NewzIntel.com

Category: Universities

  • MIL-OSI Russia: What business plans have RUDN economics students developed for Russian companies?

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Peoples’Friendship University of Russia –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    Analysis of target markets, conclusion of a contract with a sanction clause, development of logistics for deliveries to Latin American countries. These are just some of the points from the business plans prepared for Russian companies by students of the Faculty of Economics and the Law Institute of RUDN. But first things first.

    Through the sieve of selection

    At RUDN, students have the opportunity to study in a project-based master’s program. This model of education assumes that students unite in teams and jointly develop a project (their final qualification work) for real customers – they can be both domestic and foreign companies. The projects that will be discussed were prepared by students of the Faculty of Economics and the Law Institute of RUDN. The Moscow Export Center helps the university find customer companies for them.

    “After the selection, we introduce the students to each other and simultaneously send a request to colleagues at the Moscow Export Center asking them to involve Russian and foreign companies in the implementation of the projects. The MEC provides us with a list of interested enterprises with their brief description and the desired request: what product or service the company produces, where it wants to export them. We pass all this on to the students, after which teams are formed taking into account the students’ wishes. The master’s students begin working, and once a month we gather them to check what stage the projects are at. To help the students complete the assigned tasks, we conduct master classes from teachers and invited experts,” says Maria Maslova, a RUDN University graduate and head of the educational programs department of the educational and acceleration programs department of the ANO “MEC”.

    A fresh look at business

    In the spring, teams have a pre-defense of their projects in front of company representatives, where they receive feedback and learn about problematic areas that need to be corrected. The final defense of the diploma work is held according to the schedule of the state final certification.

    “Business is interested in a fresh look at promising markets for their products. Companies essentially order a “consulting study” from us. They want to enter certain markets where they are not yet represented. RUDN economics students analyze these markets, calculate the financial component, develop marketing strategies for entry and promotion, and draw a conclusion about the profitability of the project. And students of the Law Institute analyze the entire legal component of entering foreign markets, prepare a draft foreign trade contract, and analyze the specifics of the legal system of the selected country,” says Maria Maslova, a RUDN graduate and head of the educational programs department of the educational and acceleration programs department of the ANO “MEC”.

    Focus on Latin America

    One of the projects that RUDN University master’s students worked on last academic year concerned the entry of the Leber company into the Latin American market. It produces children’s playgrounds.

    “Our research revealed special features of the target markets, in particular, a high proportion of young people: children under 14 years old make up about 25-30% of the population. This indicates a huge potential for the company to enter the markets of these countries. In addition, an absolute plus for business development in the chosen direction is the established sea routes from the port of St. Petersburg to the ports of Latin American countries. However, there were obstacles here, because due to sanctions, there is a ban on the movement of Russian ships through the waters of unfriendly countries. To solve the problem, we suggested that Leber use the services of experienced forwarding companies based in the target markets,” Mekhriddin Nuraliyev, a graduate of the Faculty of Economics of RUDN University.

    According to Mehriddin, the most difficult part to develop was the financial part of the business plan. After all, without launching sales in the markets of Mexico, Brazil and Argentina, it is very difficult to forecast the profitability of the activity and calculate the income and expense estimate for 3-5 years ahead.

    “But we coped with this task and received high praise for our business plan from Leber representatives. The company praised the team’s professionalism and the depth of the research conducted,” says Mekhriddin Nuraliyev, a graduate of the RUDN University Faculty of Economics.

    Sanctions and the Middle East

    The second project was developed by RUDN students for the Mesoformula company, a Russian manufacturer of innovative products for aesthetic medicine and professional cosmetology. The company wants to enter the Saudi Arabian market.

    “We proposed the “corridor-2030” strategy – a consistent entry into the Saudi Arabian market through halal certification, registration with the SFDA and cooperation with a distributor in Jeddah. Together with my colleagues, we also thought out a financial model and built a legal and logistical “framework” for the project so that every figure and every condition worked in the same rhythm. At the same time, I managed to apply my skills as a lawyer, political scientist and GR specialist. I developed a protective sanction clause, assessed geopolitical risks and, having organized a consultative meeting with Saudi experts through the Moscow Chamber of Commerce and Industry, received prompt feedback. Thus, we significantly accelerated the negotiations and opened the necessary doors to the Middle East,” – Rodion Lobanovsky, a graduate of the RUDN Law Institute.

    Mesoformula has approved the students’ project, and its pilot launch is confirmed for 2026.

    “I am very glad that it was possible to implement cooperation between Russian companies and my home university. We worked together for almost a year, and are very pleased with the result. The resulting projects really contain many points that the companies paid attention to, including in terms of the specifics of interaction between Russian business and the selected markets. We hope for further cooperation,” – Maria Maslova, Head of the Educational Programs Department of the Educational and Acceleration Programs Department of ANO “MEC”.

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: SED shares Hong Kong’s experience in achieving quality and equitable education in Osaka

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    SED shares Hong Kong’s experience in achieving quality and equitable education in Osaka 
         The seminar, held on July 28, aimed at exploring how to guarantee equitable learning opportunities for all. In her speech titled “Provision of Quality and Equitable Education in Hong Kong”, Dr Choi outlined Hong Kong’s policy measures and achievements in providing quality and equitable education at the systemic levels.
     
         Dr Choi said that the Government is committed to investing in education and ensuring equitable distribution of educational resources. In addition to providing 12 years’ free primary and secondary education through public sector schools, it caters to individual differences and promotes whole-person development through diversified support mechanisms. According to the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022 results, Hong Kong ranked second in educational equity among countries or economies with high academic achievements, indicating that the family socio-economic status of students had minimal bearing on their performance. Moreover, the Government has launched the Kindergarten Education Scheme to provide good-quality and highly affordable kindergarten education, enabling all children aged from 3 to 6 to access different modes of kindergarten education based on their needs. Currently, about 90 per cent of half-day kindergarten programmes are free of charge, while school fees for whole-day programmes are maintained at a low level.  
     
         On primary and secondary education, the Education Bureau (EDB) has developed a broad and balanced school curriculum framework that helps students build a solid knowledge foundation, nurture proper values and attitudes, and develop generic skills. A diverse range of life-wide learning activities is also provided to enrich students’ horizons. Coupled with the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination (HKDSE) as the university entrance examination, the curriculum features flexibility and diversity, offering not only traditional academic subjects but also applied learning subjects for selection, which demonstrates the concept of convergence of vocational and general education and helps students plan their careers. Adopting the standards-referenced reporting system to report candidates’ examination results, which is in line with the international standards, the HKDSE is widely recognised locally and abroad. 
     
         In the seminar, Dr Choi also talked about the EDB’s targeted support for non-Chinese speaking (NCS) students and students with special educational needs (SEN). It has been providing NCS students, from pre-primary to secondary levels, with all-encompassing learning support to facilitate their mastery of Chinese language for integration into the community. The EDB is also dedicated to promoting an inclusive learning environment. It has been encouraging schools to adopt the Whole School Approach in supporting students with SEN and implement integrated education based on the spirit of “equal opportunities and teaching students in accordance with their abilities”, enabling students with SEN to integrate into ordinary schools.
     
         Dr Choi said that Hong Kong’s post-secondary education is highly internationalised and diversified. The quality of teaching and learning is consistently ranked among the top in the international comparative studies, with five publicly funded universities ranking among the world’s top 100. In addition to the Government’s substantial subsidy for tuition fees (87 per cent), various universities provide scholarships, grants and loans to students to ensure that no qualified students will be denied access to higher education due to financial difficulties.
     
         The Government is committed to developing Hong Kong into an international post-secondary education hub to provide students with broader international perspectives and attract more outstanding talent from around the world. At present, around one out of five students and 70 per cent of academic staff of publicly funded universities come from outside Hong Kong. These universities have also signed over 2 600 student exchange agreements with institutions around the world. In the 2025 ranking of the world’s most international universities published by the Times Higher Education, Hong Kong’s publicly funded universities achieved encouraging results by claiming all top four spots.
     
         Furthermore, the Government has been actively promoting vocational and professional education and training. By developing universities of applied sciences, and supporting the Vocational Training Council and other post-secondary institutions’ provision of post-secondary programmes of applied nature that blend theory and practice, the Government fosters co-operation between industries and education and collaboration between schools and businesses, and provides young people with diversified learning and employment opportunities as well as multiple pathways, with a view to nurturing more high-quality talent with applied knowledge and skills.
     
         On July 27 and 28, Dr Choi met representatives from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, officials of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, representatives from several Japanese universities, and education representatives from other places attending the “Theme Weeks” of the Expo to discuss further education collaboration and exchanges.
     
         On July 27, she exchanged views with a Hong Kong person working in the field of basic education in Japan to learn about the latest developments in Japanese basic education. On the same day, she visited the Sakai City Traditional Townhouse Museums together with Hong Kong secondary students participating in an exchange tour in Japan and learned about the students’ experiential learning.
     
         This morning, Dr Choi paid a courtesy call on the Consul-General of China in Osaka, Mr Xue Jian, to introduce Hong Kong’s latest education policies. She also visited the Confucius Institute at Osaka Sangyo University and met its teachers and students to learn about the Institute’s experience in promoting Chinese language studies and Chinese culture in Japan. Dr Choi will conclude her visit this afternoon and return to Hong Kong.
    Issued at HKT 18:43

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Uganda’s land eviction crisis: do populist state measures actually fix problems?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rose Nakayi, Senior Lecturer of Law, Makerere University

    Populism is rife in various African countries. This political ideology responds to and takes advantage of a situation where a large section of people feels exploited, marginalised or disempowered. It sets up “the people” against “the other”. It promises solidarity with the excluded by addressing their grievances. Populism targets broad social groups, operating across ethnicity and class.

    But how does populism fare when it informs state interventions to address long-standing societal issues under capitalism? Do populist state measures – especially when launched by a politically powerful leader – deliver improvements for the stated beneficiaries?

    As academics who have researched populism for years, we were interested in the implementation and outcomes of such policies and programmes. To answer these questions, we analysed a populist intervention by President Yoweri Museveni in Uganda to address rampant land conflicts. In 2013 he set out to halt land evictions.

    What good came of this? Did it help the poor?

    We analysed land laws, court cases, government statements and media reports and found that, for the most part, the intervention offered short-term relief. Some people returned to the land, but the underlying land conflict was unresolved.

    This created problems that continue to be felt today, including land disputes and land tenure insecurity. The intervention also increased the involvement of the president and his agents personally in providing justice.

    It didn’t make pro-poor structural changes to address the root of the problem.

    Yet, the intervention had several political benefits:

    • it enhanced the political legitimacy of the president and state

    • it offered a politically useful response to a land-related crisis and conflict

    • it addressed broader criticisms over injustice and poverty by sections of the public and opposition leaders, some of whom (like Robert Kyagulanyi) also relied on populist rhetoric.

    The promise to deal with land evictions “once and for all” has yet to be realised over a decade later. During Heroes Day celebrations on 9 June 2024, Museveni’s speech repeated his promise to stop evictions.

    Such promises of getting a grip on and ending evictions via decisive state actions, including proposed new legal guidelines, were also made more recently, for example during Heroes Day 2025. This indicates that evictions – and state responses to them – remain a top issue on the political agenda ahead of Uganda’s 2026 election.

    Persistent evictions

    Evictions were rampant in the 2010s, especially in central Uganda’s Buganda region. They were driven by increased demand for land amid a growing population and legal reforms that seemed to protect tenants over landlords. Some landlords, desperate to free their land of tenants, were carrying out the evictions themselves.

    The president condemned the evictions, but they continued. Soon, the number of evictees was in the thousands.

    In response, Museveni set up a land committee within the presidency. He announced at a press conference in early 2013 that:

    all evictions are halted. There will be no more evictions, especially in the rural areas. All evictions involving peasants are halted.

    The dynamics of populism-in-practice

    Museveni’s attempts to personally deal with evictions illustrate a continued power shift in Uganda, from institutions to the president’s executive units.

    Despite its shortcomings, such as case backlogs, the judicial system offers an opportunity to present cases in a more neutral environment. It also allows parties to appeal decisions. This way, higher courts can correct errors where necessary.

    The presidential land committee, we found, tended to be biased in favour of tenants, paying less attention to the landlords’ cases.

    The president’s intervention wasn’t adequate to address the immediate causes and effects of the evictions, nor the root causes.

    Those included land tenure insecurities. Due to legal reforms, land-rich landlords were unable to get rent at market value from tenants. Neither could they evict them lawfully where rent was in arrears.

    In some cases, legal options such as land sales between landlords and tenants were applied. This was often to the detriment of tenants, especially where there was no neutral actor to oversee negotiations.

    Land reforms need to be institutionalised and funded to deliver the intended outcomes. Otherwise, unlawful sales and evictions become a quick option for landlords.

    Museveni’s populist initiative also unleashed new problems for beneficiaries. Some secured land occupancy in the interim but lived in fear of a relapse of conflict. Mistrust and scarred interpersonal relationships hampered cohesion in some communities. Disputes over land put political actors who would ideally be working together to restore calm at loggerheads.

    Populism as power

    The creation of populist presidential units has become routine in Uganda. More recently, Museveni created a unit to protect investors, which has resolved some investment-related land disputes. Another one was established to fight corruption. Both units remain very active.

    Our research finds that the government needs these units and interventions for a number of reasons. It uses them to govern the country’s conflict-ridden economy and society. They allow the government to assemble a politically useful response to crises and to address some on-the-ground problems. They make the state look concerned and responsive to people’s needs. And they allow ruling party political actors to increase their popularity locally.

    Museveni and his ruling party, the National Resistance Movement, therefore, benefit from a key aspect of populism. It allows the merging of disparate, competing and contradictory views, interests and demands of members of various societal classes and groups into a significantly simplified and uniform narrative that (potentially) speaks to all. This could mean: end corruption, end evictions, wealth for all, and so on.

    A general election is due in early 2026. The steps Museveni has taken on evictions, and the units set up to fight corruption or protect investors, need to be seen with this political context in mind.

    Museveni has put protecting people from evictions high on his government’s agenda. Speaking to party members in August 2024, he emphasised

    the importance of adhering to the mass line, which prioritises the needs and rights of the masses over those of the elite.

    In our view, this pre-election narrative signifies the continued political and social relevance of populism in today’s Uganda. This could result in heightened populist state activity in the run-up to and after the election.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Uganda’s land eviction crisis: do populist state measures actually fix problems? – https://theconversation.com/ugandas-land-eviction-crisis-do-populist-state-measures-actually-fix-problems-260512

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How Marvel’s Fantastic Four discovered the human in the superhuman

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By J. Andrew Deman, Professor of English, University of Waterloo

    The Fantastic Four: First Steps is the second cinematic reboot of the Fantastic Four franchise, and there’s a lot riding on this film.

    While cinema-goers have responded enthusiastically to many of the films in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, the history of the Fantastic Four on the silver screen is less heralded.

    All the previous Fantastic Four films have been “commercial and critical failures,” with the 2015 film being an infamous box office bomb.

    Yet in comics history, the Fantastic Four have been up to the challenge of driving a popular media enterprise forward — something that the film producers and Marvel fans alike are both now hoping for.

    ‘The Fantastic Four: First Steps’ trailer.

    In the 1960s — the era in which Fantastic Four: First Steps, is notably set — the comics presented a new class of superhero.

    From their 1961 debut, Reed Richards/Mr. Fantastic, Sue Storm/the Invisible Girl, Johnny Storm/the Human Torch and Ben Grimm/the Thing were celebrities who rented office space in a Manhattan highrise and found themselves variously beloved and reviled by both the public and the government.

    Cover of ‘The Fantastic Four’ No. 1, 1961.
    (Marvel)

    The team also rejected secret identities. Until the third issue of their series, they even eschewed superhero costumes (in part because of a restriction imposed by the owner of Marvel’s then-distributor, DC Comics).

    Pushed representational boundaries

    The Fantastic Four comics of the 1960s also pushed boundaries in a number of significant ways. They featured the first pair of married superheroes (Reed and Sue wed in 1965) and the first superhero pregnancy (Sue gave birth to her son Franklin in 1968).

    In 1966, Fantastic Four No. 52 introduced the Black Panther, who is widely recognized as the first high-profile Black superhero.



    Read more:
    *Black Panther* roars. Are we listening?

    And though not canonical until 2002, it has been suggested by scholars that Ben Grimm was always envisioned as a Jewish superhero by Stan Lee and Jack Kirby, offering another milestone in representation (at least for those readers attuned to the character’s Jewish coding).

    These milestones emphasize a dedicated concern for the human aspects of superheroes.

    A family with relatable issues

    Set amid fittingly fantastic science-fiction landscapes inspired by Space Age optimism was a story about a family who “fought among themselves, sometimes over petty jealousies and insults,” in the words of Christopher Pizzino, an American scholar of contemporary literature, film and television.

    This approach of building character dynamics out of internal conflict proved deeply influential.

    Famed comics writer Grant Morrison argues that through the example of Fantastic Four, “the Marvel superhero was born: a hero who tussled not only with monsters and mad scientists but also with relatable personal issues.”

    In his bestselling book All the Marvels, comics critic and historian Douglas Wolk concurs that the “first hundred issues of Fantastic Four are Marvel’s Bible and manual,” establishing the style, theme, genre and approach of the company’s comics for decades to come.

    Marvel’s universe continued to expand following the Fantastic Four debut.
    (Marvel)

    Defining personal conflicts

    In contrast to moral paragons such as Superman, Batman and Wonder Woman (all published by rival DC Comics), each member of Marvel’s Fantastic Four had defining personal conflicts.

    Reed Richards, the team’s patriarch, was a world-altering genius who often fell victim to his own hubristic ambition.

    Two years before American feminist author Betty Friedan identified “the problem that has no name” in The Feminine Mystique (that post-war suburban housewives faced social expectations of being fully fulfilled as wives and mothers, the Fantastic Four gave audiences Sue Storm, with the superpower to render herself — and others — invisible at will.

    Storm, according to scholar Ramzi Fawaz, “made the concept of women’s social invisibility an object of visual critique by making invisible bodies and objects conspicuous on the comic book page.”

    Her younger brother, Johnny Storm, a playboy and showboat, had a lot of growing up to do, a journey that was frustrated by his flashy powers.

    Ben Grimm, Reed’s college roommate turned best friend turned rock monster, oscillated between childlike rage and world-weary depression, his rocky hide granting him super-strength and invulnerability while burdening him with social isolation.

    While none of us are likely to acquire superpowers through exposure to cosmic rays like the Four, we’ve all dealt with anxiety and grief like these heroes.

    Origin of the Marvel universe

    The world of the Fantastic Four didn’t just feel unusually human. It also felt unusually lived in, partly because the Fantastic Four comics of the 1960s weren’t just the origin of the Marvel style of storytelling — they were also the origin of the Marvel universe.

    Fantastic Four began and became the model for Marvel’s shared continuity universe, in which dozens of superheroes passed in and out of each other’s stories and occasionally intersected long enough for whole crossover story arcs and events. For a time, Marvel’s superheroes even aged alongside their readers, with teenage characters like Johnny Storm graduating high school and enrolling in college.

    Previous superhero comics hadn’t embraced this shared continuity in a meaningful way, tending to prioritize discrete stories that had no effect on future tales. But Fantastic Four pitched what comics scholar Charles Hatfield calls “intertitle continuity,” which quickly became “Marvel’s main selling tool.”

    Case in point, the Fantastic Four shared the cover of 1963’s Amazing Spider-Man No. 1, helping sell the newly created wall-crawler to their adoring readers.

    Voluminous, chaotic universe

    The 1965 wedding of Reed and Sue in Fantastic Four Annual No. 3 showcased how quickly the Marvel comics universe became vibrantly voluminous and charmingly chaotic.

    This event featured at least 19 superheroes fighting 28 supervillains and foregrounded the Fantastic Four’s symbolic mother and father as the progenitors of an extended super-family.

    It also featured a cameo by the Fantastic Four’s creators, Stan Lee and Jack Kirby, previously introduced in 1963’s Fantastic Four No. 10 as the official creators of imaginary adventures starring the “real” Fantastic Four, further blurring the boundary between fiction and reality.

    Decades later, this sprawling comics universe would become a sprawling cinematic universe. This informs the pressure facing the latest Fantastic Four adaptation.

    Phase 6 of universe

    Fantastic Four: First Steps marks the start of what Marvel calls “Phase Six” of the Marvel Cinematic Universe, which began in 2008 with the first Marvel Studios film, Iron Man.

    Essentially, Fantastic Four: First Steps is meant to launch a new cluster of shared universe stories, just as Fantastic Four No. 1 did for Marvel Comics in the 1960s.

    This cluster will culminate in the release of Avengers: Secret Wars in December 2027. Will Marvel’s first family deliver?

    This article is co-authored by Anna Peppard, an independent scholar and editor of ‘Supersex: Sexuality, Fantasy, and the Superhero.’

    J. Andrew Deman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Marvel’s Fantastic Four discovered the human in the superhuman – https://theconversation.com/how-marvels-fantastic-four-discovered-the-human-in-the-superhuman-260883

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Women’s rugby is booming, but safety relies on borrowed assumptions from the men’s game

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kathryn Dane, Postdoctoral associate, University of Calgary

    Rugby union, commonly known as just rugby, is a fast-paced and physical team sport. More girls and women in Canada and around the world are playing it now than ever before.

    As of 2021, women’s rugby reached a record 2.7 million players globally, a 25 per cent increase over four years, and by 2023, women’s rugby participation was growing at a rate of 38 per cent year-over-year.

    Countries including Australia, England, Ireland and the United States offer professional contracts for women’s teams. While these remain modest compared to the men’s game, they still represent a clear step forward.

    Canada’s senior women’s XVs team is currently ranked second in the world and heading into the 2025 Rugby World Cup, which kicks off on Aug. 22 in England. The national sevens team also captured silver at the 2024 Paris Olympics — further evidence of the game’s growing competitiveness in Canada.

    However, many systems, including coaching and medical support, have not kept pace with the demands of elite competition. With visibility increasing ahead of the 2025 World Cup, stronger institutional support is needed to match the sports’ growing professionalism and popularity.

    Safety concerns

    Often described as a “game for all”, rugby builds confidence, resilience and lifelong friendships. For girls and women especially, rugby can be empowering in ways few sports can match. It embraces the physicality of tackling, pushes back against traditional gender expectations and fosters solidarity and inclusion by valuing all body shapes and abilities.

    But rugby is also a collision sport, and as such, it carries inherent risks. Tackling is the top cause of injury in rugby, and it has one of the highest concussion rates among youth girls’ sports in Canada. Concussions can have long-term effects on players’ health.



    Read more:
    Concussion is more than sports injuries: Who’s at risk and how Canadian researchers are seeking better diagnostics and treatments

    These concerns are especially urgent as the women’s game becomes more physical and professionalized, and players are hit harder and more often. Unlike men’s rugby, women’s teams often operate with fewer medical or coaching support resources, which can lead to inconsistent or absent injury prevention programs.

    Compounding the risk is the fact that many women also come to rugby later in life, often with less experience in contact sports. This delayed exposure restricts proper tackle skill development and player confidence in contact. This means safe tackling is even more important.

    Without proper supports, the physical risks of the game may outweigh its benefits.

    Science is still playing catch-up

    While women’s rugby is growing rapidly, the science behind it is has not kept pace. Most of what we know about rugby safety — how to tackle, how much to train or when it’s safe to return to play after injury — largely comes from research on men.

    Decisions around coaching and player welfare have been based on male data, leaving female players under-served and potentially at greater risk. While these foundations may well apply to girls and women, the problem is we don’t yet know for sure.

    Only four per cent of rugby tackle research has focused on women. Much of the early evidence on girls rugby comes from Canada, underscoring the country’s leadership in this space. Still, most coaches and clinicians rely on a “one-size-fits-all” approach that may not account for menstrual cycles, pregnancy, different injury profiles or later sport entry.

    The differences matter because strength, speed and injury risk all vary. Women are 2.6 times more likely than men to sustain a concussion. Gender also shapes access to training, care and facilities, often limiting opportunities for women to develop safe tackling skills, receive adequate support and train in safe, well-resourced environments, factors that impact both performance and safety.



    Read more:
    Prevention is better than cure when it comes to high concussion rates in girls’ rugby

    Even safety tools reflect this gap. World Rugby’s Tackle Ready and contact load guidelines were designed around male athletes. While well-intentioned, we know little about how they work for girls and women. Instead of discarding these tools, we need to adapt and evaluate them in female contexts to ensure they support injury prevention and provide equal protection.

    Women’s rugby needs better data

    Change is underway. More research and tools are being designed specifically for girls and women. A search of PubMed, a database of published biomedical research, reveals a steep rise in studies on women’s rugby over the past decade, especially in injury surveillance, injury prevention, performance, physiology and sociocultural contexts.

    New rule trials, such as testing lower tackle heights, are being evaluated on women athletes. New technologies like instrumented mouthguards and video analysis are also helping researchers understand how girls and women tackle, how head impacts happen and how they can be prevented.

    Much of this new research is led by our team at the Sport Injury Prevention Research Centre, a pan-Canadian, multidisciplinary group focused on moving upstream to prevent concussions in adolescent girls’ rugby.

    The women’s game is also driving its own innovations. Resources like World Rugby’s Contact Confident help girls and women safely build tackle skills, particularly those new to contact sport.

    Researchers are analyzing injury patterns, interviewing players and coaches and studying return-to-play pathways that reflect girls’ and women’s physiology and life stages.

    The scope of research is also expanding to pelvic health, breast protection and more tailored injury prevention. Global collaboration is making this work more inclusive, spanning different countries, skill levels and age groups, not just elite competitions.

    But this is just the start.

    A golden opportunity lies ahead

    Girls’ and women’s rugby is experiencing unprecedented growth. Rising participation, media attention and new sponsorships are fuelling momentum. It’s a golden opportunity to build strong, sustainable foundations.

    Gold-standard support requires focused, ongoing research and a commitment to sharing that evidence with players, coaches, health-care providers and policymakers. It’s time to build systems for women’s rugby based on women’s data, not borrowed assumptions from the men’s game.

    But challenges remain. Some national teams still have to raise funds to attend World Cups. Others train without consistent access to medical or performance staff — clear signs that the women’s game is still catching up.

    To sustain and accelerate the growth of girls’ and women’s rugby, the sport deserves more resources and research tailored specifically to participants. A “one-size-fits-all” model no longer works. By investing in systems that are safer, focused on prevention, more inclusive and grounded in evidence, we can build a thriving future for women’s rugby that lasts for generations to come.

    Isla Shill has received funding from World Rugby.

    Stephen West has previously received funding from World Rugby

    Kathryn Dane does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Women’s rugby is booming, but safety relies on borrowed assumptions from the men’s game – https://theconversation.com/womens-rugby-is-booming-but-safety-relies-on-borrowed-assumptions-from-the-mens-game-261055

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Education – Family Tradition: Son Joins Mum’s Path in Civil Engineering at Whitireia and WelTec

    Source: Whitireia and WelTec

    Young Wellingtonian Sean Hoffman is forging his own path in civil engineering, inspired by the journey of his mother, Michelle-herself a graduate of the New Zealand Diploma of Engineering (Civil) at Whitireia and WelTec. Their story is a testament to the power of family influence, hands-on learning, and the exceptional support provided by the Whitireia and WelTec teaching staff.
    Michelle and Sean share more than a surname; both found their passion outside the classroom, preferring hands-on activities over textbooks from an early age. Their natural inclination for building and creating led them to careers in engineering.
    Michelle’s journey began after she left school at year 12, completed a Diploma in Business, and spent several years as a stay-at-home mum before stepping into the world of civil engineering through an administrative role.
    “Once the kids went to school and I had a bit of extra time, I decided to go back to work and got a receptionist role,” Michelle recalls. “I didn’t know much about the company or the industry initially, but I gradually progressed through different roles from reception to contract administrator and was learning more and more. It was at that point that I decided to upskill and found the New Zealand Diploma of Engineering (Civil) at Whitireia and WelTec.”
    Balancing full-time work and part-time study, Michelle is now a qualified project manager. “I’m now working as a project manager and am really loving the variety. It means that I can be in the office or out on the site depending on what work needs to be done. It’s the best of both worlds,” Michelle says.
    Sean, inspired by his mother’s determination and success, is now in his first year of the same diploma. Having worked with civil contracting companies since he was young, Sean initially resisted the idea of following in his mother’s footsteps, even spending a year at university in Otago. But the pull of Civil Engineering-and Michelle’s gentle encouragement-proved too strong to ignore.
    “Mum says she always saw that I had the right kind of brain for Civil Engineering but I kind of pushed against the idea of going into the industry and decided to get out of Wellington and went to University in Otago for a year. I guess Mum was right though, and after that year I came back and decided to study Civil Engineering at Whitireia and WelTec and I am really enjoying it,” Sean admits. “The close-knit learning environments and supportive teaching staff have made a huge difference for my learning.”
    He’s now thriving at Whitireia and WelTec, relishing the opportunity to apply classroom learning to real-world projects during his weekend job. “I have been working for different civil engineering firms on week

    MIL OSI New Zealand News –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Cultural values shape tourists’ view of eco-friendly B&Bs

    Source:

    28 July 2025

    The demand for ‘greener’ bed and breakfast (B&B) accommodation is gaining traction worldwide, but operators should heed cultural differences when marketing their sustainable facilities, according to a new international study.

    Led by Hong Kong Shue Yan University and the University of South Australia, the survey of 800 people from 37 countries examined how cultural values, age and education levels influenced tourists’ acceptance of environmentally sustainable features in B&Bs.

    Previous global studies have indicated that many tourists are willing to pay more for environmentally friendly accommodation, but this is the first time that researchers have focused specifically on cultural attitudes towards B&B sustainable practices.

    The study focused on five categories of sustainable facilities: water treatment systems (rainwater harvesting systems, greywater); greenery systems (sky gardens and vertical green walls); sanitation (hand sanitiser and air purification units); ventilation (natural air or air conditioning); and eco-friendly facilities (LED lights, organic composting bins).

    Tourists from rules-based, autocratic and hierarchical countries such as China, India and Malaysia expressed the strongest support for all types of green features in B&Bs. Deemed ‘high-power distance’ cultures, citizens of these countries were more likely to use energy-saving products and choose natural ventilation over air conditioning, the survey revealed.

    University of South Australia (UniSA) researchers Dr Li Meng and Professor Simon Beecham, who co-authored the study published in Consumer Behaviour in Tourism and Hospitality, say other cultural dimensions were less clear cut.

    “Western cultures such as Australia, the United Kingdom and United States, appreciated rooftop gardens and vertical green walls, but these features were not strong factors in whether they chose a bed and breakfast,” according to the UniSA researchers.

    Tourists from risk-averse cultures such as Japan, France and Greece were less likely to embrace B&Bs with natural ventilation, preferring to control their environment with air conditioning, the researchers say.

    Highly-educated travellers rated sanitation and eco-friendly features more favourably, and younger tourists placed greater value on green systems than older people.

    “These findings challenge assumptions that all green tourists are alike,” says lead author Professor Rita Yi Man Li from Hong Kong Shue Yan University.

    “Many accommodation providers want to operate more sustainably, but few have considered how cultural values affect guest preferences,” Prof Li says.

    “This research shows that guests from different cultural backgrounds respond differently to the same green features. Understanding these nuances can help B&B owners tailor their sustainability investments more effectively depending on their most important tourism markets.”

    Dr Meng says younger guests may be drawn to visible features like rooftop gardens, while more educated visitors may look for practical elements like composting, LED lighting, or air purification systems.

    The researchers say that governments also have a role to play in supporting the development of sustainable B&Bs.

    By offering incentives, investing in sustainable infrastructure, and developing policies such as easing travel restrictions and visa policies, governments can help expand the international customer base for eco-friendly B&Bs, the study recommended.

    ‘Does culture really matter? A cross-cultural study of demand for B&B sustainable facilities’ is published in Consumer Behaviour in Tourism and Hospitality. DOI: 10.1108/CBTH-04-2024-0135. The study involved a cross-disciplinary team of researchers with expertise in economics, real estate, literature and environmental science.

    …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

    UniSA researcher contact: Professor Simon Beecham E: simon.beecham@unisa.edu.au
    Hong Kong Shue Yan University researcher contact: Professor Rita Li E: ymli@hksyu.edu

    Media contact: Candy Gibson M: +61 434 605 142 E: candy.gibson@unisa.edu.au

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Barnaby Joyce wants Australia to abandon net zero – but his 4 central claims don’t stack up

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ella Vines, Post-doctoral researcher, Green Lab, Monash University

    One-time Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce sought to dominate the first sitting week of the current federal parliament by proposing a divisive plan to reverse Australia’s net zero emissions target.

    The campaign, backed by fellow former Nationals leader Michael McCormack, aims to repeal what Joyce calls Australia’s “lunatic crusade” of net zero by 2050. It comes as Opposition Leader Sussan Ley convenes a working group to set a way forward on climate and energy policy following the Coalition’s historic election defeat.

    Meanwhile, the Albanese government is considering Australia’s next round of emissions reduction targets. And scientists warn just three years remain for the world to keep global warming below the vital 1.5°C threshold.

    If Australia is to take meaningful climate action, federal parliament must engage with the facts honestly and without distortion. So let’s take a closer look at whether Joyce and McCormack’s latest claims withstand scrutiny.

    Claim 1: Australia’s net zero policy will not address climate change

    Joyce describes as “perverse” the notion that Australia’s net zero goal can meaningfully help address global climate change.

    This claim is not backed by science.

    Every tonne of greenhouse gas emissions adds to global warming. What’s more, Joyce’s claim ignores the near-universal agreement of nations signed up to the Paris Agreement – including Australia – to pursue efforts (including domestic measures) to limit the average global temperature rise to 1.5°C.

    It’s true that collective national efforts to curb warming have so far been insufficient. But that doesn’t mean they should be abandoned.

    Claim 2: Global support for net zero is waning

    McCormack claims there is a growing global shift against net zero, and Joyce describes it as “a peculiar minority position”.

    This statement is not backed by evidence.

    In fact, the number of countries, cities, businesses and other institutions pledging to get to net-zero is growing.

    In the United States, President Donald Trump has dismantled climate policy, damaging that nation’s progress towards net zero. But many US states have retained the target, and global climate action will continue regardless of Trump’s actions.

    A landmark court ruling this week is likely to further strengthen global pressure for nations to ramp up emissions reduction. The advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice observed countries are legally obliged to prevent harms caused by climate change – including by regulating the fossil fuel industry.

    As others have noted, Australia must now reconsider its stance on approving new fossil fuel projects – including those geared to export markets.

    the International Court of Justice said countries are legally obliged to prevent harms caused by climate change.
    JOHN THYS/AFP via Getty Images

    Claims 3: the net zero goal is a security threat

    Joyce claims a net zero policy agenda is “treacherous” for Australia’s security and will “inflame our incapacity” to contend with geopolitical threats.

    But evidence suggests the opposite is true. There is a significant link between climate change and certain types of military conflicts.

    Research predicts the Australian Defence Force will become involved in more wars as the climate crisis escalates, and respond to more frequent climate-related disasters inside our borders.

    Claim 4: net zero is bad for regional Australia

    Both Joyce and McCormack say the net zero target and associated renewable energy rollout is devastating regional Australia. The Institute of Public Affairs, a prominent right-wing think tank, this week launched a documentary making similar claims.

    Joyce cited division in rural communities over renewable energy. In reality, there is significant support in regional Australia for such technology. A poll last year by Farmers for Climate Action found 70% of regional Australians in renewable energy zones support the development of renewable energy projects on local farmland.

    Joyce also pointed to “the removal of agricultural land from production” to support his stance. However, analysis shows very little farmland is required for the clean energy transition.

    What’s more, the cost of inaction is high. Climate change is disproportionately affecting cost of living for regional households – for example, due to higher insurance premiums.

    Joyce also appears deaf to the myriad regional voices calling for stronger climate action.

    The Mackay Conservation Group, for example, is challenging Whitehaven’s Winchester South coal mine in Queensland’s Land Court. Similarly, an environment group based in the NSW Hunter Valley this week successfully appealed the expansion of MACH Energy’s Mount Pleasant coal mine.

    Only facts can stop a new wave of climate wars

    Clearly, the efforts of Joyce and McCormack to undermine Australia’s net zero goal are not backed by evidence.

    The Coalition must heed the facts – not backbench pressure – as it weighs its climate and energy policy. Only then can Australia avoid reigniting the divisive climate wars that stalled progress and positioned Australia as a global laggard.

    Likewise, the Albanese government must not be distracted from the climate action task. Australia’s next round of climate targets should be based on the best available science, and make a meaningful, credible contribution to the objectives of the Paris Agreement.

    Ella Vines does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Barnaby Joyce wants Australia to abandon net zero – but his 4 central claims don’t stack up – https://theconversation.com/barnaby-joyce-wants-australia-to-abandon-net-zero-but-his-4-central-claims-dont-stack-up-261837

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: AI agents are here. Here’s what to know about what they can do – and how they can go wrong

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daswin de Silva, Professor of AI and Analytics, Director of AI Strategy, La Trobe University

    George Peters / Getty Images

    We are entering the third phase of generative AI. First came the chatbots, followed by the assistants. Now we are beginning to see agents: systems that aspire to greater autonomy and can work in “teams” or use tools to accomplish complex tasks.

    The latest hot product is OpenAI’s ChatGPT agent. This combines two pre-existing products (Operator and Deep Research) into a single more powerful system which, according to the developer, “thinks and acts”.

    These new systems represent a step up from earlier AI tools. Knowing how they work and what they can do – as well as their drawbacks and risks – is rapidly becoming essential.

    From chatbots to agents

    ChatGPT launched the chatbot era in November 2022, but despite its huge popularity the conversational interface limited what could be done with the technology.

    Enter the AI assistant, or copilot. These are systems built on top of the same large language models that power generative AI chatbots, only now designed to carry out tasks with human instruction and supervision.

    Agents are another step up. They are intended to pursue goals (rather than just complete tasks) with varying degrees of autonomy, supported by more advanced capabilities such as reasoning and memory.

    Multiple AI agent systems may be able to work together, communicating with each other to plan, schedule, decide and coordinate to solve complex problems.

    Agents are also “tool users” as they can also call on software tools for specialised tasks – things such as web browsers, spreadsheets, payment systems and more.

    A year of rapid development

    Agentic AI has felt imminent since late last year. A big moment came last October, when Anthropic gave its Claude chatbot the ability to interact with a computer in much the same way a human does. This system could search multiple data sources, find relevant information and submit online forms.

    Other AI developers were quick to follow. OpenAI released a web browsing agent named Operator, Microsoft announced Copilot agents, and we saw the launch of Google’s Vertex AI and Meta’s Llama agents.

    Earlier this year, the Chinese startup Monica demonstrated its Manus AI agent buying real estate and converting lecture recordings into summary notes. Another Chinese startup, Genspark, released a search engine agent that returns a single-page overview (similar to what Google does now) with embedded links to online tasks such as finding the best shopping deals. Another startup, Cluely, offers a somewhat unhinged “cheat at anything” agent that has gained attention but is yet to deliver meaningful results.

    Not all agents are made for general-purpose activity. Some are specialised for particular areas.

    Coding and software engineering are at the vanguard here, with Microsoft’s Copilot coding agent and OpenAI’s Codex among the frontrunners. These agents can independently write, evaluate and commit code, while also assessing human-written code for errors and performance lags.

    Search, summarisation and more

    One core strength of generative AI models is search and summarisation. Agents can use this to carry out research tasks that might take a human expert days to complete.

    OpenAI’s Deep Research tackles complex tasks using multi-step online research. Google’s AI “co-scientist” is a more sophisticated multi-agent system that aims to help scientists generate new ideas and research proposals.

    Agents can do more – and get more wrong

    Despite the hype, AI agents come loaded with caveats. Both Anthropic and OpenAI, for example, prescribe active human supervision to minimise errors and risks.

    OpenAI also says its ChatGPT agent is “high risk” due to potential for assisting in the creation of biological and chemical weapons. However, the company has not published the data behind this claim so it is difficult to judge.

    But the kind of risks agents may pose in real-world situations are shown by Anthropic’s Project Vend. Vend assigned an AI agent to run a staff vending machine as a small business – and the project disintegrated into hilarious yet shocking hallucinations and a fridge full of tungsten cubes instead of food.

    In another cautionary tale, a coding agent deleted a developer’s entire database, later saying it had “panicked”.

    Agents in the office

    Nevertheless, agents are already finding practical applications.

    In 2024, Telstra heavily deployed Microsoft copilot subscriptions. The company says AI-generated meeting summaries and content drafts save staff an average of 1–2 hours per week.

    Many large enterprises are pursuing similar strategies. Smaller companies too are experimenting with agents, such as Canberra-based construction firm Geocon’s use of an interactive AI agent to manage defects in its apartment developments.

    Human and other costs

    At present, the main risk from agents is technological displacement. As agents improve, they may replace human workers across many sectors and types of work. At the same time, agent use may also accelerate the decline of entry-level white-collar jobs.

    People who use AI agents are also at risk. They may rely too much on the AI, offloading important cognitive tasks. And without proper supervision and guardrails, hallucinations, cyberattacks and compounding errors can very quickly derail an agent from its task and goals into causing harm, loss and injury.

    The true costs are also unclear. All generative AI systems use a lot of energy, which will in turn affect the price of using agents – especially for more complex tasks.

    Learn about agents – and build your own

    Despite these ongoing concerns, we can expect AI agents will become more capable and more present in our workplaces and daily lives. It’s not a bad idea to start using (and perhaps building) agents yourself, and understanding their strengths, risks and limitations.

    For the average user, agents are most accessible through Microsoft copilot studio. This comes with inbuilt safeguards, governance and an agent store for common tasks.

    For the more ambitious, you can build your own AI agent with just five lines of code using the Langchain framework.

    Daswin de Silva does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. AI agents are here. Here’s what to know about what they can do – and how they can go wrong – https://theconversation.com/ai-agents-are-here-heres-what-to-know-about-what-they-can-do-and-how-they-can-go-wrong-261579

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Want to save yourself from super scams and dodgy financial advice? Ask these questions

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Angelique Nadia Sweetman McInnes, Academic in Financial Planning, CQUniversity Australia

    Is there anything you can do to protect your superannuation from dodgy providers or questionable financial advice? And if someone rings you out of the blue and tempts you with a better return on your savings – what should you do?

    Around 12,000 Australians with A$1.2 billion in retirement savings have been caught up in three collapsed or frozen funds: First Guardian, Shield and Australian Fiduciaries.

    People have described being cold-called or seeing ads on social media, suggesting they could earn more by leaving their current super fund. Several financial advisers linked to these funds have now been banned for giving “inappropriate advice” to clients, containing “false and misleading statements”.

    As a former financial adviser and now researcher, here are the questions I wish more people asked to screen out scammers and dodgy financial advisers faster – and places to seek help if you need it.

    What do I do if someone calls with an unexpected sales pitch?

    The first thing you need to know is that in Australia we have anti-hawking legislation. This prohibits people making cold calls or unsolicited face-to-face approaches for financial products, such as superannuation.

    If you get a phone call like that, the official advice is now to hang up immediately. If they persist, you could say:

    I didn’t request this cold call. Did you know you’re breaking the law and I can report you?

    They will probably put the phone down! They know they’re not doing the right thing. If they keep talking, hang up.

    Block their number. Tell a family member if you need help. If you’ve shared personal information, call your super fund or bank.

    I’m thinking of switching super funds. What should I ask first?

    Whether you’re talking to a super fund or a financial adviser, my first three questions would be about their fees, what’s known as “the 4Ps” – philosophy, people, process and performance – and risk profile.

    What are the fees?

    Don’t just look at a super fund’s returns: look closely at their fees.

    Your super fund statement will disclose how much administration, insurance premiums, transactions, buy/sell spread and investment fees and costs are being deducted.

    High fees charged by a trustee eat up your super balance over time. If a fund earns 7% annually and charges fees of 0.63% annually, then your actual return is only 6.37%.

    Is the fund a good match on “the 4 Ps”?

    Go to the provider’s website to understand whether the fund’s philosophy reflect your core beliefs about investing and risk.

    Learn about the reputations of the people behind the fund who lead and invest your money.

    Find out what process they use to select and manage investments. Finally, consider how well and consistently the fund has performed over the past five to ten years.

    What’s the risk profile?

    Super funds classify investment options into risk profiles (such as conservative, balanced or growth) to provide you with investments to match your risk tolerance and age.

    You can find a fund’s risk profile on the fund’s website under investment options, in the product disclosure statement and target market determination.

    How can I compare my super fund?

    Want to check if your retirement savings are in an underperforming fund? For the past few years, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA) has called out MySuper funds that aren’t performing to standard.

    Compare funds with the Australian Tax Office’s YourSuper Comparison Tool.

    How I can find out if a financial adviser’s been in trouble?

    On advisers, you can investigate their reputation or past complaints at:

    If you’re comfortable using OpenAI, such as ChatGPT or CoPilot, you can try searching with the following prompts.

    • “Can you find any complaints or disciplinary actions against (name of adviser/fund)?”
    • “What is the public reputation of (adviser/fund) in financial forums or news?”
    • “Has (adviser/fund) been mentioned in any ASIC enforceable actions, bans or media reports?”

    More action promised, but not yet delivered

    There are echoes in what’s allegedly happened with First Guardian and Shield of Storm Financial’s collapse in 2009, which also hit thousands of people.

    There are bad apples in every industry. Whether it’s in finance or medicine, it’s often colleagues who know who the dodgy operators are. Then it’s a question of whether anyone does anything about it.

    In the case of First Guardian and Shield, other financial advisers helped raise the alarm – unfortunately several years before the corporate watchdog, the Australian Securities and Investments Commission, acted.

    The commission says they’re now working with the federal government on more “reform options”. But that won’t help the thousands of people currently without access to their retirement savings, uncertain how much of those funds they’ll recover.

    You can seek free counselling and advice from the National Debt Helpline (1800 007 007); Mob Strong Debt Helpline (1800 808 488) for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people; or the Consumer Action Law Centre.

    Disclaimer: this is general information only and not to be taken as financial advice.

    Angelique Nadia Sweetman McInnes received funding from the Accounting and Finance Association of Australia and New Zealand and Central Queensland University. She is presently on a panel in her academic capacity assisting the Financial Advice Association of Australia (FAAA) review and update their Professional Standards. She is also a council member of the FAAA Financial Planning Education Council. Angelique was an authorised representative (practicing financial adviser) from 2009 to 2012.

    – ref. Want to save yourself from super scams and dodgy financial advice? Ask these questions – https://theconversation.com/want-to-save-yourself-from-super-scams-and-dodgy-financial-advice-ask-these-questions-261756

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: As post-election talks drag on, what will Hobart’s proposed stadium actually cost Tasmanians?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Madden, Emeritus Professor, Centre of Policy Studies, Victoria University

    In the wake of last week’s Tasmanian election that delivered another hung parliament, the new government will need to shore up crossbench support. One of the issues to be negotiated will be support for the new stadium due to be constructed next to Hobart’s historic docks. It won’t be an easy task given the bulk of likely crossbenchers are strongly opposed.

    Whatever the political wrangling, it’s important this takes place in the light of the actual economics of the proposed stadium.

    Building the 23,000 seat stadium is a condition of the state’s licence for an AFL team.

    What the studies show

    Fortunately, there have been several studies of the proposed waterfront stadium that attempt to evaluate its net social and economic benefits to the Tasmanian community. While estimates vary between the studies, they all indicate the benefits from the stadium are likely to be substantially below its cost.

    The state government has downplayed the negative net-benefit estimates from these studies, citing positive impacts on the economy and employment. But the independent cost-benefit analysis undertaken by KPMG in 2024 already includes an assessment of the positive benefits for businesses and workers.

    The whole point of a social cost-benefit analysis is to evaluate the entire effects on the welfare of the population of its reference region (Tasmania).

    But does the cost-benefit analysis tell the whole story? In its consolidated report released last month, KPMG refers to unquantifiable intangible benefits not captured by its analysis.

    Some of the benefits are ‘intangible’

    On purely tangible economic criteria, as KPMG recognises, stadiums rarely have benefits that exceed costs. The justification for building stadiums is that the net economic cost is spent to acquire intangible benefits, such as national pride and social cohesion.

    But on my reading, KPMG has already included estimates for the main intangible benefits. Indeed, there is research suggesting one of the intangible benefits that KPMG includes – health benefits – is tenuous. It would seem unlikely there are other significant unaccounted intangible benefits from the stadium.

    In January, a further cost-benefit report was released. This report, by independent economist Nicholas Gruen, says KPMG overestimates benefits and underestimates costs.

    Gruen performs his own cost-benefit analysis and finds the benefits to Tasmanians are likely to be less than half of what it costs them.

    Beijing’s National Stadium, known as the Bird’s Nest, could provide a lesson for Hobart.
    Adek Berry/AFP via Getty Images

    There are reasons for paying attention to pessimistic findings. The University of Oxford’s Bent Flyvbjerg and his colleague, Dirk Bester, have recently highlighted the dangers of optimism bias in cost-benefit analyses of public projects. They find unambiguous statistical evidence that projections of costs and benefits are consistently inaccurate and biased towards overoptimism.

    If Gruen’s estimates are correct, the new stadium will come at a considerable cost to Tasmanians. There may be winners and losers. But Gruen’s results imply the Hobart stadium may come at a cost to the welfare of the average Tasmanian household of about A$3,300.

    Indeed, it may turn out to be more. Recently, there has been a $190 million, or almost 25%, increase in estimated construction costs. That takes the total to $945 million, up from the most recent estimate of $755 million. The original costing was $715 million.

    And it’s worse when viewed from a Tasmanian government perspective. That’s because the AFL, as is common with major sporting bodies, has ensured a contract in which all cost overruns are the responsibility of the state government.

    Overall, the state government has committed to contribute $375 million and will be responsible on current estimates to find a further $315 million. The federal government will contribute $240 million and the AFL just $15 million.

    Cost blowouts are very common

    My recent literature review shows venues built for mega sporting events under urgent timelines and rigid specifications tend to have particularly large cost overruns.

    While the budget for the Hobart stadium contains a significant amount for contingencies, cost overruns can be huge – for Olympic venues 172% on average. While the stadium is unlikely to see overruns of this magnitude, the downside risks imposed by current AFL requirement to build the stadium are considerable.

    Can Tasmania draw a lesson from the Beijing National (Bird’s Nest Stadium), built for the 2008 Olympics, where it was decided to save costs by abandoning the planned retractable roof?

    Gruen finds that not including the fixed, translucent roof would reduce the net social cost to Tasmanians by about 10%. And it would help lower risk exposure, and may substantially improve the aesthetics.

    Hobart winter nights are only about one degree colder than Melbourne, so the necessity for a roof for AFL games is questionable, and it poses problems for test cricket. Against this, not having a roof might make it a less appealing venue for concerts.

    Of course, not having a new stadium at all, but still having a Tasmanian AFL team, might represent the best outcome for the state. But standing up to the AFL comes at the risk of Tasmania not entering the AFL.

    In the case of mega events, the history of negotiations between sporting organisations and potential host cities, however, is that cities most unwilling to jeopardise their chances of selection, end up with the worst deal. Sports economists refer to this as the “winner’s curse”.

    John Madden does not receive income from any organisation that might benefit from this article. John has been a fan of Tasmanian sports teams since the 1950s.

    – ref. As post-election talks drag on, what will Hobart’s proposed stadium actually cost Tasmanians? – https://theconversation.com/as-post-election-talks-drag-on-what-will-hobarts-proposed-stadium-actually-cost-tasmanians-261666

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Barnaby Joyce wants Australia to abandon net zero – but his 5 central claims don’t stack up

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ella Vines, Post-doctoral researcher, Green Lab, Monash University

    One-time Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce sought to dominate the first sitting week of the current federal parliament by proposing a divisive plan to reverse Australia’s net zero emissions target.

    The campaign, backed by fellow former Nationals leader Michael McCormack, aims to repeal what Joyce calls Australia’s “lunatic crusade” of net zero by 2050. It comes as Opposition Leader Sussan Ley convenes a working group to set a way forward on climate and energy policy following the Coalition’s historic election defeat.

    Meanwhile, the Albanese government is considering Australia’s next round of emissions reduction targets. And scientists warn just three years remain for the world to keep global warming below the vital 1.5°C threshold.

    If Australia is to take meaningful climate action, federal parliament must engage with the facts honestly and without distortion. So let’s take a closer look at whether Joyce and McCormack’s latest claims withstand scrutiny.

    Claim 1: Australia’s net zero policy will not address climate change

    Joyce describes as “perverse” the notion that Australia’s net zero goal can meaningfully help address global climate change.

    This claim is not backed by science.

    Every tonne of greenhouse gas emissions adds to global warming. What’s more, Joyce’s claim ignores the near-universal agreement of nations signed up to the Paris Agreement – including Australia – to pursue efforts (including domestic measures) to limit the average global temperature rise to 1.5°C.

    It’s true that collective national efforts to curb warming have so far been insufficient. But that doesn’t mean they should be abandoned.

    Claim 2: Global support for net zero is waning

    McCormack claims there is a growing global shift against net zero, and Joyce describes it as “a peculiar minority position”.

    This statement is not backed by evidence.

    In fact, the number of countries, cities, businesses and other institutions pledging to get to net-zero is growing.

    In the United States, President Donald Trump has dismantled climate policy, damaging that nation’s progress towards net zero. But many US states have retained the target, and global climate action will continue regardless of Trump’s actions.

    A landmark court ruling this week is likely to further strengthen global pressure for nations to ramp up emissions reduction. The advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice observed countries are legally obliged to prevent harms caused by climate change – including by regulating the fossil fuel industry.

    As others have noted, Australia must now reconsider its stance on approving new fossil fuel projects – including those geared to export markets.

    the International Court of Justice said countries are legally obliged to prevent harms caused by climate change.
    JOHN THYS/AFP via Getty Images

    Claims 3: the net zero goal is a security threat

    Joyce claims a net zero policy agenda is “treacherous” for Australia’s security and will “inflame our incapacity” to contend with geopolitical threats.

    But evidence suggests the opposite is true. There is a significant link between climate change and certain types of military conflicts.

    Research predicts the Australian Defence Force will become involved in more wars as the climate crisis escalates, and respond to more frequent climate-related disasters inside our borders.

    Claim 4: net zero is bad for regional Australia

    Both Joyce and McCormack say the net zero target and associated renewable energy rollout is devastating regional Australia. The Institute of Public Affairs, a prominent right-wing think tank, this week launched a documentary making similar claims.

    Joyce cited division in rural communities over renewable energy. In reality, there is significant support in regional Australia for such technology. A poll last year by Farmers for Climate Action found 70% of regional Australians in renewable energy zones support the development of renewable energy projects on local farmland.

    Joyce also pointed to “the removal of agricultural land from production” to support his stance. However, analysis shows very little farmland is required for the clean energy transition.

    What’s more, the cost of inaction is high. Climate change is disproportionately affecting cost of living for regional households – for example, due to higher insurance premiums.

    Joyce also appears deaf to the myriad regional voices calling for stronger climate action.

    The Mackay Conservation Group, for example, is challenging Whitehaven’s Winchester South coal mine in Queensland’s Land Court. Similarly, an environment group based in the NSW Hunter Valley this week successfully appealed the expansion of MACH Energy’s Mount Pleasant coal mine.

    Only facts can stop a new wave of climate wars

    Clearly, the efforts of Joyce and McCormack to undermine Australia’s net zero goal are not backed by evidence.

    The Coalition must heed the facts – not backbench pressure – as it weighs its climate and energy policy. Only then can Australia avoid reigniting the divisive climate wars that stalled progress and positioned Australia as a global laggard.

    Likewise, the Albanese government must not be distracted from the climate action task. Australia’s next round of climate targets should be based on the best available science, and make a meaningful, credible contribution to the objectives of the Paris Agreement.

    Ella Vines does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Barnaby Joyce wants Australia to abandon net zero – but his 5 central claims don’t stack up – https://theconversation.com/barnaby-joyce-wants-australia-to-abandon-net-zero-but-his-5-central-claims-dont-stack-up-261837

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The ghost of Robodebt – Federal Court rules billions of dollars in welfare debts must be recalculated

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Rudge, Law lecturer, University of Sydney

    A recent landmark court decision could have significant ramifications for several million social security recipients.

    The ruling means the federal government will need to recalculate more than A$4 billion in debts owed to the Department of Social Services, which administers Centrelink.

    Some of the debts – which occurred due to overpayment of benefits – stretch back decades.

    Reminiscent of Robodebt, the problem occurred because an unlawful method – income apportionment – was used to calculate the money Centrelink claimed it was owed.

    The judgement

    From the early 1990s until 2020, more than 5.3 million welfare debts were calculated using income apportionment.

    In the test case Chaplin v Secretary, Department of Social Services, the full Federal Court approved a method proposed by the government to recalculate the debts.

    The court was not asked whether the debts were unlawful – a point the department had already conceded – but whether its remedy was legally sound. In a two-judge majority, the court ruled it generally was.

    Following the judgement, the department swiftly resumed debt recovery, which had been paused in 2023, pending the legal decision. It said in a statement:

    now there is certainty to the legal position, assessments will recommence in line with the court’s decision.

    The scale of the problem

    The unlawful debts are worth $4.31 billion in total, and affect almost three million Australians. About 91% of these debts – $3.93 billion – has already been repaid to Centrelink.

    Another 170,000 debts – totalling $347 million – remain outstanding.

    All the debts – either repaid or still owing – must be recalculated using the revised method approved by the court.

    According to the government, the median debt is $330 and has been owed for 19 years, on average.

    But the judgement does not compel the government to actually recover the money. Some media reports suggest a waiver is being considered.

    For its part, the government says it will “evaluate” the court decision and develop a “suitable response”.

    What is income apportionment?

    An internal anti-fraud policy meant Centrelink was obliged to calculate a person’s income when it was “earned” rather than “received”.

    This led to the use of income apportionment – essentially an educated guess about a person’s fortnightly earnings when their pay cycle didn’t align with their income reporting period.

    This process, which typically produced overpayments to recipients, spread income outside an instalment period, which was contrary to the applicable law. It also attributed earnings to a person for days and fortnights they hadn’t worked.

    Income apportionment was discontinued in 2020. Three years later, the Commonwealth ombudsman found the method was unlawful.

    Is this different to Robodebt?

    While Social Services has sought to distinguish income apportionment from Robodebt, the two methods of calculating debt are comparable.

    Both attributed a person’s daily income beyond the timeframe permitted by law.

    But there are differences in source and scale.

    Where apportionment was personalised by using individual customer payslips, Robodebt used Australian Tax Office records to raise debts en masse.

    Significantly, while the ombudsman said the department’s understanding of the law relating to apportionment was “incorrect”, it was also “genuinely held”.

    On the other hand, the infamous Robodebt scheme was designed to ramp up debt clawbacks. Claims of misfeasance in public office continue to be litigated.

    Other troubling overlaps remain.

    Many individuals affected by apportionment debts raised after 2015 will be the same people served with Robodebt notices.

    Evidentiary burden

    A troubling aspect of the test case was the suggestion by the majority judges – citing High Court precedent –
    that the evidentiary burden could shift to the welfare recipient when overpayments are believed to occur through “wrongdoing”.

    This could force an individual to disprove their alleged debt if a decision-maker concluded the recipient had accidentally under-reported – as occurred in the test case – and a lack of evidence made it difficult for the government to prove its allegation.

    The finding arguably runs counter to the Robodebt Royal Commission’s observation that most welfare recipients lack the power to disprove a debt because their historical records are unavailable.

    The dissenting judge in the case rejected the government’s proposed recalculation method, finding it “not proper” for recovery action to be taken without probative evidence.

    He said the majority decision meant Centrelink could reassess debts in the future after evidence had been lost, and recipients would be powerless to disprove them.

    Expensive fix

    The administrative burden of reassessing these unlawful debts is immense.

    Late last year, a team of 150 public servants, each costing $117,400 per annum, was assigned to rectify income apportionment.

    Their internal sampling revealed 64% of people issued debt bills were overcharged, 29% were undercharged, while 4% are owed a total refund.

    The remediation process has been chaotic.

    In the year following the ombudsman’s report, recipients lodged 531 appeals and made 530 complaints, highlighting the human impact of income apportionment.

    But in a five-month period, a mere 83 cases have been finalised.

    Controversially, Social Services offered to process debts on request, contrary to a provisional finding of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, which dismissed the method being used by the department.

    Political choice

    While the Federal Court has seemingly given the government a legal victory, the ultimate outcome will be costly – especially if the debts are waived.

    The court ruling requires recipients be afforded “procedural fairness”, meaning resource-intensive investigations will need to be undertaken into the millions of cases yet to be reviewed.

    The final price tag is yet unknown. In the 2025–26 budget, income apportionment was recorded as a “contingent liability – unquantifiable”.

    Almost all of the outstanding debts would have already been resolved if the government had implemented the Robodebt Royal Commission recommendation that welfare overpayments should not be pursued if they are more than six years old.

    The court’s decision also fails to address the 159 Australians believed to have been criminally prosecuted over unlawful debts since 2018. These people – and likely many more before that year – may have been convicted on defective evidence.

    The response to these issues will be a test for the government.

    Has it learned the lessons of previous egregious mistakes, or will it allow the ghost of Robodebt to continue to haunt our welfare system?

    Christopher Rudge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The ghost of Robodebt – Federal Court rules billions of dollars in welfare debts must be recalculated – https://theconversation.com/the-ghost-of-robodebt-federal-court-rules-billions-of-dollars-in-welfare-debts-must-be-recalculated-261543

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • Vaccines prevented over 2.5 million COVID deaths worldwide: Study

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Vaccines have prevented more than 2.5 million deaths caused by SARS-CoV-2, the virus behind COVID-19, according to a new study.

    Led by researchers from the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart in Italy, the study found that one COVID-related death was avoided for every 5,400 vaccine doses administered.

    About 82% of the lives saved involved people who were vaccinated before contracting the virus. Additionally, 57% of the total lives saved were during the Omicron period, and 90% of the deaths prevented were among individuals aged 60 and above.

    Overall, the study estimated that vaccines saved 14.8 million years of life globally—equivalent to one year of life saved for every 900 doses administered. The findings were published in the JAMA Health Forum journal.

    “Previous studies attempted to estimate lives saved by vaccines using different models, timeframes, or regional data,” said Dr. Angelo Maria Pezzullo and Dr. Antonio Cristiano. “However, this study is the most comprehensive to date. It uses global data, includes the Omicron period, quantifies life years saved, and is based on fewer assumptions regarding pandemic trends.”

    For the analysis, researchers examined global population data and applied a series of statistical models to determine who became ill with COVID-19—either before or after vaccination—and during or after the Omicron period, including age and mortality outcomes.

    “We compared this data with modeled estimates assuming no COVID vaccination. This allowed us to calculate how many people were saved and the number of life years gained due to vaccination,” explained Dr. Pezzullo.

    The study also revealed that 76% of the saved life years were among people over 60. However, residents of long-term care facilities accounted for only 2% of the total benefit.

    Children and adolescents accounted for just 0.01% of lives saved and 0.1% of life years saved. Similarly, young adults aged 20–29 contributed 0.07% of lives saved and 0.3% of life years saved, the researchers noted.

    —IANS

  • MIL-Evening Report: Debunking the theological gaslighting of Israel-supporting Imams

    Muslims, and the global community, must rally around the Palestinian people’s inalienable rights: to exist, to return home, and to live free from occupation.

    ANALYSIS: By Shadee ElMasry

    In our world today, one would be hard-pressed to find a reputable, well-known scholar or group of scholars who support Israel. Of course, the keywords here are “well-known” and “reputable”, after a “misguided” delegation of European Imams travelled to Israel to placate the Israeli occupation and sponsor the genocide of the Palestinian people.

    It is increasingly common to find these figures, Muslim apologists for Israel, who have breached the Islamic tenet of standing against injustice, laundering their authority to provide cover for Israel’s crimes against humanity against their brothers and sisters in Palestine and across the wider Arab world.

    We live in a world of shameless opportunism, where the poisoned fruit of “normalising” relations with the Israeli occupation is weighed against moral conviction and our duty to stand with the afflicted Palestinians.

    A few weeks ago, this tradeoff played out across our screens.

    The delegation’s visit, which included 15 European Imams, was led by the controversial Hassen Chalghoumi (known for supporting Nicolas Sarkozy’s burqa ban) and involved meetings with Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who has been accused of inciting genocide.

    Clearly, their consciences weren’t troubled by the catastrophic famine now gripping Gaza, a “hell on earth” where women and children are killed for scrambling to get flour, and men are killed without rhyme or reason.

    I, like many companions across mosques and online feeds, was dumbfounded by the delegation’s complicity. This visit happened at a time when we as Muslims, and the global community, must rally around the Palestinian people’s inalienable rights: to exist, to return home, and to live free from occupation, especially as they face an existential threat.

    Delegation swiftly denounced
    The delegation was swiftly denounced. Al-Azhar University stressed that they “do not represent Islam and Muslims.” Worshippers walked out of UK mosques. A Dutch Imam was suspended.

    But this isn’t just about them. We need to ask how this happened and ensure it does not repeat with us. As one scholar said, if an Imam sees the community fall into usury, then gives his Friday sermon on adultery, the Imam has betrayed his congregation.

    The same is the case with Muslim apologists for Israel.

    To understand their motives, we must examine three theological “traps” these figures use to justify their support for Israel, or at least the very least, their silence over Palestine. The first of which is the “Greater Good Trap”.

    They claim that “speaking up against Israel will result in more harm than good”. But only the Prophet Muhammad’s silence constitutes tacit approval. Their reasoning doesn’t hold up.

    A weak-willed person will always accept this reasoning because it allows them to have their proverbial cake and eat it: they gain spiritual cover for remaining silent. As we’ve seen, the scholar will say: “Yes, I can speak, but then our school will get shut down, or we’ll lose funding. For the sake of the greater good, I must remain silent.”

    Israel, I’m sure, is delighted by this self-censorship. But we should also ask how it is that so many non-scholars, non-Muslims, and non-Arabs are speaking the truth about the Gaza genocide, while Islamic scholars remain silent.

    It raises eyebrows, at the very least.

    ‘Pure theology’ trap
    The second trap is the “Pure Theology” trap. Here, the scholar says: “Sound belief is the most important thing. How can we support the Palestinians when they resort to armed conflict? Their theology is flawed. I prioritise the truth, what’s wrong with that?”

    But what they overlook is that falsehood has degrees. It is foolish to denounce one error while ignoring a greater one.

    To attack a people’s doctrinal shortcomings while staying silent on their oppression is not principled; it is a failure to understand the fiqh of priorities.

    This trap lies in misplacing truths: loudly condemning the religious mistakes of Israel’s victims while conveniently forgetting the far graver injustice of Israel itself and the violent context that brought it into being.

    The final, and most sophisticated, trap that Muslim apologists for Israel use is metaphysical: they attempt to misdirect Muslims to a higher order of spiritual thought about the Divine will.

    They ask what sounds like a noble question: “Why is Allah doing this to us? It must be because of our sins. Israel is merely a tool God is using to punish us or purify us.”

    But the catch here is that the spiritual angle often (but not always) becomes a cover for pacifism. These figures that travelled to Israel, for instance, actively promote inaction. They showed no emotion, no voice, when witnessing the oppression of their own; only when it came to their sponsors did they find something to say.

    Suffer in silence
    The idea here is to suffer in silence, to clothe disengagement in the language of spiritual endurance.

    In the end, this is precisely what Israel and its supporters want: to keep the spotlight off themselves. Any diversion, theological or otherwise, is welcome. As we know, the oppressor laughs at those who fixate on what is bad while ignoring what is worse. And that is the danger behind all three traps.

    Yet despite these efforts, something far more powerful holds. The drive within the hearts and minds of Muslims to carry the burden of the Palestinian people, to speak their truth and fight for their freedom has not been extinguished.

    It is sustained by faith, shared memory, and the belief that justice is not a slogan but a sacred duty. We ask Allah for continued guidance and protection, and the strength to continue this noble and just cause. Ameen.

    Dr Shadee Elmasry has taught at several universities in the United States. Currently, he serves as scholar in residence at the New Brunswick Islamic Center in New Jersey. He is also the founder and head of Safina Society, an institution dedicated to the cause of traditional Islamic education in the West. This article was first published by The New Arab.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: How do politicians view democracy? It depends on whether they win or lose

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Valere Gaspard, Research Fellow, Leadership and Democracy Lab, Western University

    There is a heightened concern about the current state of democracy around the globe. These include worries about a decrease in freedom, the growing number of autocracies around the world and citizens’ dissatisfaction with democracy or government.

    A 2022 survey of Canadians found that one-third have little to no trust in democracy and close to half don’t feel represented by government. These concerns aren’t unique to Canada.

    A lot of public opinion research on views about democracy focuses on citizens. Surely this is understandable, since they are the ones choosing who is in power in a democratic state.

    But what do the people in power or those running for office think about democracy? Surprisingly, for all the attention we place on politicians, we don’t know much about how they regard the democratic systems they operate in.

    Why it matters

    Why should we care about what politicians think about democracy? Because politicians can influence the views of citizens, and if they’re elected, they can affect or change democratic processes from within major institutions like legislatures.

    Therefore, to understand the contemporary health of democracies across the globe, we need to factor in politicians’ satisfaction with the way democracy works.

    While there are growing concerns about the current state of democracy around the globe, new open-access research I’ve conducted has hopeful findings, at least from the perspective of politicians. The analysis covers 49 elections in 21 countries — including Canada — from 2005 to 2021.

    The results show that politicians’ democratic satisfaction in a country will be higher when:

    • Elections in their country have high electoral integrity; in other words, when elections are free and fair
    • Electoral management bodies have sufficient resources to administer elections.

    This is good news from the perspective of maintaining a healthy democracy, since the people seeking the power of elected office are more satisfied when their democratic system is working well.

    But these findings become convoluted once we consider some attributes of politicians. Specifically, politicians’ democratic satisfaction begins to vary once we consider:

    • Whether their political party formed the government (winner) or is not part of government (loser)
    • Whether they identify with the ideological left or right.

    Winning and losing

    Nobody likes to lose, so it’s natural that a winner will be more satisfied with democracy.

    Although, the view that may be surprising — or troubling — is the extent to which politicians who won tolerate low electoral integrity, at least in terms of their democratic satisfaction.

    As illustrated above, when electoral integrity is low in a country, politicians who lose will be much less satisfied with democracy than winners. When electoral integrity is high, there is no noticeable difference between politicians that won or lost.

    The difference between winners’ and losers’ democratic satisfaction is problematic, but what is most troubling is that winners’ satisfaction with democracy does not significantly change across different levels of electoral integrity.

    When it comes to citizens, previous research has shown that when electoral integrity is low, democratic satisfaction among citizens will also be low, regardless of whether their preferred politician or political party won or lost.

    Politicians therefore differ from their citizen counterpart — those who won are much more tolerant of lower electoral integrity (at least in terms of their democratic satisfaction).

    In a stable democracy with free and fair elections, this might not matter much. However, if a country begins to experience democratic decline, then these attitudes could become detrimental.

    If politicians who win are not concerned with low electoral integrity, then they might lack the incentive needed to make necessary changes to electoral processes. Those concerned about electoral processes in these kinds of circumstances may therefore need to find alternative routes or incentives to encourage change.

    Left-to-right political ideology

    While the contrast between winners and losers may be discouraging, there are more similarities between those on the ideological left and right. Electoral management bodies having sufficient resources to administer elections matters to both leftist and rightist politicians in terms of their democratic satisfaction.

    However, as shown above, having sufficient resources to administer elections matters more to politicians on the ideological right. This may surprise some readers given past claims that right-leaning groups or people might advocate for more restrictive voting processes and laws.

    For those concerned with democratic stability, it’s promising to note that politicians across the ideological spectrum will generally be more satisfied with democracy when there are more resources to administer elections.



    Read more:
    Two of the US’s biggest newspapers have refused to endorse a presidential candidate. This is how democracy dies

    Overall, politicians on average tend to be more satisfied with democracy when it is working well — specifically, when elections are free and fair, and when electoral management bodies have the capacity to administer well-run elections. This is good news given concerns surrounding the current global state of democracy.

    However, policymakers and practitioners in Canada and abroad focusing on democratic stability and elections should take note of these findings. The attitudes of politicians in democratic countries may not be concerning when everything is working as intended, but if democratic processes begin to weaken or fail, the indifference of winners towards electoral integrity could be troublesome.

    At this moment of heightened concern about the current state of democracy around the globe, researchers and practitioners alike need to better understand the attitudes and motivations of the people who lead our systems of government.

    Valere Gaspard is a PhD candidate at the University of Ottawa and a Research Fellow at Western University and Trent University’s Leadership and Democracy Lab. His research is supported in part by funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (CGS Doctoral award). His views do not reflect those of any employer(s).

    – ref. How do politicians view democracy? It depends on whether they win or lose – https://theconversation.com/how-do-politicians-view-democracy-it-depends-on-whether-they-win-or-lose-261647

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Iranian Canadians watch the Israel-U.S. war in Iran from afar

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fateme Ejaredar, PhD candidate in Sociology, University of Calgary, University of Calgary

    Iranian Canadians have been following the news in Iran carefully. Sadaf Vakilzadeh/Unsplash, CC BY

    The recent war waged by Israel and the United States on Iran killed at least 935 people and wounded another 5,332. There’s currently a ceasefire, but the conflict shocked the world and has had unique impacts on Iranians in the diaspora.

    Many Iranians in Canada were glued to their media feeds to stay close to Iran and their friends and families.

    Based on preliminary interviews with 30 Iranian activists in Canada, many in the diaspora have experienced what they call “survivor’s guilt.”

    The interviews are part of a PhD study conducted online or in person by one of the authors of this story, Fateme Ejaredar, and supervised by co-author Pallavi Banerjee. The information from these interviews helps to untangle the roots of political tensions and evolving solidarities in the Iranian diaspora in Canada. For this research, 30 interviews were conducted, with seven followups after the conflict began on June 13, 2025.

    A large share of the Iranian diaspora in Canada is comprised of activists who disavow the Islamic Republic. According to The New York Times, the Iranian diaspora includes “exiled leftists, nationalists, secular democrats, former prisoners, journalists, human rights advocates and artists.” This population of diasporic Iranians has been supporting progressive change in Iran.

    There are also those who oppose the Islamic Republic in support of the deposed shah, a movement currently swayed by Reza Pahlavi, the son of Iran’s last shah. They see the U.S. and Israel as liberators of the Iranian people. The current war resurfaced many of these tensions that continue to divide the diaspora.

    The war has left Iranian activists in the diaspora contending with contradictions about both their standing as activists while mourning the assaults on their country, both from within and outside.

    Living in between homeland and hostland

    Canada has the second largest Iranian diaspora in the world. Iran’s tumultuous political climate has kept the diaspora on edge and divided since the 1979 revolution that deposed the shahs.

    After the revolution, many left-wing and other opposition activists who resisted both the pre- and post-revolutionary regimes went into exile. Continued political repression and economic hardship later forced even more Iranians, including activists, to leave the country. Strife peaked again in 2022 during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests which deeply impacted the diaspora.

    Matin, a participant in her 30s from Alberta (all names of interviewees are pseudonyms), said:

    “I’m sad that my home is being bombed. And you don’t have the energy to argue in this situation. For a soul that’s already tired, its wounds from 2022 aren’t healed yet, it can’t go into this again. It’s a dead end.”



    Read more:
    Iranian women risk arrest: Daughters of the revolution

    Sociological research on migration and transnationalism has explained how those exiled from their homelands and living in diaspora reside in the “in-between lands.”

    This is heightened when the homeland is in a state of political disarray, producing what sociologists have called “exogenous shocks” for the diaspora.

    This is the unsettled feeling Iranians in the diaspora have been contending with for the last 45 years. They are constantly navigating life in between the homeland and hostland.

    Fragmented nationalism

    People’s fragmented sense of nationalism can shape responses to upheavals in the homeland.

    Many we spoke with struggle with their own interpretations of Iranian nationalism that clash with their disdain for the Islamic Republic. Their disdain is rooted in their own lived experiences under the regime — ranging from the loss of basic rights and freedoms, to harsh repression including imprisonment and torture for some, or simply an unfulfilled desire of living in a peaceful and free society.

    Vida, an interviewee in her 30s who lives in Saskatchewan, said even though she despised the politics of the Islamic Republic and in the past had celebrated the death of key officials like Qasem Soleimani, the recent war has invoked some conflicting feelings about the death of military leaders.

    She took pride in solidarities forged among the diaspora due to the war and interpreted it as nationalism. Vida said:

    “I never was a nationalist, and I hate nationalism. But there were moments these days that I felt proud. Seeing all the solidarity between people, seeing how they helped each other…”

    Even as the activists feel protective of their country because of the war, they also experience a deep sense of loss and guilt they have always felt in exile.

    Tensions in the diaspora

    Iran’s relationship with the West has continued to be fraught.

    The West, particularly the U.S., has leveraged Iran’s repression of women to economically disable Iran through sanctions, breaking down possibilities of diplomacy between Iran and the U.S. But feminist scholars have argued this stance has only further empowered the authoritarian and patriarchal political forces in Iran..

    Iranian activists in the diaspora contend with both resisting the Islamic Republic’s role in oppression of Iranians in Iran and the American role in marginalizing Iranians in Iran.

    The ‘Iran of our dreams’

    The in-between spaces are precarious and unpredictable. But they also bring new possibilities and in this case, as many interviewees have indicated, acts of resistance from afar.

    This can be further activated in moments of upheaval. And those living in the in-between spaces can often form new alliances and solidarities.

    For many activist Iranians, the resistance in Palestine has been a source of inspiration since before the revolution of 1979. Many participants in this study mentioned in their interviews how they have long felt solidarity with Palestinians, but they say since June 13, they have an even deeper understanding of their situation.

    Zara, in her 40s from Ontario, said she now understands more deeply how the world could be indifferent towards those critiquing the actions of Israel, saying she feels:

    “… a sense of helplessness and desperation against all that illogical violent power.”

    Despite the desolation expressed by our interviewees about the war, many activists also expressed faith in resistance for freedom and justice that allows them to envision a different future.

    Jamshid, in his 60s in British Columbia, shared his future vision of Iran. It is:

    “ … an Iran that lives in peace. There is social justice in it and no one is injured. It takes care of itself. It’s very kind, immensely kind… Maybe one day it will happen and we’re not here to see it.”

    Pallavi Banerjee receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada.

    Fateme Ejaredar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Iranian Canadians watch the Israel-U.S. war in Iran from afar – https://theconversation.com/iranian-canadians-watch-the-israel-u-s-war-in-iran-from-afar-259866

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Women’s rugby is booming, but safety relies on borrowed assumptions from the men’s game

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kathryn Dane, Postdoctoral associate, University of Calgary

    Rugby union, commonly known as just rugby, is a fast-paced and physical team sport. More girls and women in Canada and around the world are playing it now than ever before.

    As of 2021, women’s rugby reached a record 2.7 million players globally, a 25 per cent increase over four years, and by 2023, women’s rugby participation was growing at a rate of 38 per cent year-over-year.

    Countries including Australia, England, Ireland and the United States offer professional contracts for women’s teams. While these remain modest compared to the men’s game, they still represent a clear step forward.

    Canada’s senior women’s XVs team is currently ranked second in the world and heading into the 2025 Rugby World Cup, which kicks off on Aug. 22 in England. The national sevens team also captured silver at the 2024 Paris Olympics — further evidence of the game’s growing competitiveness in Canada.

    However, many systems, including coaching and medical support, have not kept pace with the demands of elite competition. With visibility increasing ahead of the 2025 World Cup, stronger institutional support is needed to match the sports’ growing professionalism and popularity.

    Safety concerns

    Often described as a “game for all”, rugby builds confidence, resilience and lifelong friendships. For girls and women especially, rugby can be empowering in ways few sports can match. It embraces the physicality of tackling, pushes back against traditional gender expectations and fosters solidarity and inclusion by valuing all body shapes and abilities.

    But rugby is also a collision sport, and as such, it carries inherent risks. Tackling is the top cause of injury in rugby, and it has one of the highest concussion rates among youth girls’ sports in Canada. Concussions can have long-term effects on players’ health.



    Read more:
    Concussion is more than sports injuries: Who’s at risk and how Canadian researchers are seeking better diagnostics and treatments

    These concerns are especially urgent as the women’s game becomes more physical and professionalized, and players are hit harder and more often. Unlike men’s rugby, women’s teams often operate with fewer medical or coaching support resources, which can lead to inconsistent or absent injury prevention programs.

    Compounding the risk is the fact that many women also come to rugby later in life, often with less experience in contact sports. This delayed exposure restricts proper tackle skill development and player confidence in contact. This means safe tackling is even more important.

    Without proper supports, the physical risks of the game may outweigh its benefits.

    Science is still playing catch-up

    While women’s rugby is growing rapidly, the science behind it is has not kept pace. Most of what we know about rugby safety — how to tackle, how much to train or when it’s safe to return to play after injury — largely comes from research on men.

    Decisions around coaching and player welfare have been based on male data, leaving female players under-served and potentially at greater risk. While these foundations may well apply to girls and women, the problem is we don’t yet know for sure.

    Only four per cent of rugby tackle research has focused on women. Much of the early evidence on girls rugby comes from Canada, underscoring the country’s leadership in this space. Still, most coaches and clinicians rely on a “one-size-fits-all” approach that may not account for menstrual cycles, pregnancy, different injury profiles or later sport entry.

    The differences matter because strength, speed and injury risk all vary. Women are 2.6 times more likely than men to sustain a concussion. Gender also shapes access to training, care and facilities, often limiting opportunities for women to develop safe tackling skills, receive adequate support and train in safe, well-resourced environments, factors that impact both performance and safety.



    Read more:
    Prevention is better than cure when it comes to high concussion rates in girls’ rugby

    Even safety tools reflect this gap. World Rugby’s Tackle Ready and contact load guidelines were designed around male athletes. While well-intentioned, we know little about how they work for girls and women. Instead of discarding these tools, we need to adapt and evaluate them in female contexts to ensure they support injury prevention and provide equal protection.

    Women’s rugby needs better data

    Change is underway. More research and tools are being designed specifically for girls and women. A search of PubMed, a database of published biomedical research, reveals a steep rise in studies on women’s rugby over the past decade, especially in injury surveillance, injury prevention, performance, physiology and sociocultural contexts.

    New rule trials, such as testing lower tackle heights, are being evaluated on women athletes. New technologies like instrumented mouthguards and video analysis are also helping researchers understand how girls and women tackle, how head impacts happen and how they can be prevented.

    Much of this new research is led by our team at the Sport Injury Prevention Research Centre, a pan-Canadian, multidisciplinary group focused on moving upstream to prevent concussions in adolescent girls’ rugby.

    The women’s game is also driving its own innovations. Resources like World Rugby’s Contact Confident help girls and women safely build tackle skills, particularly those new to contact sport.

    Researchers are analyzing injury patterns, interviewing players and coaches and studying return-to-play pathways that reflect girls’ and women’s physiology and life stages.

    The scope of research is also expanding to pelvic health, breast protection and more tailored injury prevention. Global collaboration is making this work more inclusive, spanning different countries, skill levels and age groups, not just elite competitions.

    But this is just the start.

    A golden opportunity lies ahead

    Girls’ and women’s rugby is experiencing unprecedented growth. Rising participation, media attention and new sponsorships are fuelling momentum. It’s a golden opportunity to build strong, sustainable foundations.

    Gold-standard support requires focused, ongoing research and a commitment to sharing that evidence with players, coaches, health-care providers and policymakers. It’s time to build systems for women’s rugby based on women’s data, not borrowed assumptions from the men’s game.

    But challenges remain. Some national teams still have to raise funds to attend World Cups. Others train without consistent access to medical or performance staff — clear signs that the women’s game is still catching up.

    To sustain and accelerate the growth of girls’ and women’s rugby, the sport deserves more resources and research tailored specifically to participants. A “one-size-fits-all” model no longer works. By investing in systems that are safer, focused on prevention, more inclusive and grounded in evidence, we can build a thriving future for women’s rugby that lasts for generations to come.

    Isla Shill has received funding from World Rugby.

    Stephen West has previously received funding from World Rugby

    Kathryn Dane does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Women’s rugby is booming, but safety relies on borrowed assumptions from the men’s game – https://theconversation.com/womens-rugby-is-booming-but-safety-relies-on-borrowed-assumptions-from-the-mens-game-261055

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  • MIL-OSI Submissions: How Marvel’s Fantastic Four discovered the human in the superhuman

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By J. Andrew Deman, Professor of English, University of Waterloo

    The Fantastic Four: First Steps is the second cinematic reboot of the Fantastic Four franchise, and there’s a lot riding on this film.

    While cinema-goers have responded enthusiastically to many of the films in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, the history of the Fantastic Four on the silver screen is less heralded.

    All the previous Fantastic Four films have been “commercial and critical failures,” with the 2015 film being an infamous box office bomb.

    Yet in comics history, the Fantastic Four have been up to the challenge of driving a popular media enterprise forward — something that the film producers and Marvel fans alike are both now hoping for.

    ‘The Fantastic Four: First Steps’ trailer.

    In the 1960s — the era in which Fantastic Four: First Steps, is notably set — the comics presented a new class of superhero.

    From their 1961 debut, Reed Richards/Mr. Fantastic, Sue Storm/the Invisible Girl, Johnny Storm/the Human Torch and Ben Grimm/the Thing were celebrities who rented office space in a Manhattan highrise and found themselves variously beloved and reviled by both the public and the government.

    Cover of ‘The Fantastic Four’ No. 1, 1961.
    (Marvel)

    The team also rejected secret identities. Until the third issue of their series, they even eschewed superhero costumes (in part because of a restriction imposed by the owner of Marvel’s then-distributor, DC Comics).

    Pushed representational boundaries

    The Fantastic Four comics of the 1960s also pushed boundaries in a number of significant ways. They featured the first pair of married superheroes (Reed and Sue wed in 1965) and the first superhero pregnancy (Sue gave birth to her son Franklin in 1968).

    In 1966, Fantastic Four No. 52 introduced the Black Panther, who is widely recognized as the first high-profile Black superhero.



    Read more:
    *Black Panther* roars. Are we listening?

    And though not canonical until 2002, it has been suggested by scholars that Ben Grimm was always envisioned as a Jewish superhero by Stan Lee and Jack Kirby, offering another milestone in representation (at least for those readers attuned to the character’s Jewish coding).

    These milestones emphasize a dedicated concern for the human aspects of superheroes.

    A family with relatable issues

    Set amid fittingly fantastic science-fiction landscapes inspired by Space Age optimism was a story about a family who “fought among themselves, sometimes over petty jealousies and insults,” in the words of Christopher Pizzino, an American scholar of contemporary literature, film and television.

    This approach of building character dynamics out of internal conflict proved deeply influential.

    Famed comics writer Grant Morrison argues that through the example of Fantastic Four, “the Marvel superhero was born: a hero who tussled not only with monsters and mad scientists but also with relatable personal issues.”

    In his bestselling book All the Marvels, comics critic and historian Douglas Wolk concurs that the “first hundred issues of Fantastic Four are Marvel’s Bible and manual,” establishing the style, theme, genre and approach of the company’s comics for decades to come.

    Marvel’s universe continued to expand following the Fantastic Four debut.
    (Marvel)

    Defining personal conflicts

    In contrast to moral paragons such as Superman, Batman and Wonder Woman (all published by rival DC Comics), each member of Marvel’s Fantastic Four had defining personal conflicts.

    Reed Richards, the team’s patriarch, was a world-altering genius who often fell victim to his own hubristic ambition.

    Two years before American feminist author Betty Friedan identified “the problem that has no name” in The Feminine Mystique (that post-war suburban housewives faced social expectations of being fully fulfilled as wives and mothers, the Fantastic Four gave audiences Sue Storm, with the superpower to render herself — and others — invisible at will.

    Storm, according to scholar Ramzi Fawaz, “made the concept of women’s social invisibility an object of visual critique by making invisible bodies and objects conspicuous on the comic book page.”

    Her younger brother, Johnny Storm, a playboy and showboat, had a lot of growing up to do, a journey that was frustrated by his flashy powers.

    Ben Grimm, Reed’s college roommate turned best friend turned rock monster, oscillated between childlike rage and world-weary depression, his rocky hide granting him super-strength and invulnerability while burdening him with social isolation.

    While none of us are likely to acquire superpowers through exposure to cosmic rays like the Four, we’ve all dealt with anxiety and grief like these heroes.

    Origin of the Marvel universe

    The world of the Fantastic Four didn’t just feel unusually human. It also felt unusually lived in, partly because the Fantastic Four comics of the 1960s weren’t just the origin of the Marvel style of storytelling — they were also the origin of the Marvel universe.

    Fantastic Four began and became the model for Marvel’s shared continuity universe, in which dozens of superheroes passed in and out of each other’s stories and occasionally intersected long enough for whole crossover story arcs and events. For a time, Marvel’s superheroes even aged alongside their readers, with teenage characters like Johnny Storm graduating high school and enrolling in college.

    Previous superhero comics hadn’t embraced this shared continuity in a meaningful way, tending to prioritize discrete stories that had no effect on future tales. But Fantastic Four pitched what comics scholar Charles Hatfield calls “intertitle continuity,” which quickly became “Marvel’s main selling tool.”

    Case in point, the Fantastic Four shared the cover of 1963’s Amazing Spider-Man No. 1, helping sell the newly created wall-crawler to their adoring readers.

    Voluminous, chaotic universe

    The 1965 wedding of Reed and Sue in Fantastic Four Annual No. 3 showcased how quickly the Marvel comics universe became vibrantly voluminous and charmingly chaotic.

    This event featured at least 19 superheroes fighting 28 supervillains and foregrounded the Fantastic Four’s symbolic mother and father as the progenitors of an extended super-family.

    It also featured a cameo by the Fantastic Four’s creators, Stan Lee and Jack Kirby, previously introduced in 1963’s Fantastic Four No. 10 as the official creators of imaginary adventures starring the “real” Fantastic Four, further blurring the boundary between fiction and reality.

    Decades later, this sprawling comics universe would become a sprawling cinematic universe. This informs the pressure facing the latest Fantastic Four adaptation.

    Phase 6 of universe

    Fantastic Four: First Steps marks the start of what Marvel calls “Phase Six” of the Marvel Cinematic Universe, which began in 2008 with the first Marvel Studios film, Iron Man.

    Essentially, Fantastic Four: First Steps is meant to launch a new cluster of shared universe stories, just as Fantastic Four No. 1 did for Marvel Comics in the 1960s.

    This cluster will culminate in the release of Avengers: Secret Wars in December 2027. Will Marvel’s first family deliver?

    This article is co-authored by Anna Peppard, an independent scholar and editor of ‘Supersex: Sexuality, Fantasy, and the Superhero.’

    J. Andrew Deman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Marvel’s Fantastic Four discovered the human in the superhuman – https://theconversation.com/how-marvels-fantastic-four-discovered-the-human-in-the-superhuman-260883

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  • MIL-OSI Submissions: There’s enough natural hydrogen in the Earth’s crust to help power the green energy transition

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Omid Haeri Ardakani, Research scientist at Natural Resources Canada; Andjunct associate professor, University of Calgary

    Since their formation billions of years ago, the oldest parts of the Earth’s continental rocks have generated natural hydrogen in massive amounts. Some of this hydrogen may have accumulated within accessible traps and reservoirs under the Earth’s surface. This store has the potential to contribute to the global hydrogen economy for hundreds of years.

    This has been demonstrated by the production of near-pure hydrogen from a single gas field in Mali, attracting the attention of governments in the United States, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom and Europe.

    There is also interest from major venture capital investors and international resource companies. By the end of 2023, 40 companies were exploring natural hydrogen globally. That has likely doubled since 2024.



    Read more:
    Why green hydrogen — but not grey — could help solve climate change

    Hydrogen as a resource

    Hydrogen resources have long been a multi-billion-dollar market, even before recent interest in hydrogen as a contributor to the green energy transition. The environments and conditions that result in natural hydrogen accumulation occur globally. But one of the barriers to investment in many jurisdictions is regulatory, as hydrogen had not previously been considered as a resource.

    Natural hydrogen can be used to decarbonize hard-to-abate but globally critical industries. Industries that use hydrogen include fuel refining (about 44 per cent), ammonia and fertilizer production for food sustainability (about 34 per cent), and steel manufacturing (about five per cent).

    According to a recent British government policy briefing document, addressing this requires governments to include hydrogen as a listed natural resource. Future uses for hydrogen may include long-distance transportation and contributions to the decarbonization of the mining industry.

    High carbon footprint

    Most of the hydrogen used today is produced from fossil fuels. Because of this, hydrogen production contributes about 2.5 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions. Efforts to produce low-carbon (green) hydrogen from renewable electricity and carbon capture and storage technologies remain expensive.

    Natural hydrogen has a carbon footprint comparable to or below that of green hydrogen. The two will likely be complementary, but estimates are uncertain as natural hydrogen is as yet an unproven resource.

    Developing strategies could determine whether hydrogen from any source is an economically viable resource. For natural hydrogen, exploration strategies have to be developed to find and extract natural deposits of hydrogen at an economically feasible cost. This also needs incentives that include natural hydrogen in exploration or production licenses.



    Read more:
    New plan shows Australia’s hydrogen dream is still alive. But are we betting on the right projects?

    Hydrogen and helium

    The U.S. Geological Survey recently estimated there’s enough accessible natural hydrogen to supply global hydrogen demand for about 200 years.

    Hydrogen forms in the Earth’s crust through two natural geological processes: chemical reactions between natural groundwaters and iron-rich minerals and water radiolysis. Water molecules are broken by natural background radioactivity in rocks releasing hydrogen — and helium, a valuable element included in Canada’s Critical Minerals Strategy — as a byproduct.

    The search for helium began in Canada in the 1920s, but it is only recently that systematic commercial exploration for helium has restarted. By the 1980s, systematic studies of natural hydrogen began in Canada, Finland and parts of Africa as part of research on subsurface microbial life.

    Renewed interest

    An unusual coincidence sparked the current global interest in hydrogen. An accidental discovery of the small natural hydrogen gas field in Mali coincided with the publication of extensive historical data from the former Soviet Union, drawing attention to hydrogen’s immense potential as a clean power resource. Australia, France and the U.S. were among the first countries to re-investigate historical natural hydrogen.

    Natural hydrogen and helium systems have similarities to petroleum systems, requiring a source rock, a migration pathway and accumulation in a reservoir. The infrastructure for natural hydrogen wells would be comparable to hydrocarbon wells, albeit with changes in well completion and drilling methods.

    The footprint of a natural hydrogen production project would take up much less space to deliver the same amount of energy compared to a green hydrogen production facility, which requires solar or wind farms and electrolyzers.

    Similarly, natural hydrogen projects do not need to draw on surface water resources, which are scarce in many parts of the world.

    Surface release of hydrogen bubbles from the Canadian Shield.
    (Stable Isotope Lab/University of Toronto), CC BY

    Future policies

    Some jurisdictions lack policies regulating hydrogen exploration. In others, regulation falls under existing mining or hydrocarbon policies. The lack of clear regulations in areas with high potential for natural hydrogen exploration — such as the U.S., Canada, India and parts of Africa and Europe — is a major obstacle for exploration.

    An absence of regulation slows down exploration and land acquisition, and prevents the decision-making required for developing infrastructure. And critically, it means that no community consultations are undertaken to ensure the social acceptance essential for the success of such projects.

    A project in South Australia demonstrates what legislation can accomplish. Once regulation of natural hydrogen exploration and capture was implemented, the government received dozens of applications from companies interested in natural hydrogen exploration.

    The appetite for exploration is clearly there, but policy and regulatory solutions are required. New exploration projects will provide critical new data to understand natural hydrogen’s potential to provide green energy.

    Omid Haeri Ardakani has received funding from Natural Resources Canada (NRCan).

    Barbara Sherwood Lollar receives funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and the Nuclear Waste Management Organization.

    Chris Ballentine is founder of and owns shares in Snowfox Discovery Ltd, a hydrogen exploration company. He receives research funding from the Natural Environment Research Council (U.K.) and the National Science Foundation (U.S.), in a joint grant, as well as the Canadian Nuclear Waste Management Organization and the Canadian Institute For Advanced Research.

    – ref. There’s enough natural hydrogen in the Earth’s crust to help power the green energy transition – https://theconversation.com/theres-enough-natural-hydrogen-in-the-earths-crust-to-help-power-the-green-energy-transition-256936

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  • MIL-OSI Africa: Uganda’s land eviction crisis: do populist state measures actually fix problems?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Rose Nakayi, Senior Lecturer of Law, Makerere University

    Populism is rife in various African countries. This political ideology responds to and takes advantage of a situation where a large section of people feels exploited, marginalised or disempowered. It sets up “the people” against “the other”. It promises solidarity with the excluded by addressing their grievances. Populism targets broad social groups, operating across ethnicity and class.

    But how does populism fare when it informs state interventions to address long-standing societal issues under capitalism? Do populist state measures – especially when launched by a politically powerful leader – deliver improvements for the stated beneficiaries?

    As academics who have researched populism for years, we were interested in the implementation and outcomes of such policies and programmes. To answer these questions, we analysed a populist intervention by President Yoweri Museveni in Uganda to address rampant land conflicts. In 2013 he set out to halt land evictions.

    What good came of this? Did it help the poor?

    We analysed land laws, court cases, government statements and media reports and found that, for the most part, the intervention offered short-term relief. Some people returned to the land, but the underlying land conflict was unresolved.

    This created problems that continue to be felt today, including land disputes and land tenure insecurity. The intervention also increased the involvement of the president and his agents personally in providing justice.

    It didn’t make pro-poor structural changes to address the root of the problem.

    Yet, the intervention had several political benefits:

    • it enhanced the political legitimacy of the president and state

    • it offered a politically useful response to a land-related crisis and conflict

    • it addressed broader criticisms over injustice and poverty by sections of the public and opposition leaders, some of whom (like Robert Kyagulanyi) also relied on populist rhetoric.

    The promise to deal with land evictions “once and for all” has yet to be realised over a decade later. During Heroes Day celebrations on 9 June 2024, Museveni’s speech repeated his promise to stop evictions.

    Such promises of getting a grip on and ending evictions via decisive state actions, including proposed new legal guidelines, were also made more recently, for example during Heroes Day 2025. This indicates that evictions – and state responses to them – remain a top issue on the political agenda ahead of Uganda’s 2026 election.

    Persistent evictions

    Evictions were rampant in the 2010s, especially in central Uganda’s Buganda region. They were driven by increased demand for land amid a growing population and legal reforms that seemed to protect tenants over landlords. Some landlords, desperate to free their land of tenants, were carrying out the evictions themselves.

    The president condemned the evictions, but they continued. Soon, the number of evictees was in the thousands.

    In response, Museveni set up a land committee within the presidency. He announced at a press conference in early 2013 that:

    all evictions are halted. There will be no more evictions, especially in the rural areas. All evictions involving peasants are halted.

    The dynamics of populism-in-practice

    Museveni’s attempts to personally deal with evictions illustrate a continued power shift in Uganda, from institutions to the president’s executive units.

    Despite its shortcomings, such as case backlogs, the judicial system offers an opportunity to present cases in a more neutral environment. It also allows parties to appeal decisions. This way, higher courts can correct errors where necessary.

    The presidential land committee, we found, tended to be biased in favour of tenants, paying less attention to the landlords’ cases.

    The president’s intervention wasn’t adequate to address the immediate causes and effects of the evictions, nor the root causes.

    Those included land tenure insecurities. Due to legal reforms, land-rich landlords were unable to get rent at market value from tenants. Neither could they evict them lawfully where rent was in arrears.

    In some cases, legal options such as land sales between landlords and tenants were applied. This was often to the detriment of tenants, especially where there was no neutral actor to oversee negotiations.

    Land reforms need to be institutionalised and funded to deliver the intended outcomes. Otherwise, unlawful sales and evictions become a quick option for landlords.

    Museveni’s populist initiative also unleashed new problems for beneficiaries. Some secured land occupancy in the interim but lived in fear of a relapse of conflict. Mistrust and scarred interpersonal relationships hampered cohesion in some communities. Disputes over land put political actors who would ideally be working together to restore calm at loggerheads.

    Populism as power

    The creation of populist presidential units has become routine in Uganda. More recently, Museveni created a unit to protect investors, which has resolved some investment-related land disputes. Another one was established to fight corruption. Both units remain very active.

    Our research finds that the government needs these units and interventions for a number of reasons. It uses them to govern the country’s conflict-ridden economy and society. They allow the government to assemble a politically useful response to crises and to address some on-the-ground problems. They make the state look concerned and responsive to people’s needs. And they allow ruling party political actors to increase their popularity locally.

    Museveni and his ruling party, the National Resistance Movement, therefore, benefit from a key aspect of populism. It allows the merging of disparate, competing and contradictory views, interests and demands of members of various societal classes and groups into a significantly simplified and uniform narrative that (potentially) speaks to all. This could mean: end corruption, end evictions, wealth for all, and so on.

    A general election is due in early 2026. The steps Museveni has taken on evictions, and the units set up to fight corruption or protect investors, need to be seen with this political context in mind.

    Museveni has put protecting people from evictions high on his government’s agenda. Speaking to party members in August 2024, he emphasised

    the importance of adhering to the mass line, which prioritises the needs and rights of the masses over those of the elite.

    In our view, this pre-election narrative signifies the continued political and social relevance of populism in today’s Uganda. This could result in heightened populist state activity in the run-up to and after the election.

    – Uganda’s land eviction crisis: do populist state measures actually fix problems?
    – https://theconversation.com/ugandas-land-eviction-crisis-do-populist-state-measures-actually-fix-problems-260512

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  • MIL-OSI Africa: Young Nigerians learn about democracy at school: how it’s shaping future voters

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Leila Demarest, Associate Professor, Institute of Political Science, Leiden University

    Democratic consolidation is a continuing struggle, in Africa as elsewhere. The turn to democracy gained momentum in Africa in the late 1980s and early 1990s but has petered out since. Can new generations turn the tide?

    The need to prepare young people to become democratically minded is well established. In western societies, school-based civic education has been considered the means to do it since as early as the 1960s. The assumption is that better knowledge about the democratic functioning of the state promotes stronger democratic values and norms. It is also thought to increase trust in institutions and a willingness to participate in politics in the future.

    Research in western settings indeed shows that classroom instruction strengthens political attitudes and behaviour. Yet can we expect civic education to work in the same way in newer democracies? In weak democracies studies have found that civic education could actually lead young people away from political participation. Young people may become more aware of the flaws of their own system and turn away from politics.

    Nigeria made the move from military rule to multiparty democracy in 1999 but remains a flawed democracy struggling with political corruption, vote buying and episodic violence. Individual liberties are only weakly protected.

    As Africa’s most populous democracy, with a big young population, Nigeria needs young people to participate in democratic politics. And they have done so, as can be seen from events like the #EndSARS protests. Nevertheless many youths also show voter apathy. Or they engage in the country’s well-known cycles of election violence.

    As scholars, we have conducted extensive research on how young people in African countries can overcome some dark legacies, like violent conflict, ethnic tensions and authoritarianism. In a recent study, we focused on democratic engagement among young Nigerians and how formal education could strengthen it.

    Our research among secondary school students in Lagos state shows promising results. A survey of over 3,000 final year students found that those with greater political knowledge and stronger democratic values were more likely to express intent to vote, contact officials, or protest in the future.

    However, these same students rejected party membership and campaigning, which are commonly associated with corruption and violence in Nigeria. In contrast, students with lower levels of knowledge and democratic values remained inclined to participate in party activities. This might be to gain economic benefits.

    These findings show that the core objectives of civic education are not likely to lead youth to abandon democratic politics. Fostering knowledge about how the system (ideally) works and strengthening democratic attitudes remains a valuable approach to achieving democracy.

    Our findings

    Ten years after the transition from military to democratic rule, the Nigerian government made civic education mandatory in primary and secondary schools. The curriculum covers issues such as Nigeria’s independence, the structures of the state, civic rights, political parties and national unity. It also covers corruption and clientelism (the exchange of political support for economic benefits).

    After learning how the government works and gaining awareness of civic rights and responsibilities, would young Nigerians remain committed to political participation with all the country’s democratic flaws?

    We conducted a survey among final year secondary school students in Lagos state in 2019. About 3,000 students across 36 randomly selected schools answered our questions. The results revealed three political participation profiles:

    • disengaged youth – those who do not wish to take part in any type of political activity

    • non-party activists – intent on voting, contacting politicians or officials and protesting, but they reject party membership and campaigning

    • party activists – interested in joining a political party and campaigning as well as voting, contacting politicians or officials and protesting.

    Disengaged youths tended to come from richer socio-economic backgrounds. They showed low trust in institutions. Non-party activists were more informed and held stronger democratic values than party activists. This is likely because they saw political parties as corrupt or violent.

    In a democracy where party politics are often tainted by corruption, the youths’ selective engagement may be a sign not of apathy but of a thoughtful and principled rejection of flawed party politics.

    Despite a growing distrust in political parties, civic education does not appear to discourage pro-democratic political behaviour overall.

    A ‘reverse’ participation gap

    Schools are not the only shapers of youths’ political behaviour. Caregivers and peers play a role. In a large number of countries, youth from richer socio-economic backgrounds are more politically informed, more trusting of institutions, and active. This results in a so-called participation gap between richer and poorer citizens.

    Where democracy is yet to take root, research shows that middle- and higher-middle class citizens also have higher levels of knowledge and stronger democratic norms. But they have lower levels of institutional trust and are less likely to participate in institutional politics. This presents a “reverse” participation gap, so to speak.

    In our research, we found partial evidence of this “reverse participation gap”. Students from wealthier backgrounds were less likely to participate, but not necessarily because they had stronger democratic norms. One possible explanation is that these students were less economically dependent on the state. With no need to rely on public institutions for jobs or welfare, they might feel less of a need to engage with them.

    Retreat from political participation

    In non-established democracies, research shows that more educated citizens often are more critical of their governments. In Ghana and Zimbabwe, these citizens were less likely to participate in elections.

    Concerning civic education programmes specifically, an intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo showed that these programmes might increase political knowledge and commitment to democratic values, but also decrease satisfaction with democracy in their country.

    School-based research from the continent is lacking. But studies examining school-based civic education in electoral democracies elsewhere also show a retreat from institutionalised political participation. This spans voting, party membership, campaigning, and contacting politicians.

    Our study finds more optimistic results for civic education programmes in Africa. Youths with high knowledge and values – the core objectives of civic education – remain committed to democratic political behaviour.

    – Young Nigerians learn about democracy at school: how it’s shaping future voters
    – https://theconversation.com/young-nigerians-learn-about-democracy-at-school-how-its-shaping-future-voters-261030

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Long-COVID, viruses and ‘zombie’ cells: new research looks for links to chronic fatigue and brain fog

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Burtram C. Fielding, Dean Faculty of Sciences and Professor in the Department of Microbiology, Stellenbosch University

    Millions of people who recover from infections like COVID-19, influenza and glandular fever are affected by long-lasting symptoms. These include chronic fatigue, brain fog, exercise intolerance, dizziness, muscle or joint pain and gut problems. And many of these symptoms worsen after exercise, a phenomenon known as post-exertional malaise.

    Medically the symptoms are known as myalgic encephalomyelitis or chronic fatigue syndrome (ME/CFS). The World Health Organization classifies this as a post viral fatigue syndrome, and it is recognised by both the WHO and the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as a brain disorder.

    Experiencing illness long after contracting an infection is not new, as patients have reported these symptoms for decades. But COVID-19 has amplified the problem worldwide. Nearly half of people with ongoing post-COVID symptoms – a condition known as long-COVID – now meet the criteria for ME/CFS. Since the start of the pandemic in 2020, it is estimated that more than 400 million people have developed long-COVID.

    To date, no widely accepted and testable mechanism has fully explained the biological processes underlying long-COVID and ME/CFS. Our work offers a new perspective that may help close this gap.

    Our research group studies blood and the cardiovascular system in inflammatory diseases, as well as post-viral conditions. We focus on coagulation, inflammation and endothelial cells. Endothelial cells make up the inner layer of blood vessels and serve many important functions, like regulating blood clotting, blood vessel dilation and constriction, and inflammation.

    Our latest review aims to explain how ME/CFS and long-COVID start and progress, and how symptoms show up in the body and its systems. By pinpointing and explaining the underlying disease mechanisms, we can pave the way for better clinical tools to diagnose and treat people living with ME/CFS and long-COVID.

    What is endothelial senescence?

    In our review, our international team proposes that certain viruses drive endothelial cells into a half-alive, “zombie-like” state called cellular senescence. Senescent endothelial cells stop dividing, but continue to release molecules that awaken and confuse the immune system. This prompts the blood to form clots and, at the same time, prevent clot breakdown, which could lead to the constriction of blood vessels and limited blood flow.

    By placing “zombie” blood-vessel cells at the centre of these post-viral diseases, our hypothesis weaves together microclots, oxygen debt (the extra oxygen your body needs after strenuous exercise to restore balance), brain-fog, dizziness, gut leakiness (a digestive condition where the intestinal lining allows toxins into the bloodstream) and immune dysfunction into a single, testable narrative.

    From acute viral infection to ‘zombie’ vessels

    Viruses like SARS-CoV-2, Epstein–Barr virus, HHV-6, influenza A, and enteroviruses (a group of viruses that cause a number of infectious illnesses which are usually mild) can all infect endothelial cells. They enable a direct attack on the cells that line the inside of blood vessels. Some of these viruses have been shown to trigger endothelial senescence.

    Multiple studies show that SARS-CoV-2 (the virus which causes COVID-19 disease) has the ability to induce senescence in a variety of cell types, including endothelial cells. Viral proteins from SARS-CoV-2, for example, sabotage DNA-repair pathways and push the host cell towards a senescent state, while senescent cells in turn become even more susceptible to viral entry. This reciprocity helps explain why different pathogens can result in the same chronic illness. Influenza A, too, has shown the ability to drive endothelial cells into a senescent, zombie-like state.

    What we think is happening

    We propose that when blood-vessel cells turn into “zombies”, they pump out substances that make blood thicker and prone to forming tiny clots. These clots slow down circulation, so less oxygen reaches muscles and organs. This is one reason people feel drained.

    During exercise, the problem worsens. Instead of the vessels relaxing to allow adequate bloodflow, they tighten further. This means that muscles are starved of oxygen and patients experience a crash the day after exercise. In the brain, the same faulty cells let blood flow drop and leak, bringing on brain fog and dizziness.

    In the gut, they weaken the lining, allowing bits of bacteria to slip into the bloodstream and trigger more inflammation. Because blood vessels reach every corner of the body, even scattered patches of these “zombie” cells found in the blood vessels can create the mix of symptoms seen in long-COVID and ME/CFS.

    Immune exhaustion locks in the damage

    Some parts of the immune system kill senescent cells. They are natural-killer cells, macrophages and complement proteins, which are immune molecules capable of tagging and killing pathogens. But long-COVID and ME/CFS frequently have impaired natural-killer cell function, sluggish macrophages and complement dysfunction.

    Senescent endothelial cells may also send out a chemical signal to repel immune attack. So the “zombie cells” actively evade the immune system. This creates a self-sustaining loop of vascular and immune dysfunction, where senescent endothelial cells persist.

    In a healthy person with an optimally functioning immune system, these senescent endothelial cells will normally be cleared. But there is significant immune dysfunction in ME/CFS and long-COVID, and this may enable the “zombie cells” to survive and the disease to progress.

    Where the research goes next

    There is a registered clinical trial in the US that is investigating senescence in long-COVID. Our consortium is testing new ways to spot signs of ageing in the cells that line our blood vessels. First, we expose healthy endothelial cells in the lab to blood from patients to see whether it pushes the cells into a senescent, or “zombie,” state.

    At the same time, we are trialling non‑invasive imaging and fluorescent probes that could one day reveal these ageing cells inside the body. In selected cases, tissue biopsies may later confirm what the scans show. Together, these approaches aim to pinpoint how substances circulating in the blood drive cellular ageing and how that, in turn, fuels disease.

    Our aim is simple: find these ageing endothelial cells in real patients. Pinpointing them will inform the next round of clinical trials and open the door to therapies that target senescent cells directly, offering a route to healthier blood vessels and, ultimately, lighter disease loads.

    – Long-COVID, viruses and ‘zombie’ cells: new research looks for links to chronic fatigue and brain fog
    – https://theconversation.com/long-covid-viruses-and-zombie-cells-new-research-looks-for-links-to-chronic-fatigue-and-brain-fog-261108

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Long-COVID, viruses and ‘zombie’ cells: new research looks for links to chronic fatigue and brain fog

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Burtram C. Fielding, Dean Faculty of Sciences and Professor in the Department of Microbiology, Stellenbosch University

    Millions of people who recover from infections like COVID-19, influenza and glandular fever are affected by long-lasting symptoms. These include chronic fatigue, brain fog, exercise intolerance, dizziness, muscle or joint pain and gut problems. And many of these symptoms worsen after exercise, a phenomenon known as post-exertional malaise.

    Medically the symptoms are known as myalgic encephalomyelitis or chronic fatigue syndrome (ME/CFS). The World Health Organization classifies this as a post viral fatigue syndrome, and it is recognised by both the WHO and the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as a brain disorder.

    Experiencing illness long after contracting an infection is not new, as patients have reported these symptoms for decades. But COVID-19 has amplified the problem worldwide. Nearly half of people with ongoing post-COVID symptoms – a condition known as long-COVID – now meet the criteria for ME/CFS. Since the start of the pandemic in 2020, it is estimated that more than 400 million people have developed long-COVID.

    To date, no widely accepted and testable mechanism has fully explained the biological processes underlying long-COVID and ME/CFS. Our work offers a new perspective that may help close this gap.

    Our research group studies blood and the cardiovascular system in inflammatory diseases, as well as post-viral conditions. We focus on coagulation, inflammation and endothelial cells. Endothelial cells make up the inner layer of blood vessels and serve many important functions, like regulating blood clotting, blood vessel dilation and constriction, and inflammation.

    Our latest review aims to explain how ME/CFS and long-COVID start and progress, and how symptoms show up in the body and its systems. By pinpointing and explaining the underlying disease mechanisms, we can pave the way for better clinical tools to diagnose and treat people living with ME/CFS and long-COVID.

    What is endothelial senescence?

    In our review, our international team proposes that certain viruses drive endothelial cells into a half-alive, “zombie-like” state called cellular senescence. Senescent endothelial cells stop dividing, but continue to release molecules that awaken and confuse the immune system. This prompts the blood to form clots and, at the same time, prevent clot breakdown, which could lead to the constriction of blood vessels and limited blood flow.

    By placing “zombie” blood-vessel cells at the centre of these post-viral diseases, our hypothesis weaves together microclots, oxygen debt (the extra oxygen your body needs after strenuous exercise to restore balance), brain-fog, dizziness, gut leakiness (a digestive condition where the intestinal lining allows toxins into the bloodstream) and immune dysfunction into a single, testable narrative.

    From acute viral infection to ‘zombie’ vessels

    Viruses like SARS-CoV-2, Epstein–Barr virus, HHV-6, influenza A, and enteroviruses (a group of viruses that cause a number of infectious illnesses which are usually mild) can all infect endothelial cells. They enable a direct attack on the cells that line the inside of blood vessels. Some of these viruses have been shown to trigger endothelial senescence.

    Multiple studies show that SARS-CoV-2 (the virus which causes COVID-19 disease) has the ability to induce senescence in a variety of cell types, including endothelial cells. Viral proteins from SARS-CoV-2, for example, sabotage DNA-repair pathways and push the host cell towards a senescent state, while senescent cells in turn become even more susceptible to viral entry. This reciprocity helps explain why different pathogens can result in the same chronic illness. Influenza A, too, has shown the ability to drive endothelial cells into a senescent, zombie-like state.

    What we think is happening

    We propose that when blood-vessel cells turn into “zombies”, they pump out substances that make blood thicker and prone to forming tiny clots. These clots slow down circulation, so less oxygen reaches muscles and organs. This is one reason people feel drained.

    During exercise, the problem worsens. Instead of the vessels relaxing to allow adequate bloodflow, they tighten further. This means that muscles are starved of oxygen and patients experience a crash the day after exercise. In the brain, the same faulty cells let blood flow drop and leak, bringing on brain fog and dizziness.

    In the gut, they weaken the lining, allowing bits of bacteria to slip into the bloodstream and trigger more inflammation. Because blood vessels reach every corner of the body, even scattered patches of these “zombie” cells found in the blood vessels can create the mix of symptoms seen in long-COVID and ME/CFS.

    Immune exhaustion locks in the damage

    Some parts of the immune system kill senescent cells. They are natural-killer cells, macrophages and complement proteins, which are immune molecules capable of tagging and killing pathogens. But long-COVID and ME/CFS frequently have impaired natural-killer cell function, sluggish macrophages and complement dysfunction.

    Senescent endothelial cells may also send out a chemical signal to repel immune attack. So the “zombie cells” actively evade the immune system. This creates a self-sustaining loop of vascular and immune dysfunction, where senescent endothelial cells persist.

    In a healthy person with an optimally functioning immune system, these senescent endothelial cells will normally be cleared. But there is significant immune dysfunction in ME/CFS and long-COVID, and this may enable the “zombie cells” to survive and the disease to progress.

    Where the research goes next

    There is a registered clinical trial in the US that is investigating senescence in long-COVID. Our consortium is testing new ways to spot signs of ageing in the cells that line our blood vessels. First, we expose healthy endothelial cells in the lab to blood from patients to see whether it pushes the cells into a senescent, or “zombie,” state.

    At the same time, we are trialling non‑invasive imaging and fluorescent probes that could one day reveal these ageing cells inside the body. In selected cases, tissue biopsies may later confirm what the scans show. Together, these approaches aim to pinpoint how substances circulating in the blood drive cellular ageing and how that, in turn, fuels disease.

    Our aim is simple: find these ageing endothelial cells in real patients. Pinpointing them will inform the next round of clinical trials and open the door to therapies that target senescent cells directly, offering a route to healthier blood vessels and, ultimately, lighter disease loads.

    Burtram C. Fielding works for Stellenbosch University. He has received funding from the National Research Foundation, South Africa and the Technology Innovation Agency.

    Resia Pretorius is a Distinguished Research Professor at Stellenbosch University and receives funding from Balvi Research Foundation and Kanro Research Foundation. She is also affiliated with University of Liverpool as a Honorary Professor. Resia is a founding director of the Stellenbosch University start-up company, Biocode Technologies and has various patents related to microclot formation in Long COVID.

    Massimo Nunes receives funding from Kanro Research Foundation.

    – ref. Long-COVID, viruses and ‘zombie’ cells: new research looks for links to chronic fatigue and brain fog – https://theconversation.com/long-covid-viruses-and-zombie-cells-new-research-looks-for-links-to-chronic-fatigue-and-brain-fog-261108

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Uganda’s land eviction crisis: do populist state measures actually fix problems?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Rose Nakayi, Senior Lecturer of Law, Makerere University

    Populism is rife in various African countries. This political ideology responds to and takes advantage of a situation where a large section of people feels exploited, marginalised or disempowered. It sets up “the people” against “the other”. It promises solidarity with the excluded by addressing their grievances. Populism targets broad social groups, operating across ethnicity and class.

    But how does populism fare when it informs state interventions to address long-standing societal issues under capitalism? Do populist state measures – especially when launched by a politically powerful leader – deliver improvements for the stated beneficiaries?

    As academics who have researched populism for years, we were interested in the implementation and outcomes of such policies and programmes. To answer these questions, we analysed a populist intervention by President Yoweri Museveni in Uganda to address rampant land conflicts. In 2013 he set out to halt land evictions.

    What good came of this? Did it help the poor?

    We analysed land laws, court cases, government statements and media reports and found that, for the most part, the intervention offered short-term relief. Some people returned to the land, but the underlying land conflict was unresolved.

    This created problems that continue to be felt today, including land disputes and land tenure insecurity. The intervention also increased the involvement of the president and his agents personally in providing justice.

    It didn’t make pro-poor structural changes to address the root of the problem.

    Yet, the intervention had several political benefits:

    • it enhanced the political legitimacy of the president and state

    • it offered a politically useful response to a land-related crisis and conflict

    • it addressed broader criticisms over injustice and poverty by sections of the public and opposition leaders, some of whom (like Robert Kyagulanyi) also relied on populist rhetoric.

    The promise to deal with land evictions “once and for all” has yet to be realised over a decade later. During Heroes Day celebrations on 9 June 2024, Museveni’s speech repeated his promise to stop evictions.

    Such promises of getting a grip on and ending evictions via decisive state actions, including proposed new legal guidelines, were also made more recently, for example during Heroes Day 2025. This indicates that evictions – and state responses to them – remain a top issue on the political agenda ahead of Uganda’s 2026 election.

    Persistent evictions

    Evictions were rampant in the 2010s, especially in central Uganda’s Buganda region. They were driven by increased demand for land amid a growing population and legal reforms that seemed to protect tenants over landlords. Some landlords, desperate to free their land of tenants, were carrying out the evictions themselves.

    The president condemned the evictions, but they continued. Soon, the number of evictees was in the thousands.

    In response, Museveni set up a land committee within the presidency. He announced at a press conference in early 2013 that:

    all evictions are halted. There will be no more evictions, especially in the rural areas. All evictions involving peasants are halted.

    The dynamics of populism-in-practice

    Museveni’s attempts to personally deal with evictions illustrate a continued power shift in Uganda, from institutions to the president’s executive units.

    Despite its shortcomings, such as case backlogs, the judicial system offers an opportunity to present cases in a more neutral environment. It also allows parties to appeal decisions. This way, higher courts can correct errors where necessary.

    The presidential land committee, we found, tended to be biased in favour of tenants, paying less attention to the landlords’ cases.

    The president’s intervention wasn’t adequate to address the immediate causes and effects of the evictions, nor the root causes.

    Those included land tenure insecurities. Due to legal reforms, land-rich landlords were unable to get rent at market value from tenants. Neither could they evict them lawfully where rent was in arrears.

    In some cases, legal options such as land sales between landlords and tenants were applied. This was often to the detriment of tenants, especially where there was no neutral actor to oversee negotiations.

    Land reforms need to be institutionalised and funded to deliver the intended outcomes. Otherwise, unlawful sales and evictions become a quick option for landlords.

    Museveni’s populist initiative also unleashed new problems for beneficiaries. Some secured land occupancy in the interim but lived in fear of a relapse of conflict. Mistrust and scarred interpersonal relationships hampered cohesion in some communities. Disputes over land put political actors who would ideally be working together to restore calm at loggerheads.

    Populism as power

    The creation of populist presidential units has become routine in Uganda. More recently, Museveni created a unit to protect investors, which has resolved some investment-related land disputes. Another one was established to fight corruption. Both units remain very active.

    Our research finds that the government needs these units and interventions for a number of reasons. It uses them to govern the country’s conflict-ridden economy and society. They allow the government to assemble a politically useful response to crises and to address some on-the-ground problems. They make the state look concerned and responsive to people’s needs. And they allow ruling party political actors to increase their popularity locally.

    Museveni and his ruling party, the National Resistance Movement, therefore, benefit from a key aspect of populism. It allows the merging of disparate, competing and contradictory views, interests and demands of members of various societal classes and groups into a significantly simplified and uniform narrative that (potentially) speaks to all. This could mean: end corruption, end evictions, wealth for all, and so on.

    A general election is due in early 2026. The steps Museveni has taken on evictions, and the units set up to fight corruption or protect investors, need to be seen with this political context in mind.

    Museveni has put protecting people from evictions high on his government’s agenda. Speaking to party members in August 2024, he emphasised

    the importance of adhering to the mass line, which prioritises the needs and rights of the masses over those of the elite.

    In our view, this pre-election narrative signifies the continued political and social relevance of populism in today’s Uganda. This could result in heightened populist state activity in the run-up to and after the election.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Uganda’s land eviction crisis: do populist state measures actually fix problems? – https://theconversation.com/ugandas-land-eviction-crisis-do-populist-state-measures-actually-fix-problems-260512

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Young Nigerians learn about democracy at school: how it’s shaping future voters

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Leila Demarest, Associate Professor, Institute of Political Science, Leiden University

    Democratic consolidation is a continuing struggle, in Africa as elsewhere. The turn to democracy gained momentum in Africa in the late 1980s and early 1990s but has petered out since. Can new generations turn the tide?

    The need to prepare young people to become democratically minded is well established. In western societies, school-based civic education has been considered the means to do it since as early as the 1960s. The assumption is that better knowledge about the democratic functioning of the state promotes stronger democratic values and norms. It is also thought to increase trust in institutions and a willingness to participate in politics in the future.

    Research in western settings indeed shows that classroom instruction strengthens political attitudes and behaviour. Yet can we expect civic education to work in the same way in newer democracies? In weak democracies studies have found that civic education could actually lead young people away from political participation. Young people may become more aware of the flaws of their own system and turn away from politics.

    Nigeria made the move from military rule to multiparty democracy in 1999 but remains a flawed democracy struggling with political corruption, vote buying and episodic violence. Individual liberties are only weakly protected.

    As Africa’s most populous democracy, with a big young population, Nigeria needs young people to participate in democratic politics. And they have done so, as can be seen from events like the #EndSARS protests. Nevertheless many youths also show voter apathy. Or they engage in the country’s well-known cycles of election violence.

    As scholars, we have conducted extensive research on how young people in African countries can overcome some dark legacies, like violent conflict, ethnic tensions and authoritarianism. In a recent study, we focused on democratic engagement among young Nigerians and how formal education could strengthen it.

    Our research among secondary school students in Lagos state shows promising results. A survey of over 3,000 final year students found that those with greater political knowledge and stronger democratic values were more likely to express intent to vote, contact officials, or protest in the future.

    However, these same students rejected party membership and campaigning, which are commonly associated with corruption and violence in Nigeria. In contrast, students with lower levels of knowledge and democratic values remained inclined to participate in party activities. This might be to gain economic benefits.

    These findings show that the core objectives of civic education are not likely to lead youth to abandon democratic politics. Fostering knowledge about how the system (ideally) works and strengthening democratic attitudes remains a valuable approach to achieving democracy.

    Our findings

    Ten years after the transition from military to democratic rule, the Nigerian government made civic education mandatory in primary and secondary schools. The curriculum covers issues such as Nigeria’s independence, the structures of the state, civic rights, political parties and national unity. It also covers corruption and clientelism (the exchange of political support for economic benefits).

    After learning how the government works and gaining awareness of civic rights and responsibilities, would young Nigerians remain committed to political participation with all the country’s democratic flaws?

    We conducted a survey among final year secondary school students in Lagos state in 2019. About 3,000 students across 36 randomly selected schools answered our questions. The results revealed three political participation profiles:

    • disengaged youth – those who do not wish to take part in any type of political activity

    • non-party activists – intent on voting, contacting politicians or officials and protesting, but they reject party membership and campaigning

    • party activists – interested in joining a political party and campaigning as well as voting, contacting politicians or officials and protesting.

    Disengaged youths tended to come from richer socio-economic backgrounds. They showed low trust in institutions. Non-party activists were more informed and held stronger democratic values than party activists. This is likely because they saw political parties as corrupt or violent.

    In a democracy where party politics are often tainted by corruption, the youths’ selective engagement may be a sign not of apathy but of a thoughtful and principled rejection of flawed party politics.

    Despite a growing distrust in political parties, civic education does not appear to discourage pro-democratic political behaviour overall.

    A ‘reverse’ participation gap

    Schools are not the only shapers of youths’ political behaviour. Caregivers and peers play a role. In a large number of countries, youth from richer socio-economic backgrounds are more politically informed, more trusting of institutions, and active. This results in a so-called participation gap between richer and poorer citizens.

    Where democracy is yet to take root, research shows that middle- and higher-middle class citizens also have higher levels of knowledge and stronger democratic norms. But they have lower levels of institutional trust and are less likely to participate in institutional politics. This presents a “reverse” participation gap, so to speak.

    In our research, we found partial evidence of this “reverse participation gap”. Students from wealthier backgrounds were less likely to participate, but not necessarily because they had stronger democratic norms. One possible explanation is that these students were less economically dependent on the state. With no need to rely on public institutions for jobs or welfare, they might feel less of a need to engage with them.

    Retreat from political participation

    In non-established democracies, research shows that more educated citizens often are more critical of their governments. In Ghana and Zimbabwe, these citizens were less likely to participate in elections.

    Concerning civic education programmes specifically, an intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo showed that these programmes might increase political knowledge and commitment to democratic values, but also decrease satisfaction with democracy in their country.

    School-based research from the continent is lacking. But studies examining school-based civic education in electoral democracies elsewhere also show a retreat from institutionalised political participation. This spans voting, party membership, campaigning, and contacting politicians.

    Our study finds more optimistic results for civic education programmes in Africa. Youths with high knowledge and values – the core objectives of civic education – remain committed to democratic political behaviour.

    Leila Demarest receives funding from Leiden University Fund (grant reference W19304-5-01).

    Line Kuppens does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Young Nigerians learn about democracy at school: how it’s shaping future voters – https://theconversation.com/young-nigerians-learn-about-democracy-at-school-how-its-shaping-future-voters-261030

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: 3D printed food: yuck or yes? Researchers ask South African consumers

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Oluwafemi Adebo, Professor of Food Technology and Director of the Centre for Innovative Food Research (CIFR), University of Johannesburg

    Would you eat food that was printed by a machine? 3D printed food is built up by equipment (a 3D food printer), layer after layer, using edible pastes, dough and food slurries in three-dimensional forms. These machines use digital models to produce precise, often personalised food items. Most 3D printed foods are made from nutrient-dense sources (plant and animal), which means they can offer health benefits.

    The global market for 3D printed food is growing. It’s been estimated as worth US$437 million in 2024 and projected to reach US$7.1 billion in 2034. But the concept is still emerging in Africa.

    Food science and technology researcher Oluwafemi Ayodeji Adebo and marketing academic Nicole Cunningham share what they learnt from a survey about South African consumers’ feelings on the subject.

    How is food 3D printed and why?

    In 3D food printing, edible food materials are formulated into printable materials (food ink). These inks can be made from pureed vegetables, doughs, or nutrient-rich mixes. The food ink is loaded into a 3D printer and extruded in layers until the selected shape is complete.

    After printing, some products are ready to eat, while others need further processing such as baking or freeze-drying. The most common method is extrusion-based printing, valued for its simplicity and versatility.

    The technique enables the customisation of food. Meals can be highly personalised in texture, appearance and nutritional content.

    It can also transform food waste into food products. For example it can turn imperfect broccoli and carrots into healthy snacks and make noodles from potato peels.

    It’s also useful in texture-modified diets for people with swallowing difficulties (dysphagia), especially the elderly. The products available for these patients tend to be bland and unappealing meals such as mashed potato, pumpkin and soft porridge. 3D food printing can produce nutritionally dense meals that are easier to eat and more appetising.



    Read more:
    How 3D food printers could improve mealtimes for people with swallowing disorders

    Food ink can combine various sources with different nutrients to boost the health benefits. Not having to process the product with heat can also result in higher nutritional content.

    In South Africa, what sorts of foods might be 3D printed?

    Virtually any edible material could be transformed into food inks, although some might require additives to make them printable. The abundance of nutrient-dense and health-promoting food crops in South Africa presents an excellent opportunity for 3D food printing to create novel food.

    Sorghum, cowpea and quinoa have been used to make 3D printed biscuits, for example. They are more nutritious than wheat and don’t contain gluten.



    Read more:
    Africa’s superfood heroes – from teff to insects – deserve more attention

    Research at the Centre for Innovative Food Research at the University of Johannesburg has already demonstrated the feasibility of obtaining 3D printed products from different sources (for example whole-grain sourdough and malt biscuits, biscuits from wholegrain and multigrain flours and nutritious and appetising meals for dysphagia patients).



    Read more:
    3D printing offers African countries an advantage in manufacturing

    3D food printing is still in its infancy in South Africa, compared to developed countries such as China, Japan, the US and some European countries. The best-known companies that have adopted this technology include BluRhapsody, based in Italy, which makes 3D-printed pasta, and Open Meals based in Japan, which specialises in personalised sushi.

    We carried out a study to understand South African consumers’ attitudes toward 3D-printed foods. Although the technology is not yet in wide use, we found some consumers were fairly knowledgeable about these foods and the associated benefits. These findings lay the foundation for business opportunities to commercialise and market 3D printed products in the region.

    Who did you ask about it in your study?

    The study surveyed South African consumers aged 18-65 who were familiar with the concept of 3D-printed food. We collected 355 responses, mostly females aged 24 to 44. They provided information and opinions on several aspects, including:

    • their awareness of 3D-printed food

    • their familiarity with 3D-printed food

    • their food neophobia (fear of new foods)

    • the convenience that 3D-printed food offers

    • their perspective on their health needs

    • the perceived benefits that 3D-printed food offers

    • attitudes towards 3D-printed food.

    What did they say?

    Positive attitudes were strongest among those who recognised the convenience and health-related benefits of this new technology. The potential to reduce waste, customise nutrition, and simplify meal preparation stood out as key motivators.

    Interestingly, food familiarity didn’t play a significant role in people’s responses. This means they aren’t necessarily clinging to traditional or childhood meals when forming attitudes about 3D-printed food.

    In short, novelty alone isn’t a deal-breaker, it’s more about perceived safety, usefulness, and understanding the benefits.

    What does this tell us?

    The findings highlight the crucial role of consumer education and awareness in shaping attitudes toward 3D-printed food. While unfamiliarity with the technology can create some hesitation, the research shows that consumers are not necessarily resistant to innovation. They just need to understand it better and be educated about the benefits it offers.

    If food manufacturers and marketers invest in increasing public knowledge and offering hands-on experiences such as tastings, demonstrations, or transparent production processes, then consumer attitudes could shift positively.

    This approach has shown promise in other markets. For example, educational campaigns in Europe and the US around lab-grown meat and plant-based proteins have improved public perception over time.



    Read more:
    Nigeria isn’t big on 3D printing. Teaching students how to use it could change this

    Marketers should talk about safety, health and sustainability, and demystify the technology through clear, engaging messaging. In countries where such strategies have been used, consumers have shown increased willingness to try novel food technologies. This is significant because of predicted growth in the industry.

    If South African consumers see 3D-printed food more positively, this innovation could unlock opportunities to enhance food security, address malnutrition, and support personalised dietary solutions.

    Oluwafemi Adebo received funding for this project from the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa Support for Rated and Unrated Researchers (grant number: SRUG2204285188), the University of Johannesburg and Faculty of Science Research Committee Grant, and the South African Medica lResearch Council (SAMRC) Self-Initiated Research (SIR) Grant.

    Nicole Cunningham receives funding from the DHET in order to conduct academic research.

    – ref. 3D printed food: yuck or yes? Researchers ask South African consumers – https://theconversation.com/3d-printed-food-yuck-or-yes-researchers-ask-south-african-consumers-255887

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Donald Trump cannot make the Epstein files go away. Will this be the story that brings him down?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

    Conspiracy theories are funny things.

    The most enduring ones usually take hold for two reasons: first, because there’s some grain of truth to them, and second, because they speak to foundational historical divisions.

    The theories morph and change, distorting the grain of truth at their centre beyond reality. In the process, they reinforce and deepen existing divisions, encouraging hateful blindness.

    US President Donald Trump is perhaps the most successful conspiracy trafficker in modern American history.

    Trump built his political career by trading on conspiracy. These have included a combination of racist birther conspiracies about former president Barack Obama, nebulous ideas about the “Deep State” that conspired against the interests of regular Americans, and nods to a more recent online universe centered on QAnon that alleged a Satanist ring of “elite” pedophiles involving Hillary Clinton was trafficking children.

    These theories all had their own grain of truth and tapped into deep-seated historical fears. For example, Obama does have Kenyan heritage, and his Blackness threatened many white Americans’ sense of their own power.

    Revelations about disgraced financier Jeffery Epstein’s trafficking in children and the way in which that implicated the “elite” of New York seemed to confirm at least parts of the final theory. It tapped into the belief – one that does have some basis in reality – that America’s elite play by rules of their own, above justice and accountability.

    In the lead-up to the 2024 presidential election, Trump increasingly engaged with this online universe. He seemed to quietly enjoy suggestions that he might be “Q” – the anonymous leader who, according to the theory, was going to break the paedophile ring wide open in a “day of reckoning”.

    Many of Trump’s perennially online supporters based their championing of him around these conspiracy theories. QAnon believers were among those who stormed the Capitol on January 6 2021. A core section of Trump’s base continues to believe his promises that he would at last reveal the truth – about John F. Kennedy’s assassination, the Deep State, and Epstein.

    That it has long been public knowledge that Trump and Epstein had a longstanding friendship did not impinge on these beliefs.

    Conspiracy theories have swirled around Epstein since at least his first arrest nearly two decades ago, in 2006. After allegations of unlawful sex with a minor, Epstein was charged with soliciting prostitution. This elicited suggestions he was receiving special treatment because of his elite status as a New York financier and philanthropist.

    That pattern continued over the next decade as accusations multiplied, culminating in his arrest in 2019 on federal charges of sex trafficking, including to a private island. The allegations touched the global elite, including former president Bill Clinton, the United Kingdom’s Prince Andrew, and Trump. In August 2019, Epstein was found dead in his cell, allegedly by suicide – adding further fuel to the already intense conspiracy fire.

    Epstein’s arrest and death occurred during the first Trump administration. Since then, there has been a steady trickle of accusations and revelations that have increased pressure on the administration to declassify and release material relating to the case. Many of Trump’s most loyal supporters, including a set of influential podcasters and influencers, have built their audiences around Epstein and the insistence that the truth be revealed.

    Early in the life of the current administration, Attorney-General Pam Bondi – whom Trump is wont to treat as his personal lawyer – said she was reviewing the Epstein “client list”.

    In the past few weeks, however, the administration has indicated it will not release the list or other materials relating to the case. At the same time, more information about Trump’s relationship with Epstein has trickled out, including more photos of the two together. It’s hard to deny the sense there is more to come.

    Trump’s posting about the issue, despite his apparent wish to divert from it, seems only to compel more interest. Sections of his online conspiracy base, including vocal supporters such as Tucker Carlson, are outraged at what they see as a betrayal. Reports suggest a significant rift developing between Trump and key backer Rupert Murdoch over the issue. Democrats, rightly, sense weakness.



    Read more:
    Could Rupert Murdoch bring down Donald Trump? A court case threatens more than just their relationship

    Loyal Republicans seem rattled enough that Speaker of the House Mike Johnson called an early summer recess, sending congresspeople home in an apparent effort to avoid any forced vote on the issue.

    The obvious inference – though it is inference only – is that Trump and Republicans are so worried about what is in the Epstein material they would rather cop strong backlash from the base, looking scared and weak, than release the information. If nothing else, that is a guaranteed way to fuel an already raging fire.

    Trump’s tanking approval rating and the salience of this issue lead to an obvious question: is this going to be the thing that finally scratches the Teflon president? Will his base turn on him at last?

    If history is anything to go by, that seems unlikely. Trump is remarkably resilient, using crises like this to consolidate his power. Trump commands loyalty, and he has it from Bondi, Johnson and others in this weakened and increasingly ideologically driven federal government. And his conspiracy-fuelled base is in so deep that turning on the president now is not just a question of admitting error, but one of core identity.

    US mainstream media has long pursued a “gotcha” approach to Trump, driven by a model of journalism that still seeks out smoking guns and dreams of Watergate. Not unlike the conspiracy theories it reports on, this framing hopes for a neat, clear resolution to the story of US politics. But politics doesn’t work like that – especially not for Trump.

    From the outside, Trump’s attempts to pivot on the issue and build on his existing conspiracies around Obama and Hillary Clinton might look feeble, but they are tried and true. Trump is now focused on fanning theories around Obama and Clinton, broadening them to include accusations of “treason”. Trump’s Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard went so far as to claim Obama had “manufactured […] a years-long coup against President Trump”. Even reporting on these claims with rightful incredulity adds fuel to the raging fire.

    In the personality cult of an authoritarian leader, conspiracy is easily weaponised against enemies, perceived and real. In the febrile environment of US politics, these conspiracy theories tap into and encourage a long vein of white supremacy and racial revanchism that has shaped American politics since even before the nation’s founding.

    Trump can morph and change conspiracy theories like no one else, building on fears and deepening existing divisions. He understands the power of pointing to “enemies from within”, and just how well that reinforces the narrative he has already so successfully ingrained in US political culture. We underestimate him, and the power of conspiracy theory, at our peril.

    Emma Shortis is Director of International and Security Affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

    – ref. Donald Trump cannot make the Epstein files go away. Will this be the story that brings him down? – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-cannot-make-the-epstein-files-go-away-will-this-be-the-story-that-brings-him-down-261843

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • Trump golfs in Scotland as Epstein questions persist

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    U.S. President Donald Trump kept a low profile on his Scottish golf course on Saturday, ahead of meetings with top British and European leaders, as questions swirled at home about his ties to disgraced financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

    Trump arrived on Friday on a visit that has triggered protests in Scotland, with hundreds lining the streets of the capital Edinburgh waving placards saying: “NOT MY PRESIDENT.”

    The U.S. leader told reporters on arrival that he would visit his two golf properties in Scotland – one in Turnberry on the west coast where he is playing on Saturday and the other near Aberdeen on the country’s eastern coast. He is also due to meet British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Scottish leader John Swinney and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, whom he called a “highly respected woman.”

    Von der Leyen headed to Scotland on Saturday, ahead of the meeting, with two top U.S. officials flying in from Washington and officials on both sides expressing cautious optimism that a framework trade agreement could be reached.

    Trump will meet with von der Leyen at 1530 GMT on Sunday, the White House said.

    Frustrated by continued questions about his administration’s handling of investigative files related to Epstein’s criminal charges and his 2019 death in prison, Trump on Friday told reporters to focus on bigger issues and other people.

    “You make it a very big thing over something that’s not a big thing,” Trump said. “Don’t talk about Trump. What you should be talking about is the fact that we have the greatest six months in the history of a presidency.”

    Trump, normally a master at changing the subject when a topic stings politically, has been unable to shake off persistent unrest from his usually loyal base about Epstein, who died by suicide in prison in 2019.

    The U.S. president was spotted on the golf course on Saturday morning, but had no public events on his schedule. Reporters and supporters were kept away by enhanced security.

    The White House said Trump was golfing with his son, Eric Trump, and the U.S. ambassador to Britain, Warren Stephens, and his son. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt was also on the course.

    White House officials hope some time out of the limelight will allow the Epstein controversy to die down, two sources familiar with the matter told Reuters.

    GAZA CONCERNS

    Away from the golf course, hundreds of anti-Trump protesters gathered outside the U.S. consulate in Edinburgh, with some holding up placards with images of Trump with Epstein. Others in the crowd held pro-Palestinian signs.

    Cat Cutmore, 31, an Edinburgh resident, said she felt compelled to protest Trump’s visit given her deep concerns about the worsening situation in Gaza after 21 months of war and what she sees as the U.S. president’s attacks on democratic principles. She chafed at his warm reception by Scottish and British officials.

    “There comes a point where if you roll out the red carpet to somebody who has put citizens of his own country and people who are seeking asylum into prison camps, you’re complicit,” she said.

    Janet MacLeod Trotter, another Edinburgh resident and an author of historical fiction, said she was particularly angry that Trump was capitalising on his mother’s name, which she shares.

    On the trip, Trump will open a golf course near Aberdeen named after his mother, Mary Anne MacLeod, who was born and raised on a Scottish island before emigrating to the United States.

    “We’re just fed up with the way that he’s using political clout to browbeat people around the world … He’s coming here and using that as a gimmick to help his business interests,” Trotter said.

    Gabriele Negro, an Italian who works at the University of Edinburgh, said he was there to send a signal that he, like others, did not agree with Trump’s immigration policies and stance on Gaza.

    Trump bought the Turnberry property, which includes a hotel and golf course, for $60 million in 2014, in the hope of returning the course to the rotation for the Open Championship, but said his visit was “not about that.”

    It has not hosted the event since 2009 amid concerns about the lack of accommodation and infrastructure for an event that draws hundreds of thousands.

    -Reuters

  • MIL-OSI China: 2nd China-Latin America human rights roundtable highlights cooperation for global governance

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Cesar Martins, executive vice president of Sao Paulo State University, speaks at the second China-Latin American and Caribbean States Roundtable on Human Rights in Sao Paulo, Brazil, July 25, 2025. Experts from China and countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) exchanged their views on human rights development cooperation and the China-Latin America contribution to global governance at a meeting held here Friday. The second China-Latin American and Caribbean States Roundtable on Human Rights, themed China-Latin American and Caribbean States Community with a Shared Future and the Development of Human Rights, brought together over 130 officials, experts, and representatives from social organizations, think tanks and media in the field of human rights. (Photo by Paulo Lopes/Xinhua)

    Experts from China and countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) exchanged their views on human rights development cooperation and the China-Latin America contribution to global governance at a meeting held here Friday.

    The second China-Latin American and Caribbean States Roundtable on Human Rights, themed China-Latin American and Caribbean States Community with a Shared Future and the Development of Human Rights, brought together over 130 officials, experts, and representatives from social organizations, think tanks and media in the field of human rights.

    Wang Yanwen, deputy secretary-general of the China Society for Human Rights Studies, urged more China-LAC cooperation in human rights research, advocating ethical digital technology use, green development, and more equitable global human rights governance.

    Zhang Donggang, chairman of the University Council of Renmin University of China, called for China-LAC collaboration in human rights through cultural exchange, experience-sharing, and joint governance, contributing to global solutions.

    Cesar Martins, executive vice president of Sao Paulo State University, said that the event showcases how China and LAC nations, despite cultural differences, can cooperate for people’s welfare while setting a global example through civilizational exchange.

    Chinese Consul General in Sao Paulo Yu Peng noted that China and LAC countries, as rising global forces, should build a shared future and enhance human rights cooperation to jointly tackle challenges and advance global human rights progress.

    Shaira Downs, member of the National Assembly of Nicaragua, pledged to collaborate with China and LAC partners to defend sovereignty, peace, and human dignity.

    Arley Gill, chairman of Grenada’s National Reparations Committee, linked developing nations’ progress to human rights protection, praised China’s poverty alleviation and healthcare advances, and sought stronger bilateral cooperation on human rights safeguards.

    The roundtable was co-organized by the China Society for Human Rights Studies, Renmin University of China, and Sao Paulo State University, with the collaboration of the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China and the Institute of Public Policy and International Relations at Sao Paulo State University.

    The forum published the Sao Paulo Consensus on China-Latin American and the Caribbean States Human Rights Communication and Cooperation, and launched the China-Latin American and Caribbean States Human Rights Research and Cooperation Network.

    MIL OSI China News –