Many articles have indicated that, in addition to millions of birds dying from avian flu, infected flocks have widely been killed en masse in an attempt to contain its spread. The livestock industry euphemistically calls this killing of infected animals “depopulation,” and around 150 million birds have been depopulated since the current crisis began.
The unusually heavy media coverage of expensive eggs, depopulated chickens and avian flu has highlighted some of the deep problems and risks of modern poultry production. Unfortunately, however, important context and dynamics have been regularly omitted.
Unpacking key omissions helps to better understand both the nature of these chronic risks of infectious disease and the perilous response of the Trump administration.
In the U.S., avian flu recently spilled over into cattle — causing widespread illness after a mutation enabled intra-species transmission.
Avian flu has also caused a small number of severe human illnesses in the U.S. (primarily workers in poultry operations). Although no human-to-human transmission is evident — a necessary condition for a pandemic — this potential remains a grave threat.
Key issues underplayed
Although the media coverage of egg prices, depopulated chickens and avian flu has cast a valuable spotlight on many aspects of modern poultry production, it has also tended to leave out some important elements.
Modern chickens have been selectively bred to either put on weight (broilers) or produce eggs (layers) very quickly. Broilers reach slaughter weight in a mere six weeks. Layer hens produce nearly an egg a day for about a year or two, before being slaughtered. These short life-cycles are rarely mentioned in coverage of depopulations.
According to the U.S. Census of Agriculture, over 97 per cent of layers live in operations with at least 10,000 birds. Over 99 per cent of broilers are grown in operations with annual sales of at least 100,000 birds.
This scale also relates to a question that has, with a few notable exceptions, received scant coverage: since infected populations cannot simply be shipped to the slaughterhouse, how are the birds actually killed?
A leading approach to depopulation is ventilation shutdown. This involves turning off the powerful fans needed to make the ambient conditions in large enclosures bearable, and results in agonizing deaths.
Researchers are investigating ways to augment ventilation shutdown as part of a broader research agenda seeking to develop systematic ways to depopulate large operations. This agenda clearly illustrates that the livestock industry is acutely aware of the great risks of infectious disease evolution within these spaces.
In response to scrutiny, the Trump administration initially tried to blame Biden for the depopulation of chickens. While such deflection might work for a time, Trump and his advisors realize they need a strategy to increase egg supplies.
In this context, it’s unsurprising that Trump is laying out a simple plan to increase the egg supply: rebuilding layer populations, reducing depopulations and trusting the livestock and pharmaceutical industries to find ways of containing avian flu — likely through vaccines and strengthened biosecurity.
It’s profoundly irrational to be weakening infectious disease surveillance in the midst of the current avian flu crisis (and amid mounting infectious disease risks more generally).
It’s also hard to fathom how further empowering the leading actors in poultry production can be expected to resolve the risks of avian flu that are so bound up in the nature of modern production.
Tony Weis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ruolz Ariste, Adjunct Professor, School of Public Policy and Administration, Carleton University
As Canada’s federal parties gear up for the upcoming federal election, one of the key issues on the campaign trail will be how Canada will meet its climate policy targets.
Several strategies exist to meet these targets, including: a border charge on imports, a border rebate for exports, a domestic output-based subsidy or a consumer-based carbon rebate like the Canada Carbon Rebate (CCR).
The CCR, introduced by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s administration to curb carbon emissions, is designed to offset the costs of carbon pricing by providing rebates to households.
The debate surrounding the CCR is crucial, as carbon pricing is the most effective measure to reduce greenhouse gas emissions when paired with accompanying measures. Yet, despite its effectiveness, Canada’s major political parties are willing to scrap it because it’s not politically rewarding.
CCR is widely misunderstood
The CCR is widely misunderstood in Canada, leading to misleading narratives about its economic and environmental impacts.
A recent report from the Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) argues that industries facing pollution charges could become less competitive because of the CCR, potentially increasing Canada’s federal budget deficit by $4 billion by 2030, and making Canadians worse off.
However, these reports fail to fully assess the impacts of carbon pricing and risk distorting the debate and influencing policy in ways that could weaken Canada’s climate strategy.
Yet an overlooked crucial fact in the debate on the CCR is that 80 per cent of Canadian families received more in rebates than they paid in pollution pricing in 2024 because major polluters bear the highest costs under the system.
The missing perspective in assessments
While the PBO’s report may be valid from a business standpoint, the report didn’t run a full cost-benefit analysis, which would have weighed both the economic costs and the social benefits of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
In climate policy, the social perspective is much more important than the business one. Without this context, reports like the PBO’s risk being misinterpreted, particularly by politicians opposed to climate action. This could have significant negative consequences for environmental policy in Canada.
A major issue in economic assessments is that the benefits of greenhouse gas reduction are typically excluded because they extend beyond national borders. As a result, emissions reduction can appear to be a poor investment, when in reality, its global and long-term benefits far outweigh the initial expenses.
The Treasury Board of Canada Secretariat’s cost-benefit guide acknowledges this issue. Under normal circumstances, global benefits should be excluded in cost-benefit analysis. However, given the nature of climate change, the guide states that the costs and benefits of greenhouse gas reductions — calculated using the social cost of greenhouse gas — are appropriate to include in cost-benefit analysis.
A recent UN report supports this approach, estimating that while global carbon policy measures could cost more than US$1 trillion annually, the economic benefits will be far greater. Shifting to a green economy could yield US$26 trillion by 2030, compared to maintaining business as usual.
Carbon leakage challenge
A major challenge for Canada’s carbon pricing strategy is that many of its key trading partners don’t impose similar emissions pricing on consumers.
Instead of reducing emissions, this carbon leakage simply shifts emissions elsewhere, undermining global efforts to address climate change. To counter this, there has been a growing interest in policies designed to prevent this from happening, such as border carbon adjustments.
This issue is critical to Canada’s ability to meet its climate policy targets. Without effective measures to prevent carbon leakage, the country could face higher costs and less impact on global emissions reduction efforts.
Ideally, Canada would not have to choose between strong climate policy and economic competitiveness. However, without a co-ordinated global approach to carbon policy, Canada faces difficult trade-offs.
At the heart of this debate is the “polluter-pays principle,” which holds that those who pollute must bear the costs of their actions. This principle is central to climate justice.
Carbon pricing is the only abatement instrument that can implement the polluter-pays principle, but additional policies — such as border charges on imports, border rebates for exports or domestic output-based subsidies — are required to make it more efficient and politically viable.
Currently, 75 carbon taxes and emissions trading systems are in operation worldwide, covering approximately 24 per cent of global emissions.
Canada is considering its own CBAM, but challenges remain. Implementing such a policy could lead to heightened trade tensions with the U.S. or even provoke retaliatory actions.
Need for international co-operation
To make carbon pricing and border adjustments work, international organizations must help close the knowledge and information gaps. One way to do this is by providing more accurate data on embedded carbon prices to improve the calculation of carbon prices down the road.
Further research is also needed to understand how domestic climate policies impact other nations and how to ensure CBAM’s interoperability with other climate measures. Such work will contribute to the optimization of climate policies for the benefit of all.
In the meantime, Canada’s climate policy must strive to integrate CBAM in a way that aligns with global trade systems like the WTO. Some trade law experts have expressed concerns that CBAM may not be compatible with the WTO General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and this must be addressed.
If Canada were to keep the CCR, this integration would be especially important as Canada navigates future trade relations with the U.S. under Trump’s unpredictable administration. Canada doesn’t want to fall behind in its climate action efforts.
Canadians would like the country to lead on climate action while staying competitive. A public consultation on this matter would be a good move from any elected political leader.
Ruolz Ariste is currently affiliated with Carleton University and Université du Québec en Outaouais.
Since 2015, youth mental health has noticeably declined. Currently, 1.25 million young people in Canada require mental health support. (Shutterstock)
Canada urgently needs to take action to support the well-being of young people and secure a healthier and more prosperous future for generations to come.
The recently published Lancet Psychiatry Commission on Youth Mental Health shows that this problem is global, and in part driven by megatrends — major and long-lasting societal changes such as climate change, insecure employment and growing intergenerational inequality. These issues are situated within decades of colonial and neoliberal political, social and economic policies.
To support youth mental health, Canada must work towards reversing these megatrends while also investing in youth mental health services.
The youth mental health problem is global, and in part driven by ‘megatrends’ — major and long-lasting societal changes such as climate change, insecure employment and growing intergenerational inequality. (Shutterstock)
We were inspired by The Lancet Psychiatry Commission on Youth Mental Health, which calls for global action to address this urgent mental health crisis affecting young people. This global initiative involved researchers from diverse fields, service providers and young people, and was co-led by Srividya Iyer (a co-author on this piece and Canada Research Chair in Youth, Mental Health, and Learning Health Systems). It advances a framework for improving youth mental health care, integrating all sectors providing services relevant to mental health (for example, community centres, stand-alone clinics, hospitals) and all types of interventions, ranging from prevention to specialized services for youth with long-term mental health problems.
The situation in Canada
Canada is a global leader in creating new mental health services for youth, which began with the creation of a network of programs for youth with psychosis. Lessons learned have inspired transformation in broader youth mental health services, called “Integrated Youth Services” (IYS).
Designed with input from youth and their families, IYS do not require transition from pediatric to adult care at age 18, which prevents youth from slipping through the cracks between the two systems. IYS integrate mental health, medical health and other social services; and create primary mental health care services.
These services and investments represent Canada’s critical commitment to youth mental health. However, there have been relatively fewer efforts to address other elements responding to factors contributing to worse youth mental health, such as the ongoing harms of colonization and the climatecrisis.
To truly address the youth mental health crisis, we must move beyond just creating services and into creating a world that supports young people to thrive. In these areas, young people themselves have shown us the way through initiatives like the Indigenous Climate Action Youth Leadership, the Anti-Racist Youth Lab and EveryChildNow, which takes action on youth poverty.
What can we do
Society must embrace a strong cultural shift that prioritizes a duty to young people. (Shutterstock)
To support young people, the Lancet report highlights that society must embrace a strong cultural shift that prioritizes a duty to young people, future generations and intergenerational equity, ensuring that present-day policies consider their long-term impacts. The influence of megatrends suggests that activism on any of these societal issues can benefit youth mental health.
For those who want to take action directly, advocating for increasing mental health and social service funding, supporting local organizations dedicated to young people, involving youth in decision-making processes, and fostering nurturing social communities are all important steps.
In light of the upcoming federal election, Canadians should demand that all political parties have a clear plan for youth mental health. Policymaking should prioritize youth, family and community needs. Policies should be evidence-based, especially since intuitively helpful but untested ideas may have unintended consequences (for example, negative effects of universal prevention efforts) or can be complicated (such as the relationship between social media use and youth mental health).
Continuous funding for mental health research can generate knowledge that can inform practice and policy, anticipate and respond to future priorities, test innovative interventions (like nature-based, social prescribing and intergenerational connection) and improve existing systems and interventions.
Young people are tomorrow’s leaders, innovators and contributors. Ignoring their mental health problems undermines their potential and jeopardizes Canada’s ability to build a prosperous, inclusive society. Prioritizing youth mental health is not just a strategic investment for the country’s resilience — it is an ethical imperative.
Tovah Cowan receives funding from CIHR for a Planning and Dissemination grant supporting a project related to improving learning health systems for youth mental health services. Her current salary is paid through a CIHR grant previously awarded to Dr. Iyer.
Camila Velez receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) through a Doctoral Scholarship and a Planning and Dissemination grant for an International Symposium on arts-based research in youth mental health. Her current research assistant salary is paid through a CIHR grant previously awarded to Dr. Iyer.
Nora Morrison’s current salary is paid through a CIHR grant previously awarded to Dr. Srividya Iyer.
Rubén Valle receives his salary from a CIHR grant previously awarded to Dr. Iyer.
Srividya N. Iyer is supported by the Canada Research Chairs Program (Tier 1) and has received peer-reviewed grants from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Fonds de Recherche du Québec – Santé and the International Development Research Centre.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mahtot Gebresselassie, Assistant Professor, Environmental and Urban Change, York University, Canada
In late 2024, the Ontario legislature passed Bill 212 giving the provincial government significant control over municipal bike lanes. The law requires municipalities to ask the province for its approval to install bike lanes if they would remove a lane for other vehicular traffic. The legislation also allows for the removal of three major bike lanes in Toronto.
Supporters of such moves argue that bike lanes worsen traffic congestion, negatively impact local businesses and delay emergency vehicles from getting where they need to go. However, research shows that bike lanes improve transportation infrastructure, including preventing injuries.
One of the main values of bike lanes is that they promote safety for all road users. Many cities around the world install bike lanes to wholly or partially separate cyclists from larger vehicles. This separation limits the interaction with cars and makes cycling safer.
A 2016 paper that looked at data on bike networks and injuries in 10 Canadian and U.S. cities between 2000 and 2015 showed that an increase in bike networks led to a decrease in fatal and serious injuries.
The safety associated with bike lanes can also encourage more people to take up cycling. A 2020 poll from the Canadian Automobile Association indicates that 40 per cent of Canadians reported they would feel encouraged to cycle on bike lanes physically separated from other vehicles.
More inclusive roads
Bike lanes can make cycling more inclusive for women, children, older adults, people with disabilities and those with limited transportation options.
Fewer women bike compared to men. A 2014 study that surveyed cyclists in five U.S. cities found that more women than men strongly agreed that protected bike lanes made them feel safe and new ones increased how often they cycled.
Older adults and people with disabilities also benefit from bike lanes, as they provide a more suitable cycling environment for riding with limited physical acuity and slower speeds.
Some argue that bike lanes reduce street parking, which can lead to lower economic activity. However, a 2012 study showed that people who cycle, walk and use transit frequent local businesses more and spend the same or more than those who use private cars.
When it comes to congestion, a 2018 study on the impact of installing bike lanes on arterial roads in Toronto found that the most affected street segments would only result in an estimated one-minute delay.
A 2022 study from Melbourne showed a minor effect on traffic when bike lanes were added to residential streets with low speed limits. It also found the “selective inclusion” of safe cycling lanes, in the worst cases, leads to a delay of less than 10 seconds per kilometre for drivers.
In New York, a 2016 study found that adding bike lanes reduced the average time for car travel on major thoroughfares from an average of 4.5 minutes to 3 minutes.
Examples from elsewhere indicate that removing bike lanes would not bode well for Toronto. A well-used bike lane in London, England was removed in December 2020 following residents’ complaints that they caused traffic congestion. A study found that the removal resulted in longer travel time on the street compounded by cars illegally parking in the space previously reserved for the bike lane.
Toronto Fire Services (TFS) response time increased by 30 seconds within the same corridor compared to a two-second increase for the entire city. However, these evaluations were for two months in 2023. In October 2024, TFS Chief Jim Jessop said the Bloor Street West bike lanes did not lead to an increase in response time.
If these bike lanes are removed and replaced with others elsewhere, it could create a poorly connected bike network. The safety and convenience associated with connected bike networks will be lost as a result.
Based on what research tells us, Toronto’s bike lanes should stay. Bike lanes provide various benefits, including making our streets more inclusive of more people.
Bike lanes offer safety on the roads by reducing the risk of fatal or non-life-threatening injuries on roads, and are a tremendous gain for transportation infrastructure.
Even in cases where a bike lane causes a few seconds of delay, politicians and city planners must consider the trade-off — especially if it means saving a person’s life.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Wildfire season in Canada has historically spanned from late April to August — with the most damaging of these fires typically burning in June and July. But in recent years, we’ve seen a significant change in when wildfires burning; they are no longer a seasonal phenomenon.
For example, in 2024, Alberta’s wildfire season started in February due to the province’s warm and dry conditions. Québec recorded its forth earliest wildfire since 1973 in mid-march of the same year. British Columbia then reported their first wildfires of the season shortly after.
In 2023, Canada had one of its most catastrophic wildfire years — with over 18.4 hectares of forest burned. These wildfires caused approximately 232,000 people to be evacuated from their homes in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan and Québec.
The huge number of wildfires that burned in 2023 released more than three times the total CO2 emissions of Canada’s entire transportation sector produces in a year. This catastrophic wildfire season also started burning far earlier than normal.
Changing wildfire patterns represent a growing danger to Canadians and our nation’s communities, ecosystems and air quality.
Recipe for a wildfire
The recipe for wildfire is simple and needs only three ingredients: fuel (combustible vegetation), ignition (either from human or natural causes — such as lightning) and favourable weather conditions (hot, dry and windy weather).
But drought can act as a key accelerating factor. As a professor who specializes in sustainable land and water management, I have spent over 15 years researching the impacts of climate change on natural disasters. My most recent research has highlighted the role that droughts play in wildfire vulnerability in Canada.
Droughts not only dry vegetation — which gives wildfires more fuel — they also prolong hot, dry and windy weather. This further creates a high-risk environment for wildfires to ignite and spread.
Canada may appear to be a water-rich country, with vast networks of lakes, rivers and considerable amounts of annual precipitation. But these rich resources suffer from significant seasonal and regional variations.
During 2023, there was a strong link between soil moisture levels measured between May and October and wildfire activity. Areas with the lowest soil moisture levels experienced heightened wildfire activity. This underscores the critical role of drought conditions in amplifying wildfire risks.
The total economic damage and losses are estimated to be more than $250 billion. This catastrophic crisis has clearly highlighted the growing impacts of climate change on densely populated areas at the interface of wildland and urban zones.
But another important factor that significantly contributed to the damage caused by these wildfires in California was the wildland-urban interface (WUI). These are areas where natural, undeveloped vegetation meets human development. This creates a high-risk zone where flammable plants and structures combine — increasing the chance of wildfires spreading from wildlands to communities.
In Canada, the WUI is rapidly expanding as large cities contend with population growth. But this is putting even more Canadians at risk from potentially detrimental wildfires. The recent, severe wildfires in California’s WUI areas offer a clear warning for Canada, highlighting an urgent need to address the risks associated with these rapidly growing zones.
Safeguarding strategies
One way of safeguarding Canada’s expanding WUI zones is by using the leaf area index (LAI). This is a measure of vegetation density.
The more dense the vegetation in a particular region (which means it has a higher LAI value), the greater that area’s risk of wildfire. This is because densely wooded areas contain significant fuel sources for wildfires, making them capable of sustaining and intensifying fire spread.
British Columbia’s coastline, Eastern Canada, Southern Ontario and parts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick (including Halifax and Saint John) are all densely vegetated, highly populated areas that are highly susceptible to wildfire threats — especially during periods of drought and high temperatures.
By pinpointing Canada’s most vulnerable regions, targeted wildfire prevention strategies can be carried out to mitigate risks and enhance community resilience in the face of escalating wildfire threats. This might include reducing the amount of dry vegetation, carrying out controlled burns and building fire-resistant infrastructure.
Canada announced a new goal to build nearly 3.9 million houses by 2031. For these houses to be built, parts of WUI zones will need to be used. It will be important for planning and development policies to ensure resilience against wildfires.
Canada stands at a pivotal moment in wildfire risk management because of expanding WUI zones, prolonged drought conditions and intensifying fire weather converge. Without a multi-pronged strategy, wildfires will only continue to be a growing threat to ecosystems, infrastructure and public safety.
Hossein Bonakdari does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Palestinian resistance group Hamas has accused Israel of “blackmail” over aid and urged the US government to act more like a neutral mediator in the ceasefire process.
“We call on the US administration to stop its bias and alignment with the fascist plans of the war criminal Netanyahu, which target our people and their existence on their land,” Hamas said in a statement.
“We affirm that all projects and plans that bypass our people and their established rights on their land, self-determination, and liberation from occupation are destined for failure and defeat.
“We reaffirm our commitment to implementing the signed agreement in its three stages, and we have repeatedly announced our readiness to start negotiations on the second stage of the agreement,” it said.
Al Jazeera Arabic reports that Israel sought a dramatic change to the terms of the ceasefire agreement with a demand that Hamas release five living captives and 10 bodies of dead captives in exchange for Palestinian prisoners and increased aid to the Gaza Strip.
It also sought to extend the first phase of the ceasefire by a week.
Hamas informed the mediators that it rejected the Israeli proposal and considered it a violation of what was agreed upon in the ceasefire.
Israel suspends humanitarian aid In response, Israel suspended the entry of humanitarian aid until further notice and Hamas claimed Tel Aviv “bears responsibility” for the fate of the 59 Israelis still held in the Gaza Strip.
Reports said Israeli attacks in Gaza on Sunday have killed at least four people and injured five people, according to medical sources.
“The occupation [Israel] bears responsibility for the consequences of its decision on the population of the Strip and for the fate of its prisoners,” Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said in a statement.
Hamas denounces blackmail headline on Al Jazeera news. Image: AJ screenshot APR
Under the agreed ceasefire, the second phase of the truce was intended to see the release of the remaining captives, the full withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza and a final end to the war.
However, the talks on how to carry out the second phase never began, and Israel said all its captives must be returned for fighting to stop.
In an interview with Al Jazeera, an analyst said that although the fragile ceasefire seemed on the brink of collapse, it was unlikely that US President Donald Trump would allow it to fail.
“I think the larger picture here is Trump is not interested in the resumption of war,” said Sami al-Arian, professor of public affairs at Istanbul Zaim University.
“He has a very long agenda domestically and internationally and if it is going to be dragged by Netanyahu and his fascist partners into another war of genocide with no strategic end, he knows this is going to be a no-win for him.
“And for one thing, Trump hates to lose.”
No game plan In another interview, Israeli political commentator Ori Goldberg told Al Jazeera that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was caught between seeing the Gaza ceasefire through and resorting to a costly all-out war that may prove unpopular at home.
“I’m not sure Netanyahu has a game plan,” Goldberg said.
“The reason he hasn’t made a decision is because . . . Israel is not equipped to go to war right now. Resilience is at an all-time low. Resources are at an all-time low.”
War crimes . . . a poster at a New Zealand pro-Palestinian rally in Auckland on Saturday. Image: Asia Pacific Report
In December, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees reported that more than 19,000 children had been hospitalised for acute malnutrition in four months.
In the first full year of the war — ending in October 2024 — 37 children died from malnutrition or dehydration.
Last September 21, The International Criminal Court (ICC) said there was reason to believe Israel was using “starvation as a method of warfare” when it issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant.
Secretary for Security Tang Ping-keung today led members of the Security Bureau Youth Uniformed Group Leaders Forum on a Greater Bay Area study tour in Macau, in completion of a three-day, two-night exploration of national history, culture and development.
Mr Tang led members in visiting the Macao Light Rapid Transit East Line South Section. They learned about the project’s development and toured the campus of the Academy of Public Security Forces.
The youngsters also visited the Macao Customs Fleet and were briefed on customs duties and maritime rescue operations. They also explored various sites of historic and architectural interest.
Mr Tang listened to the participants’ interim reports on their thematic projects. He said that the participation of students from Shenzhen University in the forum’s last term and of youths from Macau in the current term has given young people in Hong Kong, Shenzhen and Macau the opportunity to collaborate closely.
He praised the potential of members from the three places, highlighting that three members from Shenzhen University were recently awarded the Good Citizen Award by the Hong Kong Police Force for their bravery in saving a life in Hong Kong. He also mentioned that seven members from Hong Kong were awarded stars given to Chinese college students for self-improvement.
The group of 72 – comprising the leaders forum and its partners from Shenzhen University and the youth groups of Macau’s public security forces – began its study tour in Foshan on Friday and continued to Macau yesterday.
During their stay in Foshan, the group visited the Shunde drone command and dispatch centre to learn about how the district has optimised urban management through the introduction of drones and the consolidation of collected data.
They also visited an intelligent manufacturing technology park, an innovation and research and development centre, and a manufacturing enterprise to learn about the development of high-tech industries on the Mainland and how various industries apply technology to improve production processes.
The young people also explored the Foshan Ancestral Temple to sample the local traditional culture.
Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s election gamble has paid off. As a consequence of last night’s election results, the Progressive Conservatives are now set to form their third consecutive majority government.
By and large, last night’s election results were dull and uninspiring, looking very similar to the outcome of the province’s election in 2022. The Progressive Conservatives return (going from 79 to 80) with only one additional member of caucus, receiving a noticeable but modest two per cent bump in support.
And, while the Liberals saw even more of a recovery from 2018, the generally widespread distribution of that vote means that they were only able to gain five seats. Although tarnished, the New Democrats return as the official opposition party.
Unprepared rivals
These lacklustre results flow directly from lacklustre campaigns. The fact is that, regardless of Premier Ford’s legitimate calls for a renewed mandate amidst an aggressive American administration, the party had been looking for an excuse to call a premature election for quite some time. In doing so, they were able to — quite intentionally — catch their rivals unprepared, complete with incomplete candidate slates, unknown leaders and undercooked policy platforms.
It meant that, while Ford was able to run a safe and constrained front-runner’s campaign, his main opponents struggled to find the momentum necessary to move the dial and exploit enough backlash. This is alongside real policy vulnerabilities in health care and education, with enough voters expressing discontent with what they felt to be an unnecessary and self-serving election call.
Chaotic news cycle
There are good reasons to believe that voters were mostly apathetic towards the parties and their candidates. Alongside the reasons already stated, the dense, chaotic and ever-shifting news cycle of the last few months may have entailed that this election was able to slip by quietly.
But this does not seem to be the full story, as this year’s turnout — while still low — is slightly higher than that of 2022. Instead, voters also seemed to have wanted to maintain the status quo.
On the local level, siting members of the provincial legislature from all three parties generally performed quite well. Of the 111 ridings with party-nominated incumbents, for example, only four lost. So while many voters may have been unhappy with the election call, the unpredictable environment may have also had the reverse effect of leading them to support, if not fully endorse, the leaders they already have.
Regardless of the more limited dynamics of this election, however, we cannot overlook the fact that this has been a very real accomplishment for Doug Ford and the Progressive Conservatives. In a period of high executive turnover and anti-incumbent backlash, Doug Ford has, as the leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, brought about a track record of secure, consecutive majorities — a feat that was last attained by Leslie Frost and John Robarts.
In many ways, it brings to mind the years of the traditional “big blue machine,” when the party controlled the government of Ontario for 40 consecutive years.
Durable persona
Here, Ford’s success is much deeper than a matter of suave electoral maneuvering, and it is more long-standing than the recent confrontation with the Trump administration. Instead, these results attest to the fact that, while the Premier is not without his detractors, he has nevertheless managed to secure a stable, solid and sufficient base of support through the combination of both a carefully balanced policy agenda and a durable leadership persona.
As with his successful conservative predecessors, Ford practices a form of the pragmatic and moderate governance that characterizes Ontario. A large part of what makes this successful is the fact that while it makes policy decisions flexible, it does not make them arbitrary.
Ford continues to emphasize a government oriented around continual economic growth and innovation as a means to accomplish raising living standards, fund the province’s social programs and — more recently — rival the United States. Combined with Ford’s aptitude in retail politics this has created a clear and accessible political project supported by big developers, small business owners and private-sector workers’ unions.
In a political environment shaped by personality, Ford continues to suck up the majority of the political oxygen in Ontario. Even while a good portion of Ontarians may dislike Ford — he is far from the most popular of Canada’s premiers — they have not experienced an overriding need to get rid of the incumbent, nor pursue another course of change.
While politics is impossible to predict, it suggests that this state of continuity will persist in Ontario, even amid a chaotic global environment.
Sam Routley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
As dawn breaks over the vast wheat fields, a fleet of drones hums to life, rising like a swarm of mechanical bees. Guided by skilled pilots, the drones glide over the expanse, spraying the crops with precisely measured doses of pesticide.
In just three days, more than 80,000 mu (approximately 5,333.33 hectares) of wheat fields will be treated. This level of efficiency is unimaginable in traditional farming.
In a display of agricultural modernization, this annual operation in Zhaoqiao Township, in Bozhou City, east China’s Anhui Province, highlights the increasing role of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) in China’s agricultural sector.
To ensure optimal pest control, nearly 40 skilled drone pilots operate UAVs weighing between 50 and 70 kilograms, swiftly maneuvering over vast wheat fields to apply pesticides efficiently and precisely.
“Traditional manual pesticide spraying could only cover 10 to 15 mu per day. Now, a single agricultural drone can handle about 1,000 mu daily, ensuring even coverage without gaps or overlaps,” said Jiao Rui, a 33-year-old drone team leader.
Bozhou alone has nearly 3,000 agricultural drones in operation, contributing to a nationwide total of 251,000 UAVs dedicated to agricultural services in 2024.
These drones collectively covered 2.67 billion mu of farmland, marking a nearly 25 percent year-on-year increase. Beyond pest control, they are also used for fertilization, seeding, pollination, and field monitoring, significantly enhancing agricultural productivity.
The recently released “No. 1 Central Document” for 2025 outlines priorities to deepen rural reforms further and solid steps to advance all-around rural revitalization. It emphasizes the importance of developing new quality productive forces in agriculture in light of local conditions.
Han Wenxiu, executive deputy director of the Office of the Central Committee for Financial and Economic Affairs, emphasized at a recent press conference that smart technologies, including UAVs, mechanized farming, AI-driven agriculture, and low-altitude economy applications, hold vast potential for rural development.
According to the Civil Aviation Administration of China, the country’s low-altitude economy is expected to reach a market size of 1.5 trillion yuan (about 209.09 billion U.S. dollars) by 2025 and could grow to 3.5 trillion yuan by 2035.
This sector is rapidly integrating into various rural applications, from agricultural protection to forest fire prevention, water resource inspection, rural logistics, and tourism.
In the mountainous Hongqi Village of Yuexi County, Anhui, a small white drone takes off daily from its automated docking station, ready to carry out its tasks.
Equipped with high-definition and infrared cameras, as well as a loudspeaker, the drone patrols a 15-square-kilometer forest area for 40 minutes before returning to recharge.
Later, it flies to check on elderly residents living alone, enabling local staff to communicate with them remotely. During flood season, the drone’s tasks expand to include river inspections.
Since the launch of the pilot program in August 2024, drones in Hongqi Village have covered a total of 1,422.95 kilometers and detected over 30 safety hazards, all of which were promptly addressed.
“Previously, forest patrols required two workers on motorcycles for an entire day, and visiting elderly residents in the mountains took about 90 minutes round-trip. With UAVs, we significantly enhance efficiency and service delivery,” said Shi Yongshi, the first secretary of Hongqi Village.
Anhui’s local practices epitomize a broader national trend. By 2027, east China’s Zhejiang Province plans to have over 10,000 agricultural drones in operation, covering more than 65 million mu of farmland. Drone-based rural inspections are also set to reach over 30 percent of villages.
Low-altitude logistics are expanding across cities and rural areas in Guangdong Province, focusing on high-value seafood transport, maritime supply deliveries, rapid medical shipments, and agricultural product transport from mountainous regions.
“Beyond agriculture, the low-altitude economy is becoming a new engine for rural revitalization and industrial upgrading,” said Zhang Jian, a professor at the Civil Aviation Flight University of China.
Source: United States Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)
Padilla Cosponsors Bipartisan Legislation to Boost Wildfire Mitigation and Research
As wildfires have devastated California and the West, bipartisan bill would create career pathways to tackle growing wildfire threats
WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) joined his colleagues in introducing the bipartisan Regional Leadership in Wildland Fire Research Act, legislation that would establish regional research centers at institutions of higher education across the country to boost wildfire mitigation and research. These regional centers would be tasked with developing next-generation fire and vegetation models and technologies to support wildland fire management and address the specific needs of the region in which they are situated. Additionally, this bill would establish a National Center Coordination Board to manage the work of regional centers and establish Regional Advisory Boards from wildfire management agencies, state and tribal governments, and other stakeholders to provide input and assistance.
According to the U.S. Fire Administration, current wildfire models are failing to adequately predict fire behavior under extreme conditions and in more complex environments, like last month’s Southern California fires, which occurred under severe winds. These models also struggle to reproduce recent catastrophic wildfires, making them more likely to fail at predicting future wildfires or determining when and where it is safe to conduct prescribed burns. That’s why next-generation fire and vegetation models are essential to supporting effective wildland fire management and preparing firefighters against evolving risks.
Senator Padilla joined Senators Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.), Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska), and Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.) in introducing the legislation.
“Californians are all too familiar with the devastating toll catastrophic wildfires can take on their communities, burning down homes and businesses, and uprooting families’ livelihoods,” said Senator Padilla. “As the climate crisis makes wildfires more dangerous and harder to predict, expanding our wildland fire research would help us better prepare for wildfires and safely conduct prescribed burns ahead of peak fire season. California universities are already the nation’s leading hub for wildfire research and technology, and this bipartisan effort is a critical step forward in expanding next-generation fire mitigation efforts.”
“Far too many communities in New Mexico and in states across the country know that wildfire season can cost you everything. We must do everything possible to understand the root causes of these wildfires and how local communities can improve wildfire mitigation efforts and save lives and livelihoods,” said Senator Luján. “I’m proud to partner with Senator Sullivan to reintroduce this bipartisan legislation to establish regional research centers tasked with developing next-generation fire and vegetation models and technologies to boost wildfire mitigation. Each of these regional centers will help boost wildland fire management across the country while creating more opportunities for a good-paying job through career training for wildfire research. I look forward to working with my colleagues to get this bill signed into law.”
“Wildfires burn millions of acres in Alaska every year—sometimes as much or more than the combined acreage burned in the rest of the country,” said Senator Sullivan. “To better protect lives, homes and critical infrastructure, we need to invest in research that will produce more accurate models and empower our wildland firefighters to better predict and extinguish fires before they become full-scale natural disasters. I’m glad to reintroduce legislation with Senator Luján to establish wildland fire research centers at our universities with specialized expertise in this space—like UAF in Interior Alaska—and develop more effective firefighting strategies that respond to the unique circumstances of each of our states.”
“If we’ve learned anything from recent wildfire tragedies across the country, it’s that the threat of catastrophic wildfires isn’t seasonal, nor is it isolated to one region; it’s a year-round, nationwide threat. I’m proud to join this bipartisan effort with my colleagues to invest in better anticipating wildland fires, streamlining our response, and ensuring we are fighting these fires faster and more effectively to keep communities safe,” said Senator Sheehy.
Each regional research center would:
Conduct research to improve our understanding of wildland fire, including causes and associated risks for fires, rehabilitation of affected ecosystems, mitigation strategies that improve firefighter safety, and more;
Develop, maintain, and operate next-generation fire and vegetation models and technologies to support wildland fire management; and
Develop a career pathway training program to help carry out wildland fire research.
The bill is supported by the Federation of American Scientists, Megafire Action, National Association of State Foresters, National Federation of Federal Employees, the Nature Conservancy, the University of New Mexico, and the University of Alaska Fairbanks.
“We spend billions on improving our understanding of disasters like hurricanes and tornadoes — that hasn’t happened yet with megafire. The Regional Leadership in Wildland Fire Research Act recognizes and invests in our research community to produce region specific scientific research and solutions to catastrophic wildfires, allowing innovators and wildland firefighters to use this information to directly leverage technology to predict, detect, and prevent megafire,” said Matt Weiner, CEO of Megafire Action.
Senator Padilla has long been a leader in strengthening the federal and state response to wildfires. Earlier this month, Padilla introduced bipartisan legislation to create a national Wildfire Intelligence Center to streamline federal response and create a whole-of-government approach to combat wildfires. He also announced a package of three bipartisan bills to bolster fire resilience and proactive mitigation efforts, including the Wildfire Emergency Act, the Fire-Safe Electrical Corridors Act, and the Disaster Mitigation and Tax Parity Act. Last month, Padilla introduced another suite of bipartisan bills to strengthen wildfire recovery and resilience. Additionally, Padilla’s legislation to strengthen FEMA’s wildfire preparedness and response efforts, the FIRE Act, became law in 2022.
Facilitated by Joint Special Operations University, the bilateral exchange for Royal Thai Army Special Forces and U.S. Special Operations participants focused on knowledge of best practices through candid dialogue and iterative demonstrations of processes through hands-on exercises.
CG25 has three primary events: a command and control exercise, humanitarian civic assistance projects, and a field training exercise to enhance readiness and foster responses to security challenges and natural disasters. Approximately 30 nations participate, with 3,200 U.S. personnel directly involved, underscoring the importance of cooperation and goodwill.
JSOU’s focus is joint special operations education and has the mandate to support U.S. Special Operations Command Pacific. SOCPAC serves as the operational component command for all SOF missions throughout the Indo-Pacific region.
The JSOU JPP academic SMEE prepared participants for aspects of special operations forces’ integration during the Cobra Gold command and control event. JPP is a method to determine the use of military capabilities in time and space to achieve objectives within an acceptable level of risk.
“Having this academic SMEE as part of Cobra Gold 2025 demonstrates the importance both Thai and U.S. leadership place on cognitive warfare,” said JSOU senior mentor retired U.S. Army Col. Scott Malone. “As part of its Joint SOF charter, the university is uniquely positioned to facilitate operational collaboration and the exchange of strategic thought amongst Special Operations partner forces.”
JSOU’s academic engagements enhance operational collaboration and strategic thinking among partner forces, fostering a culture of continuous improvement and adaptive thinking. Class discussion and group exercises were the primary means for the intellectual exchange.
“The special operations professionals from Royal Thai Army 1st Special Forces Division and SOD-P collaboration nurtures a culture of continuous improvement and highlights adaptive thinking where knowledge transference and removing barriers to learning is paramount.” said Malone. “This SMEE on day one placing Thai and U.S. participants together in working groups heightens learning and promotes intellectual exchange. This immediate placement allows for each individual to gain a sense of ownership as the combined team is built and fosters unbiased exchanges of best practices as the week progressed.”
SOD-P provides trained, prepared, and equipped augmentation to the U.S. Army Special Operations Command and SOCPAC.
“This is an unparalleled opportunity for us to share our expertise with each other,” said U.S. Army Col. David Coughran, commanding officer of SOD-P. “Our focus is on strengthening our combined operational proficiency and leadership acumen, ensuring we are all prepared to handle any eventuality.”
CG25 is a visible symbol of the U.S.-Thai defense alliance, demonstrating the U.S.’s steadfast commitment to maintaining the conditions for peace and prosperity. Enhancing critical capabilities and readiness enables each force to jointly address regional stability in the Indo-Pacific.
The 44th iteration of this exercise exemplifies the longstanding alliance with Thailand and reflects the shared commitment to preserving a peaceful, prosperous, and secure Indo-Pacific region.
WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Air Force Maj. Gen. AnnMarie Anthony, director of United States Strategic Command’s Joint Electromagnetic Spectrum Operations Center, attended the Future Operating Environment workshop at National Defense University on Fort McNair, Washington D.C., Feb. 26, 2025.
Anthony participated in a fireside chat and hosted an international leadership panel of U.S. and allied flag officers during the event. The workshop focused on incorporating Electromagnetic Spectrum Operations into professional military education across the Joint Force and infusing a better understanding of critical warfighting capabilities into the curricula.
During the fireside chat with Dr. Ling Yung, acting deputy assistant secretary of defense for Force Education and Training, Anthony shared her insights on the importance of advancing the military’s EMSO capabilities and improving military leaders’ awareness of those capabilities.
“The electromagnetic spectrum is not simply a supporting element of military operations, it is the very arena where future conflicts will be won or lost,” said Anthony. “The EMS is not a separate domain itself, but rather an inseparable component of air, land, sea, space, and cyberspace operations. We must continue to advance our capabilities and empower our forces to showcase lethality within the EMS environment to deter aggression and maintain our competitive edge.”
Dr. Yung emphasized the significance of Anthony’s contribution to the workshop.
“Maj. Gen. Anthony’s expertise on this topic is why we were so excited to have her join us for this workshop. She has a passion for educating our force and strengthening our EMSO capabilities that is so motivating,” said Dr. Yung. “Add to that her ability to take incredibly complex subject matter and make it easy to understand for all audiences and you have a powerhouse in the EMSO space. She has a lot to say, and we should be listening.”
United States Strategic Command (USSTRATCOM), a global warfighting command, deters strategic attack through a safe, secure, effective, and credible global combat capability and, when directed, is ready to prevail in conflict.
racias a un programa del Departamento de Servicios Humanos de Oregon (Oregon Department of Human Services, ODHS), dos universidades de Oregon están ayudando de forma gratuita a muchas personas a presentar su declaración de impuestos. El Programa de Subvenciones para Infraestructura Tributaria del ODHS (ODHS Tax Infrastructure Grant Program) hace posible esta ayuda gratuita para personas y familias con ingresos inferiores a $84,000 al año.
En 2024, el programa fue responsable de la presentación de 14,246 declaraciones de impuestos actuales y de años anteriores, más del triple de las declaraciones presentadas hace dos años, antes de que comenzara el programa de subvenciones. Oregon State University (OSU) y Western Oregon University son dos de los muchos beneficiarios de las subvenciones que ofrecen ayuda gratuita para la presentación de declaraciones de impuestos, con más de 100 estudiantes contratados que ayudan a las personas a presentar sus impuestos, de forma gratuita.
Emily Plant, que está trabajando en su licenciatura en Ciencias en OSU, es una de esas estudiantes contratadas. Este es su segundo año en esta tarea.
Contó que todo tipo de personas se acercan para recibir el servicio gratuito. Aproximadamente un tercio son estudiantes de OSU, y también hay miembros de la comunidad, algunos empleados de OSU, e incluso algunos que conducen una hora o más para obtener ayuda con los impuestos.
“Es un trabajo realmente importante, realmente significativo. Ayuda a las personas que tienen bajos ingresos, con discapacidades, personas mayores de 65 años y personas para quienes el inglés es un segundo idioma. Simplemente no saben que pueden recibir un reembolso. Vienen y reciben varios miles de dólares de reembolso. Para algunos, esto es un cambio de vida”, agregó.
Otra estudiante contratada es Kelleen Green, una estudiante de maestría en educación en Western Oregon University. Ella reconoce que muchas personas se sienten ansiosas y asustadas de tener que presentar sus impuestos.
“Cuando recibimos a los contribuyentes, es asombroso. Los vemos tan ansiosos y abrumados. Piensan que sucederá lo peor. Estamos aquí para ayudarlos. Vemos que reciben reembolsos casi todo el tiempo. Esto los hace sentir empoderados”, dijo.
Camila Martínez, otra estudiante contratada de Western Oregon University, dijo que: “Ninguna situación es demasiado difícil de manejar. Utilizamos todos nuestros recursos para ayudarlos”. Además, es gratuito.
“El sábado pasado, presenté una declaración de impuestos para alguien que fue a un contador de impuestos privado el año pasado. Le cobraron $350 por la declaración de impuestos; el mismo monto que recibió este año del estado. En total, recibió un reembolso considerable este año, ¡más de $1,000! Dijo que estaba muy agradecido por nuestros servicios y lo accesible que es nuestro programa”, agregó Martínez, una estudiante de último año que se especializa en contabilidad.
Lo que le gustaría decirles a las personas es que, “es gratuito y está disponible para cualquiera que sea elegible. Puede ser intimidante hacer una declaración de impuestos, pero estamos aquí para ayudar, responder preguntas y guiarlo en la dirección correcta”.
Estos programas gratuitos utilizan el Programa de Ayuda Voluntaria para la Declaración de Impuestos (Volunteer Income Tax Assistance Program) o VITA del IRS. Los voluntarios de VITA que preparan las declaraciones deben realizar y aprobar una capacitación sobre la ley impositiva que cumpla o supere los estándares del IRS.
El Programa de Infraestructura Tributaria financia organizaciones culturalmente relevantes o específicas, gobiernos tribales y organizaciones comunitarias rurales para ayudar a educar y proporcionar ayuda gratuita en la presentación de impuestos a personas que tienen bajos ingresos. La ayuda se encuentra disponible en varios idiomas. El dinero de la subvención también se utiliza para aumentar la cantidad de preparadores de impuestos certificados en Oregon.
Obtenga más información en elsitio webdel ODHS sobre el Programa de Subvenciones para Infraestructura Tributaria.
Dónde obtener ayuda gratuita para presentar impuestos
211Info: Llame al 2-1-1 o envíe un correo electrónico a help@211info.org para obtener ayuda gratuita para presentar su declaración de impuestos.
Immigrant and Refugee Community Organization (IRCO); TAX@irco.org; 971-427-3993; Portland, Ontario
OAKDALE, Calif., Feb. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Oak Valley Community Bank, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Oak Valley Bancorp (NASDAQ: OVLY), announced that Jean Turpen has joined the bank as Vice President, Commercial Credit Officer. She is based out of the Roseville Office located at 1478 Stone Point Drive.
Turpen has 21 years of banking experience and a distinguished career in the banking industry, having held various leadership positions in commercial credit and lending. Her understanding of commercial lending, credit risk management, and financial analysis makes her an invaluable addition to the bank. In her new role, she will be responsible for client relationship management, portfolio management, and credit analysis. She will work closely with the Greater Sacramento Region team to drive sustainable growth and maintain our commitment to excellence in service and performance.
“We’re excited to welcome Jean to our team. Her experience and proven track record in the banking sector will be instrumental in driving our commercial credit strategies and supporting our growth objectives,” said Gary Stephens, EVP Commercial Banking Group.
Turpen earned a bachelor’s degree in mathematics from University of Alaska Anchorage. She is a member of the Construction Financial Management Association (CFMA). Turpen resides in Orangevale with her husband and two sons. In her free time, she enjoys fitness, gardening, orchestral music, and reading.
Oak Valley Bancorp operates Oak Valley Community Bank & their Eastern Sierra Community Bank division, through which it offers a variety of loan and deposit products to individuals and small businesses. They currently operate through 18 conveniently located branches: Oakdale, Turlock, Stockton, Patterson, Ripon, Escalon, Manteca, Tracy, Sacramento, Roseville, two branches in Sonora, three branches in Modesto, and three branches in their Eastern Sierra division, which includes Bridgeport, Mammoth Lakes, and Bishop. The company will open its 19th branch location in Lodi later this year. For more information, call 1-866-844-7500 or visit www.ovcb.com.
The visit of Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky to the White House has not gone to plan – at least not to his plan. There were extraordinary scenes as a press conference between Zelensky and Trump descended into acrimony, with the US president loudly berating his opposite number, who he accused of “gambling with world war three”.
“You either make a deal or we’re out,” Trump told Zelensky. His vice-president, J.D. Vance, also got in on the act, accusing the Ukrainian president of “litigating in front of the American media”, and saying his approach was “disrespectful”. At one point he asked Zelensky: “Have you said thank you even once?”
Reporters present described the atmosphere as heated with voices raised by both Trump and Vance. The New York Times said the scene was “one of the most dramatic moments ever to play out in public in the Oval Office and underscored the radical break between the United States and Ukraine since Mr Trump took office”.
Underlying the angry exchanges were differences between the Trump administration and the Ukrainian government over the so-called “minerals deal” that Zelensky was scheduled to sign. But any lack of Ukrainian enthusiasm for the deal is understandable.
In its present form, it looks more like a memorandum of understanding that leaves several vital issues to be resolved later. The deal on offer is the creation of what will be called a “reconstruction investment fund”, to be jointly owned and managed by the US and Ukraine.
Into the proposed fund will go 50% of the revenue from the exploitation of “all relevant Ukrainian government-owned natural resource assets (whether owned directly or indirectly by the Ukrainian government)” and “other infrastructure relevant to natural resource assets (such as liquified natural gas terminals and port infrastructure)”.
This means that private infrastructure – much of it owned by Ukraine’s wealthy oligarchs – is likely to become part of the deal. This has the potential of further increasing friction between Zelensky and some very powerful Ukrainians.
Meanwhile, US contributions are less clearly defined. The preamble to the agreement makes it clear that Ukraine already owes the US. The very first paragraph notes that “the United States of America has provided significant financial and material support to Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022”.
Western and Ukrainian analysts have also pointed out that there may be fewer and less accessible mineral and rare earth deposits in Ukraine than are currently assumed. The working estimates have been based mostly on Soviet-era data.
Since the current draft leaves details on ownership, governance and operations to be determined in a future fund agreement, Trump’s very big deal is at best the first step. Future rounds of negotiations are to be expected.
Statement of intent
From a Ukrainian perspective, this is more of a strength than a weakness. It leaves Kyiv with an opportunity to achieve more satisfactory terms in future rounds of negotiation. Even if any improvements will only be marginal, it keeps the US locked into a process that is, overall, beneficial for Ukraine.
Take the example of security guarantees. The draft agreement offers Ukraine nothing anywhere near Nato membership. But it notes that the US “supports Ukraine’s efforts to obtain security guarantees needed to establish lasting peace”, adding that: “Participants will seek to identify any necessary steps to protect mutual investments.”
The significance of this should not be overstated. At its bare minimum, it is an expression of intent by the US that falls short of security guarantees but still gives the US a stake in the survival of Ukraine as an independent state.
But it is an important signal both in terms of what it does and does not do – a signal to Russia, Europe and Ukraine.
Trump does not envisage that the US will give Ukraine security guarantees “beyond very much”. He seems to think that these guarantees can be provided by European troops (the Kremlin has already cast doubts on this idea).
But this does not mean the idea is completely off the table. On the contrary, because the US commitment is so vague, it gives Trump leverage in every direction.
He can use it as a carrot and a stick against Ukraine to get more favourable terms for US returns from the reconstruction investment fund. He can use it to push Europe towards more decisive action to ramp up defence spending by making any US protection for European peacekeepers contingent on more equitable burden-sharing in Nato.
And he can signal to the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, that the US is serious about making a deal stick – and that higher American economic stakes in Ukraine and corporate presence on the ground would mean US-backed consequences if the Kremlin reneges on a future peace agreement and restarts hostilities.
That these calculations will ultimately lead to the “free, sovereign and secure Ukraine” that the agreement envisages is not a given.
For now, however, despite all the shortcomings and vagueness of the deal on key issues –– and the very public argument between the parties – it still looks like it serves all sides’ interests in moving forward in this direction.
This article has been updated with details of the meeting between Volodymyr Zelensky and Donald Trump.
Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.
Tetyana Malyarenko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Conservatives now claim we are in the middle of a “movement” of workers away from the New Democratic Party, which has historically been seen as the party of labour, toward both federal and provincial conservative parties.
Former Conservative Party of Canada leader Erin O’Toole reached out to workers in the last federal election and current Conservative leader, Pierre Poilievre, continues to do so.
However, the actual extent of union support for Ford must be put into context. There is no evidence to suggest a major political re-alignment of unions with conservative parties. At the same time, the ability of Ford’s brand of populism to engage with a strategic transactionalism in some unions is a serious challenge to labour movement solidarity.
Local autonomy is part of a democratic labour movement, and many of the endorsements for Ford came from union locals, not the entirety of a union’s membership.
Some unions have policies of not endorsing any party, while others allow endorsements by union locals of individual candidates. More importantly, even if unions decide to endorse a candidate or party, individual members vote for whoever they want. Union members continue to vote in complex and contradictory ways, and they can be swayed by populist politicians as much as any other voter.
Right-wing populism presents a challenge to unions whose members are not isolated from populist politics. Ford’s brand of populism has proven effective in attracting and dividing organized labour, especially public versus private sector union members. He uses populist rhetoric to challenge public sector unions while making more moderate overatures to non-union and private sector workers.
This pivoting populism has proven effective. Promises of a “buck-a-beer” and allowing liquor into corner stores appeals to workers while potentially reducing unionized jobs at LCBO outlets and government revenue for health care and education.
Ford has also demonstrated the ability to shift his populist message when needed. He quickly positioned himself as a leading voice against tariffs proposed by United States President Donald Trump. He successfully engaged a nationalist economic populism defending workers, specifically in Ontario’s manufacturing sector.
Despite being caught saying he was “100 per cent” happy with Trump’s victory, he pivoted to a message that muzzled, at least temporarily, the racist, anti-immigrant, anti-transgender and anti-climate change sentiments of Trumpian populism.
Ford’s folksy rhetoric was flexible enough to maintain his appeal. Union leaders representing workers supportive of Ford, especially in the private sector, either felt pressure to reflect their members politics or were supportive themselves. As a result, some unions were more open to being transactional with the Ontario PCs than in the past.
Transactional approach to politics
In their recent book Shifting Gears, labour experts Stephanie Ross and Larry Savage document Unifor’s shift toward a more transactional approach when dealing with political parties. They argue the union abandoned its traditional party-union alliance with the NDP for more pragmatic relationships with those in power.
Transactional politics are increasingly practised by many unions, and Ford has used it to his advantage. Private sector unions in the building trades and hospitality industries that endorsed Ford have secured millions in training funds from the government.
Ford’s transactional relationships with unions are not without growing pains. Several unions that supported the Ontario PCs in the 2022 election condemned Bill 28, which would have removed the right to strike for 55,000 educational workers. After thousands walked off the job in response, the government withdrew the bill.
Here, we see a broader form of transactional politics in play. If Ford wanted to maintain even minimal union support, he had to recognize basic rights for unionized workers.
The current levels of union support for the Ontario PCs may have an exaggerated significance. After all, the Conservatives only slightly increased their popular vote and lost three seats, dropping to 80 from 83. Similarly, the NDP remains the official opposition, but had their seat count and popular vote diminished, while the Liberals increased both.
The future of labour
Shifting union support for political parties can have an impact, as unions have people and resources that can be allocated to campaigns. But there are limits to the union support conservative parties can build.
First, much of this support is driven by right-wing populism, which can fade over time. The traditional conservative business community can reinstate neoliberal policies that restricts unions and their power.
Second, transactional politics that use taxpayer money are expensive for governments. After all, not every union can be awarded a new training centre.
Perhaps the most significant implications are for the future of the labour movement itself. The politics between unions that collaborate with right-wing populists and those who are attacked by them remain divisive as labour leaders have publicly debated the issue. At what point will the fissures erupt and threaten overall solidarity?
It may be time for the labour movement to go on the offensive against support for right-wing populists among their own memberships — the unions giving endorsements in exchange for resources and the bare minimum, in terms of union recognition.
At this juncture, this will be a struggle. Union political education has always been a challenge, and it’s more difficult in the era of right-wing legacy and social media. Any attempt by central labour bodies, such as the Ontario Federation of Labour, to sanction or expel affiliates who support right-wing parties would have high political costs.
But accommodating, rather than confronting, right-wing populist sentiments among workers and maintaining inter-union solidarity may eventually lead to the movement and political realignment conservatives are hoping for.
Steven Tufts receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. He also sits on the board of an organisation that has recevied past funding from the Ontario Skills Development Fund mentioned in the article.
The cost of living crisis, which saw inflation in the US peak at a four-decade high of 9.1% in 2022, played a significant role in determining the outcome of last November’s presidential election.
Exit polls across ten of the key battleground states showed 32% of voters considered the economy to be the most important election issue. Among that group of voters, a staggering 81% voted for Donald Trump.
Trump had spent most of his election campaign saying his administration would tackle high prices – even vowing to bring them down on day one. However, the latest figures suggest inflation in the US has increased since he took office, rising unexpectedly to a six-month high of 3% in January.
This rise is largely because of the economy Trump inherited. But some experts have expressed concerns that his stated economic strategy, including trade tariffs, major tax cuts and lower interest rates, will only add to inflation.
While tax cuts and interest rate changes are familiar policies, the use of tariffs has been less common in recent decades. These are used by governments to balance trade relationships or in retaliation to tariffs imposed by other countries. They generally make foreign imported goods more expensive while also raising tax revenues for governments.
The Trump administration has set tariffs of 25% on all steel and aluminium imports, and imposed 10% trade tariffs on a wide range of consumer imports from China. While proposed tariffs of 25% on imports from Mexico and Canada have been temporarily paused, the US has signalled its intention to introduce tariffs on imports from the European Union.
A General Motors car assembly facility in Ontario, Canada, where economists predict the proposed tariffs would have a catastrophic effect. JHVEPhoto / Shutterstock
Will tariffs lead to inflation?
Trump’s aides insist the tariffs won’t have a negative impact on American consumers and businesses. On February 18, Peter Navarro, senior counsel for trade and manufacturing at the White House, told the New York Times: “It’s not going to be painful for America. It’s going to be a beautiful thing.”
Navarro argues that foreign exporters, concerned about losing market share, will reduce the pre-tariff price they charge US importers.
But economic theory suggests that tariffs generally do lead to higher prices. Peter Lavelle, a trade expert at the UK’s Institute for Fiscal Studies, says that evidence from Trump’s first term – when tariffs were imposed on solar panels, washing machines, steel and aluminium – shows these costs were “almost entirely passed on to domestic consumers”, thus adding to inflation.
A key reason for the tariffs is to make US domestic manufacturing more competitive on the international stage. This could bring manufacturing jobs back to the US. Manufacturing employment declined by 35% in the US from its peak of 19.6 million in 1979 to 12.8 million in 2020.
However, there was no evidence of tariffs bringing manufacturing jobs back to the US during Trump’s first term. In fact, manufacturing employment remained static between 2017 and 2021.
There are fears that tariffs could instead trigger a trade war, where countries retaliate with tariffs of their own. Canadian officials, for instance, have made it clear they will introduce retaliatory tariffs on the US – “selected in order to hit particularly red and purple [Trump-supporting] states”.
Economists analyse such scenarios using game theory. A trade war takes the form of what economics-speak calls a “non-cooperating Nash equilibrium”, where the economic outcome is negative for all countries involved.
Some recent modelling on the impact of Trump’s proposed tariffs on Canada and Mexico supports this view. Tariff retaliation is likely to raise inflation rates even further than otherwise in all three economies.
A trade war could also squeeze profit margins for exporting producers in the US, by making some US-produced goods relatively more expensive. This would show up in lower real income through reduced employment and wages. This outcome, like higher prices, is unlikely to be popular with US voters.
Given the evidence from Trump’s first term, it is difficult to see how tariffs will be anything but inflationary. Trump’s proposed tax cuts valued at US$5-11 trillion would also add to inflationary pressures, as would the lower interest rates he has called for.
Ana Swanson, a trade and international economist at the New York Times, believes the threat of tariffs is being used merely as a negotiating strategy. However, like many other economists, Swanson sees uncertainty as the biggest impact of Trump’s tariff policy.
In a podcast on February 4, she said: “If you, as the business, are watching out for the threat of tariffs, are you going to make an investment in a new factory or hire new workers?” Uncertainty leads to reduced investment and lower growth.
Realistically, Trump was never going to bring down prices for US consumers. To do that would be deflationary, and economists generally fear deflation even more than inflation. Falling prices lead to deferred spending and can be devastating for economic growth.
The best outcome for US consumers is that prices increase at a slower rate, close to the US Federal Reserve’s inflation target of 2%. However, given the recent uptick in inflation, as well as Trump’s strategy of tariffs, tax cuts and lower interest rates, the direction of travel all points towards higher price rises.
Recent evidence from elections in many advanced economies shows that voters do not like inflation, and will punish administrations who are in power during inflationary periods.
Since inflation peaked in many advanced economies in 2022, more than 70% of incumbent administrations have been voted out of government. Trump should keep this in mind as he embarks on his quest to make America’s economy great again.
Conor O’Kane does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Donald Trump’s grab for Ukraine’s minerals, which the US president is demanding as compensation for his country’s wartime assistance to Kyiv, might seem like a new low in a week of US-Ukraine relations lows.
The latest draft of Trump’s “minerals deal” would grant the US substantial control of a new fund that would invest in Ukrainian reconstruction. The fund would receive 50% of the profits from the future monetisation of government-owned Ukrainian natural resources such as lithium and titanium, as well as coal, gas, oil and uranium.
This deal, despite offering no guarantee of continued US military support, is a slight improvement on Trump’s first offering. That bid would have imposed financial conditions on Ukraine harsher than those forced on Germany after the first world war.
However, the deal will still require future generations of Ukrainians to shoulder the cost of a war for which they bear no responsibility. Commentators, including British foreign minister David Lammy, have noted that it would be more just to seize frozen Russian assets and use them to cover the cost of repairing the damage Russia has wreaked across the country.
But, while many in the west have balked at Trump’s barefaced extractivism, his actions are entirely in line with the way western capitalists have approached Ukraine and its resources since the 19th century.
The Donbas region of Ukraine is a major coal mining and industrial area. deniks315 / Shutterstock
Ukraine’s east, referred to as Donbas, is often thought to have been industrialised in the 1930s, when Joseph Stalin was leading the Soviet Union. At this time, Donbas was marketed to the world as a symbol of proletarian superabundance. It was a place where miners and steelworkers exceeded their production quotas by 30 or 40 times.
But the development of industrial extraction in eastern Ukraine dates back much earlier and was powered, in part, by European capital and technology.
In the mid-19th century, when this part of Ukraine was controlled by the Russian empire, the Russian tsars opened the country’s borders to foreign capital investment in the hopes of accelerating its industrialisation drive. A series of fiscal measures were introduced that made it more attractive to foreigners to invest in the empire’s emerging industrial markets.
This encouraged a wave of economic migration from western Europe to all regions of the multinational state. Foreign capitalists often partnered with Russian business elites based in Saint Petersburg and other major cities and set about generating huge amounts of profit from the extraction of the empire’s valuable resources.
Donbas, with its wealth of minerals, was a region of particular interest for foreign capitalists. French, Belgian, German, Dutch and British industrialists all relocated to the region in the second half of the 19th century hoping to make their fortunes by excavating the region’s salt, chalk, gypsum, and coal. In fact, there was so much Belgian capital circulating at one point that Donbas became known as “the tenth Belgian province”.
Despite the paternalism of some foreign managers, the extraction of Ukraine’s minerals did little to improve the life of local communities. Rather, it contributed to the displacement of indigenous people and caused massive environmental and ecological damage.
Urban planning often replicated the segregated conditions of European colonies in Africa and India. Foreign settlers lived apart from local workers, in privileged housing located in better provisioned parts of town downwind of the toxic fumes of the blast furnaces and the chimney stacks.
In the settlement of Hughesovka (now known as Donetsk), which was named after the Welsh industrialist John Hughes, Welsh settlers attempted to reconstruct the trappings of British life on the Ukrainian steppe.
They built tennis courts and an Anglican church, arranged tea parties, and even had an amateur dramatics society. Meanwhile, the local workforce lived in abject poverty, often accommodated in barracks or mud dugouts.
In these dismal conditions, infectious disease and dissatisfaction were widespread. There are several reports of riots following large-scale outbreaks of cholera and local hospitals were reportedly overflowing.
Before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, this period of European capitalist exploitation was drawing considerable interest from researchers.
The “European” industrial heritage of Donbas was being used to tell different stories about the region and to highlight its complex, multicultural history. This heritage was seen to hold potential as a counter-narrative to the toxic “Russian world” propaganda emanating from the occupied territories, which maintains that Ukraine is an integral part of Russia’s historic sphere of cultural influence.
But there is a danger in being too romantic about this chapter in history. Foreign capitalist investment in the extraction of Ukrainian minerals was not a classic example of settler colonialism. However, it bore many similarities to western European colonial practices in other parts of the world at this time.
What this history reminds us is that Ukraine has long been located at the intersection of empires. And these empires have often collaborated to plunder the country’s resources, offering little or nothing in return.
We can see this kind of predatory collaboration of imperial and neo-imperial regimes once again taking shape. Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, is trying to tempt Trump away from a deal with Ukraine with promises of access to Ukraine’s rare earth minerals in the occupied territories.
We must continue to gather and protest, as many of us did on the three-year anniversary of the full-scale invasion this week, to resist such politics of resourcification.
Victoria Donovan’s research has received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, 2019-2023.
A fierce work ethic, great research, and many hours of practice helped the Husky Case Competition Club win the top prize at the 32nd Kogod Case Competition at American University earlier this month.
This is the second consecutive year that the UConn team took home the top prize. A new team competed this year, and all five participants are second-year business students who had never entered a case competition before.
“Our ideas were super niche and I think that took the judges by surprise,’’ said Sophia Viar, a finance major and the president of the club. “They were intrigued by the complexity of what we had done.’’
The team prepared for months, sometimes putting in five hours a day to fine-tune their case and improve their presentation.
“We practiced over and over in the School of Business Board Room,’’ Viar said. “We basically asked each other questions over and over. We drilled. We were ready for every question that the judges threw at us.’’
Other team members included: Maria Cayward (analytics and information management), David Lu (finance), Kabir Ramnani (finance) and Daniel Barberi (finance and economics). None of the team members knew each other well before they started the competition.
The Challenge: Using AI to Help a Fortune 500 Company
The case competition involved integrating artificial intelligence into Xylem Inc., an American water technology provider and Fortune 500 company, that does business in more than 150 countries.
In their final presentation, the Husky team proposed using Novable software, which sources startups that match a company’s needs. They also recommended exploring the offerings of Oxyle, a company with a new filter that can destroy PFAS contaminants.
“One of the judges, who works for Xylem, said, ‘You hit the nail on the head. You guys are amazing!’ ’’ Viar said. The UConn team defeated four teams from American University, as well as teams from the University of Pennsylvania and Boston University. They also took the prize for Best Q&A when the competition concluded on Feb. 15 in Washington, DC.
The victory reflects the enormous effort that the team put into the project.
“We started working on the case in November and there was a lot of back and forth with the team,’’ Viar said. “We had four months to develop our idea, and we changed direction often. It was pretty rocky in the first months until we nailed it down.’’
Ramnani said the team had incredible spirit and dedication, despite some mumbling about having to work over the holiday break.
“All of us had a hunger for it. We wanted to put our best foot forward,’’ Ramnani said. “I think one of the key lessons I learned is how to articulate ideas in a concise way. If you over-speak, you overcompensate. What matters is the quality of what you say. I learned to make my answers concise and deliberate.’’
Competition Will Enhance Careers Down the Road
Viar is planning a career in management consulting and said the competition is well aligned with her career aspirations. She looks forward to discussing her case-competition achievement in job interviews.
Ramnani agreed, saying the competition highlighted the problem-solving skills of every team member.
“I really didn’t know anything about the water industry until I started working on the case competition. I had to learn so much,’’ he said. “I also learned that sometimes you have to cut your losses. If we worked on an idea for a week and it wasn’t working out, I learned not to be emotionally attached to the idea, to move on and try something new.’’
New York, N.Y., Feb. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — NANO Nuclear Energy Inc. (NASDAQ: NNE) (“NANO Nuclear” or “the Company”), a leading advanced nuclear energy and technology company focused on developing clean energy solutions, today announced that Darlene T. DeRemer, previously Chairwoman of NANO Nuclear’s Executive Advisory Board for Institutional Finance, has now transitioned to a new, active corporate role with NANO Nuclear as its Executive Director of Corporate Finance.
In her new role, Ms. DeRemer will assist NANO Nuclear’s executive management as a consultant in the continuing development and execution of the Company’s financing strategies and its corporate processes and procedures, all with a view towards supporting NANO Nuclear’s long-term growth.
This appointment follows a similar, previously announced, leadership transition for the Hon. John G. Vonglis, who now serves as NANO Nuclear’s Executive Director of Global Government Affairs after having served on the Company Executive Advisory Board. These appointments highlight the confidence of leading professionals in NANO Nuclear’s mission and potential. Since its inception, NANO Nuclear has attracted highly qualified and proven leaders in finance, regulation, and science. Ms. DeRemer’s appointment adds to a growing roster of exemplary professionals dedicated to NANO Nuclear’s emerging status at the forefront of the advanced nuclear energy technology industry.
“Working alongside Jay and James on NANO Nuclear’s Executive Advisory Board confirmed my confidence in NANO Nuclear’s mission and leadership, and I’m thrilled to step into a more active role where I can contribute to NANO Nuclear’s continued success,” said Darlene T. DeRemer, Executive Director of Corporate Finance of NANO Nuclear Energy. “I believe that the future of the nuclear energy industry and NANO Nuclear’s mission are closely aligned, given the innovative potential of our technologies to provide reliable, robust, and secure power to data centers, remote communities, mining projects, military installations, and beyond.”
Figure 1 – NANO Nuclear Energy Executive Advisory Board Member Darlene T. DeRemer Transitions to Active Role within the Company as its Executive Director of Corporate Finance.
Darlene DeRemer is the Chair of the ARK Invest ETF Trust Board and co-founder of Grail Partners LLC, a merchant banking firm where she leads the firm’s Boston office. As a senior banker, she focuses on the global asset management industry, advising clients on a wide range of strategic transactions. With over 25 years of experience as a leading adviser in the financial services industry, Ms. DeRemer specialized in strategic marketing, product design, and the implementation of innovative service strategies.
Before transitioning into investment banking, Ms. DeRemer led or participated in numerous advisory transactions. Her current clients include institutional and mutual fund managers in the U.S., as well as alternative investment firms seeking to access public markets both domestically and internationally. Previously, Ms. DeRemer ran NewRiver’s eBusiness Advisory unit for four years and operated her own strategy firm, DeRemer + Associates, for 18 years. Founded in 1987, DeRemer + Associates was the first consultancy focused on the U.S. mutual fund industry. Darlene holds a B.S. in finance and marketing (summa cum laude, 1977) and an MBA with distinction (1979) from Syracuse University.
“I’m pleased to welcome Darlene to her new role at NANO Nuclear and thank her for her contributions as Chairwoman of our Executive Advisory Board for Institutional Finance,” said Jay Yu, Founder and Chairman of NANO Nuclear Energy. “Her extensive background in guiding growing companies will be hugely beneficial as we expand and strengthen our operations in both the near and long term. I look forward to working with Darlene to ensure that NANO Nuclear has the financial capabilities to achieve our ambitious goals and as we seek to establish ourself as leader in the advanced nuclear energy industry.”
“Darlene’s decision to move into a more active role with our company underscores both the great promise of our ambitions and our track record of achievements to date,” said James Walker, Chief Executive Officer and Head of Reactor Development of NANO Nuclear Energy. “Her leadership abilities and finely honed expertise will be tremendous assets as we continue to expand. In particular, her extensive network and talent for navigating complex financial landscapes will be vital as NANO Nuclear looks to capitalize on the growing momentum in the nuclear energy industry.”
About NANO Nuclear Energy, Inc.
NANO Nuclear Energy Inc. (NASDAQ: NNE) is an advanced technology-driven nuclear energy company seeking to become a commercially focused, diversified, and vertically integrated company across five business lines: (i) cutting edge portable and other microreactor technologies, (ii) nuclear fuel fabrication, (iii) nuclear fuel transportation, (iv) nuclear applications for space and (v) nuclear industry consulting services. NANO Nuclear believes it is the first portable nuclear microreactor company to be listed publicly in the U.S.
Led by a world-class nuclear engineering team, NANO Nuclear’s reactor products in development include “ZEUS”, a solid core battery reactor, and “ODIN”, a low-pressure coolant reactor, each representing advanced developments in clean energy solutions that are portable, on-demand capable, advanced nuclear microreactors. NANO Nuclear is also developing patented stationary KRONOS MMR™ Energy System and space focused, portable LOKI MMR™.
Advanced Fuel Transportation Inc. (AFT), a NANO Nuclear subsidiary, is led by former executives from the largest transportation company in the world aiming to build a North American transportation company that will provide commercial quantities of HALEU fuel to small modular reactors, microreactor companies, national laboratories, military, and DOE programs. Through NANO Nuclear, AFT is the exclusive licensee of a patented high-capacity HALEU fuel transportation basket developed by three major U.S. national nuclear laboratories and funded by the Department of Energy. Assuming development and commercialization, AFT is expected to form part of the only vertically integrated nuclear fuel business of its kind in North America.
HALEU Energy Fuel Inc. (HEF), a NANO Nuclear subsidiary, is focusing on the future development of a domestic source for a High-Assay, Low-Enriched Uranium (HALEU) fuel fabrication pipeline for NANO Nuclear’s own microreactors as well as the broader advanced nuclear reactor industry.
NANO Nuclear Space Inc. (NNS), a NANO Nuclear subsidiary, is exploring the potential commercial applications of NANO Nuclear’s developing micronuclear reactor technology in space. NNS is focusing on applications such as the LOKI MMR™ system and other power systems for extraterrestrial projects and human sustaining environments, and potentially propulsion technology for long haul space missions. NNS’ initial focus will be on cis-lunar applications, referring to uses in the space region extending from Earth to the area surrounding the Moon’s surface.
This news release and statements of NANO Nuclear’s management in connection with this news release contain or may contain “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, and the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. In this context, forward-looking statements mean statements related to future events, which may impact our expected future business and financial performance, and often contain words such as “expects”, “anticipates”, “intends”, “plans”, “believes”, “potential”, “will”, “should”, “could”, “would” or “may” and other words of similar meaning. In this press release, forward-looking statements include those regarding the anticipated benefits of Ms. DeRemer’s association with the Company as described herein. These and other forward-looking statements are based on information available to us as of the date of this news release and represent management’s current views and assumptions. Forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance, events or results and involve significant known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors, which may be beyond our control. For NANO Nuclear, particular risks and uncertainties that could cause our actual future results to differ materially from those expressed in our forward-looking statements include but are not limited to the following: (i) risks related to our U.S. Department of Energy (“DOE”) or related state or non-U.S. nuclear fuel licensing submissions, (ii) risks related the development of new or advanced technology and the acquisition of complimentary technology or businesses, including difficulties with design and testing, cost overruns, regulatory delays, integration issues and the development of competitive technology, (iii) our ability to obtain contracts and funding to be able to continue operations, (iv) risks related to uncertainty regarding our ability to technologically develop and commercially deploy a competitive advanced nuclear reactor or other technology in the timelines we anticipate, if ever, (v) risks related to the impact of U.S. and non-U.S. government regulation, policies and licensing requirements, including by the DOE and the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, including those associated with the recently enacted ADVANCE Act, and (vi) similar risks and uncertainties associated with the operating an early stage business a highly regulated and rapidly evolving industry. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements, which apply only as of the date of this news release. These factors may not constitute all factors that could cause actual results to differ from those discussed in any forward-looking statement, and NANO Nuclear therefore encourages investors to review other factors that may affect future results in its filings with the SEC, which are available for review at www.sec.gov and at https://ir.nanonuclearenergy.com/financial-information/sec-filings. Accordingly, forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as a predictor of actual results. We do not undertake to update our forward-looking statements to reflect events or circumstances that may arise after the date of this news release, except as required by law.
A homeless man asleep in Edinburgh, where the author carried out research into the link between drug use and exploitation.Serge Bertasius Photography/Shutterstock
All names have been changed to protect the identities of interviewees.
Patrick is 32 years old and has been homeless on and off in Edinburgh since growing up in care. He speaks with a rasping quality due to the ravages of sleeping outdoors in cruel Scottish winters. Until recently, he was one of thousands of people in the UK trapped in exploitation, often referred to as modern slavery.
In the UK over the past five years, more than 59,000 people have been identified as possible victims of exploitation – sometimes having been trafficked into the country for this express purpose. Some are forced into criminal forms of labour, like growing marijuana, or put to work in agriculture, hospitality, care or construction in illegal conditions. Still more are trapped in private homes in what is termed “domestic servitude”.
And there is Patrick’s category, which is sexual exploitation.
Patrick began taking drugs at 14 years old while in care. Two years later, he was kicked out of the children’s home and met an older man who introduced him to gammahydroxybutrate, or “G” as Patrick calls it. This is known as a “chemsex” drug due to its ability to induce arousal and reduce inhibitions.
The dealer began having sex with him and taking him to sex parties with other men. Soon, Patrick was addicted to G and, over time – the precise length is unclear as, like many people who’ve experienced trauma and addiction, his memories are highly fragmented – the man began to control him. If Patrick wanted more G, he had to have sex with the older man or with other people he selected. Specific sex acts were demanded, regardless of Patrick’s consent.
This controlling behaviour escalated: if Patrick wanted heating in the room in which he slept, if he wanted access to electricity to charge his phone, if he wanted clean clothes or food, if he wanted to avoid being hit, sex was required.
“I never had a choice,” Patrick tells me about his time living in that house. “If I hadn’t got the drugs, I’d die.”
The man kept him on a chemical leash for years. He was not physically restrained in the house, and he had access to his own bank account and benefits payments. Sometimes he slept rough to escape the abuse – but he always returned, because he lived in fear of “rattling”, as he calls withdrawal.
It wasn’t just fear of the physical suffering involved in going without the drug. Patrick’s father murdered his mother when he was a small child. He describes his addiction as a chance to feel free of that trauma – to feel “like superman, like flying”.
Addiction was a driving force in Patrick’s exploitation. And he isn’t alone: several court cases involving the exploitation of homeless people have acknowledged the role of addiction in their victimisation.
In 2013, R v Connors found that the Connors family, which ran a casual construction business in Bedfordshire, had recruited homeless men into their service. The men were promised accommodation, food and reasonable wages, only to receive “something like £10 per day” – if they were paid at all. They worked long hours in poor conditions without necessary equipment or clothing, and “on occasion they were subjected to violence or the threat of violence”.
As a result, three members of the Connors family received custodial sentences of between four and 14 years. The court judgement noted that their victims “were chosen deliberately. Usually they were homeless, addicted to alcohol, friendless and isolated.”
Three years later, the case of R v Rooney found that 11 members of the Rooney family had victimised at least 18 people in Lincolnshire, forcing them to work without pay and to live in squalid conditions for up to 26 years. In one instance, they made a victim dig his own grave to force him to sign a contract of lifelong servitude. Nine members of the family were sentenced to jail, with most receiving sentences of five years or more.
After a subsequent unsuccessful appeal, the judge drew a direct link between victimisation, addiction and homelessness, stating: “The appellants were said to have manipulated and controlled these men by withholding pay [and] feeding their vulnerabilities and addictions, such as to alcohol or cannabis.”
It didn’t end there. In 2020, the office of the UK’s Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner examined Operation Fort, “the UK’s largest anti-slavery prosecution”, which took four years to conclude. It found that some of the victims had been recruited from homeless shelters and were addicted to drugs or alcohol.
Illicit drug use is damaging large parts of the world socially, politically and environmentally. Patterns of supply and demand are changing rapidly. In our longform series Addicted, leading experts bring you the latest insights on drug use and production as we ask: is it time to declare a planetary emergency?
The role of addiction in all these cases is important to acknowledge – as is recognising that homelessness isn’t a singular thing. Some people experience homelessness only once; others are homeless repeatedly and for years. There are people for whom lacking shelter is the main measure by which they are disadvantaged, which differs to those who are “multiply excluded” or who have “severe and multiple disadvantages” – including histories of institutional care, substance dependency, and criminal records. And that’s without layering on additional factors such as race, ethnicity, sexuality and gender.
As part of my PhD research, I spent several months investigating Edinburgh’s street community, delving into homeless people’s experiences of exploitation, and finding out how and why these experiences occurred.
I chose to work exclusively with people who, like Patrick, were either British or had migration statuses that afforded them the same rights as British people (such as access to benefits). Other statuses – like being an asylum seeker, being on highly restrictive work visas or being undocumented – are widely recognised to make people more vulnerable to being exploited. Removing this factor enabled me to focus on victimisation that could not be explained by immigration policy, and which might point to new or under-explored territories.
I uncovered many cases like Patrick’s: homeless British people who had been exploited. But I also met people who were homeless and had not been exploited. And one of the main differences was addiction. Everyone who had been exploited while homeless had a substance dependency. And it seemed to be this, more than homelessness, which had put them in harm’s way.
Debt bondage on the streets of Edinburgh
Like Patrick, Paul is a white Scottish man in his 30s. He began sofa-surfing at the age of 11 after leaving his abusive family home. Since then, his life has been chronically chaotic: rough sleeping, prison, time in hostels, social housing and back again. Addiction has been the sole stable feature – in his case, a heroin habit which started “when I was 22, in prison”.
Paul has done various things for money over the years: begging (but only once because “I couldn’t deal with the shame of sitting down with people I knew walking past”); house-breaking (“shit stuff I wish I could take back”); shoplifting and reselling (“bacon, cheese, booze, anything that was more expensive”); and also drug running. It was this last method where he got into trouble.
A homeless man sleeping outside a branch of Barclays bank in Princes Street, central Edinburgh. Serge Cornu/Shutterstock
Paul was shoplifting and wasn’t making much money when he “got an offer” to become a drug runner instead. Although movies would have us believe that most modern slavery is the result of kidnapping or abduction, it’s usually the result of a subtler process. The potential victim is offered something they need, such as money or passage to a different country, and it goes wrong.
For Patrick and Paul, what they needed was drugs. Paul accepted the offer and began working as a runner, taking drugs from the dealer’s house to the customers and risking arrest on the way. He was paid in small amounts of heroin for his personal use. Looking back, he sees the dealer as “basically getting me deeper and deeper into trouble”, by escalating his addiction and using it as a control mechanism to keep him working – like the chemical leash experienced by Patrick.
For Jack, a third Scottish homeless man, it was worse. Initially, he bought drugs (both heroin and crack cocaine) using cash, but then a dealer began giving him more than he could afford. “I’d say I only want a half-ounce … and he’d say nah, he’s gonna give me the full one.”
Over time, Jack’s debt grew. He tried to repay it by working as a drug runner for the man, but the money could never be paid off. This was partly because he always needed his next hit, but also because the dealer was inflating the debt each time. There was no way out.
The dealer was also, according to Jack, “quite a fuckin’ scary bloke” – which turned out to be Jack’s way of disclosing that he had been threatened when he tried to leave for a different dealer. At least once, he had been hit.
The Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority describes debt bondage as when “an employer or controller will use different tactics to trap the victim in an endless cycle of debt which can never be repaid”. In Jack’s case, as with others in my investigation, it was a particular instrumentalisation of that chemical leash.
“We call it ‘in your pocket’,” Jack explains. “That’s what they say: ‘I’ve got him in my pocket now.’”
Paul and Jack had experienced localised permutations of what government and police call county lines – the transporting of drugs by children or vulnerable adults under coercion.
It may have a special label, but this is a normal part of the drug dealing business model. When I recount Paul’s and Jack’s experiences to Ryan, another homeless Scottish man who is familiar with the drug economy thanks to his dealer dad, he snorts: “Well aye, obviously.”
Into the arms of would-be exploiters
Patrick, Paul and Jack had all been exploited within the drug economy in one way or another, and this is where government-approved county lines strategies are focused. But addiction drives exploitation more broadly than the drug sector itself; as in the Rooney and Connors cases, legal employment sectors including construction and farmwork are subject to addiction-fuelled exploitation too.
When Jack was approached to paint scaffolding poles for £80 a day, he jumped at the chance – it looked like good money for an easy task. But the job wasn’t what it seemed. The recruiter knew Jack was an addict and dropped him off alone at a warehouse with a bag of speed, so he would work through the night with no sleep. This happened for four weekends in a row, with the man alternating between treating Jack well (“made me feel like I was ‘the man’”) and frightening him (“he pure intimidated me”). The £80 per day never materialised.
In Paul’s case, he was offered farmwork by a man outside a soup kitchen he frequented. Paul says he didn’t trust the guy “just from looking at him … and the way he went about it, like strolling up to a homeless place. That’s where most serial killers go to get victims.”
Paul was warned off by street acquaintances who’d heard of people being treated badly at the farm. “They were living in, basically, homeless situations – in a barn or something with no heating and stuff like that, being worked when the guy says … You’ve no money to get home, you don’t know where you are.”
Yet even with this information, when it happened a second time, Paul decided to go. He needed money for his heroin habit. Thankfully, he was too slow to say yes and he lost out to two other men. He doesn’t know what happened to them.
When Paul and I met, he was staying off heroin, thanks to methadone and various other prescription drugs. I asked what he’d do if someone approached him with the same kind of job offer now. He said he’d decline; he no longer needs the money for heroin.
Video: BBC Scotland.
Lorraine, in her 40s and also Scottish, spent years doing sex work. She’d been in various situations during that time, including being deceived into brothel work based on potential earnings which turned out to be untrue, and being pimped by someone who “was supposed to be a friend”.
When we met, Lorraine was no longer doing sex work for anyone but herself. I asked what had changed. Along with getting a place in an emergency shelter, she said it was “because I’m not using [drugs], you know; I’m not using any more. I used to be a prolific crack and heroin addict.”
Paul and Lorraine aren’t alone. Nearly everyone I’ve interviewed draws a direct line between the high cost of illegal drugs and the likelihood of being exploited. In contrast, those who’ve got clean are free from coercion and able to get by on their benefits – benefits they receive, in general, for severe mental health conditions and learning disabilities.
Can criminals be victims too?
Ryan was right when he snorted “aye, obviously” to me: the link between addiction and exploitation should be plain to see. There are passing mentions of addiction issues among homeless survivors peppered in the Rooney, Connors, Operation Fort and other case documents. So why had all bar one of the people whom I met, and who shared their stories of exploitation with me, not been flagged as possible victims by services?
The one exception to this rule offers some answers.
Piotr came to the UK after seeing an advert for a job in a car garage. He liked that first job. Even though it paid lower than the minimum wage, it was enough to meet his needs and the boss was reasonable. But when that garage closed and his long-distance marriage broke down, Piotr relapsed into alcoholism. He needed to find a new job so he could fund his daily intake.
Another garage owner who was aware of Piotr’s dependency offered him work. They didn’t make an agreement about money, but Piotr told me he’d hoped to get around £20 a day plus some food or cigarettes. That may sound bad to people accustomed to legal minimum wages, but the reality turned out much worse.
Piotr wasn’t paid at all. He slept in a caravan on the garage site, and if he wanted to use gas or electricity, he had to pay for it … with no wages. He told me how the boss would shout at him, and sometimes hit him too.
Thankfully, after around a year, Piotr was able to leave and, during the period we met, he was working somewhere that treated him better and paid him consistently – though still below the legal minimum.
It was while Piotr was working at this new and better place that homelessness support workers encountered him and began to wonder whether he’d been exploited. The fact they were correct isn’t the point here; rather, why had they flagged his victimisation but not Patrick’s, Paul’s, Lorraine’s or Jack’s? And what might this tell us about homelessness and exploitation more broadly?
The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.
The answer may lie in a concept introduced nearly 40 years ago by criminologist Nils Christie. The “ideal victim” is the notion that we’re more willing to view some people as victims than others. Christie suggested various criteria that make people more likely to receive the social label of “victim”: including that they’re weaker than the perpetrator; that they’re carrying out a respectable project at the time of the harm occurring; and that their general behaviour is blameless – namely, they were doing nothing illegal nor putting themselves at risk.
In this analysis, it should be obvious that Patrick, Paul, Lorraine and Jack are all non-ideal victims. Most have been in prison, some multiple times, and all regularly commit crimes by taking drugs or earning money in illegal (drug running, stealing) or semi-legal (sex work) ways. In contrast, Piotr does none of these things.
But while social bias goes against viewing Patrick, Paul, Lorraine and Jack as victims, empirical data tells us otherwise. Studies show that “engagement in offending behaviour is one of the strongest correlates of victimisation”. Substance abuse in particular is recognised to put people at greater risk of becoming victims of crime.
Yet the support workers I interviewed make it clear that, in general, their homeless clients are not asked about their various criminal activities. Their rationale varied: some felt that asking probing questions about these activities might harm their relationship, making clients suspicious of their motives and damaging their ability to support them. Others felt it was simply none of their business how or whether clients earned money illegally, either because of their perceived remit of their work, or because they viewed the activities as distasteful or shameful.
Drinking alcohol was safe to ask about, as was working in legal sectors like car garages – but not heroin, not crack cocaine, not G, not sex work, not drug running, and so on.
Paradoxically, then, the very aspects of someone’s life which may instinctively put off support workers, police, medical professionals and others from viewing them as possible victims are the same aspects which make them more at risk of victimisation.
Compounding this, Piotr is not British while all the others are. There is very limited data on exploitation in the homelessness community but, according to information published by the charities Unseen and The Passage, most people who are identified as victims of exploitation have been migrants. Two-thirds of those highlighted by the latter have “no recourse to public funds”, a particularly precarious form of migration status which bans people from accessing benefits and other forms of social assistance.
In theory, this should have meant that my investigation – which excluded anyone in that precarious category, solely interviewing British people or migrants who have the same protections as UK citizens – wouldn’t have easily found victims. But when I spent lots of time getting to know people living on the streets of Edinburgh, I found this wasn’t the case.
That doesn’t mean Unseen or The Passage are wrong in their activities or data, far from it. Victimisation is not a zero-sum game: multiple categories of homeless people can be at especially high risk. Rather, it brings an additional population into view for deeper consideration.
A tent pitched in New Calton burial ground in Calton Hill, Edinburgh. Fotokon/Shutterstock
Following Christie’s concept, academics have considered how migration and victimhood intersect, noting that migrants’ perceived “weakness, frailty and passivity” aligns with the ideal victim idea. On exploitation specifically, a great deal of research and action has taken place to highlight the ways in which the UK’s “hostile environment” migration policy renders migrants vulnerable to exploitation.
This combination of perception and policy makes it plausible that homeless people of foreign origin are more easily recognised as victims than people who have remained in the area in which they grew up, like the Scottish people encountered in my investigation – and especially those exhibiting some of the other “unideal” factors I’ve described.
What does this mean?
The finding that addiction is an important driver of exploitation among the homeless community offers guidance for targeted intervention. People who are homeless and have substance dependencies should be considered higher risk for exploitation than people who are homeless without addictions.
While there are many factors which contribute to victimisation, and this article is the product of a broader body of research, it does offer a strong indication of one place we should look for harm.
Second, police and other frontline services should consider biases that may be blinding them to some victims, specifically British people with offending records.
Third, my investigation points to a broader question: if addiction is driving vulnerability to exploitation, what does this mean for drug and alcohol policy? In England, funding of local council addiction services has halved over the past ten years; while in Scotland as well as England and Wales, the high rate of drug-related deaths demonstrates a desperate need for more intervention.
Meanwhile, the National Police Chiefs’ county lines policing strategy for 2024-2027 doesn’t mention addiction even once. There is a glaring need for a better-funded, more joined-up approach to understanding and addressing addiction, thereby reducing exploitation crimes.
Going further, one useful response could be the UK-wide introduction of “safe consumption rooms”, whose main purpose is to reduce drug-related harms including contamination and overdose. After much political debate, the first such facility in Scotland, called the Thistle and located in Glasgow, opened on January 13 2025.
Video: Channel 4 News.
In the context of exploitation, these safe consumption rooms could remove the obstacle of illegality from identification. In a space in which drug-taking is explicit, people may feel safer to disclose harm, and support workers may feel safer to probe into people’s lifestyles.
This builds on my forthcoming study, to be published in a collection from Amsterdam University Press. It shows how health clinics and social spaces that are explicitly run by and for sex workers, and which have no links to policing, are able to identify victims of exploitation who have otherwise gone unnoticed or avoided sharing their victimisation out of fear of being criminalised, because of their involvement with the sex industry or their migration statuses. By creating safe spaces free from judgement or criminalisation, we open new opportunities for support.
Being able to regulate drugs by decriminalising them may also be beneficial. It would not remove the problem – alcohol is legal and Piotr was still exploited – but it could blunt the instrumentalisation of addiction by would-be exploiters, making it harder to construct “drug debt bondage” like that experienced by Jack, and more difficult to hold the threat of imposed withdrawal over victims, as experienced by Patrick.
So far, the Labour government appears to be continuing this disappointing track record. In its election manifesto, it pledged to introduce “a new offence of criminal exploitation of children, to go after the gangs who are luring young people into violence and crime”. But this reinforces the “ideal victim” problem: children are innocents, but what of their adult, addicted counterparts? And what about the drug policies underlying this illicit economy?
Since taking office, and as we approach the ten-year anniversary of the UK’s “world-leading” Modern Slavery Act, the government has committed to a “holistic victim-centred approach”, but there is no indication that this will include people like Patrick, Paul and Jack.
We have known the factors driving modern slavery for years. This investigation provides more evidence that we must address drug policy and addiction support as part of any effective strategy to reduce the deeply damaging effects of exploitation.
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Emily Kenway receives funding from the University of Edinburgh and is on the boards of National Ugly Mugs (trustee) and the New Economy Organisers Network (chair). She is the author of Who Cares: The Hidden Crisis of Caregiving, and How We Solve It (Headline, 2023), which was a finalist for the Orwell Prize for Political Writing.
At the heart of the BBC’s new series Miss Austen is a fictional Cassandra Austen (played by Keeley Hawes). Reviews have stressed that the real life Cassandra’s destruction of her sister Jane Austen’s letters has been considered one of the greatest acts of literary vandalism in history. These letters would have provided an invaluable insight into the author who died so young.
Why Cassandra destroyed her sister’s correspondence – and what she destroyed – cannot be known. But Miss Austen gives us intriguing speculation. It deals with family relationships, and with what gets passed down to subsequent generations.
In Miss Austen, Mary Austen is considering encouraging her son James Edward to write a biography of his literary father and aunt. Cassandra must find her sister’s letters before they get into the wrong hands. What happens next is a clever blend of fact and fiction.
James Edward Austen-Leigh did publish the first full biography of his aunt with the help of his sisters, although not until 1869.
However, the series also deviates from fact in its depiction of an incident in Jane’s life in the early 1800s. She may have met a young gentleman at a seaside resort in Devon. This young man may have admired Jane and she may have admired him in turn.
This story was recounted to James Edward Austen-Leigh by his sister when he was preparing a second edition of his Jane Austen memoir. She had been told the story by Cassandra and, though she could not remember the young man’s name, she knew he died shortly after Jane’s encounter with him.
Miss Austen picks up on the suggestion of Jane’s shadowy seaside encounter, locates the events firmly in Sidmouth, names the gentleman Mr Hobday and gives the encounter an intriguing twist by making it Cassandra’s, not Jane’s, romance.
Jane Austen might have enjoyed this fictionalisation.
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A love of fiction and an aversion to history
In the concluding paragraphs of Mansfield Park (1814), Austen’s narrator purposely abstains from dates, “that every one may be at liberty to fix their own”. In Northanger Abbey, the heroine Catherine Morland has no taste for “real, solemn History.” Instead, the novels of Maria Edgeworth and Frances Burney are championed as “works in which the greatest powers of the mind are displayed”.
Miss Austen’s Jane is played by Patsy Ferran as witty, acerbic and, crucially, devoted to fiction. She is utterly determined to become a published author and her family support her in this pursuit. This Austen is true to the version of the author that scholars and biographers have presented in recent years.
Jane Austen’s novels are not about the union of one couple. They explore communities and dependence, particularly that of women. Foremost in these explorations are sisterly bonds.
In Austen’s fiction, these bonds may indeed be mutually supportive and fulfilling. But they are always complex too. It is the truth of these complexities that the series Miss Austen captures so beautifully, via Isabella Fowle and her relationship with her sisters, and of course via Cassandra’s relationship with hers.
This adaptation should send viewers to read Gill Hornby’s novel, and to read and reread Jane Austen. Miss Austen embraces the possibilities of fiction in rethinking the lives of the past.
I hope viewers of Miss Austen will think more favourably about the real Cassandra too.
She kept letters and Jane’s manuscripts, leaving them to her nieces on her death. Jane and Cassandra had six brothers.
She was not the only one who had letters that gave insight into Jane Austen’s mind. She must have also written countless more to her other brothers and their wives, her nieces and nephews and her friends.
Many of these are now lost to us. But Cassandra’s curation of her sister’s correspondence can be seen in a positive light when we reflect on what she preserved in relation to what was lost.
Gillian Dow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The goal of brushing one’s teeth is to have fresh breath and prevent cavities. But the effect of toothpaste on the complex ecosystem of bacteria in our mouths — the oral microbiome — is often overlooked.
Recent research has highlighted just how crucial the oral microbiome is for our overall health. A well-balanced microbiome helps regulate harmful bacteria, aids digestion and protects the gums. But does toothpaste support this balance, or could it be disrupting it? And could the toothpaste of the future be designed to work with the oral microbiome rather than against it?
The mouth is one of the most densely populated microbial habitats in the body, home to more than 700 species of bacteria. These bacteria inhabit not only the surfaces of the teeth and gums in biofilm – a sticky, structured community that can be both beneficial and harmful – but also thrive in our saliva, contributing to the dynamic oral microbiome.
A healthy microbiome includes bacteria that help regulate pH levels (a measure of how acidic or alkaline a substance is), break down food and even produce natural antimicrobial compounds. But when the balance is disrupted — often due to diet, poor oral hygiene or certain medical conditions — harmful bacteria can take over. This imbalance, known as dysbiosis, is linked to tooth decay and gum disease.
What does toothpaste actually do?
The main function of toothpaste isn’t to kill bacteria outright but to disrupt the biofilm that allows harmful bacteria to thrive. Brushing mechanically removes this biofilm from teeth and gums, while abrasives in toothpaste help break it up further.
Many toothpastes also contain fluoride, which strengthens tooth enamel and helps prevent cavities. Interestingly, fluoride itself doesn’t kill bacteria, but it makes it harder for acid-producing bacteria like Streptococcus mutans, a key player in tooth decay, to cause damage.
Some toothpastes include antibacterial agents, such as triclosan (now banned in some countries due to safety concerns) or newer alternatives like stannous fluoride and zinc compounds. These ingredients target harmful bacteria, but there’s still debate about whether they also disrupt beneficial microbes in the process.
Despite toothpaste being a daily staple, research into its effects on the oral microbiome is still evolving. Some studies suggest that certain antibacterial agents reduce both harmful and beneficial bacteria, potentially changing the microbiome in ways we don’t yet fully understand. Others indicate that the microbiome recovers quite quickly after brushing, making any disruption temporary.
Scientists are now exploring whether future toothpaste formulations could take a more targeted approach, reducing harmful bacteria while preserving beneficial species. Some emerging research looks at probiotics and prebiotics — ingredients that could actively support a healthier oral microbiome rather than simply disrupting it.
Keeping the oral microbiome in balance isn’t just about avoiding cavities. There’s growing evidence linking gum disease to heart disease, diabetes and harms during pregnancy. Inflammation triggered by harmful oral bacteria can spread beyond the mouth, potentially contributing to long-term health problems.
Brushing with fluoride toothpaste twice a day and cleaning between the teeth helps reduce the bacterial load in the mouth, lowering the risk of both oral and systemic diseases.
As our understanding of the oral microbiome grows, toothpaste may evolve to become more selective in its action. Instead of broad-spectrum antibacterial agents, future formulations might include ingredients that support beneficial bacteria while keeping harmful species in check.
Some promising candidates include arginine, a naturally occurring amino acid that promotes the growth of beneficial bacteria, and plant-derived antimicrobials that disrupt harmful biofilms without killing good bacteria. However, research in this area is still in its early stages, and more evidence is needed to determine the long-term effects of these ingredients.
Toothpaste plays a key role in oral health by breaking up bacterial biofilm, reducing the risk of tooth decay and gum disease. While some ingredients may affect the oral microbiome, research suggests that brushing and flossing remain the most effective ways to maintain a healthy mouth.
Future toothpaste innovations may shift towards microbiome-friendly formulations but, for now, the best advice remains the same: brush twice a day with fluoride toothpaste, spit out the excess and clean between your teeth daily.
Nothing to disclose.
Albert Leung and Niamh Coffey do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ankit Bhandekar, Research Student — Atmosphere, Oceans and Climate, University of Reading
Delhi is perhaps the most polluted of the world’s megacities. Every winter, the city’s 30 million residents breathe air so toxic that visibility drops to mere metres. If you stand on top of one of Delhi’s monuments you can barely make out buildings across the street as the thick, acrid smog burns your eyes and scratches your throat.
But conditions can and do change rapidly. January 2025 offered a dramatic demonstration of how weather patterns can rapidly transform the city’s air quality.
On January 5, favourable winds improved air quality enough to lift some restrictions. Yet by January 15, as winds calmed and temperatures dropped, pollution levels soared dramatically, forcing the city to implement its maximum “severe +” interventions. These include banning trucks from entering the city, restricting private vehicles and moving schools to online classes.
Delhi didn’t suddenly have more cars, factories, power plants or construction sites from one week to the next. Those things are consistent sources of pollution. There are some events that add to air pollution in the shorter term, such as fireworks during Diwali, or the mass burning of unwanted crop debris (known as stubble), both of which take place in October or November.
But that wasn’t what happened in January. Instead, the sudden reversal revealed how weather, not just emissions, dictates Delhi’s ability to breathe. Understanding this will be crucial if the city is to clean up its air.
A meteorological prison
Delhi is one of many large cities found in a flat and hugely fertile region spanning the Indian subcontinent to the south of the Himalayas. It’s known as the Indo-Gangetic plains, as it contains the floodplains of the Indus and Ganges-Brahmaputra rivers and their tributaries. More than a billion people live in this part of the world.
Delhi specifically is also bordered by another mountain range to its south, the Aravallis. While modest compared to the Himalayas, these mountains contribute to the city sitting in a natural bowl-like area, which makes it harder for pollution to disperse.
This geographical positioning means its location naturally collects airborne pollutants from surrounding agricultural areas. Even if Delhi somehow produced zero emissions, the region would still be likely to experience air quality problems during winter.
In winter, Delhi experiences “temperature inversions” where warmer air sits above colder air like a lid on a pot. This phenomenon occurs naturally in the region but is intensified by the city’s heat-trapping urban landscape. Normally, temperature decreases with height, allowing air to mix vertically, since warm air rises. Under inversion conditions, this pattern reverses and pollutants are trapped near the ground.
The height up to which pollutants can disperse, known as the “mixing height”, also dramatically reduces in winter. While summer allows mixing up to an altitude of about one kilometre, winter can compress this to just a few hundred meters, concentrating pollutants in a much smaller volume of air.
Meanwhile the Himalayas block air from flowing northward, forcing pollution to travel the entire stretch of northern India before finding an exit over the Bay of Bengal. In cities, urban structures further complicate this by creating “surface roughness”, a frictional effect that slows pollution dispersion.
Seasonal factors
There are also seasonal factors that make pollution accumulate or disperse more at certain times of year.
Satellite map showing smoky skies over northern India in November 2022 (Delhi is the small unlabelled region between Haryana and Uttar Pradesh). The red images show fires started by farmers to clear away unwanted crop residue. This ‘stubble burning’ is a big source of pollution downwind in Delhi. Nasa
Delhi’s summer monsoon season runs from July to September, providing natural cleansing through rainfall. During post-monsoon months (October-November), rainfall is minimal. At the same time, wind speeds decrease, limiting ventilation. These conditions compress the atmospheric boundary layer — the lowest part of atmosphere influenced by Earth’s surface — trapping pollutants near ground level.
Throughout winter (December-February), cooler surface temperatures intensify temperature inversions. This creates lots of fog, which combines with pollutants in the atmosphere to form Delhi’s characteristic smog. The reduced mixing height during this period severely restricts vertical dispersal of pollutants.
In pre-monsoon months (March-May), strong westerly winds can blow additional dust from the Thar Desert and agricultural regions toward Delhi. However, higher temperatures increase vertical mixing, improving overall dispersion despite this additional dust.
Season-specific approach
India’s technological interventions, including smog towers and anti-smog guns,have shown limited effectiveness in addressing the causes of pollution. Even more ambitious proposals such as using cloud seeding to induce precipitation aren’t very practical. Cloud seeding is expensive, can only cover a limited area, and needs very specific meteorological conditions.
An anti-smog gun in Delhi sprays water to suppress dust and reduce air pollution. PradeepGaurs / shutterstock
To manage its air quality, Delhi needs a season-specific approach that anticipates weather patterns and pulses in emissions. Getting ahead of the smog could involve a few different things.
Preventive planning would mean implementing stricter emission controls before the cold, still winter days when fog is likely, rather than reacting after pollution has already accumulated.
It would involve solutions that span the whole of the Indo-Gangetic plains, rather than focusing just on Delhi (or indeed any other individual urban centre). After all, many of India’s most polluted cities share the same weather conditions, and the long-range transport of pollution can play a huge role.
A season-specific approach would mean some fixed seasonal policies would instead adapt to forecast meteorological conditions. For instance, construction restrictions (building dust is a big source of air pollution) might be tightened when inversions are predicted, even on seemingly clear days.
Finally, by combining meteorological and air quality monitoring, authorities could provide targeted warnings and interventions days before visible pollution accumulates.
Understanding these natural constraints isn’t just an academic exercise – it’s essential for developing effective policies that can protect millions of residents year-round. As climate change potentially alters these meteorological patterns, the need for scientifically informed policy becomes even more critical.
Ankit Bhandekar receives funding from Natural Environment Research Council (NERC).
Laura Wilcox receives funding from the Natural Environment Research Council (NERC), the Norwegian Research Council, and Horizon Europe.
Hon’ble Minister of Communications and North Eastern Region, Shri Jyotiraditya Scindia inaugurated5G Lab developed by Centre for Development of Telematics (C-DOT) at Dept. of ECE, at a function held in Gauhati University.
India has made significant progress in the telecommunications sector, especially with the successful adoption and nationwide deployment of 5G technology. ’Atmanirbhar Bharat’vision of Governmentof India has led to the development of indigenous 4G/5G stack that is being rolled out in BSNL network. This achievement sets a strong foundation to venture into new use cases of 5G and development of 6G technology.
There are thousands of engineering colleges in the country that aspire to be current with new technologies like 5G and 6G. In order to develop desired competencies and innovative use cases for 5G and to enable acceleration of 6G R&D and IPR generation, a cost effective 5G test lab set up is required at universities and engineering colleges. A need was felt to develop a cost effective 5G test bed solution that is affordable for wider adoption by engineering colleges. C-DOT has realized low cost 5G solution which is suitable for deployment in universities & engineering colleges to serve as 5G Testbed set up.
5G test lab inaugurated by Minister of Communications, and Development of North Eastern Regionwill benefit the students, researchers and faculty in the following ways.
• Gaining practical insights into an end-to-end 5G system
• Developing a deeper understanding of 3GPP specifications for 5G RAN (Radio Access Network) and 5G Core networks.
• Enhancing system capabilities while exploring new 5G use cases and applications.
• Providing a foundation for advanced research and specification development for 6G technologies, enabling IPR generation.
C-DOT 5G University solution consists of gNodeB (radio), Core Network and IMS. gNodeB consists of CU (Centralized Unit), DU (Distributed Unit) and RU (Radio Unit) functionalities. An EMS (Element Management System) has also been provided for managing and configuring various 5G units of Radio subsystems. A technical manual is also supplied that will allow students to configure the system in various ways so that a deeper understanding of 5G network can be achieved.
The Minister stated ”the 5G use case lab will proliferate the capability of our country to spread education, to take telemedicine and healthcareto the last village in the country. He said he has great belief in the young cohort which will spearhead the change and such test labs will prove extremely beneficial for them to transcend across multiple dimensions and bring in innovations within our country.”
The Vice Chancellor of Gauhati University, Prof. Nani Gopal Mahanta, thanked Hon’ble Minister of Communicationsand C-DOT team while highlighting the University’s contribution to higher education, research, and technological advancements, emphasising its vision towards enhancing innovation and excellence in the region.
Professor Dr.Kandarpa Kumar Sarma, Head of Department of Electronics and Communication Engineering (ECE) at Guwahati University said “C-DOT 5G Lab is very beneficial for the students & the teaching faculty. This 5G test bed solution and the short-term training programme provided by C-DOT engineers would be very helpful for the students to become familiar with 5G technology. The physical device in the lab would facilitate the students to work on the domain of 5G and beyond and would further help them to contribute towards the development of 6G technology”. He thanked the C-DOT members for all the support & guidance. “
Dr Rajkumar Upadhyay, CEO, C-DOT, expressed his sincere thanks and gratitude to Hon’ble Minister of Communications,and Development of North Eastern Region, Government of India, for motivating and inspiring C-DOT engineersthat led to the development of low cost 5G lab. Dr Upadhyay also assured that C-DOT will work with various engineering colleges in establishing 5G test labs and providing support for development and scalability of Indigenous telecom technologies.
To avail more information, C-DOT can be reached by mail at 5Gtestlab@cdot.in
Inauguration of 5G lab by Minister of Communications and Development of North Eastern Region, Government of India
Training Programme by C-DOT Engineer to Guahati University Students & Faculties.
Atal Innovation Mission (AIM), NITI Aayog hosted a special visit by Mike Massimino, former NASA astronaut and Professor of Mechanical Engineering at Columbia University, to the Atal Tinkering Lab (ATL) today in Delhi.
The visit aimed to inspire young minds and promote scientific curiosity among students by providing them with an opportunity to interact with a veteran astronaut who has been part of two space shuttle missions and played a crucial role in servicing the Hubble Space Telescope.
The dignitary was received by Ms. Alka Kapur, Principal, Modern Public School, along with students, followed by a presentation on Atal Tinkering Labs by Mr. Shubham Gupta, Innovation Lead, AIM, NITI Aayog.
During the visit, the students showcased various innovative projects developed within the lab, highlighting the impact of AIM in fostering a culture of problem-solving and critical thinking among young learners. Mr. Mike also interacted with the students who are part of famous AzaadiSat satellite launch, a joint initiative of ISRO & Spacekidz. The satellite is built by 750 girl students of 75 schools across India. The eight-kg satellite has 75 Femto experiments, selfie cameras to click pictures of its own solar panels and long-range communication transponders. Ms. Srimathy Kesan, Founder, Spacekidz also briefed Mr. Mike about this unique initiative promoting Girl students in STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics).
Mike Massimino, addressing the students, shared insights from his experiences as a NASA astronaut, the challenges of space missions, and the future of space exploration. His motivational speech encouraged students to dream big and explore STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields with passion.
About Atal Tinkering Labs
Atal Tinkering Labs (ATLs) are an initiative under Atal Innovation Mission (AIM), NITI Aayog, designed to cultivate an innovative mindset among school students. ATL is a workspace where young minds can give shape to their ideas through hands on do-it-yourself mode; and learn innovation skills. Young children get a chance to work with tools and equipment to understand the concepts of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math). ATL contains educational and learning ‘do it yourself’ kits and equipment on – science, electronics, robotics, open-source microcontroller boards, sensors and 3D printers and computers.
About Mike Massimino
Mr. Mike Massimino, a former NASA astronaut, is a professor of mechanical engineering at Columbia University and the senior advisor for space programs at the Intrepid Sea, Air & Space Museum. He received a BS from Columbia University, and MS degrees in mechanical engineering and in technology and policy, as well as a PhD in mechanical engineering, from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
After working as an engineer at IBM, NASA, and McDonnell Douglas Aerospace, along with academic appointments at Rice University and at the Georgia Institute of Technology, he was selected as an astronaut by NASA in 1996, and is the veteran of two space flights, the fourth and fifth Hubble Space Telescope servicing missions in 2002 and 2009. Mike has a team record for the number of hours spacewalking in a single space shuttle mission, and he was also the first person to tweet from space. During his NASA career he received two NASA Space Flight Medals, the NASA Distinguished Service Medal, the American Astronautical Society’s Flight Achievement Award, and the Star of Italian Solidarity.
He is the Senior Adviser for Space Programs at the Intrepid Sea, Air & Space Museum in New York City. He is also a professor in Columbia University’s engineering school, The Fu Foundation School of Engineering and Applied Science.
“India’s Science Budget witnessed quantum leap under visionary leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi: Testimony of his patronage to innovation and Science” says Dr. Jitendra Singh Union Minister Dr. Jitendra Singh recalls Prime Minister Modi’s clarion call in Man Ki Baat to celebrate this year’s National Science Day with festive fervour
S&T Minister Dr. Jitendra Singh, launches Electric Vehicle Solutions led by Startups Under the DST’s new initiative
India embarked on a bold and transformative journey to establish itself as a global hub for research, innovation, and scientific excellence to become Viksit Bharat@2047
India’s 5352 Scientists feature in Top 2 percent of Scientific Minds according to a survey shares Dr. Singh
Posted On: 28 FEB 2025 7:09PM by PIB Delhi
NEW DELHI, February 28:Union Minister Dr. Jitendra Singh states the quantum budgetary increase to science departments highlighting the Government’s commitment to the progress of Science Technology and innovation. He calls it the patronage of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to innovation and Science during his speech at the National Science Day 2025 celebrations at Vigyan Bhavan, New Delhi.
Dr. Jitendra Singh stated that the budget allocations for various departments have seen significant growth over the years. The Department of Science and Technology (DST) received an allocation of ₹2777 crore in 2013-14, which has surged to ₹28,509 crore in 2024-25, marking a 926% increase. Similarly, the Department of Science and Industrial Research (DSIR) saw its budget rise from ₹2013 crore in 2013-14 to ₹6658 crore in 2024-25, reflecting a 230% increase. The Department of Space (DOS) experienced a budget growth from ₹5615 crore in 2013-14 to ₹13,416 crore in 2024-25, resulting in a 139% increase.
Addressing the celebration, Dr. Jitendra Singh recalls Prime Minister Modi’s clarion call in Man Ki Baat to celebrate this year’s National Science Day with festive fervor.
The National Science Day is celebrated on February 28th each year in India to honor the discovery of the Raman Effect by Indian physicist C.V. Raman in 1928. This discovery was a groundbreaking achievement in the field of light scattering, for which C.V. Raman was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1930.
During the programme, The Science and Technology Minister, Dr. Jitendra Singh, launched the DST’s new initiative for Electric Vehicle Solutions, which is led by startups for component manufacturing in collaboration with the Ministry of Heavy Industries and ACMA.
Dr. Jitendra Singh, Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Science & Technology, Earth Sciences, PMO, Personnel, Public Grievances, Pensions, Atomic Energy and Space said “India embarked on a bold and transformative journey to establish India as a global hub for research, innovation, and scientific excellence to become Viksitbharat@2047”.
Reflecting on the past decade of India’s scientific journey, the minster emphasized that India has transformed into the third-largest startup ecosystem globally, with a growing base of innovative, youth-led deep-tech startups. These startups are not only addressing domestic challenges but are also creating solutions for global issues such as communication, cybersecurity, data privacy, sustainable energy, healthcare advancements, and smart manufacturing.
Dr. Singh shared that according to the survey with a cutoff date of 31st December has found that 5352 Indian Scientific Minds feature in Top 2 percent. Referring to India’s progress in the Global Innovation Index, Dr. Singh said, “In just ten years, India has ascended from 80th to 39th position, cementing its place among the world’s most innovative nations.”
Dr. Singh touched upon India’s groundbreaking scientific breakthroughs that have been a source of national pride, most notably the successful landing of Chandrayaan-3 on the moon’s south pole—making India the first country to achieve this extraordinary feat. He also highlighted the successful launch of ISRO’s SPADEX mission on December 30, 2024, a pioneering project in spacecraft rendezvous, docking, and undocking.
Dr. Singh underscored that India is poised to make its mark in the global quantum technology landscape, with a focus on quantum computing, quantum communication, and quantum cryptography. Indian youth-led startups in deep-tech are at the forefront, developing solutions for global challenges.
Emphasizing on this year’s theme i.e. “Empowering Indian Youth for Global Leadership in Science & Innovation for Viksit Bharat,” was emphasized by Dr. Singh as a reflection of India’s growing investment in its young scientists. He also dedicated the National Science Day to the youth of the country and seeks to enable the youth to undergo capacity building and prepare them to be the architects of 2047.
In his presence, nine new institutes were included in NIDHI-iTBIs Inclusive Technology Business Incubators with 50 Institutes already present
National Engineering College, Kovilpatti, Tamil Nadu
GITAM, Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh
Indian Institute of Management, Jammu, J&K
Sri Sri University, Cuttack, Odisha
Sanskriti University, Mathura, UP
AIIMS, Patna, Bihar
Sona College of Technology, Salem, Tamil Nadu
Assam Down Town University, Assam
Sangam University, Bhilwara, Rajasthan
An MoU was exchanged between IIT Kanpur and HAB Biomass Pvt. Ltd. on a Green Corrosion Inhibitor from Manure developed by the SHRI Cell of DST. The celebration also witnessed a technology transfer between CSIR-NBRI and Ankur Seeds, Nagpur. Dr. Singh also released the Compendium of Selected Projects of the 31st NCSTC.
Today 9 more Universities under PURSE were supported on diverse scientific themes and different geographical regions with Rs 75 Cr
In another landmark initiative, Dr. Singh shared that ₹1,000 crore venture capital fund exclusively for the space sector. Approved by the Cabinet, this fund aims to foster India’s growing base of nearly 300 space startups, positioning India as a leader in the space industry.
The government has also allocated Rs 2,000 crore for Mission Mausam, a national program focused on enhancing weather forecasting capabilities. Additionally, the launch of the Anusandhan National Research Fund (NRF) with a corpus of ₹50,000 crore marks a giant leap toward ensuring that India’s scientific advancements are driven by research excellence and innovation.
Dr. Singh reiterated the government’s commitment to fulfilling the vision of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ by developing indigenous technologies tailored to India’s unique needs. The Ministry of Science and Technology is working relentlessly to ensure that innovations move from the lab to land, benefiting local communities while positioning India as a global leader in science and technology.
Dr. Jitendra Singh emphasized the importance of collaboration between various departments of science and the private sector. The government’s efforts are focused on creating an enabling environment for scientific innovation, ensuring that research and development align with the needs of both the public and private sectors.
The celebration was graced by Prof. A.K. Sood, Principal Scientific Advisor to the Government of India; Dr. N. Kalaiselvi, DG-CSIR and Secretary of DSIR; Prof. Ashutosh Sharma, President of INSA; Prof. Abhay Karandikar, Secretary of DST; Dr. Rajesh S. Gokhale, Secretary of DBT; Sh. V. Narayanan, Chairman, ISRO and Secretary, Department of Space; along with Dr. Rashmi Sharma, Head, NCSTC. Senior Officials of State S&T Councils, School & College students from 22 States across India joined the Science Day celebrations in Online mode.
“No profounder duty confronts a state than the necessity of constructing sane and serviceable citizens out of the material of childhood. No higher privilege awaits the individual in this land of opportunity than the privilege of contributing to such an end.”
Dr. Anna Julia Cooper wrote these words ca. 1930 in her essay, “Educational Programs”. (Cooper, Portable, 190.) Her life as a civil rights activist, essayist, an educator, an intellectual, and a philosopher on society and the law is an extraordinary catalog of outstanding achievements.
Born in 1858 into slavery to Hannah Stanley Haywood in Raleigh, North Carolina, Anna Julia Haywood was freed in 1863, following the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. She enrolled in Saint Augustine Normal School and Collegiate Institute as a student, a school established by the Freedman’s Bureau, and began tutoring there at age 10 to help with her tuition. She married fellow student George A.C. Cooper when she graduated from high school. He died two years later, and she enrolled in Oberlin College in 1881, which she attended on scholarship. While there, she asked to attend the “gentlemen’s courses” which included higher mathematics, Latin, and Greek. (Cooper, Portable, xxiii.) She graduated from Oberlin with a B.A. in mathematics in 1884, and an M.A. in mathematics in 1887.
Mrs. A.J. Cooper. Photo by C.M. Bell, Washington, D.C. [between 1901 and 1903] Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/bellcm.15413/
Cooper started teaching math and science at the M Street School, in Washington, D.C., after earning her M.A. from Oberlin. The school “provided a rigorous curriculum that surpassed the offerings of many white schools.” M Street offered a curriculum with academic, scientific, technical, and business tracks. Cooper published her book, A Voice from the South to a positive critical response. As the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy notes of the essay “Woman vs. the Indian”, “Cooper… calls for the natural inherent rights of all people, or ‘the rights of humanity’ but also specifying groups typically denied these rights such as Blacks, women, Indians (or Native Americans), and the poor.” This comment on her philosophy of inherent rights applies not only to the essay, but to much of the book. Her thoughts and essays on society’s influence on the law, racial prejudice, feminism and education were followed by her more famous peers such as W.E.B. Du Bois, whom she corresponded with often.
She traveled to conferences and cultural exchange programs, traveled to Nassau and throughout Europe, and spoke at the Pan-African Conference in London in 1900, where she was a member of the Executive Committee (Cooper, Portable, xl.) She was promoted to principal of the M Street School in 1901. While directing the school as the principal, she made academic and vocational tracks available to all students. However, she focused on strengthening the school’s curriculum on academics, “an approach often associated with Du Bois’s educational philosophy rather than Booker T. Washington’s emphasis on vocational training.” As principal, she made successful efforts to get students admitted to Brown, Mt. Holyoke, Harvard, Yale, and other Ivy League schools when the students passed entrance examinations. She was removed from her position as principal by the head of the school board, who disapproved of her focus of the school curriculum on academics, despite community support for her to stay. She moved to teach at the Jefferson Institute in Missouri for a brief period while pursuing legal action for a return to her position at M Street and back pay. Her commitment to equal education predated Brown v. Board of Education.
Eventually, Cooper returned to M Street School in 1910 to teach Latin, and continued her own studies, while adopting the five grandchildren of her brother. She published her translation of Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne in 1917. At the age of 66, she completed and defended her doctoral thesis, L’Attitude de la France à l’Egard l’Esclavage Pendant la Révolution at the Sorbonne; she was the first African-American woman to graduate from the school.
Dr. Cooper returned to teaching at M Street School until 1930 when she retired. She became the president of Frelinghuysen University, the only other higher education facility for African Americans in D.C. at the time. When the school had insufficient funds to stay in operation, she ran it from her own home, while continuing to write and publish essays in The Crisis and the WashingtonTribune.
She worked and advocated throughout her career for equal rights in education and society for women and African Americans until her death at 105. Like some other civil rights activists we have featured in the blog in the past, she was not a lawyer, but her philosophical writing and educational work created changes in civil rights; the Library’s unique collections of her work allow readers to discover more. Her writing is printed in the U.S. passport, “The cause of freedom is not the cause of a race or a sect, a party or a class – it is the cause of humankind, the very birthright of humanity.”
Source: United States Senator Tommy Tuberville (Alabama)
WASHINGTON – In January 2025, U.S. Senator Tommy Tuberville (R-AL) reintroduced the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act, or S.9, to save women’s sports and preserve Title IX protections for female athletes. Over the past four years, the Biden administration took a sledgehammer to Title IX – resulting in more than 900 women losing trophies to men competing in women’s sports. These policies are wildly unpopular as 79% of Americans agree that men should not compete against women.
As a former coach and educator for 40 years, Senator Tuberville has been a champion in the fight to protect women’s sports during his entire time in Congress. Last year, he forced a vote on an amendment that would protect female athletes by keeping men out of women’s sports – all 51 Democrats voted against it. Thankfully, President Trump signed a historic Executive Order earlier in February banning men from competing in women’s sports and protecting Title IX. Unfortunately, Executive Orders can be reversed. Senator Tuberville’s bill would make President Trump’s Executive Order permanent.
The U.S. House of Representatives passed similar legislation on a bipartisan basis in January. Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) announced earlier this week that S.9 will get a vote on Monday, March 3. Ahead of the vote, a bipartisan coalition of former and current female athletes, coaches, parents, lawmakers, and advocates are voicing their support for Sen. Tuberville’s legislation.
What They Are Saying:
“Congress established Title IX to ensure that women and girls have equal and fair opportunities based on biological reality, and it has protected their safety for decades. After watching the Biden administration claw away at the integrity of Title IX for four years, I am proud to stand with my colleagues and President Trump in fighting to restore the protections that Title IX was always meant to provide to girls and women in sports,” said Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-MS).
“Since the start of his administration, President Trump has kept his promise to protect female athletes by preventing biological males from competing in their sports. With the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act vote approaching, it’s up to Congress to safeguard competitive opportunities for female athletes for generations to come. This is the women’s rights issue of our time, and I am proud to join my colleagues in ensuring young girls across America can compete on a level playing field,” said Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-WY).
“Protecting our daughters’ and granddaughters’ right to safe and fair competition is non-negotiable. We cannot allow biological men to compete in women’s sports and undermine the hard-fought victories of generations of American women and girls. I’m proud to stand up for Title IX alongside Senator Tuberville, President Trump, and my Republican colleagues,” said Sen. Jim Risch (R-ID).
“Men have no place competing in women’s athletics, this shouldn’t be controversial. Title IX was created to ensure fairness and equal opportunities for female athletes, yet the radical left is working to dismantle those protections. The House has already passed my legislation to restore common sense and protect the integrity of women’s sports. Now, the Senate must act. I urge my colleagues to stand with women and pass this critical bill without delay. Thank you to Senator Tuberville for his leadership in this fight,” said Rep. Greg Steube (R-FL-17).
“The American people spoke loud and clear in November that they do not want men in women’s sports or locker rooms. We cannot allow Democrats to erase Title IX, endangering our girls and undermining years of hard work. I applaud Coach Tuberville for his leadership, and I’m glad that the Senate is following through on the mandate given to us,” said Rep. Mary Miller (R-IL-15).
“The American people have made it clear: there is a national mandate to stand up for objective truth and to support women — safeguarding our privacy, safety, and equal opportunities. Thanks to the leadership of Senator Tuberville, advancing critical legislation to protect women’s rights has become a legislative priority. With the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act now being heard on the Senate floor, we’re one step closer to ensuring that women no longer lose trophies, roster spots, playing time, scholarships, or fair competition to men in their own sport. On Monday, the nation will see which members of the US Senate choose to stand for truth and fairness — answering the call of Americans nationwide,” said Riley Gaines, former 12x All-American swimmer at the University of Kentucky.
“I hope SB9 passes with bipartisan support. Eighty percent of Americans agree that men do not belong in women’s sports, and I urge all senators to vote in the best interests of their constituents. Having been forced to compete against and undress alongside a male athlete, I never want another girl to experience the same. This bill would help ensure that,” said Paula Scanlan, former teammate of Lia Thomas at the University of Pennsylvania.
“It’s time for the senate to do the right thing — stand up for women and girls and pass the Protect Women and Girls in Sports Act. This is not a political or partisan issue. It’s about basic biological truth and fairness for women and girls,” said Jennifer Sey, former 7x National Team Member for USA Gymnastics, 1986 Women’s National Gymnastics Champion, CEO XX-XY Athletics.
“Protecting women and girls in sports should not be a partisan issue. It’s about fairness, safety, and common sense. I know firsthand what it’s like to race against a male and be forced to change in a locker room with one. No woman should have to sacrifice her dignity or opportunities in the name of politics. This vote is a chance for leaders on both sides of the aisle to do what’s right, stand up for women, defend the integrity of sports, and uphold the very protections Title IX was meant to guarantee. I urge every senator to put politics aside and vote YES on SB9. Anything less is a betrayal of the women and girls who are counting on them,” said Kaitlynn Wheeler, former women’s swim team member at the University of Kentucky.
“I am urging every Senator to stand with women and vote YES on the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act! 80% of Americans agree—no males in girls’ or women’s sports! I’ve been a lacrosse coach for 29 years, inducted into three halls of fame for my contributions to the game. Yet, I was removed from my position as Head Women’s Lacrosse Coach at Oberlin College. Thanks to Senator Tuberville, the Senate has an opportunity to be heroes and codify the executive order into law! Vote YES—for the young girls already competing in sports, and for those who need your vote to have a chance to play tomorrow!” said Kim Russell, former women’s lacrosse coach at Oberlin College.
“As someone who spent decades as a broadcaster covering women’s sports, I am heartbroken by the misguided attempts to destroy Title IX. I have seen firsthand the doors that can be opened in a young woman’s life through scholarships and sports. This isn’t about excluding anyone, it is about protecting the rights of women and girls to fair, safe competition. You can’t call yourself a feminist and not support preserving Title IX for women and girls everywhere. I was so proud to be at the White House to witness President Trump signing a historic Executive Order protecting women’s sports and preserving Title IX. Unfortunately, Executive Orders can be reversed. Congress needs to act on this. I was glad to see the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act pass the House on a bipartisan basis and urge every Senator to think about their daughters, nieces, and granddaughters and vote yes on this critical legislation,” said Sage Steele, former SportsCenter host.
“The Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act is a critical next step to meaningful, lasting Title IX protections for female student athletes. It provides the clarity schools and governing bodies need to affirm the dignity of women and girls. I’m proud to link arms with fellow female athletes to support S.9. Our support of this legislation championed by Senator Tuberville has nothing to do with politics, but everything to do with our lived experiences. We’ve been betrayed by regressive policies compromising the assurances for equal protection on the basis of sex women won over 50 years ago. S.9 will reaffirm our rights and ensure future generations of female athletes will never have to face the injustice of men taking our places in women’s sports again,” said Macy Petty, former volleyball player at Lee University.
“Despite constant roadblocks and years of battling the system, women have fought hard, and continue to fight to be seen as equal in their athletic capabilities. Until the passage of title IX in 1972, there were fewer than 30,000 female collegiate athletes in the US. The number is in 100s of thousands today. But even to this day, females have never had equal opportunity in sports against their male counterparts. And now with males entering female sports, it feels like we have lost decades of advancement. Watching the females on my team suffer this injustice was just too much for me to ignore. Females have worked way too hard and far too long to be sidelined by males who are generally bigger, faster, and stronger. That’s why I support the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act led by Senator Tuberville. We are asking all members of Congress to support this bill and stand together for the protection and fairness of female sports now and into the future,” said Coach Melissa Batie-Smoose, former San Jose State University assistant volleyball coach.
“Senator Tuberville is taking a stand to protect women in sports, and it’s long overdue. As someone who has experienced the harm firsthand, I would never want another young woman to go through what I did at San Jose State or be left traumatized. The Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act will ensure that no one has to endure what Riley Gaines or Peyton McNabb experienced. This act safeguards young female athletes from the physical and mental trauma of competing against men in a sport that should be their safe space. I urge every senator to consider: if this were your daughter, how would you feel watching her lose opportunities, face unfair competition, and be put at risk all while knowing you had the power to stop it? Senator Tuberville is doing what any responsible leader should—fighting for our safety. He must be heard and taken seriously,” said Brooke Slusser, former volleyball team captain at San Jose State University.
“Women’s sports and spaces deserve the protection that has been stripped away from so many women including myself in recent years. SB9, the Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act, would restore that protection. It is crucial that senators listen to their constituents instead of continuing to support an agenda that undermines female success. Nearly 80% of Americans believe gender ideology has no place in our locker rooms, on our podiums, or on our rosters. This Senate vote should reflect that statistic. We are on the brink of ending the suffering that women across the country have endured. Thank you, Senator Tuberville, for your leadership and for taking the initiative to truly preserve the rights of women,” said Lily Mullens, Roanoke College swim team captain.
“SB9, The Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act is about ensuring female athletes have fair, safe, and equal opportunities. This is more than just about sports—it’s about protecting women’s rights and integrity. On Monday, the Senate can choose to stand up for truth, common sense, and women,” said Payton McNabb, former North Carolina high school volleyball player.
“The Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act of 2025 is of utmost importance because it ensures no female athlete is put in harms way on the court or field, forced into vulnerable spaces like our locker rooms where men are currently allowed, and gives us the power to champion our sports without the unfair biological advantages men have when competing. Female athletes throughout history have worked too hard for us to revert back to letting men invade our sports taking away opportunities, accolades, and ultimately our mark in the history of sports. As a female athlete that has been directly impacted by the participation of transgender athletes in women’s sports, I ask you to end this now. Please protect the future generations of female athletes from the mental, emotional, and physical warfare my teammates and I went through. My question to those who vote against this bill is how many more female athletes are going to have to get hurt, forfeit matches, lose out on scholarships, undress in front of men in their locker rooms, and even see full male genitalia involuntarily before you do something? What about your daughters, nieces, and even future grandchildren, is this something you’re okay with happening to them?” said Sia Liilii, University of Nevada Reno volleyball co-captain.
“More than 50 years ago, Congress enacted Title IX to ensure women had fair and equal opportunities in athletics. But radical gender ideology has tried to erase that hard-fought victory by insisting that men can be women. Women have been forced to share their private locker rooms with men and female athletes have lost out on scholarships, roster spots, and titles simply because they are not as strong and fast as their male counterparts. This injustice needs to end. President Trump’s Executive Order is the blueprint for strong stance on this issue, and now we need Congress to permanently codify the obvious and historical intention of Title IX into law to guard against future attacks from radical activists. It is simple: women’s sports must be for women only. We thank Sen. Tuberville for his tireless leadership on this issue!” said Penny Nance, CEO and President of Concerned Women for America Legislative Action Committee.
Senator Tommy Tuberville represents Alabama in the United States Senate and is a member of the Senate Armed Services, Agriculture, Veterans’ Affairs, HELP, and Aging Committees.
The visit of Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky to the White House has not gone to plan – at least not to his plan. There were [extraordinary scenes] as a press conference between Zelensky and Trump descended into acrimony, with the US president loudly berating his opposite number, who he accused of “gambling with world war three”.
“You either make a deal or we’re out,” Trump told Zelensky. His vice-president, J.D.Vance, also got in on the act, accusing the Ukrainian president of “litigating in front of the American media”, and saying his approach was “disrespectful”. At one point he asked Zelensky: “Have you said thank you even once?”
Reporters present described the atmosphere as heated with voices raised by both Trump and Vance. The New York Times said the scene was “one of the most dramatic moments ever to play out in public in the Oval Office and underscored the radical break between the United States and Ukraine since Mr Trump took office”.
Underlying the angry exchanges were differences between the Trump administration and the Ukrainian government over the so-called “minerals deal” that Zelensky was scheduled to sign. But any lack of Ukrainian enthusiasm for the deal is understandable.
In its present form, it looks more like a memorandum of understanding that leaves several vital issues to be resolved later. The deal on offer is the creation of will be called a “reconstruction investment fund”, to be jointly owned and managed by the US and Ukraine.
Into the proposed fund will go 50% of the revenue from the exploitation of “all relevant Ukrainian government-owned natural resource assets (whether owned directly or indirectly by the Ukrainian government)” and “other infrastructure relevant to natural resource assets (such as liquified natural gas terminals and port infrastructure)”.
This means that private infrastructure – much of it owned by Ukraine’s wealthy oligarchs – is likely to become part of the deal. This has the potential of further increasing friction between Zelensky and some very powerful Ukrainians.
Meanwhile, US contributions are less clearly defined. The preamble to the agreement makes it clear that Ukraine already owes the US. The very first paragraph notes that “the United States of America has provided significant financial and material support to Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022”.
Western and Ukrainian analysts have also pointed out that there may be fewer and less accessible mineral and rare earth deposits in Ukraine than are currently assumed. The working estimates have been based mostly on Soviet-era data.
Since the current draft leaves details on ownership, governance and operations to be determined in a future fund agreement, Trump’s very big deal is at best the first step. Future rounds of negotiations are to be expected.
Statement of intent
From a Ukrainian perspective, this is more of a strength than a weakness. It leaves Kyiv with an opportunity to achieve more satisfactory terms in future rounds of negotiation. Even if any improvements will only be marginal, it keeps the US locked into a process that is, overall, beneficial for Ukraine.
Take the example of security guarantees. The draft agreement offers Ukraine nothing anywhere near Nato membership. But it notes that the US “supports Ukraine’s efforts to obtain security guarantees needed to establish lasting peace”, adding that: “Participants will seek to identify any necessary steps to protect mutual investments.”
The significance of this should not be overstated. At its bare minimum, it is an expression of intent by the US that falls short of security guarantees but still gives the US a stake in the survival of Ukraine as an independent state.
But it is an important signal both in terms of what it does and does not do – a signal to Russia, Europe and Ukraine.
Trump does not envisage that the US will give Ukraine security guarantees “beyond very much”. He seems to think that these guarantees can be provided by European troops (the Kremlin has already cast doubts on this idea).
But this does not mean the idea is completely off the table. On the contrary, because the US commitment is so vague, it gives Trump leverage in every direction.
He can use it as a carrot and a stick against Ukraine to get more favourable terms for US returns from the reconstruction investment fund. He can use it to push Europe towards more decisive action to ramp up defence spending by making any US protection for European peacekeepers contingent on more equitable burden-sharing in Nato.
And he can signal to the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, that the US is serious about making a deal stick – and that higher American economic stakes in Ukraine and corporate presence on the ground would mean US-backed consequences if the Kremlin reneges on a future peace agreement and restarts hostilities.
That these calculations will ultimately lead to the “free, sovereign and secure Ukraine” that the agreement envisages is not a given.
For now, however, despite all the shortcomings and vagueness of the deal on key issues –– and the very public argument between the parties – it still looks like it serves all sides’ interests in moving forward in this direction.
This article has been updated with details of the meeting between Volodymyr Zelensky and Donald Trump.
Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.
Tetyana Malyarenko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
