both add to future wage pressures, there were many signs that wage growth was moderating as expected, with lower profits partially buffering the impact on inflation.

    Regarding the transmission of monetary policy, recent credit dynamics showed that monetary policy transmission was working, with both the past tightening and recent interest rate cuts feeding through smoothly to market interest rates, financing conditions, including bank lending rates, and credit flows. Gradual and cautious rate cuts had contributed substantially to the progress made towards a sustainable return of inflation to target and ensured that inflation expectations remained anchored at 2%, while securing a soft landing of the economy. The ECB’s monetary policy had supported increased lending. Looking ahead, lags in policy transmission suggested that, overall, credit growth would probably continue to increase.

    The impact of financial conditions on the economy was discussed. In particular, it was argued that the level of interest rates and possible financing constraints – stemming from the availability of both internal and external funds – might be weighing on corporate investment. At the same time, it was argued that structural factors contributed to the weakness of investment, including high energy and labour costs, the regulatory environment and increased import competition, and high uncertainty, including on economic policy and the outlook for demand. These were seen as more important factors than the level of interest rates in explaining the weakness in investment. Consumption also remained weak and the household saving rate remained high, though this could also be linked to elevated uncertainty rather than to interest rates.

    On this basis, the view was expressed that it was no longer clear whether monetary policy continued to be restrictive. With the last rate hike having been 18 months previously, and the first cut nine months previously, it was suggested that the balance was increasingly shifting towards the transmission of rate cuts. In addition, although quantitative tightening was operating gradually and smoothly in the background, the stock of asset holdings was still compressing term premia and long-term rates, while the diminishing compression over time implied a tightening.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Looking ahead, the point was made that the likely shocks on the horizon, including from escalating trade tensions, and uncertainty more generally, risked significantly weighing on growth. It was argued that these factors could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. In addition, it was argued that the recent appreciation of the euro and the decline in energy prices since the cut-off date for the staff projections, together with the cooling labour market and well-anchored inflation expectations, mitigated concerns about the upward revision to the near-term inflation profile and upside risks to inflation more generally. From this perspective, it was argued that being prudent in the face of uncertainty did not necessarily equate to being gradual in adjusting the interest rate.

    By contrast, it was contended that high levels of uncertainty, including in relation to trade policies, fiscal policy developments and sticky services and domestic inflation, called for caution in policy-setting and especially in communication. Inflation was no longer foreseen to return to the 2% target in 2025 in the latest staff projections and the date had now been pushed out to the first quarter of 2026. Moreover, the latest revision to the projected path meant that inflation would by that time have remained above target for almost five years. This concern would be amplified should upside risks to inflation materialise and give rise to possible second-round effects. For example, a significant expansion of fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending would increase price pressures. This had the potential to derail the disinflation process and keep inflation higher for longer. Indeed, investors had immediately reacted to the announcements in the days preceding the meeting. This was reflected in an upward adjustment of the market interest rate curve, dialling back the number of expected rate cuts, and a sharp increase in five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead. The combination of US tariffs and retaliation measures could also pose upside risks to inflation, especially in the near term. Moreover, firms had also learned to raise their prices more quickly in response to new inflationary shocks.

    Against this background, a few members stressed that they could only support the proposal to reduce interest rates by a further 25 basis points if there was also a change in communication that avoided any indication of future cuts or of the future direction of travel, which was seen as akin to providing forward guidance. One member abstained, as the proposed communication did not drop any reference to the current monetary policy stance being restrictive.

    In this context, members discussed in more detail the extent to which monetary policy could still be described as restrictive following the proposed interest rate cut. While it was clear that, with each successive rate cut, monetary policy was becoming less restrictive and closer to most estimates of the natural or neutral rate of interest, different views were expressed in this regard.

    On the one hand, it was argued that it was no longer possible to be confident that monetary policy was restrictive. It was noted that, following the proposed further cut of 25 basis points, the level of the deposit facility rate would be roughly equal to the current level of inflation. Even after the increase in recent days, long-term yields remained very modest in real terms. Credit and equity risk premia continued to be fairly contained and the euro was not overvalued despite the recent appreciation. There were also many indications in lending markets that the degree of policy restriction had declined appreciably. Credit was responding to monetary policy broadly as expected, with the tightening effect of past rate hikes now gradually giving way to the easing effects of the subsequent rate cuts, which had been transmitting smoothly to market and bank lending rates. This shifting balance was likely to imply a continued move towards easier credit conditions and a further recovery in credit flows. In addition, subdued growth could not be taken as evidence that policy was restrictive, given that the current weakness was seen by firms as largely structural.

    In this vein, it was also noted that a deposit facility rate of 2.50% was within, or at least at around the upper bound of, the range of Eurosystem staff estimates for the natural or neutral interest rate, with reference to the recently published Economic Bulletin box, entitled “Natural rate estimates for the euro area: insights, uncertainties and shortcomings”. Using the full array of models and ignoring estimation uncertainty, this currently ranged from 1.75% to 2.75%. Notwithstanding important caveats and the uncertainties surrounding the estimates, it was contended that they still provided a guidepost for the degree of monetary policy restrictiveness. Moreover, while recognising the high model uncertainty, it was argued that both model-based and market-based measures suggested that one main driver of the notable increase in the neutral interest rate over the past three years had been the increased net supply of government bonds. In this context, it was suggested that the impending expansionary fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending – and the likely associated increase in the excess supply of bonds – would affect real interest rates and probably lead to a persistent and significant increase in the neutral interest rate. This implied that, for a given policy rate, monetary policy would be less restrictive.

    On the other hand, it was argued that monetary policy would still be in restrictive territory even after the proposed interest rate cut. Inflation was on a clear trajectory to return to the 2% medium-term target while the euro area growth outlook was very weak. Consumption and investment remained weak despite high employment and past wage increases, consumer confidence continued to be low and the household saving ratio remained at high levels. This suggested an economy in stagnation – a sign that monetary policy was still in restrictive territory. Expansionary fiscal policy also had the potential to increase asset swap spreads between sovereign bond and OIS markets. With a greater sovereign bond supply, that intermediation spread would probably widen, which would contribute to tighter financing conditions. In addition, it was underlined that the latest staff projections were conditional on a market curve that implied about three further rate cuts, indicating that a 2.50% deposit facility rate was above the level necessary to sustainably achieve the 2% target in the medium term. It was stressed, in this context, that the staff projections did not hinge on assumptions about the neutral interest rate.

    More generally, it was argued that, while the natural or neutral rate could be a useful concept when policy rates were very far away from it and there was a need to communicate the direction of travel, it was of little value for steering policy on a meeting-by-meeting basis. This was partly because its level was fundamentally unobservable, and so it was subject to significant model and parameter uncertainty, a wide range between minimum and maximum estimates, and changing estimates over time. The range of estimates around the midpoint and the uncertainty bands around each estimate underscored why it was important to avoid excessive focus on any particular value. Rather, it was better to simply consider what policy setting was appropriate at any given point in time to meet the medium-term inflation target in light of all factors and shocks affecting the economy, including structural elements. To the extent that consideration should be given to the natural or neutral interest rate, it was noted that the narrower range of the most reliable staff estimates, between 1.75% and 2.25%, indicated that monetary policy was still restrictive at a deposit facility rate of 2.50%. Overall, while there had been a measurable increase in the natural interest rate since the pandemic, it was argued that it was unlikely to have reached levels around 2.5%.

    Against this background, the proposal by Mr Lane to change the wording of the monetary policy statement by replacing “monetary policy remains restrictive” with “monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive” was widely seen as a reasonable compromise. On the one hand, it was acknowledged that, after a sustained sequence of rate reductions, the policy rate was undoubtedly less restrictive than at earlier stages in the current easing phase, but it had entered a range in which it was harder to determine the precise level of restrictiveness. In this regard, “meaningfully” was seen as an important qualifier, as monetary policy had already become less restrictive with the first rate cut in June 2024. On the other hand, while interest rates had already been cut substantially, the formulation did not rule out further cuts, even if the scale and timing of such cuts were difficult to determine ex ante.

    On the whole, it was considered important that the amended language should not be interpreted as sending a signal in either direction for the April meeting, with both a cut and a pause on the table, depending on incoming data. The proposed change in the communication was also seen as a natural progression from the previous change, implemented in December. This had removed the intention to remain “sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary” and shifted to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance, on a meeting-by-meeting basis, depending on incoming data. From this perspective there was no need to identify the neutral interest rate, particularly given that future policy might need to be above, at or below neutral, depending on the inflation and growth outlook.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. Its interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Uncertainty was particularly high and rising owing to increasing friction in global trade, geopolitical developments and the design of fiscal policies to support increased defence and other spending. This underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Monetary policy statement for the press conference of 6 March 2025

    Press release

    Monetary policy decisions

    Meeting of the ECB’s Governing Council, 5-6 March 2025

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna*
    • Mr Dolenc, Deputy Governor of Banka Slovenije
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks*
    • Mr Kažimír
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta*
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn
    • Mr Reinesch*
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus*
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch

    * Members not holding a voting right in March 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Mr Dombrovskis, Commissioner**
    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    ** In accordance with Article 284 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

    Accompanying persons

    • Mr Arpa
    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kyriacou
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Reedik
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šiaudinis
    • Mr Sleijpen
    • Mr Šošić
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki
    • Ms Žumer Šujica

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 22 May 2025.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Fast Flux: A National Security Threat

    Source: US Department of Homeland Security

    Executive summary

    Many networks have a gap in their defenses for detecting and blocking a malicious technique known as “fast flux.” This technique poses a significant threat to national security, enabling malicious cyber actors to consistently evade detection. Malicious cyber actors, including cybercriminals and nation-state actors, use fast flux to obfuscate the locations of malicious servers by rapidly changing Domain Name System (DNS) records. Additionally, they can create resilient, highly available command and control (C2) infrastructure, concealing their subsequent malicious operations. This resilient and fast changing infrastructure makes tracking and blocking malicious activities that use fast flux more difficult. 

    The National Security Agency (NSA), Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre (ASD’s ACSC), Canadian Centre for Cyber Security (CCCS), and New Zealand National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC-NZ) are releasing this joint cybersecurity advisory (CSA) to warn organizations, Internet service providers (ISPs), and cybersecurity service providers of the ongoing threat of fast flux enabled malicious activities as a defensive gap in many networks. This advisory is meant to encourage service providers, especially Protective DNS (PDNS) providers, to help mitigate this threat by taking proactive steps to develop accurate, reliable, and timely fast flux detection analytics and blocking capabilities for their customers. This CSA also provides guidance on detecting and mitigating elements of malicious fast flux by adopting a multi-layered approach that combines DNS analysis, network monitoring, and threat intelligence. 

    The authoring agencies recommend all stakeholders—government and providers—collaborate to develop and implement scalable solutions to close this ongoing gap in network defenses against malicious fast flux activity.

    Download the PDF version of this report: Fast Flux: A National Security Threat (841 KB).

    Technical details

    When malicious cyber actors compromise devices and networks, the malware they use needs to “call home” to send status updates and receive further instructions. To decrease the risk of detection by network defenders, malicious cyber actors use dynamic resolution techniques, such as fast flux, so their communications are less likely to be detected as malicious and blocked. 

    Fast flux refers to a domain-based technique that is characterized by rapidly changing the DNS records (e.g., IP addresses) associated with a single domain [T1568.001]. 

    Single and double flux

    Malicious cyber actors use two common variants of fast flux to perform operations:

    1. Single flux: A single domain name is linked to numerous IP addresses, which are frequently rotated in DNS responses. This setup ensures that if one IP address is blocked or taken down, the domain remains accessible through the other IP addresses. See Figure 1 as an example to illustrate this technique.

    Figure 1: Single flux technique.

    Note: This behavior can also be used for legitimate purposes for performance reasons in dynamic hosting environments, such as in content delivery networks and load balancers.

    2. Double flux: In addition to rapidly changing the IP addresses as in single flux, the DNS name servers responsible for resolving the domain also change frequently. This provides an additional layer of redundancy and anonymity for malicious domains. Double flux techniques have been observed using both Name Server (NS) and Canonical Name (CNAME) DNS records. See Figure 2 as an example to illustrate this technique.

    Figure 2: Double flux technique. 

    Both techniques leverage a large number of compromised hosts, usually as a botnet from across the Internet that acts as proxies or relay points, making it difficult for network defenders to identify the malicious traffic and block or perform legal enforcement takedowns of the malicious infrastructure. Numerous malicious cyber actors have been reported using the fast flux technique to hide C2 channels and remain operational. Examples include:

    • Bulletproof hosting (BPH) services offer Internet hosting that disregards or evades law enforcement requests and abuse notices. These providers host malicious content and activities while providing anonymity for malicious cyber actors. Some BPH companies also provide fast flux services, which help malicious cyber actors maintain connectivity and improve the reliability of their malicious infrastructure. [1]
    • Fast flux has been used in Hive and Nefilim ransomware attacks. [3], [4]
    • Gamaredon uses fast flux to limit the effectiveness of IP blocking. [5], [6], [7]

    The key advantages of fast flux networks for malicious cyber actors include:

    • Increased resilience. As a fast flux network rapidly rotates through botnet devices, it is difficult for law enforcement or abuse notifications to process the changes quickly and disrupt their services.
    • Render IP blocking ineffective. The rapid turnover of IP addresses renders IP blocking irrelevant since each IP address is no longer in use by the time it is blocked. This allows criminals to maintain resilient operations.
    • Anonymity. Investigators face challenges in tracing malicious content back to the source through fast flux networks. This is because malicious cyber actors’ C2 botnets are constantly changing the associated IP addresses throughout the investigation.

    Additional malicious uses

    Fast flux is not only used for maintaining C2 communications, it also can play a significant role in phishing campaigns to make social engineering websites harder to block or take down. Phishing is often the first step in a larger and more complex cyber compromise. Phishing is typically used to trick victims into revealing sensitive information (such as login passwords, credit card numbers, and personal data), but can also be used to distribute malware or exploit system vulnerabilities. Similarly, fast flux is used for maintaining high availability for cybercriminal forums and marketplaces, making them resilient against law enforcement takedown efforts. 

    Some BPH providers promote fast flux as a service differentiator that increases the effectiveness of their clients’ malicious activities. For example, one BPH provider posted on a dark web forum that it protects clients from being added to Spamhaus blocklists by easily enabling the fast flux capability through the service management panel (See Figure 3). A customer just needs to add a “dummy server interface,” which redirects incoming queries to the host server automatically. By doing so, only the dummy server interfaces are reported for abuse and added to the Spamhaus blocklist, while the servers of the BPH customers remain “clean” and unblocked. 

    Figure 3: Example dark web fast flux advertisement.

    The BPH provider further explained that numerous malicious activities beyond C2, including botnet managers, fake shops, credential stealers, viruses, spam mailers, and others, could use fast flux to avoid identification and blocking. 

    As another example, a BPH provider that offers fast flux as a service advertised that it automatically updates name servers to prevent the blocking of customer domains. Additionally, this provider further promoted its use of separate pools of IP addresses for each customer, offering globally dispersed domain registrations for increased reliability.

    Detection techniques

    The authoring agencies recommend that ISPs and cybersecurity service providers, especially PDNS providers, implement a multi-layered approach, in coordination with customers, using the following techniques to aid in detecting fast flux activity [CISA CPG 3.A]. However, quickly detecting malicious fast flux activity and differentiating it from legitimate activity remains an ongoing challenge to developing accurate, reliable, and timely fast flux detection analytics. 

    1. Leverage threat intelligence feeds and reputation services to identify known fast flux domains and associated IP addresses, such as in boundary firewalls, DNS resolvers, and/or SIEM solutions.

    2. Implement anomaly detection systems for DNS query logs to identify domains exhibiting high entropy or IP diversity in DNS responses and frequent IP address rotations. Fast flux domains will frequently cycle though tens or hundreds of IP addresses per day.

    3. Analyze the time-to-live (TTL) values in DNS records. Fast flux domains often have unusually low TTL values. A typical fast flux domain may change its IP address every 3 to 5 minutes.

    4. Review DNS resolution for inconsistent geolocation. Malicious domains associated with fast flux typically generate high volumes of traffic with inconsistent IP-geolocation information.

    5. Use flow data to identify large-scale communications with numerous different IP addresses over short periods.

    6. Develop fast flux detection algorithms to identify anomalous traffic patterns that deviate from usual network DNS behavior.

    7. Monitor for signs of phishing activities, such as suspicious emails, websites, or links, and correlate these with fast flux activity. Fast flux may be used to rapidly spread phishing campaigns and to keep phishing websites online despite blocking attempts.

    8. Implement customer transparency and share information about detected fast flux activity, ensuring to alert customers promptly after confirmed presence of malicious activity.

    Mitigations

    All organizations

    To defend against fast flux, government and critical infrastructure organizations should coordinate with their Internet service providers, cybersecurity service providers, and/or their Protective DNS services to implement the following mitigations utilizing accurate, reliable, and timely fast flux detection analytics. 

    Note: Some legitimate activity, such as common content delivery network (CDN) behaviors, may look like malicious fast flux activity. Protective DNS services, service providers, and network defenders should make reasonable efforts, such as allowlisting expected CDN services, to avoid blocking or impeding legitimate content.

    1. DNS and IP blocking and sinkholing of malicious fast flux domains and IP addresses

    • Block access to domains identified as using fast flux through non-routable DNS responses or firewall rules.
    • Consider sinkholing the malicious domains, redirecting traffic from those domains to a controlled server to capture and analyze the traffic, helping to identify compromised hosts within the network.
    • Block IP addresses known to be associated with malicious fast flux networks.

    2. Reputational filtering of fast flux enabled malicious activity

    • Block traffic to and from domains or IP addresses with poor reputations, especially ones identified as participating in malicious fast flux activity.

    3. Enhanced monitoring and logging

    • Increase logging and monitoring of DNS traffic and network communications to identify new or ongoing fast flux activities.
    • Implement automated alerting mechanisms to respond swiftly to detected fast flux patterns.
    • Refer to ASD’s ACSC joint publication, Best practices for event logging and threat detection, for further logging recommendations.

    4. Collaborative defense and information sharing

    • Share detected fast flux indicators (e.g., domains, IP addresses) with trusted partners and threat intelligence communities to enhance collective defense efforts. Examples of indicator sharing initiatives include CISA’s Automated Indicator Sharing or sector-based Information Sharing and Analysis Centers (ISACs) and ASD’s Cyber Threat Intelligence Sharing Platform (CTIS) in Australia.
    • Participate in public and private information-sharing programs to stay informed about emerging fast flux tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTPs). Regular collaboration is particularly important because most malicious activity by these domains occurs within just a few days of their initial use; therefore, early discovery and information sharing by the cybersecurity community is crucial to minimizing such malicious activity. [8]

    5. Phishing awareness and training

    • Implement employee awareness and training programs to help personnel identify and respond appropriately to phishing attempts.
    • Develop policies and procedures to manage and contain phishing incidents, particularly those facilitated by fast flux networks.
    • For more information on mitigating phishing, see joint Phishing Guidance: Stopping the Attack Cycle at Phase One.

    Network defenders

    The authoring agencies encourage organizations to use cybersecurity and PDNS services that detect and block fast flux. By leveraging providers that detect fast flux and implement capabilities for DNS and IP blocking, sinkholing, reputational filtering, enhanced monitoring, logging, and collaborative defense of malicious fast flux domains and IP addresses, organizations can mitigate many risks associated with fast flux and maintain a more secure environment. 

    However, some PDNS providers may not detect and block malicious fast flux activities. Organizations should not assume that their PDNS providers block malicious fast flux activity automatically and should contact their PDNS providers to validate coverage of this specific cyber threat. 

    For more information on PDNS services, see the 2021 joint cybersecurity information sheet from NSA and CISA about Selecting a Protective DNS Service. [9] In addition, NSA offers no-cost cybersecurity services to Defense Industrial Base (DIB) companies, including a PDNS service. For more information, see NSA’s DIB Cybersecurity Services and factsheet. CISA also offers a Protective DNS service for federal civilian executive branch (FCEB) agencies. See CISA’s Protective Domain Name System Resolver page and factsheet for more information. 

    Conclusion

    Fast flux represents a persistent threat to network security, leveraging rapidly changing infrastructure to obfuscate malicious activity. By implementing robust detection and mitigation strategies, organizations can significantly reduce their risk of compromise by fast flux-enabled threats. 

    The authoring agencies strongly recommend organizations engage their cybersecurity providers on developing a multi-layered approach to detect and mitigate malicious fast flux operations. Utilizing services that detect and block fast flux enabled malicious cyber activity can significantly bolster an organization’s cyber defenses. 

    Works cited

    [1] Intel471. Bulletproof Hosting: A Critical Cybercriminal Service. 2024. https://intel471.com/blog/bulletproof-hosting-a-critical-cybercriminal-service 

    [2] Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre. “Bulletproof” hosting providers: Cracks in the armour of cybercriminal infrastructure. 2025. https://www.cyber.gov.au/about-us/view-all-content/publications/bulletproof-hosting-providers 

    [3] Logpoint. A Comprehensive guide to Detect Ransomware. 2023. https://www.logpoint.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/logpoint-a-comprehensive-guide-to-detect-ransomware.pdf

    [4] Trendmicro. Modern Ransomware’s Double Extortion Tactic’s and How to Protect Enterprises Against Them. 2021. https://www.trendmicro.com/vinfo/us/security/news/cybercrime-and-digital-threats/modern-ransomwares-double-extortion-tactics-and-how-to-protect-enterprises-against-them

    [5] Unit 42. Russia’s Trident Ursa (aka Gamaredon APT) Cyber Conflict Operations Unwavering Since Invasion of Ukraine. 2022. https://unit42.paloaltonetworks.com/trident-ursa/

    [6] Recorded Future. BlueAlpha Abuses Cloudflare Tunneling Service for GammaDrop Staging Infrastructure. 2024. https://www.recordedfuture.com/research/bluealpha-abuses-cloudflare-tunneling-service 

    [7] Silent Push. ‘From Russia with a 71’: Uncovering Gamaredon’s fast flux infrastructure. New apex domains and ASN/IP diversity patterns discovered. 2023. https://www.silentpush.com/blog/from-russia-with-a-71/

    [8] DNS Filter. Security Categories You Should be Blocking (But Probably Aren’t). 2023. https://www.dnsfilter.com/blog/security-categories-you-should-be-blocking-but-probably-arent

    [9] National Security Agency. Selecting a Protective DNS Service. 2021. https://media.defense.gov/2025/Mar/24/2003675043/-1/-1/0/CSI-SELECTING-A-PROTECTIVE-DNS-SERVICE-V1.3.PDF

    Disclaimer of endorsement

    The information and opinions contained in this document are provided “as is” and without any warranties or guarantees. Reference herein to any specific commercial product, process, or service by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise, does not constitute or imply its endorsement, recommendation, or favoring by the United States Government, and this guidance shall not be used for advertising or product endorsement purposes.

    Purpose

    This document was developed in furtherance of the authoring cybersecurity agencies’ missions, including their responsibilities to identify and disseminate threats, and develop and issue cybersecurity specifications and mitigations. This information may be shared broadly to reach all appropriate stakeholders.

    Contact

    National Security Agency (NSA):

    Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA):

    • All organizations should report incidents and anomalous activity to CISA via the agency’s Incident Reporting System, its 24/7 Operations Center at report@cisa.gov, or by calling 1-844-Say-CISA (1-844-729-2472). When available, please include the following information regarding the incident: date, time, and location of the incident; type of activity; number of people affected; type of equipment user for the activity; the name of the submitting company or organization; and a designated point of contact.

    Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI):

    • To report suspicious or criminal activity related to information found in this advisory, contact your local FBI field office or the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center (IC3). When available, please include the following information regarding the incident: date, time, and location of the incident; type of activity; number of people affected; type of equipment used for the activity; the name of the submitting company or organization; and a designated point of contact.

    Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre (ASD’s ACSC):

    • For inquiries, visit ASD’s website at www.cyber.gov.au or call the Australian Cyber Security Hotline at 1300 CYBER1 (1300 292 371).

    Canadian Centre for Cyber Security (CCCS):

    New Zealand National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC-NZ):

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Government Legal Department Celebrates Ten Years of Excellence

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Government Legal Department Celebrates Ten Years of Excellence

    GLD celebrates ten years of providing outstanding legal service to help the government govern well, within the rule of law.

    • Government Legal Department marks a decade of an exceptional legal service that has transformed legal support to government in support of our core purpose of helping the government to govern well, within the rule of law
    • A modern, inclusive workplace based across the UK, GLD is the largest in-house legal firm in the country

    The Government Legal Department (GLD) marks its 10th anniversary on 1st April 2025 celebrating a decade of transforming legal service that has strengthened government operations and public service delivery across the United Kingdom.

    Established in 2015, GLD built on the success of the Treasury Solicitor’s Department by bringing together previously separate legal teams in a unified model, creating a modern and efficient legal services provider across government. The department has now grown to over 3000 employees as further departmental legal teams have joined, delivering better value for taxpayers and creating meaningful career opportunities for government lawyers.

    The department delivers consistent, high-quality legal support whether that is litigating on behalf of the government in court or through the development of policy and subsequent legislation. Implementing the priorities of the government of the day for fellow citizens up and down the country.  

    Over the past decade, GLD has continued to grow and develop its specialisms to meet the legal needs of government, for example seeking out the international trade skills needed in a post-Brexit UK, we have built a specialist employment law group and centralised our commercial expertise to ensure we continue to build the capability to deal with large-scale commercial contracts and disputes.

    The department also aims to lead the sector and improve access to the law, championing alternative routes into the legal profession. Whether that be through early talent, including the solicitor apprenticeship scheme and Summer Diversity Scheme, or our supportive approach to flexible working.

    Our flexible working policies offer carers, parents and those returning to the profession the ability to pick up their legal career at any point and at any level. We strive to build a workforce that represents the society we serve and encourage diversity of thought and leadership. Over the last 10 years this has resulted in 80% of the Executive team being women, as are over 60% of the department. 

    GLD has been central in enabling the government to respond to the biggest issues of our time, including:

    • Developing the Coronavirus Act 2020 which enabled the UK government to take swift action in response to the Covid-19 pandemic
    • Preparing the Withdrawal Agreement to enable the UK’s to withdraw from the European Union 
    • Delivering Free-Trade Agreements following the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union
    • Supporting the design and launch of the Homes for Ukraine Scheme, housing over 100,000 Ukrainians fleeing the war
    • Playing a central role in the UK’s legislative commitment to net zero greenhouse gas emissions
    • Advising the Department for Transport on the Space Industry Bill which prepared the way for the first commercial spaceflight from UK soil
    • Supporting the Employment Rights Bill which aims to abolish exploitative zero-hours contracts and legislate for other employment rights

    GLD’s Permanent Secretary and Treasury Solicitor, Susanna McGibbon KC (Hon), said:

    This anniversary marks a significant milestone in our journey. By bringing together diverse legal expertise into one organisation we’ve created a more responsive, efficient service for government.

    Our strapline, delivering much more than law, underlines the impact of our work on society. I am proud to lead an organisation committed to the highest standards of public service playing an important role across the legal profession generally.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Highlights – Human rights & justice for lasting peace: exchange with Mses Katzarova and Matviichuk – Subcommittee on Human Rights

    Source: European Parliament

    War in Ukraine © Image used under the license from Adobe Stock

    While peace negotiations on Ukraine have been reshaped since the election of US President Trump, Members of the DROI subcommittee, the Delegation to the EU-Russia Parliamentary Cooperation Committee and the Delegation to the EU-Ukraine Parliamentary Association Committee will exchange on Monday 7 April with Mariana Katzarova, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation and Oleksandra Matviichuk, Head of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize Centre for Civil Liberties.

    Scheduled from 15.00 to 16.30, the exchange will focus on the importance, if peace is to be sustainable, of ensuring that human rights priorities are integrated into discussions on a potential peace arrangement in Ukraine and of supporting international justice for ensuring accountability of perpetrators of aggression, war crimes and other breaches of international humanitarian law. The debate will be an opportunity to recall that Russian Federation’s breaches of human rights – such as torture, enforced disappearance, deportation, rape and acculturation of children – are not only a domestic issue but have profound implications for peace and security, in Ukraine and beyond the region. It is organised by the DROI subcommittee in association with the two delegations.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Minutes – Wednesday, 2 April 2025 – Strasbourg – Final edition

    Source: European Parliament

    PV-10-2025-04-02

    EN

    EN

    iPlPv_Sit

    Minutes
    Wednesday, 2 April 2025 – Strasbourg

    IN THE CHAIR: Sophie WILMÈS
    Vice-President

    1. Opening of the sitting

    The sitting opened at 09:00.


    2. Negotiations ahead of Parliament’s first reading (Rule 72) (action taken)

    The decisions of the LIBE, TRAN and AGRI committees to enter into interinstitutional negotiations had been announced on 31 March 2025 (minutes of 31.3.2025, item 7).

    A request for a vote in Parliament had been formulated by the PfE, ECR, The Left and ESN groups pursuant to Rule 72(2), on the following decision by the LIBE Committee:

    – Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing an EU talent pool (2023/0404(COD))

    The vote would take place the next day, 3 April 2025.

    A request for a vote in Parliament had been formulated by the PfE Group pursuant to Rule 72(2), on the following decision by the AGRI Committee:

    – Proposal for a decision of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Council Decision 2003/17/EC as regards the equivalence of field inspections carried out in the Republic of Moldova on fodder plant seed-producing crops and on the equivalence of fodder plant seed produced in the Republic of Moldova, and as regards the equivalence of field inspections carried out in Ukraine on beet seed-producing crops and oil plant seed-producing crops and on the equivalence of beet seed and oil plant seed produced in Ukraine (2024/0027(COD))

    The vote would take place the next day, 3 April 2025.

    As there had not been any requests for a vote in relation to the other decisions pursuant to Rule 72(2), the committees responsible had been able to begin negotiations upon expiry of the deadline.


    3. European Steel and Metals Action Plan (debate)

    Council and Commission statements: European Steel and Metals Action Plan (2025/2633(RSP))

    Adam Szłapka (President-in-Office of the Council) and Stéphane Séjourné (Executive Vice-President of the Commission) made the statements.

    The following spoke: Dennis Radtke, on behalf of the PPE Group, Dan Nica, on behalf of the S&D Group, Julie Rechagneux, on behalf of the PfE Group, Elena Donazzan, on behalf of the ECR Group, Christophe Grudler, on behalf of the Renew Group, Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Marina Mesure, on behalf of The Left Group, René Aust, on behalf of the ESN Group, Christian Ehler, Mohammed Chahim, Tomasz Buczek, Beatrice Timgren, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, Sara Matthieu, who also answered a blue-card question from João Oliveira, Rudi Kennes, Susana Solís Pérez, Yannis Maniatis, Jadwiga Wiśniewska, Letizia Moratti, Marie-Pierre Vedrenne, Jens Geier, Michael Bloss, Angelika Winzig, Nicolás González Casares, Ondřej Krutílek, Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez, Tilly Metz, Elena Sancho Murillo, Valentina Palmisano and Adam Jarubas.

    IN THE CHAIR: Christel SCHALDEMOSE
    Vice-President

    The following spoke: Bruno Tobback, Beata Szydło, who also answered a blue-card question from Petr Bystron, Massimiliano Salini and Majdouline Sbai.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Dariusz Joński, Jonás Fernández, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Brigitte van den Berg, Ana Miranda Paz and Maria Zacharia.

    The following spoke: Stéphane Séjourné and Adam Szłapka.

    The debate closed.


    4. Energy-intensive industries (debate)

    Commission statement: Energy-intensive industries (2025/2536(RSP))

    The President made some clarifications on the organisational arrangements of the debate, as a new format was being trialled.

    Stéphane Séjourné (Executive Vice-President of the Commission) made the statement.

    The following spoke: Wouter Beke, on behalf of the PPE Group, Giorgio Gori, on behalf of the S&D Group, Jana Nagyová, on behalf of the PfE Group, Mariateresa Vivaldini, on behalf of the ECR Group, Brigitte van den Berg, on behalf of the Renew Group, Benedetta Scuderi, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Anthony Smith, on behalf of The Left Group, Markus Buchheit, on behalf of the ESN Group, Dan Nica, András Gyürk, Daniel Obajtek, Anna Stürgkh, Per Clausen, Anja Arndt, who also declined to take a blue-card question from Thomas Pellerin-Carlin, Kateřina Konečná, Radan Kanev, Jens Geier, who also answered a blue-card question from Davor Ivo Stier, Mélanie Disdier, who also answered a blue-card question from Thomas Pellerin-Carlin, Kris Van Dijck, Mirosława Nykiel, Bruno Gonçalves, who also answered a blue-card question from João Oliveira, Barbara Bonte, Marc Botenga, Tom Berendsen, Nicolás González Casares, Raffaele Stancanelli, Alexandr Vondra, Seán Kelly, Thomas Pellerin-Carlin, Anne-Sophie Frigout, Milan Mazurek, Pilar del Castillo Vera, Niels Fuglsang, Georg Mayer, Diego Solier, Sofie Eriksson, Mireia Borrás Pabón, Thomas Geisel and Christian Ehler.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Krzysztof Hetman, Maria Grapini, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Katri Kulmuni, Majdouline Sbai and Lukas Sieper.

    The following spoke: Stéphane Séjourné.

    Motions for resolutions tabled under Rule 136(2) to wind up the debate: minutes of 3.4.2025, item I.

    The debate closed.

    Vote: 3 April 2025.


    IN THE CHAIR: Roberta METSOLA
    President

    5. Progress in the UN-led efforts for the resumption of negotiations towards a solution to the Cyprus problem – Statement by the President

    Progress in the UN-led efforts for the resumption of negotiations towards a solution to the Cyprus problem – Statement by the President (2025/2649(RSP))

    The President made the statement.

    The following spoke: Loucas Fourlas, on behalf of the PPE Group, Costas Mavrides, on behalf of the S&D Group, Afroditi Latinopoulou, on behalf of the PfE Group, Geadis Geadi, on behalf of the ECR Group, Hilde Vautmans, on behalf of the Renew Group, Reinier Van Lanschot, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Giorgos Georgiou, on behalf of The Left Group, and René Aust, on behalf of the ESN Group.

    The debate closed.

    (The sitting was suspended for a few moments.)


    6. Resumption of the sitting

    The sitting resumed at 12:07.


    7. Voting time

    For detailed results of the votes, see also ‘Results of votes’ and ‘Results of roll-call votes’.


    7.1. Guidelines for the 2026 budget – Section III (vote)

    Report on general guidelines for the preparation of the 2026 budget, Section III – Commission [2024/2110(BUI)] – Committee on Budgets. Rapporteur: Andrzej Halicki (A10-0042/2025)

    The debate had taken place on 31 March 2025 (minutes of 31.3.2025, item 12).

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

    Adopted (P10_TA(2025)0051)

    The following had spoken:

    Michał Dworczyk, to move an oral amendment to paragraph 12. Parliament had not agreed to put the oral amendment to the vote as more than 39 Members had opposed it.

    (‘Results of votes’, item 1)


    7.2. Agreements on Financial Mechanisms for the period May 2021 – April 2028 (EEA: EU-Iceland-Liechtenstein-Norway; Norwegian: EU-Norway); Additional Protocols to EEC-Norway Agreement and to EEC-Iceland Agreement *** (vote)

    Recommendation on the draft Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Union, of the Agreement between the European Union, Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and the Kingdom of Norway on an EEA Financial Mechanism for the period May 2021 – April 2028, the Agreement between the Kingdom of Norway and the European Union on a Norwegian Financial Mechanism for the period May 2021 – April 2028, the Additional Protocol to the Agreement between the European Economic Community and the Kingdom of Norway and the Additional Protocol to the Agreement between the European Economic Community and Iceland [10005/2024 – C10-0103/2024 – 2024/0052(NLE)] – Committee on International Trade. Rapporteur: Željana Zovko (A10-0036/2025)

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    DRAFT COUNCIL DECISION

    Approved (P10_TA(2025)0052)

    Parliament consented to the conclusion of the agreements and protocols.

    (‘Results of votes’, item 2)


    7.3. Protocol on the Implementation of the Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau (2024-2029) *** (vote)

    Recommendation on the draft Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Union, of the Protocol on the implementation of the Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau (2024–2029) [12475/2024 – C10-0108/2024 – 2024/0159(NLE)] – Committee on Fisheries. Rapporteur: Eric Sargiacomo (A10-0028/2025)

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    DRAFT COUNCIL DECISION

    Approved (P10_TA(2025)0053)

    Parliament consented to the conclusion of the agreement.

    The following had spoken:

    Before the vote, Eric Sargiacomo (rapporteur) to make a statement on his reports on the basis of Rule 165(4).

    (‘Results of votes’, item 3)


    7.4. Protocol on the Implementation of the Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau (2024-2029) (Resolution) (vote)

    Report containing a motion for a non-legislative resolution on the draft Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Union, of the Implementing Protocol (2024–2029) to the Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau [2024/0159M(NLE)] – Committee on Fisheries. Rapporteur: Eric Sargiacomo (A10-0040/2025)

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

    Adopted (P10_TA(2025)0054)

    (‘Results of votes’, item 4)


    7.5. EU-Bosnia and Herzegovina Agreement: cooperation between Eurojust and the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina competent for judicial cooperation in criminal matters *** (vote)

    Recommendation on the draft Council decision on the conclusion on behalf of the European Union of the Agreement between the European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina on the cooperation between the European Union Agency for Criminal Justice Cooperation (Eurojust) and the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina competent for judicial cooperation in criminal matters [COM(2024)0299 – 2024/0167(NLE)] – Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. Rapporteur: Jaroslav Bžoch (A10-0027/2025)

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    DRAFT COUNCIL DECISION

    Approved (P10_TA(2025)0055)

    Parliament consented to the conclusion of the agreement.

    (‘Results of votes’, item 5)


    7.6. Strengthening the security of identity cards of Union citizens and of residence documents issued to Union citizens and their family members exercising their right of free movement * (vote)

    Report on the proposal for a Council regulation on strengthening the security of identity cards of Union citizens and of residence documents issued to Union citizens and their family members exercising their right of free movement [COM(2024)0316 – C10-0112/2024 – 2024/0187(CNS)] – Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. Rapporteur: Malik Azmani (A10-0041/2025)

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    COMMISSION PROPOSAL TO THE COUNCIL

    Approved as amended (P10_TA(2025)0056)

    (‘Results of votes’, item 6)


    7.7. Implementation of the common foreign and security policy – annual report 2024 (vote)

    Report on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy – 2024 annual report [2024/2080(INI)] – Committee on Foreign Affairs. Rapporteur: David McAllister (A10-0010/2025)

    The debate had taken place on 1 April 2025 (minutes of 1.4.2025, item 9).

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

    Adopted (P10_TA(2025)0057)

    (‘Results of votes’, item 7)


    7.8. Implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2024 (vote)

    Report on the implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2024 [2024/2082(INI)] – Committee on Foreign Affairs. Rapporteur: Nicolás Pascual de la Parte (A10-0011/2025)

    The debate had taken place on 1 April 2025 (minutes of 1.4.2025, item 9).

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

    Adopted (P10_TA(2025)0058)

    (‘Results of votes’, item 8)


    7.9. Human rights and democracy in the world and the European Union’s policy on the matter – annual report 2024 (vote)

    Report on human rights and democracy in the world and the European Union’s policy on the matter – annual report 2024 [2024/2081(INI)] – Committee on Foreign Affairs. Rapporteur: Isabel Wiseler-Lima (A10-0012/2025)

    The debate had taken place on 1 April 2025 (minutes of 1.4.2025, item 10).

    (Majority of the votes cast)

    MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

    Adopted (P10_TA(2025)0059)

    The following had spoken:

    Bernard Guetta, to move an oral amendment to paragraph 4. Parliament had agreed to put the oral amendment to the vote.

    (‘Results of votes’, item 9)

    (The sitting was suspended at 13:41.)


    IN THE CHAIR: Martin HOJSÍK
    Vice-President

    8. Resumption of the sitting

    The sitting resumed at 13:45.


    9. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

    The minutes of the previous sitting were approved.


    10. Social Europe: making life affordable, protecting jobs, wages and health for all (topical debate)

    The following spoke: Marie Toussaint to open the debate proposed by the Verts/ALE Group.

    The following spoke: Adam Szłapka (President-in-Office of the Council) and Costas Kadis (Member of the Commission).

    The following spoke: Nikolina Brnjac, on behalf of the PPE Group, Gabriele Bischoff, on behalf of the S&D Group, Jorge Buxadé Villalba, on behalf of the PfE Group, Lara Magoni, on behalf of the ECR Group, Jana Toom, on behalf of the Renew Group, Katrin Langensiepen, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Li Andersson, on behalf of The Left Group, Maravillas Abadía Jover, Estelle Ceulemans, Valérie Deloge, Marlena Maląg, Irena Joveva, Jaume Asens Llodrà, Leila Chaibi, Maria Zacharia, Tomislav Sokol, Camilla Laureti, Pál Szekeres, Georgiana Teodorescu, Eugen Tomac, Maria Ohisalo, Catarina Martins, Jan-Peter Warnke, Regina Doherty, Idoia Mendia, Isabella Tovaglieri, Francesco Torselli, Hristo Petrov, Gordan Bosanac, João Oliveira, Marc Angel, Mélanie Disdier, Nora Junco García, Engin Eroglu, Vicent Marzà Ibáñez, Marit Maij, Dick Erixon, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Jaak Madison and Johan Danielsson.

    The following spoke: Costas Kadis and Adam Szłapka.

    The debate closed.


    11. European oceans pact (debate)

    Council and Commission statements: European oceans pact (2025/2610(RSP))

    Adam Szłapka (President-in-Office of the Council) and Costas Kadis (Member of the Commission) made the statements.

    IN THE CHAIR: Victor NEGRESCU
    Vice-President

    The following spoke: Gabriel Mato, on behalf of the PPE Group, Christophe Clergeau, on behalf of the S&D Group, António Tânger Corrêa, on behalf of the PfE Group, Veronika Vrecionová, on behalf of the ECR Group, Stéphanie Yon-Courtin, on behalf of the Renew Group, Isabella Lövin, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Emma Fourreau, on behalf of The Left Group, Siegbert Frank Droese, on behalf of the ESN Group, Isabelle Le Callennec, André Rodrigues, France Jamet, Stephen Nikola Bartulica, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, Nikolas Farantouris, Carmen Crespo Díaz, who also answered a blue-card question from Ana Miranda Paz, Annalisa Corrado, André Rougé, Ana Vasconcelos, Sebastian Everding, Paulo Do Nascimento Cabral, who also answered a blue-card question from João Oliveira, Nicolás González Casares, Séverine Werbrouck, who also answered a blue-card question from Christophe Clergeau, Emma Wiesner, Jessica Polfjärd, Željana Zovko, Francisco José Millán Mon and Fredis Beleris.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Ana Miguel Pedro, Rosa Serrano Sierra, Ana Miranda Paz, Lukas Sieper, Nina Carberry, Thomas Bajada, João Oliveira, Giuseppe Lupo and Sofie Eriksson.

    The following spoke: Costas Kadis and Adam Szłapka.

    The debate closed.


    12. Recent legislative changes in Hungary and their impact on fundamental rights (debate)

    Council and Commission statements: Recent legislative changes in Hungary and their impact on fundamental rights (2025/2631(RSP))

    Adam Szłapka (President-in-Office of the Council) and Michael McGrath (Member of the Commission) made the statements.

    The following spoke: Zoltán Tarr, on behalf of the PPE Group, Csaba Molnár, on behalf of the S&D Group, Tamás Deutsch, on behalf of the PfE Group, Jacek Ozdoba, on behalf of the ECR Group, and Fabienne Keller, on behalf of the Renew Group (the President reminded the speaker of the rules on conduct), and Tineke Strik, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group.

    IN THE CHAIR: Antonella SBERNA
    Vice-President

    The following spoke: Konstantinos Arvanitis, on behalf of The Left Group, Zsuzsanna Borvendég, on behalf of the ESN Group, Adrián Vázquez Lázara, Marc Angel, Paolo Borchia, Paolo Inselvini, Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle, Daniel Freund, Ilaria Salis, who also declined to take a blue-card question from Enikő Győri, Milan Uhrík, who also answered a blue-card question from Lukas Sieper, Ľuboš Blaha, who also answered a blue-card question from Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle, Monika Hohlmeier, who also answered a blue-card question from Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă, Krzysztof Śmiszek, who also declined to take a blue-card question from Jacek Ozdoba, Ondřej Knotek, Moritz Körner, Kim Van Sparrentak, Tomasz Froelich, Lukas Sieper, Michał Wawrykiewicz, who also answered a blue-card question from Ernő Schaller-Baross, Chloé Ridel, Fabrice Leggeri, Sigrid Friis, Mélissa Camara, who also answered a blue-card question from Jacek Ozdoba, Reinhold Lopatka, who also answered a blue-card question from Daniel Freund, Evin Incir, Jorge Buxadé Villalba, Rasmus Nordqvist, Regina Doherty, Matjaž Nemec, András László, who also answered a blue-card question from András Tivadar Kulja, Rosa Estaràs Ferragut and Dóra Dávid, who also answered a blue-card question from Annamária Vicsek.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Maria Walsh, Juan Fernando López Aguilar, Csaba Dömötör and Dainius Žalimas.

    The following spoke: Lukas Sieper, concerning what certain speakers had said.

    The following spoke: Michael McGrath.

    The debate closed.


    13. The importance of trans-European transport infrastructure in times of stalling economic growth and major threats to Europe’s security (debate)

    Council and Commission statements: The importance of trans-European transport infrastructure in times of stalling economic growth and major threats to Europe’s security (2025/2609(RSP))

    Apostolos Tzitzikostas (Member of the Commission) made the statement on behalf of the Commission.

    The following spoke: Jens Gieseke, on behalf of the PPE Group, Johan Danielsson, on behalf of the S&D Group, Roman Haider, on behalf of the PfE Group, Roberts Zīle, on behalf of the ECR Group, Jan-Christoph Oetjen, on behalf of the Renew Group, Kai Tegethoff, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Merja Kyllönen, on behalf of The Left Group, and Siegbert Frank Droese, on behalf of the ESN Group.

    IN THE CHAIR: Javi LÓPEZ
    Vice-President

    The following spoke: Dariusz Joński, Sérgio Gonçalves, Julien Leonardelli, Georgiana Teodorescu, Valérie Devaux, Stanislav Stoyanov, Luis-Vicențiu Lazarus, Sophia Kircher, who also answered a blue-card question from Bogdan Rzońca, François Kalfon, Rody Tolassy, Mario Mantovani, Thomas Geisel, Borja Giménez Larraz, Rosa Serrano Sierra, Ondřej Krutílek, Elena Nevado del Campo, Ştefan Muşoiu, who also answered a blue-card question from João Oliveira, Aurelijus Veryga, Nikolina Brnjac, Piotr Müller and Kosma Złotowski.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Nina Carberry, Sandra Gómez López, Annamária Vicsek, Antonella Sberna, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, João Oliveira, Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos and Francisco José Millán Mon.

    The following spoke: Apostolos Tzitzikostas.

    The debate closed.


    14. Outcome of the recent COP16 biodiversity negotiations in Rome (debate)

    Council and Commission statements: Outcome of the recent COP16 biodiversity negotiations in Rome (2025/2636(RSP))

    Jessika Roswall (Member of the Commission) made the statement on behalf of the Commission.

    The following spoke: Christine Schneider, on behalf of the PPE Group, César Luena, on behalf of the S&D Group, Mireia Borrás Pabón, on behalf of the PfE Group, Michele Picaro, on behalf of the ECR Group, Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy, on behalf of the Renew Group, Jutta Paulus, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Carola Rackete, on behalf of The Left Group, Sérgio Humberto, who also answered a blue-card question from João Oliveira, Antonio Decaro, Michal Wiezik, Pär Holmgren and Manuela Ripa.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Seán Kelly and João Oliveira.

    The following spoke: Jessika Roswall.

    The debate closed.


    15. Delivering on the EU Roma Strategy and the fight against discrimination in the EU (debate)

    Council and Commission statements: Delivering on the EU Roma Strategy and the fight against discrimination in the EU (2025/2611(RSP))

    Hadja Lahbib (Member of the Commission) made the statement on behalf of the Commission.

    IN THE CHAIR: Younous OMARJEE
    Vice-President

    The following spoke: Zoltán Tarr, on behalf of the PPE Group, Murielle Laurent, on behalf of the S&D Group, Elisabeth Dieringer, on behalf of the PfE Group, Alessandro Ciriani, on behalf of the ECR Group, Hristo Petrov, on behalf of the Renew Group, Alice Kuhnke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group, Estrella Galán, on behalf of The Left Group, Milan Mazurek, on behalf of the ESN Group, Loránt Vincze, Francisco Assis, who also answered a blue-card question from João Oliveira, Georgiana Teodorescu, Nicolae Ştefănuță, Tomáš Zdechovský, Marcos Ros Sempere, Reinhold Lopatka and Juan Fernando López Aguilar.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Silvia Sardone, Isabella Tovaglieri, Katrin Langensiepen and João Oliveira.

    The following spoke: Hadja Lahbib.

    The debate closed.


    16. Composition of committees and delegations

    The non-attached Members had notified the President of the following decisions changing the composition of the committees and delegations:

    – Delegation to the EU-Montenegro Stabilisation and Association Parliamentary Committee: Grzegorz Braun

    – Delegation to the OACPS-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly: Kateřina Konečná

    The decisions took effect as of that day.


    17. Threat to freedom of expression in Algeria: the five-year prison sentence of French writer Boualem Sansal (debate)

    Commission statement: Threat to freedom of expression in Algeria: the five-year prison sentence of French writer Boualem Sansal (2025/2655(RSP))

    Hadja Lahbib (Member of the Commission) made the statement.

    The following spoke: Céline Imart, on behalf of the PPE Group, Emma Rafowicz, on behalf of the S&D Group, Gilles Pennelle, on behalf of the PfE Group, Bernard Guetta, on behalf of the Renew Group, and Alexander Sell, on behalf of the ESN Group.

    The following spoke: Hadja Lahbib.

    The debate closed.


    18. Debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law (debate)

    (For the titles and authors of the motions for resolutions, see minutes of 3.4.2025, item I.)


    18.1. Prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior, Tsi Conrad

    Motions for resolutions B10-0230/2025, B10-0231/2025, B10-0232/2025, B10-0233/2025, B10-0234/2025, B10-0235/2025, B10-0236/2025 and B10-0237/2025 (2025/2627(RSP))

    Tomáš Zdechovský, Marta Temido, Catarina Vieira, Rima Hassan and Silvia Sardone introduced their groups’ motions for resolutions.

    The following spoke: Hannes Heide, on behalf of the S&D Group, and Marco Tarquinio.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Lukas Sieper.

    The following spoke: Hadja Lahbib (Member of the Commission).

    The debate closed.

    Vote: 3 April 2025.


    18.2. Execution spree in Iran and the confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani

    Motions for resolutions B10-0220/2025, B10-0222/2025, B10-0224/2025, B10-0225/2025, B10-0226/2025 and B10-0228/2025 (2025/2628(RSP))

    Danuše Nerudová, Francisco Assis, Veronika Vrecionová, Helmut Brandstätter, Hannah Neumann and Matthieu Valet introduced their groups’ motions for resolutions.

    The following spoke: Milan Zver, on behalf of the PPE Group, Daniel Attard, on behalf of the S&D Group, Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group, Davor Ivo Stier and Evin Incir.

    The following spoke under the catch-the-eye procedure: Tiago Moreira de Sá.

    The following spoke: Hadja Lahbib (Member of the Commission).

    The debate closed.

    Vote: 3 April 2025.


    18.3. Immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus – threats from the Investigative Committee

    Motions for resolutions B10-0218/2025, B10-0219/2025, B10-0221/2025, B10-0223/2025, B10-0227/2025 and B10-0229/2025 (2025/2629(RSP))

    Miriam Lexmann, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Helmut Brandstätter, Mārtiņš Staķis and Merja Kyllönen introduced their groups’ motions for resolutions.

    The following spoke: Michał Szczerba, on behalf of the PPE Group, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, on behalf of the S&D Group, Dainius Žalimas, on behalf of the Renew Group, and Petar Volgin, on behalf of the ESN Group.

    The following spoke: Hadja Lahbib (Member of the Commission).

    The debate closed.

    Vote: 3 April 2025.


    19. Explanations of vote


    19.1. Implementation of the common foreign and security policy – annual report 2024 (A10-0010/2025 – David McAllister) (oral explanations of vote)

    Petar Volgin


    19.2. Implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2024 (A10-0011/2025 – Nicolás Pascual de la Parte) (oral explanations of vote)

    Kathleen Funchion, Lynn Boylan


    19.3. Written explanations of vote

    Explanations of vote submitted in writing under Rule 201 appear on the Members’ pages on Parliament’s website.


    20. Agenda of the next sitting

    The next sitting would be held the following day, 3 April 2025, starting at 09:00. The agenda was available on Parliament’s website.


    21. Approval of the minutes of the sitting

    In accordance with Rule 208(3), the minutes of the sitting would be put to the House for approval at the beginning of the afternoon of the next sitting.


    22. Closure of the sitting

    The sitting closed at 21:27.


    LIST OF DOCUMENTS SERVING AS A BASIS FOR THE DEBATES AND DECISIONS OF PARLIAMENT


    I. Motions for resolutions tabled

    Prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior, Tsi Conrad

    The following Members or political groups had requested that a debate be held, in accordance with Rule 150, on the following motions for resolutions:

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0230/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Rima Hassan
    on behalf of The Left Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0231/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Tomasz Froelich, Alexander Sell, Petr Bystron
    on behalf of the ESN Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0232/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Catarina Vieira, Mounir Satouri, Maria Ohisalo, Ville Niinistö, Nicolae Ştefănuță
    on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0233/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Yannis Maniatis, Francisco Assis, Marta Temido
    on behalf of the S&D Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0234/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Silvia Sardone, Susanna Ceccardi, Roberto Vannacci, Nikola Bartůšek
    on behalf of the PfE Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0235/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Jan-Christoph Oetjen, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, Petras Auštrevičius, Malik Azmani, Dan Barna, Olivier Chastel, Engin Eroglu, Svenja Hahn, Karin Karlsbro, Ilhan Kyuchyuk, Urmas Paet, Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, Hilde Vautmans, Lucia Yar
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0236/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Sebastião Bugalho, Tomáš Zdechovský, Michael Gahler, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Michał Wawrykiewicz, Tomas Tobé, Luděk Niedermayer, Seán Kelly, Vangelis Meimarakis, Andrey Kovatchev, Wouter Beke, Danuše Nerudová, Loránt Vincze, Jessica Polfjärd, Łukasz Kohut, Antonio López-Istúriz White, Miriam Lexmann, Inese Vaidere
    on behalf of the PPE Group

    on the prosecution of journalists in Cameroon, notably the cases of Amadou Vamoulké, Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka, Mancho Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior and Tsi Conrad (B10-0237/2025) (2025/2627(RSP))
    Adam Bielan, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Ondřej Krutílek, Veronika Vrecionová, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Alexandr Vondra, Waldemar Tomaszewski, Assita Kanko, Ivaylo Valchev, Joachim Stanisław Brudziński
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    Execution spree in Iran and the confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani

    The following Members or political groups had requested that a debate be held, in accordance with Rule 150, on the following motions for resolutions:

    on the execution spree in Iran and confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani (B10-0220/2025) (2025/2628(RSP))
    Hannah Neumann, Mounir Satouri, Erik Marquardt, Catarina Vieira, Ville Niinistö, Nicolae Ştefănuță, Mélissa Camara, Maria Ohisalo
    on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group

    on the execution spree in Iran and the confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani (B10-0222/2025) (2025/2628(RSP))
    Matthieu Valet, Pierre-Romain Thionnet, Nikola Bartůšek, Susanna Ceccardi, Silvia Sardone
    on behalf of the PfE Group

    on the execution spree in Iran and confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani (B10-0224/2025) (2025/2628(RSP))
    Helmut Brandstätter, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, Abir Al-Sahlani, Petras Auštrevičius, Malik Azmani, Dan Barna, Olivier Chastel, Veronika Cifrová Ostrihoňová, Engin Eroglu, Bart Groothuis, Svenja Hahn, Karin Karlsbro, Ilhan Kyuchyuk, Nathalie Loiseau, Jan-Christoph Oetjen, Urmas Paet, Hilde Vautmans, Sophie Wilmès, Lucia Yar
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    on the execution spree in Iran and the confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani (B10-0225/2025) (2025/2628(RSP))
    Yannis Maniatis, Francisco Assis, Daniel Attard, Evin Incir
    on behalf of the S&D Group

    on the execution spree in Iran and confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani (B10-0226/2025) (2025/2628(RSP))
    Mariusz Kamiński, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Michał Dworczyk, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Ondřej Krutílek, Veronika Vrecionová, Waldemar Tomaszewski, Alexandr Vondra, Aurelijus Veryga, Assita Kanko
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    on the execution spree in Iran and confirmation of the death sentences of activists Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani (B10-0228/2025) (2025/2628(RSP))
    Sebastião Bugalho, Loucas Fourlas, Michael Gahler, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Michał Wawrykiewicz, Tomas Tobé, Luděk Niedermayer, Seán Kelly, Vangelis Meimarakis, Andrey Kovatchev, Wouter Beke, Danuše Nerudová, Loránt Vincze, Jessica Polfjärd, Łukasz Kohut, Antonio López-Istúriz White, Tomáš Zdechovský, Miriam Lexmann, Inese Vaidere
    on behalf of the PPE Group

    Immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus – threats from the Investigative Committee

    The following Members or political groups had requested that a debate be held, in accordance with Rule 150, on the following motions for resolutions:

    on the immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus: threats from the Investigative Committee (B10-0218/2025) (2025/2629(RSP))
    Merja Kyllönen
    on behalf of The Left Group

    on the immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus – threats from the Investigative Committee (B10-0219/2025) (2025/2629(RSP))
    Mārtiņš Staķis, Maria Ohisalo, Mounir Satouri, Lena Schilling, Markéta Gregorová, Catarina Vieira, Nicolae Ştefănuță, Ville Niinistö, Sergey Lagodinsky
    on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group

    on the immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus: threats from the Investigative Committee (B10-0221/2025) (2025/2629(RSP))
    Yannis Maniatis, Francisco Assis, Robert Biedroń
    on behalf of the S&D Group

    on the immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus – threats from the Investigative Committee (B10-0223/2025) (2025/2629(RSP))
    Adam Bielan, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Mariusz Kamiński, Michał Dworczyk, Maciej Wąsik, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Ondřej Krutílek, Veronika Vrecionová, Alexandr Vondra, Assita Kanko, Aurelijus Veryga, Rihards Kols, Joachim Stanisław Brudziński, Ivaylo Valchev, Roberts Zīle
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    on the immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus – threats from the Investigative Committee (B10-0227/2025) (2025/2629(RSP))
    Michał Kobosko, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, Petras Auštrevičius, Malik Azmani, Dan Barna, Helmut Brandstätter, Olivier Chastel, Veronika Cifrová Ostrihoňová, Engin Eroglu, Svenja Hahn, Karin Karlsbro, Ľubica Karvašová, Ilhan Kyuchyuk, Jan-Christoph Oetjen, Urmas Paet, Hilde Vautmans, Lucia Yar, Dainius Žalimas
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    on the immediate risk of further repression by Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus: threats from the investigative Committee (B10-0229/2025) (2025/2629(RSP))
    Sebastião Bugalho, Miriam Lexmann, Michael Gahler, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Michał Wawrykiewicz, Tomas Tobé, Dariusz Joński, Luděk Niedermayer, Seán Kelly, Vangelis Meimarakis, Andrey Kovatchev, Wouter Beke, Danuše Nerudová, Loránt Vincze, Jessica Polfjärd, Sandra Kalniete, Łukasz Kohut, Antonio López-Istúriz White, Tomáš Zdechovský, Inese Vaidere
    on behalf of the PPE Group


    II. Delegated acts (Rule 114(2))

    Draft delegated acts forwarded to Parliament

    – Commission Delegated Regulation correcting certain language versions of Delegated Regulation (EU) 2024/857 supplementing Directive 2013/36/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council with regard to regulatory technical standards specifying a standardised methodology and a simplified standardised methodology to evaluate the risks arising from potential changes in interest rates that affect both the economic value of equity and the net interest income of an institution’s non-trading book activities (C(2025)01555 – 2025/2614(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 3 months from the date of receipt of 17 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: ECON

    – Commission Delegated Regulation correcting the Dutch language version of Delegated Regulation (EU) 2019/945 on unmanned aircraft systems and on third-country operators of unmanned aircraft systems (C(2025)01614 – 2025/2625(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 2 months from the date of receipt of 24 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: TRAN

    – Commission Delegated Regulation correcting Delegated Regulation (EU) 2018/273 as regards the import of wine originating in Canada (C(2025)01628 – 2025/2617(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 2 months from the date of receipt of 19 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: AGRI

    – Commission Delegated Regulation supplementing Regulation (EU) 2023/1542 of the European Parliament and of the Council by establishing the methodology for calculation and verification of rates for recycling efficiency and recovery of materials from waste batteries, and the format for the documentation (C(2025)01674 – 2025/2621(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 3 months from the date of receipt of 21 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: ENVI
    opinion: ITRE, IMCO

    – Commission Delegated Regulation supplementing Regulation (EU) 2022/2554 of the European Parliament and of the Council with regard to regulatory technical standards specifying the elements that a financial entity has to determine and assess when subcontracting ICT services supporting critical or important functions (C(2025)01682 – 2025/2623(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 3 months from the date of receipt of 24 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: ECON

    – Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) amending Regulation (EU) No 691/2011 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards investments on climate change mitigation and introducing the classification of environmental purposes (C(2025)01777 – 2025/2643(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 2 months from the date of receipt of 26 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Delegated Regulation supplementing Regulation (EU) 2024/1449 of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing the Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans by setting out the elements of the scoreboard for the Reform and Growth Facility (C(2025)01810 – 2025/2651(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 1 month from the date of receipt of 28 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: AFET, BUDG

    – Commission Delegated Regulation correcting Delegated Regulation (EU) 2022/126 supplementing Regulation (EU) 2021/2115 of the European Parliament and of the Council with additional requirements for certain types of intervention specified by Member States in their CAP Strategic Plans for the period 2023 to 2027 under that Regulation as well as rules on the ratio for the good agricultural and environmental conditions (GAEC) standard 1 (C(2025)01846 – 2025/2652(DEA))

    Deadline for raising objections: 2 months from the date of receipt of 31 March 2025

    referred to committee responsible: AGRI
    opinion: ENVI

    Draft delegated act for which the period for raising objections had been extended

    – Commission Delegated Regulation amending Delegated Regulation (EU) 2019/1122 supplementing Directive 2003/87/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards the functioning of the Union Registry C(2025)00814 – 2025/2562(DEA)

    Deadline for raising objections: 2 months from the date of receipt of 11 February 2025

    Extension of the deadline for raising objections: 2 months at the request of the Council

    referred to committee responsible: ENVI
    opinion: ITRE


    III. Implementing measures (Rule 115)

    Draft implementing measures falling under the regulatory procedure with scrutiny forwarded to Parliament

    – Commission Regulation (EU) amending Regulation (EU) No 142/2011 as regards requirements for the import of used cooking oil (D098112/02 – 2025/2615(RPS) – deadline: 18 June 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Regulation amending Annexes II and III to Regulation (EC) No 396/2005 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards maximum residue levels for cyantraniliprole, cyflumetofen, deltamethrin, mefentrifluconazole, mepiquat and oxathiapiprolin in or on certain products (D102376/03 – 2025/2626(RPS) – deadline: 26 May 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Regulation amending Regulation (EC) No 1907/2006 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards carcinogens, germ cell mutagens or reproductive toxicants subject to restrictions (D102504/02 – 2025/2607(RPS) – deadline: 11 June 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI
    opinion: ITRE, IMCO

    – Commission Regulation amending Annexes II, III and IV to Regulation (EC) No 396/2005 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards maximum residue levels for amidosulfuron, azoxystrobin, hexythiazox, isoxaben, picloram, propamocarb, sodium silver thiosulfate and tefluthrin in or on certain products (D105252/02 – 2025/2622(RPS) – deadline: 21 May 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Regulation amending Annexes II, III and V to Regulation (EC) No 396/2005 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards maximum residue levels for chlorpropham, fuberidazole, ipconazole, methoxyfenozide, S-metolachlor and triflusulfuron in or on certain products (D105253/03 – 2025/2624(RPS) – deadline: 25 May 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Regulation amending Annex I to Regulation (EC) No 1334/2008 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards the inclusion of Naringenin and 2‐methyl‐1‐(2‐(5‐(p‐tolyl)‐1H‐imidazol‐2‐yl)piperidin‐1‐yl)butan‐1‐one in the Union list of flavourings (D105330/02 – 2025/2620(RPS) – deadline: 21 May 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Regulation amending Annex III to Regulation (EC) No 1333/2008 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards the use of sodium ascorbate (E 301) in vitamin A preparations intended for infant formula and follow-on formula (D105364/02 – 2025/2619(RPS) – deadline: 21 May 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ENVI

    – Commission Regulation amending Regulation (EU) 2023/1803 as regards International Financial Reporting Standards 1, 7, 9 and 10, and International Accounting Standard 7 (Text with EEA relevance) (D105674/01 – 2025/2616(RPS) – deadline: 11 June 2025)
    referred to committee responsible: ECON
    opinion: JURI


    IV. Transfers of appropriations and budgetary decisions

    In accordance with Article 31(1) of the Financial Regulation, the Committee on Budgets had decided to approve the Commission’s transfer of appropriations DEC 02/2025 – Section III – Commission.

    In accordance with Article 31(6) of the Financial Regulation, the Council of the European Union had decided to approve the European Commission’s transfer of appropriations DEC 02/2025 – Section III – Commission.

    In accordance with Article 31(6) of the Financial Regulation, the Council of the European Union had decided to approve transfer of appropriations 1-DEC/2025 – Section IV Court of Justice.


    In accordance with Article 31(6) of the Financial Regulation, the Council of the European Union had decided to approve transfer of appropriations DEC-01/T/2025 – Section V Court of Auditors.

    In accordance with Articles 31 and 49 of the Financial Regulation, the Committee on Budgets had decided to approve transfer of appropriations 1-DEC – Section IV Court of Justice.

    In accordance with Articles 31 and 49 of the Financial Regulation, the Committee on Budgets had decided to approve transfer of appropriations V/DEC-01/T/25 – Section V Court of Auditors.


    V. Documents received

    The following documents had been received from other institutions:

    – Proposal for transfer of appropriations DEC 03/2025 – Section III – Commission (N10-0011/2025 – C10-0050/2025 – 2025/2066(GBD))
    referred to committee responsible: BUDG

    – Proposal for transfer of appropriations DEC 04/2025 – Section III – Commission (N10-0012/2025 – C10-0053/2025 – 2025/2068(GBD))
    referred to committee responsible: BUDG


    ATTENDANCE REGISTER

    Present:

    Aaltola Mika, Abadía Jover Maravillas, Adamowicz Magdalena, Aftias Georgios, Agirregoitia Martínez Oihane, Agius Peter, Agius Saliba Alex, Alexandraki Galato, Allione Grégory, Al-Sahlani Abir, Anadiotis Nikolaos, Anderson Christine, Andersson Li, Andresen Rasmus, Andrews Barry, Andriukaitis Vytenis Povilas, Androuët Mathilde, Angel Marc, Annemans Gerolf, Annunziata Lucia, Arias Echeverría Pablo, Arimont Pascal, Arłukowicz Bartosz, Arnaoutoglou Sakis, Arndt Anja, Arvanitis Konstantinos, Asens Llodrà Jaume, Assis Francisco, Attard Daniel, Aubry Manon, Auštrevičius Petras, Axinia Adrian-George, Azmani Malik, Bajada Thomas, Baljeu Jeannette, Ballarín Cereza Laura, Bardella Jordan, Barley Katarina, Barna Dan, Barrena Arza Pernando, Bartulica Stephen Nikola, Bartůšek Nikola, Bausemer Arno, Bay Nicolas, Bay Christophe, Beke Wouter, Beleris Fredis, Bellamy François-Xavier, Benifei Brando, Benjumea Benjumea Isabel, Beňová Monika, Bentele Hildegard, Berendsen Tom, Berger Stefan, Berlato Sergio, Bernhuber Alexander, Biedroń Robert, Bielan Adam, Bischoff Gabriele, Blaha Ľuboš, Blinkevičiūtė Vilija, Blom Rachel, Bloss Michael, Bocheński Tobiasz, Boeselager Damian, Bogdan Ioan-Rareş, Bonaccini Stefano, Bonte Barbara, Borchia Paolo, Borrás Pabón Mireia, Borvendég Zsuzsanna, Borzan Biljana, Bosanac Gordan, Boßdorf Irmhild, Bosse Stine, Botenga Marc, Boyer Gilles, Boylan Lynn, Brandstätter Helmut, Brasier-Clain Marie-Luce, Braun Grzegorz, Brejza Krzysztof, Bricmont Saskia, Brnjac Nikolina, Brudziński Joachim Stanisław, Buchheit Markus, Buczek Tomasz, Buda Daniel, Buda Waldemar, Budka Borys, Bugalho Sebastião, Buła Andrzej, Bullmann Udo, Burkhardt Delara, Buxadé Villalba Jorge, Bystron Petr, Bžoch Jaroslav, Camara Mélissa, Canfin Pascal, Carberry Nina, Cârciu Gheorghe, Carême Damien, Casa David, Caspary Daniel, Castillo Laurent, del Castillo Vera Pilar, Cavazzini Anna, Cavedagna Stefano, Ceccardi Susanna, Cepeda José, Ceulemans Estelle, Chahim Mohammed, Chaibi Leila, Chastel Olivier, Chinnici Caterina, Christensen Asger, Cifrová Ostrihoňová Veronika, Ciriani Alessandro, Cisint Anna Maria, Clausen Per, Clergeau Christophe, Cormand David, Corrado Annalisa, Costanzo Vivien, Cotrim De Figueiredo João, Cowen Barry, Cremer Tobias, Crespo Díaz Carmen, Cristea Andi, Crosetto Giovanni, Cunha Paulo, Dahl Henrik, Danielsson Johan, Dávid Dóra, David Ivan, de la Hoz Quintano Raúl, Della Valle Danilo, Deloge Valérie, De Masi Fabio, De Meo Salvatore, Demirel Özlem, Deutsch Tamás, Devaux Valérie, Dibrani Adnan, Diepeveen Ton, Dieringer Elisabeth, Dîncu Vasile, Di Rupo Elio, Disdier Mélanie, Dobrev Klára, Doherty Regina, Doleschal Christian, Dömötör Csaba, Do Nascimento Cabral Paulo, Donazzan Elena, Dorfmann Herbert, Dostalova Klara, Dostál Ondřej, Droese Siegbert Frank, Düpont Lena, Dworczyk Michał, Ecke Matthias, Ehler Christian, Ehlers Marieke, Eriksson Sofie, Erixon Dick, Eroglu Engin, Estaràs Ferragut Rosa, Everding Sebastian, Ezcurra Almansa Alma, Falcă Gheorghe, Falcone Marco, Farantouris Nikolas, Farreng Laurence, Farský Jan, Ferber Markus, Ferenc Viktória, Fernández Jonás, Fidanza Carlo, Fiocchi Pietro, Firea Gabriela, Firmenich Ruth, Fita Claire, Flanagan Luke Ming, Fourlas Loucas, Fourreau Emma, Fragkos Emmanouil, Freund Daniel, Frigout Anne-Sophie, Friis Sigrid, Fritzon Heléne, Froelich Tomasz, Fuglsang Niels, Funchion Kathleen, Furet Angéline, Furore Mario, Gahler Michael, Gál Kinga, Galán Estrella, Gálvez Lina, Gambino Alberico, García Hermida-Van Der Walle Raquel, Garraud Jean-Paul, Gasiuk-Pihowicz Kamila, Geadi Geadis, Gedin Hanna, Geese Alexandra, Geier Jens, Geisel Thomas, Gemma Chiara, Georgiou Giorgos, Gerbrandy Gerben-Jan, Germain Jean-Marc, Gerzsenyi Gabriella, Geuking Niels, Gieseke Jens, Giménez Larraz Borja, Girauta Vidal Juan Carlos, Glavak Sunčana, Glück Andreas, Glucksmann Raphaël, Goerens Charles, Gomart Christophe, Gomes Isilda, Gómez López Sandra, Gonçalves Bruno, Gonçalves Sérgio, González Casares Nicolás, González Pons Esteban, Gori Giorgio, Gosiewska Małgorzata, Gotink Dirk, Gozi Sandro, Grapini Maria, Gražulis Petras, Gregorová Markéta, Grims Branko, Griset Catherine, Gronkiewicz-Waltz Hanna, Groothuis Bart, Grossmann Elisabeth, Grudler Christophe, Gualmini Elisabetta, Guarda Cristina, Guetta Bernard, Guzenina Maria, Győri Enikő, Gyürk András, Hadjipantela Michalis, Hahn Svenja, Haider Roman, Halicki Andrzej, Hansen Niels Flemming, Hassan Rima, Hauser Gerald, Häusling Martin, Hava Mircea-Gheorghe, Heide Hannes, Heinäluoma Eero, Henriksson Anna-Maja, Herbst Niclas, Herranz García Esther, Hetman Krzysztof, Hohlmeier Monika, Hojsík Martin, Holmgren Pär, Homs Ginel Alicia, Humberto Sérgio, Ijabs Ivars, Imart Céline, Incir Evin, Inselvini Paolo, Iovanovici Şoşoacă Diana, Jalloul Muro Hana, Jamet France, Jarubas Adam, Jerković Romana, Jongen Marc, Joński Dariusz, Joron Virginie, Jouvet Pierre, Joveva Irena, Juknevičienė Rasa, Junco García Nora, Jungbluth Alexander, Kalfon François, Kaliňák Erik, Kaljurand Marina, Kalniete Sandra, Kamiński Mariusz, Kanev Radan, Kanko Assita, Karlsbro Karin, Kartheiser Fernand, Karvašová Ľubica, Katainen Elsi, Kefalogiannis Emmanouil, Kelleher Billy, Keller Fabienne, Kelly Seán, Kemp Martine, Kennes Rudi, Khan Mary, Kircher Sophia, Knafo Sarah, Knotek Ondřej, Kobosko Michał, Kohut Łukasz, Kolář Ondřej, Kollár Kinga, Kols Rihards, Konečná Kateřina, Kopacz Ewa, Körner Moritz, Kountoura Elena, Kovařík Ondřej, Kovatchev Andrey, Krištopans Vilis, Kruis Sebastian, Krutílek Ondřej, Kubín Tomáš, Kuhnke Alice, Kulja András Tivadar, Kulmuni Katri, Kyllönen Merja, Kyuchyuk Ilhan, Lakos Eszter, Lalucq Aurore, Lange Bernd, Langensiepen Katrin, Laššáková Judita, László András, Latinopoulou Afroditi, Laurent Murielle, Laureti Camilla, Laykova Rada, Lazarov Ilia, Lazarus Luis-Vicențiu, Le Callennec Isabelle, Leggeri Fabrice, Lenaers Jeroen, Leonardelli Julien, Lewandowski Janusz, Lexmann Miriam, Liese Peter, Lins Norbert, Loiseau Nathalie, Løkkegaard Morten, Lopatka Reinhold, López Javi, López Aguilar Juan Fernando, López-Istúriz White Antonio, Lövin Isabella, Lucano Mimmo, Luena César, Łukacijewska Elżbieta Katarzyna, Lupo Giuseppe, McAllister David, Madison Jaak, Maestre Cristina, Magoni Lara, Maij Marit, Maląg Marlena, Manda Claudiu, Mandl Lukas, Maniatis Yannis, Mantovani Mario, Maran Pierfrancesco, Marczułajtis-Walczak Jagna, Mariani Thierry, Marino Ignazio Roberto, Marquardt Erik, Martins Catarina, Marzà Ibáñez Vicent, Mato Gabriel, Matthieu Sara, Mavrides Costas, Maydell Eva, Mayer Georg, Mazurek Milan, Mažylis Liudas, McNamara Michael, Mebarek Nora, Mehnert Alexandra, Meimarakis Vangelis, Mendes Ana Catarina, Mendia Idoia, Mertens Verena, Mesure Marina, Metsola Roberta, Metz Tilly, Mikser Sven, Milazzo Giuseppe, Millán Mon Francisco José, Minchev Nikola, Miranda Paz Ana, Molnár Csaba, Montero Irene, Montserrat Dolors, Morace Carolina, Morano Nadine, Moratti Letizia, Moreira de Sá Tiago, Moreno Sánchez Javier, Motreanu Dan-Ştefan, Mularczyk Arkadiusz, Müller Piotr, Mullooly Ciaran, Mureşan Siegfried, Muşoiu Ştefan, Nagyová Jana, Nardella Dario, Navarrete Rojas Fernando, Negrescu Victor, Nemec Matjaž, Nerudová Danuše, Nesci Denis, Neuhoff Hans, Neumann Hannah, Nevado del Campo Elena, Nica Dan, Niebler Angelika, Niedermayer Luděk, Niinistö Ville, Nikolaou-Alavanos Lefteris, Nikolic Aleksandar, Ní Mhurchú Cynthia, Noichl Maria, Nordqvist Rasmus, Novakov Andrey, Nykiel Mirosława, Obajtek Daniel, Ódor Ľudovít, Oetjen Jan-Christoph, Ohisalo Maria, Oliveira João, Omarjee Younous, Ó Ríordáin Aodhán, Orlando Leoluca, Ozdoba Jacek, Paet Urmas, Pajín Leire, Palmisano Valentina, Papadakis Kostas, Papandreou Nikos, Pappas Nikos, Pascual de la Parte Nicolás, Patriciello Aldo, Paulus Jutta, Pedro Ana Miguel, Pedulla’ Gaetano, Pellerin-Carlin Thomas, Peltier Guillaume, Penkova Tsvetelina, Pennelle Gilles, Pereira Lídia, Pérez Alvise, Peter-Hansen Kira Marie, Petrov Hristo, Picaro Michele, Picierno Pina, Picula Tonino, Piera Pascale, Pietikäinen Sirpa, Pimpie Pierre, Piperea Gheorghe, de la Pisa Carrión Margarita, Pokorná Jermanová Jaroslava, Polato Daniele, Polfjärd Jessica, Popescu Virgil-Daniel, Pozņaks Reinis, Prebilič Vladimir, Princi Giusi, Protas Jacek, Rackete Carola, Radev Emil, Radtke Dennis, Rafowicz Emma, Ratas Jüri, Razza Ruggero, Rechagneux Julie, Regner Evelyn, Repasi René, Repp Sabrina, Ressler Karlo, Reuten Thijs, Riba i Giner Diana, Ricci Matteo, Ridel Chloé, Riehl Nela, Ripa Manuela, Rodrigues André, Ros Sempere Marcos, Roth Neveďalová Katarína, Rougé André, Ruissen Bert-Jan, Ruotolo Sandro, Rzońca Bogdan, Saeidi Arash, Salini Massimiliano, Salis Ilaria, Salla Aura, Sánchez Amor Nacho, Sanchez Julien, Sancho Murillo Elena, Saramo Jussi, Sardone Silvia, Šarec Marjan, Sargiacomo Eric, Satouri Mounir, Saudargas Paulius, Sbai Majdouline, Sberna Antonella, Schaldemose Christel, Schaller-Baross Ernő, Schenk Oliver, Scheuring-Wielgus Joanna, Schieder Andreas, Schilling Lena, Schneider Christine, Schwab Andreas, Scuderi Benedetta, Seekatz Ralf, Sell Alexander, Serrano Sierra Rosa, Serra Sánchez Isabel, Sidl Günther, Sienkiewicz Bartłomiej, Sieper Lukas, Simon Sven, Singer Christine, Sinkevičius Virginijus, Sippel Birgit, Sjöstedt Jonas, Śmiszek Krzysztof, Smith Anthony, Smit Sander, Sokol Tomislav, Solier Diego, Solís Pérez Susana, Sommen Liesbet, Sonneborn Martin, Sorel Malika, Sousa Silva Hélder, Søvndal Villy, Squarta Marco, Staķis Mārtiņš, Stancanelli Raffaele, Ştefănuță Nicolae, Steger Petra, Stier Davor Ivo, Storm Kristoffer, Stöteler Sebastiaan, Stoyanov Stanislav, Strada Cecilia, Streit Joachim, Strik Tineke, Strolenberg Anna, Sturdza Şerban Dimitrie, Stürgkh Anna, Szczerba Michał, Szekeres Pál, Szydło Beata, Tamburrano Dario, Tânger Corrêa António, Tarczyński Dominik, Tarquinio Marco, Tarr Zoltán, Târziu Claudiu-Richard, Tavares Carla, Tegethoff Kai, Temido Marta, Teodorescu Georgiana, Teodorescu Måwe Alice, Terheş Cristian, Ter Laak Ingeborg, Terras Riho, Tertsch Hermann, Thionnet Pierre-Romain, Timgren Beatrice, Tinagli Irene, Tobback Bruno, Tobé Tomas, Tolassy Rody, Tomac Eugen, Tomašič Zala, Tomaszewski Waldemar, Tomc Romana, Tonin Matej, Toom Jana, Topo Raffaele, Torselli Francesco, Tosi Flavio, Toussaint Marie, Tovaglieri Isabella, Toveri Pekka, Tridico Pasquale, Trochu Laurence, Tsiodras Dimitris, Turek Filip, Tynkkynen Sebastian, Uhrík Milan, Ušakovs Nils, Vaidere Inese, Valchev Ivaylo, Vălean Adina, Valet Matthieu, Van Brempt Kathleen, Van Brug Anouk, van den Berg Brigitte, Vandendriessche Tom, Van Dijck Kris, Van Lanschot Reinier, Van Leeuwen Jessika, Vannacci Roberto, Van Overtveldt Johan, Van Sparrentak Kim, Varaut Alexandre, Vasconcelos Ana, Vasile-Voiculescu Vlad, Vautmans Hilde, Vedrenne Marie-Pierre, Ventola Francesco, Verougstraete Yvan, Veryga Aurelijus, Vešligaj Marko, Vicsek Annamária, Vieira Catarina, Vigenin Kristian, Vilimsky Harald, Vincze Loránt, Vind Marianne, Vistisen Anders, Vivaldini Mariateresa, Volgin Petar, von der Schulenburg Michael, Vondra Alexandr, Voss Axel, Vozemberg-Vrionidi Elissavet, Vrecionová Veronika, Vázquez Lázara Adrián, Waitz Thomas, Walsh Maria, Walsmann Marion, Warborn Jörgen, Warnke Jan-Peter, Wąsik Maciej, Wawrykiewicz Michał, Wcisło Marta, Wechsler Andrea, Weimers Charlie, Werbrouck Séverine, Wiesner Emma, Wiezik Michal, Wilmès Sophie, Winkler Iuliu, Winzig Angelika, Wiseler-Lima Isabel, Wiśniewska Jadwiga, Wölken Tiemo, Wolters Lara, Yar Lucia, Yon-Courtin Stéphanie, Yoncheva Elena, Zalewska Anna, Žalimas Dainius, Zan Alessandro, Zarzalejos Javier, Zdechovský Tomáš, Zdrojewski Bogdan Andrzej, Zijlstra Auke, Zīle Roberts, Zingaretti Nicola, Złotowski Kosma, Zoido Álvarez Juan Ignacio, Zovko Željana, Zver Milan

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – ReArm Europe Plan/Readiness 2030 – 03-04-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Commission’s ReArm Europe Plan/Readiness 2030, presented in March 2024, proposes to leverage over €800 billion in defence spending through national fiscal flexibility, a new €150 billion loan instrument (SAFE) for joint procurement, potential redirection of cohesion funds, and expanded European Investment Bank support. It also aims to mobilise private capital through the savings and investments union. ReArm Europe has sparked debate. While many welcome its ambition and the EU’s growing role in defence, concerns remain about democratic oversight, defence market fragmentation, and economic sustainability. Alternative ideas, such as creating a new Rearmament Bank, or a Defence, Security and Resilience Bank, have gained traction. These could offer low-interest loans and risk guarantees to support European and allied defence investment. Experts caution that, while the ReArm Europe Plan is an important political signal, it must be followed by practical measures to ensure impact. They stress the need to pool procurement, prioritise European-made equipment, and build a more integrated defence industrial base. Others argue the plan should go further, including options for grant-based financing and more robust governance structures. The coming months will be crucial in determining whether ReArm Europe can deliver a truly coordinated and resilient European defence effort. During a March 2025 debate, the majority of political groups in the European Parliament voiced strong support for boosting Europe’s defence, backing the ReArm Europe Plan while calling for a long-term strategy. Many urged enhanced strategic autonomy, secure access to resources, and continued aid to Ukraine. Concerns were raised over the sidelining of Parliament through use of Article 122 TFEU and the risk of over-reliance on emergency measures. Some warned that defence spending must not come at the expense of green, social, and R&D funding.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Redirecting frozen Russian assets to Ukraine – E-001278/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001278/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Merja Kyllönen (The Left), Ville Niinistö (Verts/ALE), Rihards Kols (ECR), Mika Aaltola (PPE), Pekka Toveri (PPE), Tobiasz Bocheński (ECR), Maria Ohisalo (Verts/ALE), Reinier Van Lanschot (Verts/ALE), Elsi Katainen (Renew), Hanna Gedin (The Left), Jonas Sjöstedt (The Left), Aura Salla (PPE), Nathalie Loiseau (Renew), Virginijus Sinkevičius (Verts/ALE), Lucia Yar (Renew), Anna-Maja Henriksson (Renew), Thomas Pellerin-Carlin (S&D), Urmas Paet (Renew), Marta Wcisło (PPE), Krzysztof Śmiszek (S&D), Anja Hazekamp (The Left), Katri Kulmuni (Renew), Michał Kobosko (Renew), Inese Vaidere (PPE), Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (S&D), Reinis Pozņaks (ECR)

    We are writing to express our deep concern regarding recent developments in Ukraine, particularly in the light of the United States’ decision to suspend its military, financial and intelligence aid to Ukraine.

    The EU has estimated that approximately EUR 210 billion in frozen Russian assets are being held within the EU. These assets are primarily in the form of government bonds that Russia’s Central Bank had stored as reserves.

    The United States’ recent actions have placed Ukraine in a weakened negotiating position, while President Trump and President Putin have been in discussions about Ukraine.

    To strengthen Ukraine’s position, the EU must consider redirecting frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These assets would significantly improve Ukraine’s overall situation.

    Given this context, we ask the following:

    • 1.What measures is the Commission planning to introduce to ensure that these frozen Russian assets can be utilised for Ukraine’s benefit?
    • 2.If the Commission does not redirect frozen Russian assets to Ukraine, what alternative measures does it plan to implement to quickly strengthen Ukraine’s negotiating position that would be as effective as granting access to EUR 210 billion in frozen Russian assets?

    Submitted: 26.3.2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Education Secretary keynote speech at Festival of Childhood

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    Education Secretary keynote speech at Festival of Childhood

    The Education Secretary’s keynote speech at the Children’s Commissioner’s Festival of Childhood event.

    Good morning, everyone. It’s really great to be here!

    Thank you, Tristram, for hosting us today. And Hughie, what a privilege it is to speak alongside you. Thank you so much for everything you said.

    Your bravery and determination, raising hundreds of thousands of pounds for Royal Manchester Children’s Hospital, all while going through that treatment yourself – you are such an inspiration.

    I’m so glad to hear about your full recovery too, and everything you’re doing to make children’s voices heard, and it’s great to see you here today continuing to lead and inspire with your journalism.

    I was interviewed back in September by your colleague Scarlett at Sky FYI – and she definitely put me through my paces! One of the toughest interviews I’ve ever had.

    And it was great to see her again at World Book Day last month.

    It’s lovely to look round this room and see so many familiar faces this morning. Rylie and Sofia – it was great to meet you at the Women in Westminster event last year.

    And Sofia – I’ve heard more and more about everything you’ve achieved, about leaving your home in Ukraine and coming to England.

    About joining school in year 11 and passing your GCSEs – despite English being your third language.

    What an amazing achievement!

    There are just so many inspiring young people here today.

    And I’d like to thank Dame Rachel for bringing together all the Youth Ambassadors. And all your amazing work making young voices heard.

    It’s their job, the job of the youth ambassadors, to make sure politicians like me listen to children and young people – and act to make their lives better.

    And that’s exactly right.

    Because as Secretary of State – children and young people are my priority.

    I want to see them, I want to see you, back at the forefront of national life, back at the centre of our national conversation.

    I want all children to have the opportunity to succeed.

    So we are on a mission as a government – to break down the barriers to opportunity for every child.

    And I mean it when I say that it has to be every child.

    Because all children deserve the chance to get on and succeed.

    It’s tempting to think that the path to opportunity begins on the first day of school.

    Nervous little girls and boys, lined up outside the school gates clinging on for dear life to their mums and dads.

    When stories of success are told, that’s often where we start.

    But that’s jumping ahead.

    Like expecting a tree to grow strong and tall without first putting down deep roots that are deep and lasting.

    Because opportunity starts early, it starts much earlier than that.

    I’d just like us to think of two babies, born in the same hospital on the same day.

    Think of all that happens before they reach those school gates a number of years later.

    One baby goes back to an anxious home.

    Her parents work hard – two, maybe even three jobs to make ends meet.

    There’s mould on the wall in their bedroom because the landlord won’t fix it – and now that’s where that baby has to sleep too.

    There’s never enough time in the day, never quite enough food in the fridge, no help from extended family.

    The council baby group her brothers went to now gone; nursery or childminders have been completely out of reach – too few spaces, too far to go, too expensive.

    So she stays at home, simply watching as her family struggle around her.

    Missing out on so much: playing with other children, sharing and taking turns, learning about her emotions, about those of others, about taking the first steps into learning.

    Now think of the other baby from the hospital. Her parents drive her back to a warm and stable home.

    Right from that first night, her needs are all that matter.

    Parents who read to her, talk to her.

    And whose first thought in the baby food aisle, isn’t can we afford it, isn’t where’s the money – it’s about buying her first coat.

    When her parents go back to work, she spends her mornings in a great nursery at the end of the road – the best early years teachers introduce her to letters and numbers, she begins to explore the world around her.

    There are afternoons in the park with grandma, bedtime stories with grandad.

    A whole network of support, with just one goal: giving her the very best start in life.

    Step by step, year by year, she grows and develops, and she leaps forward.

    So, on that first day of school, those two children, born in the same hospital, on the same day, they arrive wearing the same uniform, they might even stand together in the playground, and when the teacher asks that they walk into the classroom in pairs, they hold hands, bouncing inside towards the rest of their lives, with no idea how different their paths are likely to be.

    Because that’s where opportunity can be lost or found, those early forks in the road, where those gaps start to open up.

    And with each year that goes by, those gaps grow and grow. And closing them becomes harder and harder as the years pass.

    That’s why, when I speak to school leaders and university vice chancellors, they urge me to invest in the early years.

    And as we begin to see the generation of children born during the Covid pandemic arriving at school, many already far behind where they would normally be, the importance of early years is more clear-cut than ever.

    I’m in politics because I believe that every child deserves every opportunity to succeed.

    I’m here to make a difference in their lives.

    And because early years is where the biggest difference can be made, and it’s where my biggest priority lies.

    Giving every child the best start in life is my number one goal.

    That’s where I want to be judged, that’s where my legacy will lie.

    It’s not simply my priority.

    Children are central to the Prime Minister’s Plan for Change. It sets the target of a record share of children arriving at primary school ready to learn.

    Because we know that our success as a country begins in the earliest years of children’s lives.

    The Prime Minister gets it, I get it, and the Chancellor gets it too. That’s why, despite the toughest fiscal inheritance in a generation, she chose to invest over £8bn in early years – £2bn more than last year. 

    But we’re just getting started.

    This is the beginning of a wave of reform to lift up the life chances of all children, to give parents power and choice and freedom – and to put money back in their pockets too.

    And that means great childcare and early years education.

    There is a rich diversity of early education and childcare of all shapes and sizes right across the country that is already working hard to give children the best start in life.

    And I can’t thank them enough.

    But now is the time to go further.

    So yesterday I announced funding for 300 primary schools to expand their nurseries and set up new ones.

    Up to £150,000 each to convert unused classrooms into new nurseries for our children.

    6,000 new childcare places – most of them ready to go by September.

    It’s 300 steps on the road to 3,000 new and expanded school-based nurseries.

    An important part of how we’re delivering the childcare entitlements parents were promised.

    Giving them the power to choose the jobs and the hours that they want.

    Support for parents is so important too, saving them money as well.

    But, deep down, early education and childcare is all about children’s futures.

    And what an impact high-quality early education can have on their futures. Analysis shows that children who go to a higher-quality pre-school earn about £17,000 more over the course of their lives.

    Across 6,000 high-quality new places, it could mean a boost of over £100m in lifetime earnings.

    Now given the prize on offer, we’re still going further, to make the most of that precious time, when horizons still stretch out ahead.

    Because if those early chances are missed, they won’t come again. The lives of our children march on, so those early brushes with education are just so precious.

    That’s why we’re twinning the childcare rollout with the biggest ever uplift in the early years pupil premium for disadvantaged children.

    Because this is how we can narrow the attainment gap, and give every child, no matter their background, every opportunity to succeed.

    Children are there to learn. And the adults in the room are at heart early educators.

    So we’re fully funding initial teacher training for early years teachers and supporting them to become early years experts too.

    And we’re doubling our Maths Champions programme – to reach 800 early years classrooms.

    A really big step change.

    Helping children to feel comfortable with numbers from their youngest years, building numeracy skills early, so that by the time they reach school, maths is already a familiar friend.

    But I said before that we’re just getting started – and I meant it.

    So later this year, I’ll launch a new strategy to revitalise early years education.

    Rooted in creating positive early childhood experiences for all of our children.

    Our new nurseries in primary schools will create a positive journey of learning for all children.

    Children, beginning in nursery at 2 or 3 years old – then moving along the corridor at 4 or 5 to start primary school.

    The same faces, the same friends, the same buildings.

    Parents can build relationships with teachers, teachers can spot issues early, and when children reach school, they already feel at home in the classroom.

    And so we’re backing parents too – supporting them with joined up family services as they guide their children through those early years.

    That’s where the journey starts, with those positive, supportive early experiences.

    And that must continue through school.

    Because this is a government that puts children first.

    I want all children to love learning.

    But I should say right now exactly what I mean when I say that.

    It’s building knowledge, growing skills, reaching into a variety of topics.

    High and rising standards, exams that can capture our progress.

    I want to grow a love of learning with deep roots, that is lasting, that shapes lives.

    The type that sustains join, that builds confidence, that fosters resilience, that doesn’t come from doing what feels easy.

    Putting children first isn’t soft. It’s not a sugar-rush, ice-cream-for-dinner approach to schooling.

    It requires exposing children to a wide range of ideas.

    So that they can find what inspires them.

    It requires supporting children to persist with subjects that might feel hard, when they don’t immediately like what is in front of them, to keep going when it’s hard, not to give up at the first sign of struggle.

    So that they can discover for themselves the quiet satisfaction, the happy resilience that comes from the pursuit of learning.

    That’s how we wake children up to their own power. It’s how we plant within them a sense of purpose as they leave school and move into the wider world.

    And it’s how we raise a generation of children who can think critically and act thoughtfully. A generation ready not just for work but ready for the rest of their lives too.

    Confident, creative, kind.

    At home in our country and in the world.

    And that matters more now than ever before.

    At a time when uncertainty is rising, and trust is falling, a time when disinformation can slip quietly into the pockets of our children, and young boys can fall under the spell of toxic role models online, men who preach misogyny, who cook up resentment, who feed on hatred.

    And sadly so much of that flows through smartphones.

    They have no place in the classroom, they’re disruptive, distracting, they’re bad for behaviour.

    So we’re backing schools to rid our classrooms, corridors and playgrounds of phones.

    It’s clear the behaviour of boys, their influences, and the young men they become, is a defining issue of our time.

    That’s why this week the Prime Minister convened a roundtable on rethinking adolescent safety – to listen to the experiences of children today and to prevent young boys being dragged into misogyny and hatred.

    We need to raise a generation of boys with the strength to reject that hatred – curiosity, compassion, kindness, resilience, hope, and respect.

    But hard skills as well as soft skills.

    Because to reject disinformation, children need critical thinking skills, maths too, a proper understanding of science, history, geography, economics.

    To think analytically, children need that foundation in English – to explore different points of view, to weigh up the arguments, to consider the facts, and to come down on the side of reason.

    And above all, to become active, engaged, curious about the world – children need knowledge and skills.

    And through our review of the relationships, sex and health education curriculum we will ensure young people learn about healthy relationships, boundaries and consent right from the start.

    With toxic online influences on the rise, our boys need strong, positive male role models to look up to. At home, of course, but also at school too.

    Schools can’t solve these problems alone, and responsibility does start at home with parents.

    But only one in four of the teachers in our schools are men.

    Just one in seven in nursery and primary school.

    One in 33 in early years.

    And since 2010 the number of teachers in our schools has increased by 28,000 – but just 533 of those are men.

    That is extraordinary – over the last 15 years, for every 50 women who’ve taken up teaching – they’ve been joined at the front of our classrooms by just one man.

    Now I want more male teachers – teaching, guiding, leading the boys in our classrooms.

    But in truth I want more teachers across the board as well.

    Because if today we’re here to talk about positive early childhood experiences, about the role of education in creating and sustaining joy and confidence, about the routes for giving children a sense of purpose, about setting children up for success, then it is all about our teachers. 

    Great teachers, inspiring teachers, teachers who believe in the power of their pupils.

    That’s why we’re working to recruit 6,500 more expert teachers across our schools and colleges.

    More teachers in shortage subjects, keeping the great teachers that we already have, restoring teaching as the profession of choice for our very best graduates.

    Now a couple of weeks ago I visited Cardinal Heenan School in Liverpool.

    And the first thing I did was sit down for a chat with an amazing group of students, the same age as many of you here today.

    And they were so excited to tell me all the things they wanted to do when they left school.

    I could see them light up; I could feel their joy.

    That’s the joy of learning.

    Now up on the walls of that school were pictures of all the ex-pupils who had gone on to do amazing things.

    One of them was Steven Gerrard.

    But there was another ex-pupil who wasn’t up on the wall. And I met him outside at the end of the day as he was helping all the students on their way home. 

    He was Mr Backhouse, now the school’s assistant headteacher.

    He said he’d been given every opportunity to succeed at that school. So he became a teacher to pass that on to the next generation of kids in his community.

    He understood the power of his job – it’s about unleashing the power in all of our children.

    That’s why my job is the best job in government – because I get to work with and empower you, the young people here today and across the country.

    From those earliest years, those babies leaving hospital, the nurseries, the childcare, through school, and then on into college, university and beyond.

    It’s my job, it’s the job of childminders, teachers, support staff, lecturers and leaders, together with your parents and carers, to shape your journey, to guide you on, to spur you, to give you every opportunity to succeed. That is what you deserve.

    But it’s your job to rise to the challenge, to give it your all and to grab those opportunities with both hands.

    Looking around this room, looking at all of your faces, I have no doubt you’re up to the task.

    I think our future is in very safe hands.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Holy See Press Office Communiqué: Audience with the President of the Republic of Estonia

    Source: The Holy See

    Holy See Press Office Communiqué: Audience with the President of the Republic of Estonia, 03.04.2025

    This morning, 3 April, the President of the Republic of Estonia, His Excellency Mr. Alar Karis, was received at the Secretariat of State by His Eminence Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Secretary of State of His Holiness, accompanied by His Excellency Archbishop Paul Richard Gallagher, Secretary for Relations with States and International Organizations.
    During the cordial talks, appreciation was expressed for the good bilateral relations, highlighting the positive contribution of the local Catholic community to Estonian society. Satisfaction was also expressed regarding the imminent beatification of Archbishop Eduard Profittlich, a Jesuit martyr and Estonia’s first Blessed.
    Finally, bilateral, regional and international issues were also discussed, with particular reference to the prospects for an end to the war in Ukraine.
    From the Vatican, 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Farm income falls in 2023-24 from record high

    Source: Scottish Government

    An Accredited Official Statistics Publication for Scotland

    The Chief Statistician has released figures on 2023-24 farm incomes. These show that farm incomes experienced a sharp decline in 2023-24, after record highs in 2022-23. The downturn in incomes is attributed to three main factors. First, some agricultural output prices saw a large drop following exceptionally high levels of the last year. This was compounded by decreases in output levels, with adverse weather conditions playing a role in diminishing production. Finally, while some input costs show a modest decrease, costs did not fall at the same pace as output prices, putting additional pressure on profit margins.

    Average farm income, a measure of farm profit after costs, fell 51% from the high of the previous year. At £35,500 for the average farm, income is at its lowest level since 2019-20.

    Falls in cereal and milk prices resulted in large drops in income for arable and dairy farms. Average incomes of arable, dairy and mixed farms remain the highest across all farm types. But a larger proportion of farms within these farm types are unprofitable compared to the previous year. In 2023-24, 31% of cereal and dairy farms are loss-making.

    Livestock farms, which make up 60% of commercial farms, continue to make a loss on their agricultural activity on average. Lowland cattle and sheep farm income fell by 87%, the largest drop in income across livestock farm types, largely driven by falls in livestock output. The proportion of unprofitable lowland cattle and sheep farms increased to 68%. The average income of Less Favoured Area (LFA) livestock farms decreased by a third.

    Increases in costs for fertiliser were often offset by decreases in feed and fodder, land and property costs. Across most farm types, regular labour costs fell. In some types, this was offset by increases in casual labour costs.

    Background

    The full statistical publication with supporting data tables is available at:

    Scottish farm business income: annual estimates 2023-2024 – gov.scot (www.gov.scot)

    These results are calculated from the 2023-24 Farm Business Survey, which covers the 2023 cropping year and the 2023-24 financial year. The Farm Business Survey is an annual survey of approximately 400 commercial farms with economic activity of at least approximately £20,000. Farms which do not receive support payments, such as pigs, poultry and horticulture, are not included in the survey.

    Trade disruption and tightening supplies following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, led to volatility and high cereal prices in 2022. Prices of commodities such as wheat stabilised somewhat during 2023.   

    Official statistics are produced in accordance with the Code of Practice for Statistics.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: NATO must be ‘stronger, fairer, and more lethal’ Foreign Secretary to say

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    NATO must be ‘stronger, fairer, and more lethal’ Foreign Secretary to say

    UK to highlight ironclad support for Alliance and push Allies to increase defence spending.

    • UK says NATO must stay strong and united to boost our collective defence in face of generational threat from Russia

    • Foreign Ministers’ summit follows biggest sustained increase in UK defence spending since the Cold War, delivering security for hardworking British people

    • Allies set out their ironclad support for Ukraine in NATO-Ukraine Council

    The UK will encourage NATO Allies to step up defence spending to support Euro-Atlantic security as the Foreign Secretary arrives in Brussels for the NATO Foreign Ministers Meeting today (Thursday 3 April).

    He will say that making NATO stronger, fairer, and more lethal is key to protecting the conditions for growth at home.

    As the Alliance steps up to face long-term and interconnected threats from Russia and its enablers , the UK will tell Allies that it’s our collective duty to boost defence spending and deter our adversaries. Increases in defence spending mean more and better capabilities, keeping us safe.

    While Russia and other actors work to destabilise Euro-Atlantic societies, the UK is playing its part, with the largest sustained increase to defence spending since the Cold War, hitting 2.5% from April 2027 and rising to 3% in the next parliament.

    Increasing defence spending by £11.8bn between now and 2027/28 will protect the conditions for growth and security at home, putting money back into the pockets of hard-working British people. Between 2023-24 the defence sector supported more than 430,000 jobs across the UK.

    In the NATO-Ukraine Council, the Foreign Secretary will discuss the practical planning undertaken by the UK, France, and other Allies to prepare and deploy as a Coalition of the Willing in the event of a peace deal.

    While Putin continues to delay and obstruct on a move to a ceasefire, the UK and Allies have doubled down to support Ukraine in the face of Russia’s barbaric invasion. Ukraine has shown its strong commitment to peace, yet Russia’s on-going bombardment of Ukrainian cities and infrastructure has not ceased. 

    The Foreign Secretary will tell Allies that now is the time to maximise pressure on Putin, through every economic lever possible, to force him to the negotiating table. 

    Foreign Secretary David Lammy said:

    Keeping our country safe is the Government’s first duty, and NATO is the cornerstone of our security, both at home and abroad.

    That’s why we have announced the biggest investment to defence spending since the Cold War.

    Allies must spend more, produce more and deliver more on defence so NATO can become stronger, fairer and more lethal – boosting our collective defence ensures that NATO is ready for the threats and challenges we face.

    At the meeting David Lammy will discuss shared security threats and challenges with counterparts from NATO, as well as the EU and NATO’s Indo-Pacific partners – Australia, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea. This includes the challenges China poses to both Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic security, especially its enablement of Russia’s illegal war.

    The NATO Foreign Ministers Meeting follows a week of meetings on regional security with Allies and partners across Europe.

    On Sunday the Foreign Secretary visited STRIKFORNATO, the naval command centre for the Allied Command Operations outside of Lisbon, before heading to the Weimar Plus Foreign Ministers Meeting in Madrid on Monday, where he urged partners to take a united approach to the global challenges posed by Russia’s war machine. He also visited British and other NATO troops stationed in Kosovo to maintain stability in the Western Balkans.

    On Tuesday, the UK added Russia to the UK’s Foreign Influence Registration Scheme to expose interference attempts on British soil.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Security: NATO Foreign Ministers to discuss building a ‘stronger, fairer, more lethal NATO’

    Source: NATO

    NATO Foreign Ministers will meet in Brussels on Thursday and Friday (3 and 4 April) to continue planning for the forthcoming Summit in The Hague and discuss urgent security issues.

    Addressing media ahead of the meeting, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte highlighted increased defence investment as a key agenda item and critical to the Alliance’s future success. “We will focus on strengthening our collective defence” he said, emphasising that “it is the foundation on which NATO was built, and it remains our number one priority.”

    On the third anniversary of Russia’s brutal actions in Bucha and ahead of the NATO-Ukraine Council meeting on Thursday evening, Mr Rutte paid tribute to the victims and survivors. He commended Allied efforts to bring a just and lasting end to the war and underscored NATO’s enduring commitment to Ukraine with the announcement of more than 20 billion euros in security assistance – pledged by Allies – so far this year. 

    The Secretary General also acknowledged that global threats are creating a more dangerous world. “In the face of these and other challenges, we must build a stronger, a fairer and more lethal NATO,” he affirmed, going on to praise NATO’s partners for making essential contributions to our shared security. Mr Rutte noted that NATO Ministers would meet with NATO’s Indo-Pacific partners on Thursday afternoon, with Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha and the EU High Representative Kaja Kallas in the NATO-Ukraine Council Thursday evening, and in a dedicated session with the EU High Representative on Friday. 

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Quigley and Ukraine Caucus Co-Chairs Lead Bipartisan, Bicameral Push For Hard-Hitting Russia Sanctions

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Mike Quigley (IL-05)

    WASHINGTON, DC – Today, the Congressional Ukraine Caucus Co-Chairs – Representatives Mike Quigley (IL-05), Brian Fitzpatrick (PA-01), Marcy Kaptur (OH-09), and Joe Wilson (SC-02) introduced sweeping sanctions targeting Russia and any nation or actor complicit in sustaining its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. Companion legislation was introduced in the Senate by Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) and Lindsay Graham (R-SC) and 48 other Senators from both sides of the aisle.

    Due to Putin’s continued, unbridled aggression against Ukraine, this legislation implements expansive sanctions on the Russian Federation’s government officials, as well as individuals, financial institutions, and other entities affiliated with or owned by the Putin regime. These sanctions will go into effect if the Russian Federation continues to refuse to engage in good-faith negotiations for a just and lasting peace, or if it launches any further military operations that compromise Ukrainian sovereignty. Additionally, it enacts a bold 500 percent tariff on all imports to the United States from the Russian Federation, as well as from any countries that continue to fund Putin’s war machine by purchasing Russian-origin oil, uranium, or petroleum products.

    The sanctions package is designed to apply maximum pressure on the Kremlin and any enablers of its imperialist ambitions—underscoring that peace cannot be achieved while the Russian Federation continues to bomb Ukraine’s civilian population or while consenting countries continue to bankroll Putin’s regime.

    In a joint statement, the Co-Chairs said:

    “Democracy is strongest when we stand together to defend it. This legislation reflects a unified commitment—Republicans and Democrats, House and Senate—aligned in purpose to defend democracy, uphold national sovereignty, and confront the forces of tyranny that seek to destroy both.

    “Russia’s continued aggression against Ukraine is not just a threat to one country’s borders—it is a direct challenge to the values we hold dear: freedom, self-determination, and the rule of law over the rule of force. Should Russia reject diplomacy and pursue further violence, the consequences will be swift and severe. And to those nations still financing Putin’s war by importing Russian oil, gas, uranium, or other commodities—this legislation makes clear: complicity comes at a cost.

    “These sanctions are not symbolic—they are a demonstration of principles in action. They send a clear message that when democracies are under siege, the United States will respond—not with hesitation, but with purpose.

    “We support not a pause, but an end to Russia’s attack on Ukraine and a path toward a lasting, just peace. A peace rooted in Ukraine’s sovereignty, that honors the sacrifices of its people and affirms their right to shape their own future.

    “We have been here before. In 1994, Ukraine gave up the third-largest nuclear arsenal in the world in exchange for security guarantees that were ultimately broken. In 2014 and 2015, peace accords were signed—and shattered. Each time, the price was paid by the innocent.

    “We cannot allow history to repeat itself. The world is watching how we respond—and this time, our response must be unmistakable. 

    “Peace through strength is not just a guiding principle—it is a responsibility. And we stand ready to uphold it.”

    Read the full text of the bill here.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Grattan on Friday: Trying too hard for a special tariff deal with Trump could be the wrong way to go

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton both agree Australia should react to US President Donald Trump’s aggressive tariff regime by continuing to seek a special deal. They just disagree about which of them could better handle the challenge of dealing with the rogue president.

    Dutton said after Trump’s announcement, “the deal is there to be done”, but insisted Albanese just isn’t up to the task.

    At Wednesday’s briefing for the red meat industry, Trade Minister Don Farrell said, “Tomorrow might be the end of the first part of the process but we’ll continue to engage with the Americans to get these tariffs removed, as we did with the Chinese.”

    But if there is indeed a deal to be done, at what cost would it come? The price could be higher than any specifics negotiated.

    Australia should be careful of going down the route of supplicant – which, let’s be blunt, is what this would involve.

    It’s long been clear we can’t predict what Trump might do in his international relationships. His appalling bullying of Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky; his extraordinary treatment of Canada; his bizarre bid to grab Greenland from NATO ally Denmark – individually, each of these is shocking; collectively, they amount to nearly unimaginable behaviour from a US president.

    The risk of trying to cosy up to the Trump administration in seeking exemptions from the 10% general tariff is that, whatever the overt quid pro quo involved, Trump would then see Australia as owing him something if and when he needed it.

    A deal could mean Australia would later feel somewhat constrained in calling out egregious Trump actions. Even if it didn’t, the perception could be there.

    It’s obvious in retrospect – if it wasn’t all along – that Australia was never going to escape whatever general tariff Trump imposed. At least we are at the bottom of the league table – we’re among the countries minimally hit. As of course we should be, given the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement. As Albanese said, we shouldn’t be targeted at all.

    One area for possible future negotiation is the ban, for biosecurity reasons, on US fresh beef coming into Australia. There have already been talks about this. Albanese on Thursday said Australia wouldn’t compromise its biosecurity, but flagged room for some possible movement.

    This is double-edged. Beef producers will want an exemption, but anything that could be construed as even a remote threat to our biosecurity would go down badly in sections of the electorate, regardless of guarantees.

    Australia is in a solid position to withstand the direct effects of the Trump tariffs. Only about 5% of our exports go to the US.

    The effect on the beef trade could be relatively mild. The Americans have a dwindling cattle herd (the lowest since the early 1950s). Australian lean beef is particularly suitable for burgers. And, given the 10% tariff applies to other countries, we won’t be disadvantaged against other suppliers. So the Americans are likely to continue to need Australian beef – they will just have to pay more for it.

    Peter Draper, professor of international trade at the University of Adelaide, puts the bilateral situation in perspective. “We rode out China’s trade coercion, and China is a much more important trading partner. These tariffs are much smaller.”

    Draper argues that “as a matter of principle, you shouldn’t negotiate with bullies”.

    Also, the US is breaking international trade rules that are crucial to uphold, Draper says. Cutting special deals validate the rule-breaker’s actions, he says.

    The real, and significant, cost to Australia will be what the tariff regime will do to the international economy. Treasurer Jim Chalmers described “Liberation Day” as “a dark day for the global economy”.

    Shiro Armstrong, professor of economics at the Australian National University, says the “main game is stopping the contagion of these tariffs globally and stopping a retreat to a 1930s retaliatory spiral”.

    Armstrong believes that when it comes to getting a special deal, Australia’s chances are probably better than those of most countries.

    But he warns Australia should be “very careful” of a deal involving critical minerals – something the government had on the table and the opposition has said it would pursue. Armstrong points to Trump’s penchant for using “economic coercion to extract concessions”.

    Immediately after the Trump announcement, Albanese had a response ready to go.

    This includes financial encouragement for exporters to seek to grow other markets.

    Australia is not retaliating with counter-tariffs (a sensible stance in line with its free trade beliefs). But there are some “protection-lite” measures in the Albanese package.

    Australian businesses will be put at “the front of the queue” for government procurement and contracts.

    This measure is part of the government’s current “Buy Australian” push. A small dose of protectionism, it may mean taxpayers pay more for goods and services.

    On another front, Albanese said Australia would establish a “Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve”. Details are to come, but it is expected to be a stockpile for these minerals, which are vital for defence equipment in particular. Perhaps such a move is to assure Australians that if there were an agreement to facilitate US access to critical minerals, the government would have belt-and-braces protection for these vital national assets.

    In this first week of the campaign, Dutton has found himself on the barbed wire fence when it comes to Trump. He’s putting himself forward as the better leader to deal with Trump (including fighting him if necessary). He’s also rejecting suggestions he is running on Trump-like policies.

    In general, the first week of the campaign has been a hard slog for the opposition leader. He comes across as undercooked and late with his deliveries. We are still waiting for the modelling of his controversial policy for an east coast gas reservation scheme.

    In the 2022 election campaign, Albanese had a shocker start. But the Liberals now are in a worse place than Labor was then, and Dutton’s campaign needs a significant lift. The question is whether he has the capacity to give it that.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Grattan on Friday: Trying too hard for a special tariff deal with Trump could be the wrong way to go – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-trying-too-hard-for-a-special-tariff-deal-with-trump-could-be-the-wrong-way-to-go-253737

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK and Allies to build on momentum in efforts to enhance Ukraine’s security, uphold international law and protect human rights: UK Statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Speech

    UK and Allies to build on momentum in efforts to enhance Ukraine’s security, uphold international law and protect human rights: UK Statement to the OSCE

    UK Military Advisor, Lt Col Joby Rimmer, says a lasting peace in Ukraine can only be provided if we step up and offer real and credible security assurances to deter Russia from further threatening European Security.

    Thank you, Mr Chair. The UK strongly condemns Russia’s unprovoked and illegal war against Ukraine. We are committed to providing extensive economic, humanitarian, and defensive military assistance to Ukraine. The UK remains steadfast in supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and security, ensuring that Russia faces consequences for its actions. Ukraine has shown it is ready and willing to work towards peace. The ball is now in Russia’s court, and President Putin must prove he is serious about peace and sign up to a ceasefire with immediate effect. The Kremlin’s procrastination and game-playing with the agreed naval ceasefire in the Black Sea, despite good faith participation from all sides, show Russian promises to be hollow.

    We welcome President Trump’s readiness to increase the pressure on Russia if President Putin does not agree to a ceasefire soon. The Institute for the Study of War and others assess that Russia is using the temporary ceasefire in the Black Sea as leverage to stall efforts toward a general ceasefire and extract additional concessions from the West. This is unacceptable.

    We must remain committed to the US and Ukraine’s proposal for a full and unconditional 30-day ceasefire. British, French, and Ukrainian military leaders are set to meet in the coming days to build on recent momentum in efforts to enhance Ukraine’s security. UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has announced that the meeting aims to drive forward the next stage of detailed planning, following a call with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy. Last week in the UK’s Permanent Joint Headquarters, Britain and France led over 200 planners from ‘a group of nations politically aligned to the defence, security and sovereignty of Ukraine’. These military planning meetings have focused on how we keep the skies, the seas and the border of Ukraine safe. To be clear, a lasting peace in Ukraine can only be provided if we step up and offer real and credible security assurances to deter Russia from further threatening European Security.

    And what is Russia’s contribution to peace and negotiations? We have seen no sign of Putin abandoning his war of aggression and his disregard of international law is being realised on the ground in Ukraine. Russian forces shelled a frontline settlement in Ukraine’s south-east Zaporizhzhia region, resulting in the death of a 66-year-old woman and injuries to five others. In the early hours of today, Russian attacks left 45,000 in Kherson without power, and this is despite Russia’s alleged agreement to a partial ceasefire on strikes against energy facilities following technical discussions in Riyadh in March.

    The Report of the independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine published on 11 March, highlighted a sharp increase in criminal cases concerning Russian troops executing wounded, captured or surrendering Ukrainian soldiers. In most situations, soldiers targeted ‘were in a vulnerable situation: unarmed, lying on the ground, kneeling, and some were partly naked’.

    On 26 March, Russia convicted 23 captured Ukrainians on terrorism charges in a trial widely denounced by the international community as a sham and a gross violation of international law. The defendants received sentences ranging from 13 to 23 years in maximum security forced labour camps. The trial’s proceedings were marred by numerous irregularities and violations of fair representation. Defendants were reportedly denied access to independent legal counsel and subjected to coerced confessions obtained under duress.

    Our position has not changed. We will continue to support Ukraine for as long as it takes. President Putin must stop playing games and agree to a full and immediate ceasefire without conditions. Only through a concerted and sustained effort can we hope to bring an end to this egregious campaign of violence and pave the way for a just and lasting peace. Efforts to support Ukraine and its pursuit of justice must be intensified to ensure our commitment to upholding international law and protecting human rights.

    Thank you, Mr Chair.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-Evening Report: Slammed by tariffs and defence demands, Japan and South Korea toe a cautious line with Trump

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sebastian Maslow, Associate Professor, International Relations, University of Tokyo

    Two months into US President Donald Trump’s second term, the liberal international order is on life support.

    Alliances and multilateral institutions are now seen by the United States as burdens. Europe and NATO are framed as bad business, “ripping off” the US. On his so-called “Liberation Day”, Trump also imposed 20% tariffs on all European Union imports.

    The Trump administration has been far less critical of the US’ alliances in the Indo-Pacific region. On a visit to Tokyo this week, US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth described Japan as America’s “indispensable partner” in deterring Chinese aggression.

    Yet, Japan and South Korea fared even worse than the EU with Trump’s new tariffs. Trump slapped Japan with 24% tariffs and South Korea 25%. (Both countries enjoy a trade surplus with the US.)

    So, how are the US’ two main allies in the Indo-Pacific dealing with the mercurial US leader? Will they follow Europe’s lead in reassessing their own security relationships with the US?

    Japan: a positive summit but concerns remain

    America’s post-war security strategy in Asia differs from Europe. While NATO was built on the premise of collective defence among its members, the US adopted a “hub-and-spokes” model in Asia, relying on bilateral alliances to contain the spread of communism.

    Japan and South Korea have long sheltered under the US nuclear umbrella and hosted major US military bases. Both are also highly sensitive to changes in the US’ Indo-Pacific policies.

    Japan, in particular, has a long history of careful alliance management with the US, epitomised by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s courting of Trump.

    During Trump’s first term in office, Abe’s policy goals aligned closely with the US: transforming Japan’s security posture to make it a serious military and diplomatic power. Japan increased military spending, lifted arms export restrictions and deepened ties with India and Australia.

    Prime Minister Fumio Kishida continued to raise Japan’s security profile from 2021-24, again increasing military spending and taking a tough line on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. He emphasised “Europe today could be Asia tomorrow”.

    His successor, Shigeru Ishiba, had a successful summit with Trump in February, immediately after his inauguration. The joint statement reaffirmed US security guarantees to Japan, including over the Senkaku Islands, which are claimed by China.

    Japan also agreed to import American liquefied natural gas, and later committed to working with South Korea to develop a US$44 billion (A$70 billion) plan to export LNG from Alaska.

    However, these positive developments do not mean the relationship is on firm ground.

    In early March, Trump complained the US-Japan security agreement signed in 1960 was “one-sided” and a top administration official again called for Japan to increase its defence spending to 3% of gross domestic product (GDP) – a huge increase for a country facing serious demographic and fiscal pressures.

    Reports also emerged the US was considering cancelling a new joint headquarters in Japan aimed at deeper integration between US and Japanese forces.

    South Korea: extremely vulnerable on trade

    South Korea faces similar pressures. Ties between the two countries were strained during Trump’s first term over his demand South Korea increase the amount it pays to host US forces by
    nearly 400%. A 2021 agreement restored some stability, but left Seoul deeply worried about the future of the alliance.

    South Korea’s acting president, Choi Sang-mok, has expressed a desire to strengthen ties with the US, though Trump has reportedly been cool to his advances.

    With a US$66 billion (A$105 billion) trade surplus with the US, South Korea is considered the country most vulnerable to trade risk with the Trump administration, according to a Swiss research group.

    Trump’s past suggestions that both South Korea and Japan develop nuclear weapons or pay for US nuclear protection has also rattled some nerves. As confidence in the US alliance erodes, both countries are engaging in an urgent public debate about the possibility of acquiring nuclear weapons.

    Tensions moving forward

    Potential for conflict is on the horizon. For example, Tokyo and Washington are set to renegotiate the deal that dictates how much Japan pays to host US troops next year.

    Both allies pay huge sums to host US bases. South Korea will pay US$1.14 billion (A$1.8 billion) in 2026, and Japan pays US$1.72 billion (A$2.7 billion) annually.

    A trade war could also prompt a reassessment of the costs of US efforts to decouple from China, potentially leading to closer economic ties between Japan, South Korea and China. The three countries have agreed to accelerate talks on a trilateral free trade agreement, which had been on hold since 2019.

    Another challenge is semiconductors. Japan’s new semiconductor revitalisation strategy is prioritising domestic investment, raising questions about whether Trump will tolerate “friendshoring” if Japan diverts investments from the US.

    In 2024, Japan outspent the US in semiconductor subsidies (as a share of GDP), while Taiwan’s TSMC, the world’s largest contract chipmaker, expanded its production capacity in Japan.

    Seoul remains an important partner to Washington on semiconductors. Samsung and SK Hynix are both boosting their investments on new semiconductor plants in the US. However, there is now uncertainty over the subsidies promised to both companies to invest in America under the CHIPS Act.

    Ultimately, the strength of these alliances depends on whether the Trump administration views them as long-term bulwarks against China’s rise in the region, or merely vassals that can be extorted for financial gain.

    If the US is serious about countering China, its regional alliances are key. This would give Japan and South Korea some degree of leverage – or, in Trump terms, they’ll hold valuable cards. Whether they get to play them, however, depends on what Trump’s China policy turns out to be.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Slammed by tariffs and defence demands, Japan and South Korea toe a cautious line with Trump – https://theconversation.com/slammed-by-tariffs-and-defence-demands-japan-and-south-korea-toe-a-cautious-line-with-trump-244172

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congressional Ukraine Caucus Co-Chairs Lead Bipartisan, Bicameral Push For Hard-Hitting Russia Sanctions

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur (OH-09)

    Washington, DC  Today, the Co-Chairs of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus  Representatives Marcy Kaptur (OH-09), Brian Fitzpatrick (PA-01), Mike Quigley (IL-05), Joe Wilson and (SC-02) introduced sweeping sanctions targeting Russia and any nation or actor complicit in sustaining its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. Companion legislation was introduced in the Senate by Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Lindsay Graham (R-SC), and a group of 48 bipartisan Senators.

    As a consequence of Putin’s continued, unbridled aggression against Ukraine, this legislation implements expansive sanctions on the Russian Federation’s government officials, as well as individuals, financial institutions, and other entities affiliated with or owned by the Putin regime. These sanctions shall be put in place if the Russian Federation continues to refuse to engage in good-faith negotiations for a just and lasting peace, or if it launches any further military operations that compromise Ukrainian sovereignty. Additionally, it enacts a bold 500 percent tariff on all imports to the United States from the Russian Federation, as well as from any countries that continue to fund Putin’s war machine by purchasing Russian-origin oil, uranium, or petroleum products.

    The sanctions package is designed to apply maximum pressure on the Kremlin and any enablers of its imperialist ambitions — underscoring that peace cannot be achieved while the Russian Federation continues to bomb Ukraine’s civilian population or while consenting countries continue to bankroll Putin’s regime.

    In a joint statement, the Co-Chairs said:

    “Democracy is strongest when we stand together to defend it. This legislation reflects a unified commitment — Republicans and Democrats, House and Senate — aligned in purpose to defend democracy, uphold national sovereignty, and confront the forces of tyranny that seek to destroy both.

    “Russia’s continued aggression against Ukraine is not just a threat to one country’s borders — it is a direct challenge to the values we hold dear: freedom, self-determination, and the rule of law over the rule of force. Should Russia reject diplomacy and pursue further violence, the consequences will be swift and severe. And to those nations still financing Putin’s war by importing Russian oil, gas, uranium, or other commodities — this legislation makes clear: complicity comes at a cost.

    “These sanctions are not symbolic — they are a demonstration of principles in action. They send a clear message that when democracies are under siege, the United States will respond — not with hesitation, but with purpose.

    “We support not a pause, but an end to Russia’s attack on Ukraine and a path toward a lasting, just peace. A peace rooted in Ukraine’s sovereignty, that honors the sacrifices of its people and affirms their right to shape their own future.

    “We have been here before. In 1994, Ukraine gave up the third-largest nuclear arsenal in the world in exchange for security guarantees that were ultimately broken. In 2014 and 2015, peace accords were signed — and shattered. Each time, the price was paid by the innocent.

    “We cannot allow history to repeat itself. The world is watching how we respond — and this time, our response must be unmistakable.

    “Peace through strength is not just a guiding principle — it is a responsibility. And we stand ready to uphold it.”

    You can find the full text of the legislation by clicking here. 

    # # #

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Stuck in the past: Trump tariffs and other policies are dragging the U.S. back to the 19th century

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Strikwerda, Associate Professor, History, Athabasca University

    During Donald Trump’s first term as president, the United States lurched from the absurdity of his lies to the use of his office for personal financial gain, his schoolyard insults and his utter contempt for critics. His term ended with his irresponsible and dangerous incitement of the assault on the Capitol building on Jan. 6, 2021.

    This time around, Trump is replying on outdated tools — tariffs, small government, territorial expansion and nationalism — to solve modern problems of globalization, wealth disparities, the decline of manufacturing jobs and exploitative capitalism.

    On April 2, he announced a baseline tariff of 10 per cent on all countries that import goods to the U.S., including Canada. Canada has also been hit with a 25 per cent levy on Canadian-made automobiles.

    The Trump administration’s current use of 19th-century tools to solve 20th-century problems that are wholly inappropriate for the 21st century threatens to take America back to the 19th century. This is an incredibly dangerous road for the U.S to take.

    The rise of the nation state

    The 19th century was marked by the rise of the nation-state — a single political entity united by geography, culture and language.

    This was, in many respects, the result of the rapidly industrializing world shifting away from monarchical rule and mercantile economics toward limited democratic rule and free-market capitalism.

    It was a time of tariffs, small government, territorial expansion and nationalism. It was also a time of mass migration from Europe to North America, where rampant nativism, colonialism and unchecked and exploitative capitalism shaped the landscape.

    The prevailing belief at the time was that nation-states should use tariffs, adopt isolationist policies to cut off the outside world and seize territory where possible. These measures, it was thought, would foster national unity and allow capitalism to thrive by letting the “invisible hand” of the marketplace work its magic.

    Protective tariffs promised to grow domestic industries, but the economic benefits were not evenly distributed. Wealth disparities grew wider as millions of immigrants arrived on North American shores, only to find deplorable living conditions in the cities and hardscrabble farmland out in the country.

    Some newcomers prospered, of course, but they tended to be those who arrived with money already in their pockets. And they fast learned how to exploit the lack of state-directed regulation, patches of corruption amid rapid western expansion and growing nativism and poverty to their own benefit.

    Many of the 20th century’s problems flowed from these 19th-century trends.

    The economic fallout of tariffs

    Following the financial Panic of 1873 and its ensuing economic depression in both Europe and North America, nation-states unleashed tariffs to protect their domestic economies. It was the wrong strategy to pursue, as it slowed trade even more by limiting the free flow of goods and capital. Money, as is now well-known, needs to move to grow.

    Working families chafed at the lack of labour protections like bargaining rights, health and safety measures, unemployment insurance and sick benefits. In response, they formed unions and initiated waves of strikes throughout the western industrialized world.

    Western North American farmers were furious that tariffs forced them to buy on protected markets while selling on unprotected ones subject to international market prices. They organized, too, by forming farmer co-operatives and backing movements like the Granger movement, populism and progressivism to protect their interests.

    Nation-states, warmed by rising nationalist fires, formed military-defence alliances across Europe and its colonial and former colonial holdings, including Canada. In 1914, these alliances led to the First World War, a global and industrial war the likes of which the world had never seen.

    The Great Depression

    By the 1930s, unrestricted and largely unregulated capitalism, together with astonishing wealth disparities and monopolistic tendencies, plunged the world into the decade-long Great Depression.

    Many governments’ initial response was to impose tariffs once again, and just as in 1873, they only made the problem worse. The simultaneous rise of fascism, which was largely nationalism run amok, brought the world to war again at the end of the decade, to devastating consequence.

    The post-war years saw a concerted international effort at using the nation-state to regulate domestic economies by investing in social services and programs and to rein in runaway capital when its excesses threatened stability.

    International bodies like the World Bank, the United Nations and the International Court of Justice were created to promote peace and stability. This new approach wasn’t always successful in its goals, but so far the world hasn’t seen any global hot wars or massive economic depressions.

    The end of history

    In 1992, historian Frances Fukuyama infamously declared that the world had reached “the end of history.”

    He didn’t mean that time stopped, of course. Instead, he was arguing that the liberal nation-state represented “the end-point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.”

    In his view, the western industrialized world had reached the pinnacle of successful governance and unlimited prosperity.

    Yet, even as western liberal democracy was congratulating itself on its own success, these same nation-states, in conjunction with large corporations, were seeking out lower labour costs and greater profit in the developing world.

    The result was a hollowing-out of North America’s industrial heartlands, along with rampant exploitation of vulnerable labour in places like Asia, South Asia and South Central America. Once mighty American cities declined. Wages failed to keep up with inflation. Farm debt soared.

    This is where the Trump administration re-enters the story — tapping into the frustration and disillusionment of frustrated Americans by promising to restore a “golden agethat never was.

    Trump’s 19th-century playbook

    Despite his promises, Trump’s tariffs are unlikely to bring manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. As history has shown, tariffs do not revive industries that are already gone; instead, they will only make Americans pay more for the things they need.

    A return to small government won’t “make America great again,” either. Instead, it risks repeating the 19th-century pattern of making the rich richer and gutting the very social programs millions of people rely on. The Trump administration’s massive and ongoing cuts to the Social Security Administration are already well under way.

    Trump’s rhetoric about territorial expansion, including threats to annex Greenland and Canada, won’t make the U.S. more secure. It will just exacerbate the sort of international tensions the world saw in 1914 and 1939.

    And with limited resources left to exploit, it’s becoming harder for capital to sustain itself, even as it seeks to wrest whatever is left from our planet, the realities of environmental catastrophe be damned.

    Nationalism, meanwhile, won’t foster a sense of national unity. It will only deepen existing divisions based on race and class. And if history is any guide, the consequences could be even more dire this time around, even pushing the world toward a global conflict unlike anything seen before.

    Eric Strikwerda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Stuck in the past: Trump tariffs and other policies are dragging the U.S. back to the 19th century – https://theconversation.com/stuck-in-the-past-trump-tariffs-and-other-policies-are-dragging-the-u-s-back-to-the-19th-century-253106

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Amid Record High Killing of Humanitarian Workers, Speakers Implore Security Council to Ensure Accountability for Attacks on Personnel in Conflict Zones

    Source: United Nations MIL OSI b

    What is the Council going to do to ensure accountability for the killing of aid workers and to prevent more such deaths, a senior United Nations humanitarian official asked the 15-member body today, as she detailed the unprecedented attacks that such workers face in conflict zones around the world.

    Joyce Msuya, Assistant-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, noting the record number of humanitarian workers killed in 2024 — 377 across 20 countries — said many more were injured, kidnapped, and arbitrarily detained.  “Being shot at should not be part of the job,” she emphasized. 

    In Sudan, at least 84 humanitarian workers, all Sudanese nationals, have been killed since the current conflict began in 2023.  Three days ago, the bodies of 15 emergency aid workers were recovered from a mass grave in Rafah — killed several days earlier by Israeli forces while trying to save lives.  “Gaza is the most dangerous place for humanitarians ever”, she said — a statement echoed several times in the ensuing discussion.  More than 408 aid workers were killed there, since 7 October 2023.  

    There is no shortage of robust international legal frameworks to tackle this, she added — “what is lacking is the political will to comply.”   Almost 95 per cent of those killed are local aid workers; but the killing of a local aid worker receives 500 times less media coverage than that of an international staff member.  She also highlighted the challenge posed by disinformation and misinformation campaigns targeting aid organizations. 

    Respect for International Law Is Critical 

    Highlighting three asks, she called on the Council to ensure respect for international law and protect humanitarian workers.  Secondly, “speak out”, she said, adding that “silence, inconsistency and selective outrage is emboldening perpetrators”.  Finally, accountability is crucial, she stressed, adding that the Council must ask concerned Governments to pursue justice, and when national jurisdictions fail it must use international mechanisms.

    Gilles Michaud, Under-Secretary-General for Safety and Security, recalled that he had previously urged the Council to “translate words of support for the protection of humanitarian and United Nations personnel into meaningful action”.  At the time, he also called on Member States to join the Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel.  “Since that briefing, I regret to inform you that progress has been elusive,” he said.

    In Gaza, the breakdown of the ceasefire has been “particularly brutal”, he emphasized, noting, among others, the direct attack on a clearly identified UN building on 19 March.  On 23 March, a worker of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and other humanitarian staff were killed while providing life-saving assistance — “their bodies left for days before they could be retrieved”, he noted. 

    “Impunity for attacks on humanitarian personnel have become the ‘new normal’,” he said.  Such attacks are perpetrated by non-State actors and Governments alike and, while the motives vary, he stressed:  “But, above all, they do it because they can get away with it.” 

    Closure of Vital Services Due to ‘Criminalization of Aid’ 

    “Through the eyes of a humanitarian, the world is a volatile place,” Nic Lee, Executive Director of the International NGO Safety Organisation told the Council.  On average, at least one aid worker is abducted, injured or killed every day.  Nationally and locally recruited personnel are particularly vulnerable and the international response to their death is lacking.  Violence at the hands of non-State armed groups continues to remain prevalent, with the most common incidents occurring in West and Central Africa. Further, the “criminalization of aid” amid an “explosive growth” in NGO restrictions has led to the closure of vital services for populations in dire need, he said.

    The Council must do more to facilitate diplomatic engagement on humanitarian issues, protect the humanitarian space and “challenge the worrying trend of criminalization of aid”, he said. “The fact is that violence against aid workers is more commonly linked to their identity as civilians than as aid workers,” he added.  The Council must address the double standards of Member States who continue to support those responsible for civilian and aid worker deaths alike. 

    Patterns of Violence Extend Across Multiple Conflict Zones

    When the floor opened, Council members reaffirmed that it is unacceptable to target humanitarian workers and highlighted the frontlines where they are in danger.  The representative of Slovenia recalled the words of the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), who addressed the Council in September 2024:  “One conflict informs the other, boundaries are pushed into the zone of the acceptable, and more human suffering follows.” 

    “The pattern of violence against humanitarian workers extends across multiple conflict zones,” Somalia’s delegate said, noting that in Sudan, over 100 aid workers have been killed since April 2023, while Ukraine has lost 23 brave souls, and in Gaza, 399 humanitarian personnel, including 289 UN staff members, paid the ultimate price.  Eight of the aid workers whose bodies were discovered in a mass grave in Rafah recently, he noted, were Red Crescent medics still wearing their protective gear.  This is a “stark violation of every principle we hold sacred”, he said. 

    In Gaza UN Workers Systematically Suppressed, Aid Workers Attacked

    Algeria’s delegate noted that the bodies were buried near destroyed ambulances — they were assassinated by Israeli occupying forces while attempting to save lives.  They deserve justice, he said, stressing that attacks directed at humanitarian personnel, their premises and assets are considered war crimes under international law.  The fact that these basic principles do not seem to apply to the Israeli occupying Power calls into question the relevance of international humanitarian law and the Security Council itself, he said.  Also stressing the need for accountability, China’s delegate stressed the role of UNRWA in Gaza, noting that it has been systematically suppressed and its humanitarian workers attacked. 

    The representative of the United Kingdom noted the one-year anniversary of the attack on a World Central Kitchen convoy in Gaza, which killed seven aid workers, including three British citizens, and called for the conclusion of the Military Advocate General’s consideration of the incident, including determining whether criminal proceedings should be initiated. 

    In Gaza, the representative of the United States said, “Hamas has cynically misused civilian infrastructure to shield themselves” causing “civilians to be caught in the crossfire”.  He expressed concern about the surge in civilian deaths in Sudan, the constraints faced by humanitarians in South Sudan and the devastating effects of the Russian Federation’s war on Ukraine on civilians and civilian infrastructure. Further, “we condemn the Houthis’ sham so-called judicial proceedings against detainees,” he said, expressing concern about the humanitarian and diplomatic personnel detained by the Houthis. 

    In eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone’s delegate said, civilians are caught in the crossfire of armed group activity, while in Haiti, violence from armed gangs has engulfed urban centers, displaced thousands and left civilians at the mercy of lawlessness.  In Ukraine, the Russian Federation uses “cruel double-tap strikes” to target first responders, Denmark’s delegate pointed out.

    The Republic of Korea’s delegate noted that in Sudan, warring parties spread false narratives accusing the Sudan Emergency Response Room of collaborating with their enemies, thereby justifying the denial of humanitarian access and leaving millions in urgent need.  He called upon all States to consider sanctioning those responsible for disseminating unverified and libelous content.  Last year – the deadliest on record for humanitarian workers – also saw the adoption of Council resolution 2730 (2024), he recalled.

    Calls for Stronger Action to Implement Council Resolution 2730 (2024)

    The representative of Switzerland, who presented that text to the Council during the country’s tenure as a non-permanent member, stressed the importance of implementing it and guaranteeing unimpeded humanitarian access.  Several speakers reaffirmed support for that text, including the representative of Greece.  France’s delegate, Council President for April, speaking in his national capacity, echoed the call for justice and said that each time violations occur, the Council has to “speak out, it must react”.  Panama’s delegate said the text “set us on the right track, and it remains fully relevant.” 

    Pakistan’s delegate urged the creation of a “global implementation dashboard” for that resolution — it should provide real-time public tracking of violations, investigations and their outcomes “for everyone to see and follow”. The escalating attacks on humanitarian personnel are not just isolated incidents — “they reflect a growing disregard for international norms,” he said, adding that it is unacceptable that those who work to provide “dignity amidst displacement” are met “not with gratitude, but with gunfire”. 

    Guyana’s delegate expressed support for the Secretary-General’s recommendation for the Council to systematically request the concerned State authorities to conduct prompt, independent and effective investigations into incidents and to report to the Council about the outcomes of these investigations, including on measures to prevent reoccurrence.  The Council must also consider referrals to the International Criminal Court or other international tribunals where State authorities prove unable or unwilling to act, she said.

    “What new instruments can we talk about if the Security Council or the General Assembly of the United Nations are unable to enforce previous ones which remain fully relevant?” asked the Russian Federation’s delegate.  Current international obligations are more than sufficient, he said, calling for more scrupulous compliance.  His delegation abstained from voting on Council resolution 2730 (2024) because it contained some language “which is not fully accurate” and may result in distorted interpretation, he said.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Kugler, Inflation Expectations and Monetary Policymaking

    Source: US State of New York Federal Reserve

    Thank you, Alan, and thank you to the Griswold and Julis-Rabinowitz Centers for the opportunity to speak to you today.1 As someone who has worked in both the public sector and academia, I applaud the common purpose of both centers in connecting researchers, policymakers, and the private sector to pursue policy ideas that serve the public good.

    To that end, I can think of few individuals who have done more—as a teacher, researcher, government official, and public figure—than Alan Blinder. That includes educating the public about economic policymaking. In the spring of 2022, as many wondered whether Russia’s war on Ukraine would add to the factors then driving up inflation, Professor Blinder wrote in the Wall Street Journal that a more important factor would probably be the public’s expectations of future inflation.2
    As I will relate in these remarks, he was, of course, absolutely correct. As in the past, inflation expectations have played a crucial role in the course of inflation since the spring of 2022, and I expect they will be important in the Federal Reserve’s ongoing effort to achieve sustained inflation of 2 percent. For that reason, I would like to focus on inflation expectations today, before discussing my outlook for the U.S. economy and the implications for appropriate monetary policy. First, I will describe inflation expectations within the conceptual framework that many economists use to connect inflation to broader economic activity, known as the Phillips curve. Second, I will discuss the central importance of the stability of these expectations, which we have come to call the “anchoring” of inflation expectations. Third, I will explain how firms and households form their inflation expectations and how these expectations affect their economic decisionmaking. Throughout, I will make some references to historical experiences with inflation but focus on the period since the pandemic.
    Economists have long recognized the connection between inflation and overall macroeconomic conditions, but it was in trying to explain this empirical relationship and measure it with some precision that the importance of inflation expectations was revealed.
    The foundation of this work was laid by New Zealand economist A.W. Phillips, a fascinating figure who was, among other things, a mechanical genius who built an early economic model operated by hydraulics rather than electronics. In contemplating the mechanics of the economy, in 1958 Phillips set about to explain why nominal wage growth was slower when unemployment was high and faster when unemployment was low. His and other subsequent research showed that a crucial factor was the utilization of resources, such as labor and capital.3 Generally, when firms use labor and capital very intensively, production costs tend to rise, and firms have more scope to pass those cost increases along in the form of higher prices for their products and services, which, in turn, may push up inflation across the economy. In contrast, when that level of utilization is low, costs tend to rise more slowly (or even fall), and firms have less scope for raising prices, thus pushing down inflation. This tradeoff has been called the Phillips curve.
    In this simple form, this tradeoff implies that governments can achieve and maintain very low unemployment only if they allow inflation to rise to a certain level. In the latter 1960s, Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps asserted that this orderly tradeoff was only temporary and would ultimately break down because of the role of expectations and, in particular, inflation expectations.4 To use an example, while current production costs are important to a factory owner setting prices, that owner will also consider future production costs, future levels of demand, and expectations for inflation throughout the economy. Likewise, workers will factor expectations of future economic conditions into their pay demands, and banks will consider future inflation in deciding loan rates. Consumers, whose purchases constitute some two-thirds of economic activity, make decisions about whether to purchase something today with an idea of what it will cost in the future. All these decisions are influenced by expectations, and this is the way in which expectations may shape inflation now. In turn, when we think about the Phillips curve and its tradeoff nowadays, we account for the important role of expectations of different individuals throughout the economy.
    There are different measures of inflation expectations, some from surveys polling business owners, others asking consumers, and yet others estimating expectations among bond investors based on the differences in yields between nominal and inflation-indexed securities. While most of my points apply broadly to all measures of expectations, my examples come mostly from surveys of consumers and businesses. While there are questions, which I will address, about how well these surveys measure inflation expectations, I closely monitor them because they complement market-based indicators of future inflation that are affected by dynamics intrinsic to financial markets, such as changes in risk premiums.
    Let me note that, in addition to the way expectations of future inflation influence prices in the near term, there are economic mechanisms that link current inflation with past inflation, such as those that set wages and the terms of rental contracts. In these cases, adjustments in these terms are often benchmarked on past inflation, as, for instance, when workers and landlords aim to recoup losses from increases in general prices. To cite one example, as the economy reopened after the pandemic, workers sought higher wages to compensate for the early wave of inflation in food and core goods, thus further pushing up inflation, especially in the services sector, where labor accounts for the largest share of this sector’s costs.5 And, because rental agreements typically last for 12 months or more, landlords faced a lag in adjusting rents to reflect the escalation of inflation after the pandemic and sought to recoup those losses when renewing leases.
    By looking at price changes this way, in a rearview mirror, some decisionmakers in the economy end up making inflation more persistent. That is important to me as an economic policymaker who must pay attention to both expectations of future inflation and the persistence of current inflation.
    When we speak of expectations of future inflation, it is crucial to define the time horizon, and different surveys conducted by the Federal Reserve and others ask about inflation from 1 year to as many as 10 years in the future. Surveys with a shorter horizon, such as the University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers’ question on inflation 1 year ahead, shown in figure 1, are heavily influenced by current inflation. Near-term inflation expectations tend to be more volatile, moving up when, for example, energy prices increase, or down when energy or some other volatile set of prices decreases. These expectations are important because many economic decisions, such as major consumer purchases and hiring and investment for firms, focus on horizons of only a few years ahead.
    By contrast, inflation expectations over longer horizons, such as the Michigan survey’s question on inflation during the next 5 to 10 years (the red line in figure 1), say less about current conditions than about the trend for inflation for some time in the future. You can think about these longer-term expectations as much less affected by the forces that push inflation up or down in the short term, what economists call “shocks.” Longer-term inflation expectations tend to be less volatile, affected less, for example, by what oil or food prices have done lately than by the stability of inflation over years or decades.
    I mention these different time horizons because they matter in my job as a central banker. Expectations a year from now reflect short-term shocks to the economy, as well as ongoing efforts from monetary policymakers to bring the economy back to its longer-run state. Thus, while short-term expectations may indicate whether inflation is expected to move toward its target, they are not the best gauge of monetary policy credibility. Longer-term inflation expectations, however, should be much less influenced by short-term shocks to the economy, and a change in those expectations has implications for the Federal Reserve’s prospects for meeting its price-stability goal.
    When these longer-term expectations are reasonably low and unresponsive to shorter-term developments, we say they are “anchored.” It is not clear who first defined the term, but Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke in 2007 gave a speech on inflation expectations in which he described “anchored” expectations as “relatively insensitive to incoming data.”6
    So how should we think about the process of anchoring and de-anchoring of inflation expectations? The dynamics of short- and long-term inflation expectations shed light on this issue. If the public experiences a spell of inflation higher than their shorter-run expectations, they will revise up these shorter-term expectations to ensure that their near-term plans account for the change in the economic environment. That’s what happened after the pandemic, when inflation based on personal consumption expenditures (PCE) rose to a peak of 7.2 percent and one-year expectations rose to more than 5 percent. But longer-term inflation expectations remained anchored, with values within the range seen since 1995. I would contrast this experience with the United States’ previous bout of high inflation from the 1970s to the early 1980s. Among other issues, such as high energy prices and accommodative monetary policy, rising inflation and inflation expectations fed a cycle of escalating inflationary pressures.7 Inflation was high and very volatile over this period, and that is reflected in shorter and longer-term inflation expectations that were high and volatile, too.
    Another important difference between these two episodes has to do with the performance of the Federal Reserve. As opposed to the late 1960s and most of the 1970s, most recently the Fed acted aggressively to tighten monetary policy, raising the federal funds rate more rapidly than in previous tightenings and lowering inflation more quickly than ever before. This came after 30 years of success in keeping inflation in check, and the credibility earned by the Fed’s inflation discipline surely helped keep longer-term expectations stable. This shows that an important role of the central bank is to convince the public, through actions and communications, about its intention to shape economic conditions and to use its policy tools to bring inflation to its target.8 By committing to keep inflation low in the future, central banks seek to influence expectations of future inflation, which, in turn, influence conditions now and over time. The Fed’s credibility in keeping inflation low and stable, won over decades, kept longer-term inflation expectations stable, and that contributed significantly to the Fed’s success in reducing inflation while keeping the labor market strong.
    Those are some of the basics about inflation expectations and how they influence the economy and the conduct of monetary policy. Next, I want to note some of the patterns we see in survey measures of inflation expectations, what influences expectations, and how inflation expectations are used by the public in their decisionmaking. Fortunately, there is a rich body of economic research that has shed light on these questions, and I will focus on the evidence for households and firms.9 We can then take some lessons from these empirical patterns for monetary policymaking.
    One important observation is that both short- and long-term inflation expectations are often notably higher than actual inflation, even after a period of very low inflation. There is evidence that survey respondents often believe the inflation they have experienced is higher than it is. Another pattern is that there is a wide dispersion of views about both shorter and longer-term inflation expectations, reflecting, at least in part, the dispersion of inflation in the consumer baskets of goods and services purchased by different people. Research also finds that some groups, such as women and lower-income households, tend to have systematically higher inflation expectations. In addition to this variation in expectations, there is high uncertainty in forecasts of future inflation. When people are asked to assign probabilities to different forecasts for inflation, surveys report wide distributions in the likelihood of one outcome or another. Finally, short-term inflation expectations tend to be correlated with both recently realized inflation and perceptions about recent inflation.10
    These patterns tell policymakers that inflation expectations of households and firms are diffuse and likely harder to influence through monetary policy relative to financial market participants and professional forecasters who follow the news more closely. Still, expectations from business owners and workers ultimately inform firms’ pricing decisions and costs and, thus, may even be more relevant for inflation outcomes; therefore, it is important for policymakers to communicate clearly with the public our intentions to bring inflation back to our target.11
    So, because inflation expectations are diffuse and heavily influenced by recent experience, let’s consider the reasons for the dispersion in these expectations. Unsurprisingly, it starts with the considerable variation in the sources that the public uses to collect information about inflation. Households report that their main source of information is their own shopping experiences, making regular purchases such as groceries and gasoline, and the price changes in those goods and services are what affect inflation expectations the most.12 Also, it seems that inflation expectations of homeowners tend to respond to changes in mortgage rates because homeowners have more of an incentive to track changes in rates that might affect, for example, their prospects for loan refinancing.13 Another important source of information is energy bills, with evidence also pointing to households’ inflation expectations being more sensitive to energy prices when inflation is higher.14 More generally, consumers and firms seem to pay more attention to news related to inflation when inflation is high, and this has been found for many countries.15
    While the unique experiences of survey respondents matter, this evidence points to inflation expectations being dependent on the state of the economy. Thus, we policymakers should account for different economic conditions when assessing the risks of a de-anchoring of inflation expectations. For instance, with fresh memories of the post-pandemic inflation and with recent surges in prices of some food items regularly purchased, inflation expectations of workers and firms may now be more sensitive to anticipated future price increases relative to the pre-pandemic period.
    Let me now turn to how households and businesses employ their inflation expectations in their economic decisionmaking, with much of the evidence consistent with what one would expect based on long-standing economic theory. Starting with households, in addition to any influence on wages from past inflation, expectations of future inflation help shape demands for pay raises. Workers care about their inflation-adjusted wages, rather than nominal wages, and (as shown in figure 2) we see a positive correlation between inflation expectations from consumers and wage growth, with a close co-movement during the recent inflationary bout. A complementary decision for the worker is to look for a new job that pays more, especially if the person envisions a low probability of getting a raise in the current job or if the raise will likely not fully cover losses in real incomes from inflation. Indeed, measures of general wage growth are more sluggish relative to those of job switchers. Moreover, researchers also find evidence of higher job-to-job transitions for workers who have higher inflation expectations.16 So inflation expectations of workers are an important influence on nominal wage growth and an important indicator of inflationary pressures for us policymakers.
    Now let’s consider how these expectations influence firms’ decisions. As I discussed in the context of the Phillips curve, firms with higher inflation expectations would be expected to increase prices more, and, indeed, researchers find causal evidence for this.17 During the recent period of high inflation, the fact that business owners’ short-term expectations about costs or input prices rose only modestly and soon returned to levels close to 2 percent just suggests that firms’ inflation expectations were not a strong source of inflationary pressures (as seen in figure 3). Still, researchers at the Richmond Fed also found that during this period, business leaders incorporated more information about aggregate inflation measures in their own pricing decisions compared with times before the pandemic inflation surge.18 While researchers also find that business leaders paid less attention to inflation as it came down, this evidence points to the inflation expectations of businesses being sensitive to underlying inflationary dynamics, and monetary policymakers should remain attentive to this.
    Now let me turn to the recent developments in inflation expectations, the current U.S. economic outlook, and the implications for monetary policy.
    In recent months, we have seen several measures of inflation expectations increase, with both consumers and businesses reporting new and proposed tariffs as an important reason. Among surveys looking one year ahead, there have been notable increases for surveys by the University of Michigan, the Conference Board survey of consumers, the Atlanta Fed’s survey of businesses, the Philadelphia Fed’s Survey of Professional Forecasters, and the New York Fed’s consumer survey. For instance, last Friday’s release of longer-term inflation expectations from the Michigan survey was the highest since February 1993. Additionally, the recent spike in short-term inflation expectations appears to be mostly “anticipatory,” as one can infer from the divergence between falling inflation perceptions—what consumers think price increases have been in the past year—and climbing short-run inflation expectations, both data from the Michigan survey. This anticipatory nature of the recent increase in short-run expectations may allow for price pressures through a second channel: Businesses may feel a greater ability to pass along higher costs to consumers when they come from external factors out of the control of these businesses. Indeed, firms are already reporting not only higher costs, but also expectations of higher costs, according to some surveys, such as the one conducted by the Atlanta Fed, along with other manufacturing surveys. For now, I take some comfort from the much smaller increases in longer-term expectations as measured by the Philadelphia Fed’s Survey of Professional Forecasters, as well as the stability of longer-term measures of what we call inflation compensation, which is based on yields from nominal and inflation-indexed Treasury securities.
    As in past episodes when inflation expectations increased, uncertainty about future inflation seems to have also gone up, as measured by the disagreement between the 75th and 25th percentiles of the distribution of individual respondents to the Michigan survey. Simultaneously, in recent months, we have also seen measures of economic policy uncertainty increase (seen in figure 4), and there is evidence that policy uncertainty and inflation uncertainty correlate over time.19 One possibility is that policy uncertainty may be contributing to a rise in inflation expectations as well as to uncertainty about future inflation. Still, it is hard to say at this point, and I will keep monitoring these developments.
    Let me turn from developments on expected inflation to realized inflation. After the substantial decline in inflation from its peak in 2022, recent disinflation has been slower, and the latest data indicate that progress toward the Federal Open Market Committee’s (FOMC) 2 percent goal may have stalled. Core PCE inflation was 2.8 percent in the 12 months ended in February, which puts us back at the same level seen in the last quarter of 2024. The best news for February comes from housing services inflation, which has come down steadily for at least a year to a 12‑month rate of 4.3 percent, even if it is still above the pre-pandemic level of 2.5 percent. For the rest of the inflation categories, the news was less positive. Core goods inflation, which had been negative for a large share of 2024, increased to 0.4 percent relative to a year before. February likely also marked an upward shift in market-based services inflation. While I do not discount price pressures in nonmarket services, which remain elevated, the acceleration in market-based services in February from an estimated 3.1 percent to 3.5 percent is also not welcome, given that this category often provides a better signal of inflationary pressures across all services.
    On the other side of the FOMC’s dual mandate, employment continues to grow at a moderate pace, and the overall labor market has remained resilient through February. The net 151,000 jobs added last month was not too far from the 177,000 average of the previous six months. The unemployment rate ticked up to 4.1 percent, and labor force participation moved down to 62.4 percent. Other labor market indicators suggest continued moderation in the labor market but not significant weakening.
    Given the recent lack of progress on inflation, recent increases in inflation expectations, and upside risks associated with announced and prospective policy changes, I strongly supported the FOMC’s decision at our March meeting to maintain the target range for the federal funds rate at 4-1/4 to 4-1/2 percent. I will support maintaining the current policy rate for as long as these upside risks to inflation continue, while economic activity and employment remain stable. Going forward, I will carefully assess incoming data, the evolving outlook, and changes in the balance of risks.
    Thank you.

    1. The views expressed here are my own and are not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market Committee. Return to text
    2. See Alan S. Blinder (2022), “Wish the Fed Luck as It Seeks a Soft Landing on Inflation,” Wall Street Journal, April 6. Return to text
    3. For a literature review on the relationship between inflation and resource utilization, also called the slope of the Phillips curve, see Francesco Furlanetto and Antoine Lepetit (2024), “The Slope of the Phillips Curve (PDF),” Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2024-043 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, May). Return to text
    4. See Milton Friedman (1968), “The Role of Monetary Policy,” American Economic Review, vol. 58 (March), pp. 1–17; and Edmund S. Phelps (1967), “Phillips Curves, Expectations of Inflation and Optimal Unemployment over Time,” Economica, vol. 34 (135), pp. 254–81. Return to text
    5. For a discussion about the timing of the inflation waves of different categories, see Adriana D. Kugler (2025), “Navigating Inflation Waves: A Phillips Curve Perspective,” speech delivered at the Whittington Lecture, McCourt School of Public Policy, Georgetown University, Washington, February 20. Return to text
    6. See Ben S. Bernanke (2007), “Inflation Expectations and Inflation Forecasting,” speech delivered at the Monetary Economics Workshop of the National Bureau of Economic Research Summer Institute, Cambridge, Mass., July 10, quoted text in paragraph 7. Return to text
    7. For evidence on how longer-run inflation expectations may be driven by short-run inflation surprises, see Carlos Carvalho, Stefano Eusepi, Emanuel Moench, and Bruce Preston (2023), “Anchored Inflation Expectations,” American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, vol. 15 (January), pp. 1–47. Return to text
    8. For a survey on how central banks communicate with the general public and the effectiveness of such communications, see Alan S. Blinder, Michael Ehrmann, Jakob de Haan, and David-Jan Jansen (2024), “Central Bank Communication with the General Public: Promise or False Hope?” Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 62 (June), pp. 425–57. Return to text
    9. For a literature review on this topic, see Michael Weber, Francesco D’Acunto, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Olivier Coibion (2022), “The Subjective Inflation Expectations of Households and Firms: Measurement, Determinants, and Implications,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 36 (Summer), pp. 157–84. Return to text
    10. See David Lebow and Ekaterina Peneva (2024), “Inflation Perceptions during the Covid Pandemic and Recovery,” FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, January 19). Return to text
    11. See Ricardo Reis (2023), “Four Mistakes in the Use of Measures of Expected Inflation,” AEA Papers and Proceedings, vol. 113 (May), pp. 47–51. Return to text
    12. See Francesco D’Acunto, Ulrike Malmendier, Juan Ospina, and Michael Weber (2021), “Exposure to Grocery Prices and Inflation Expectations,” Journal of Political Economy, vol. 129 (May), pp. 1615–39. Return to text
    13. See Hie Joo Ahn, Shihan Xie, and Choongryul Yang (2024). “Effects of Monetary Policy on Household Expectations: The Role of Homeownership,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 147 (October), 103599. Return to text
    14. See Francesco D’Acunto and Michael Weber (2024), “Why Survey-Based Subjective Expectations Are Meaningful and Important,” Annual Review of Economics, vol. 16 (August), pp. 329–57. For evidence on the higher sensitivity of inflation expectations when inflation is higher, see Paula Patzelt and Ricardo Reis (2024), “Estimating the Rise in Expected Inflation from Higher Energy Prices,” CEPR Discussion Paper 18907 (Paris: Centre for Economic Policy Research, March). Return to text
    15. See, for instance, Anat Bracha and Jenny Tang (2024), “Inflation Levels and (In)Attention,” Review of Economic Studies; and Michael Weber, Bernardo Candia, Hassan Afrouzi, Tiziano Ropele, Rodrigo Lluberas, Serafin Frache, Brent Meyer, Saten Kumar, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, Dimitris Georgarakos, Olivier Coibion, Geoff Kenny, and Jorge Ponce (2025), “Tell Me Something I Don’t Already Know: Learning in Low‐ and High‐Inflation Settings,” Econometrica, vol. 93 (January), pp. 229–64. Return to text
    16. See Ina Hajdini, Edward S. Knotek II, John Leer, Mathieu Pedemonte, Robert W. Rich, and Raphael S. Schoenle (2022), “Low Passthrough from Inflation Expectations to Income Growth Expectations: Why People Dislike Inflation,” Working Paper Series 22-21 (Cleveland: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, June); and Laura Pilossoph and Jane M. Ryngaert (2024), “Job Search, Wages, and Inflation,” NBER Working Paper Series 33042 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, October). Return to text
    17. For the relationship between inflation expectations and pricing decisions, see Olivier Coibion, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Tiziano Ropele (2020), “Inflation Expectations and Firm Decisions: New Causal Evidence,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 135 (February), pp. 165–219. Return to text
    18. For evidence on the recent inflationary episode, see Felipe F. Schwartzman and Sonya Ravindranath Waddell (2024), “Inflation Expectations and Price Setting among Fifth District Firms,” Economic Brief 24‑03 (Richmond: Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, January). Return to text
    19. For evidence on how policy uncertainty and inflation uncertainty correlate over time, see Carola C. Binder (2017), “Measuring Uncertainty Based on Rounding: New Method and Application to Inflation Expectations,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 90 (October), pp. 1–12. The measure of economic policy uncertainty is from Scott R. Baker, Nicholas Bloom, and Steven J. Davis (2016), “Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 131 (November), pp. 1593–1636. The measure of trade policy uncertainty is from Dario Caldara, Matteo Iacoviello, Patrick Molligo, Andrea Prestipino, and Andrea Raffo (2020), “The Economic Effects of Trade Policy Uncertainty,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 109 (January), pp. 38–59. Return to text

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