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Category: Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: World Health Organization (WHO) and Ministry of Health Strengthen Partnership to Advance Botswana’s Health Priorities

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

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    WHO Botswana Representative Dr. Fabian Ndenzako and his team recently paid a courtesy call on the Ministry of Health, where they met with Honorable Minister Dr. Stephen Modise and senior ministry officials to reaffirm their partnership and shared commitment to improving health outcomes in Botswana.

    During the meeting, Dr. Ndenzako expressed WHO’s continued commitment to working closely with Botswana to advance national health priorities. He emphasized the need to build resilient health systems, particularly in light of recent natural disasters such as floods, and congratulated the country on its remarkable progress in key areas, including the national HIV response. These achievements, he noted, align with WHO’s focus on Universal Health Coverage (UHC) and strengthening primary healthcare.

    Dr. Ndenzako also highlighted the importance of the WHO-Ministry of Health cooperation framework, which outlines shared strategic priorities to achieve national health goals. He reaffirmed WHO’s role as a technical partner in areas such as disease control, health research, and emergency preparedness and response. Additionally, he acknowledged Botswana’s active participation in WHO’s governing bodies and its contributions to shaping global health policies.

    Minister Modise welcomed the ongoing collaboration with WHO and reaffirmed Botswana’s commitment to achieving UHC. He noted the government’s ongoing efforts to develop a national health insurance scheme, manage changing donor funding landscapes, and ensure strategic allocation of resources for health priorities.

    Key outcomes from the engagement included WHO’s pledge to continue providing technical support, plans to reallocate resources to maintain essential health services, and the reinstatement of quarterly review meetings to enhance coordination and accountability. Both parties expressed their dedication to deepening collaboration and strengthening health systems to ensure better health for all in Botswana.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of World Health Organization (WHO), Botswana.

    MIL OSI Africa –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Africa: Digitalization is revolutionising Mozambique’s malaria response

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    BRAZZAVILLE, Congo (Republic of the), April 25, 2025/APO Group/ —

    Filipe Basílio, officer in charge of monitoring and evaluation in Mozambique’s malaria programme in the northern Nampula Province recalls the laborious task of data collection and analysis in his day-to-day work: “All record-keeping tools were manual and it used to take a long time for the data to reach the Ministry, because community distributors had to submit their reports at the end of the day to their supervisor, who would then forward them to the district level, then to the provincial level, and only after that would the Ministry receive the information,” he says.  

    The country’s Ministry of Health faced an enormous challenge of dealing with large volumes of data from several different areas of its malaria control programme. Health authorities were overwhelmed with large volumes of data from several different sources, making data collection and analysis scattered and slow, and in turn diminishing their ability to rapidly respond to the needs of communities.  

    To address this challenge, in 2022, the Ministry of Health created a data repository called the Integrated Malaria Information System. By integrating its major data systems – campaign data, supervision data, epidemiological data, and entomological data – and linked them to a visual and user-friendly dashboard, the Ministry could receive data in real-time from the field, improving its quality.  

    Then, in 2023, the country moved to digitalize malaria campaigns. It started with mosquito net distribution campaigns, then seasonal malaria chemoprevention, and finally indoor residual spraying campaigns. All three are now fully digitalized and integrated. A user can log in and see all campaign information, including coverage and performance, which makes analysis much easier. Results were almost immediate. Campaign duration dropped from 7–14 days to just five.

    “We analyse data and know what’s happening in real time,” says Dr Baltazar Candrinho, Director of the National Malaria Control Programme in Mozambique. “We no longer need to wait for someone to report a problem days later. We can track coverage and team performance and monitor stock levels. If a village hasn’t received nets or hasn’t been reached, we know exactly where it is using GPS.”  

    The ministry trained its staff in all 11 provinces, and they subsequently cascaded the training to community distributors, who conduct interviews and gather data in their communities. The aim is to improve the collection and analysis of data for decision-making at the district level.  

    “At the central level, we already use these data for decision-making, but districts need to do the same. It’s a process of shifting mindset,” says Dr Candrinho. In terms of collecting, managing and storying data, Mozambique is among the most advanced malaria programmes globally and is one of the only countries to have all three of its malaria campaigns fully digitalized.

    “In the first year of introducing digitalization, it was a challenge to find community distributors who were comfortable using mobile devices, as many had limited education,” says Basílio. “But with training, things have changed. Nowadays, people in the community actually ask to become distributors because they’re interested in the digital process.”  

    Mozambique leads Africa in malaria digitalization, setting a benchmark for regional health innovation. “As we implement the project on advancing development of national malaria data repositories, Mozambique will provide valuable lessons and best practices, guiding what worked and why as we scale to other countries”, say Dr Lawrence Kazembe, team leader for Precision Public Health Programme at the WHO Regional Office for Africa who is implementing similar innovations in other African countries.

    Malaria is endemic in Mozambique, accounting for 3.4% of malaria cases globally and is the fifth highest country globally in terms of total case numbers. In 2024, over 11 million cases were reported by the country, placing the entire population at risk, with the highest prevalence of the disease in the north and along the Indian Ocean coast.  

    In 2024, the country implemented three malaria campaigns using the digital process, a step towards gaining an even more comprehensive understanding of the disease burden, including mortality patterns across all communities within the country.

    “Through WHO-led high burden to high impact initiative, we advocated and supported data driven planning and provided frameworks for malaria surveillance, data analytics and advice on how to align data digitalization to decision making processes based on WHO guidelines,” says Dr Eva de Carvalho, medical officer responsible for malaria in WHO Mozambique.

    Digitalization uses evidence from multiple information sources to ensure an efficient allocation of resources to the most affected communities and vulnerable populations. It facilitates programme evaluation and improves its performance. It’s an approach the country plans to use for other areas of its health response and this has already begun with the neglected tropical diseases programme.  Ultimately, this will have an impact on the health outcomes of the end user – people. “In the end, if we’re more efficient, the community definitely benefits,” says Dr Candrinho.

    MIL OSI Africa –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Africa: Malaria scorecard: battles have been won and advances made, but the war isn’t over

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Shüné Oliver, Medical scientist, National Institute for Communicable Diseases

    Sub-Saharan Africa continues to bear the brunt of malaria cases in the world. In this region 11 countries account for two-thirds of the global burden.

    World Malaria Day is marked on 25 April. What progress has been made against the disease, where are the gaps and what’s being done to plug them?

    As scientists who research malaria in Africa, we believe that the continent can defeat the disease. New, effective tools have been added to the malaria toolbox.

    Researchers and malaria programmes, however, must strengthen collaborations. This will ensure the limited resources are used in ways that make the most impact.

    The numbers

    Some progress has been made, but in some cases there have been reverses.

    • Between 2000 and 2015 there was an 18% reduction in new cases from 262 million in 2000 to 214 million in 2015. Since then, progress has stalled.

    • The World Health Organization estimates that approximately 2.2 billion cases have been prevented between 2000 and 2023. Additionally, 12.7 million deaths have been avoided. In 2025, 45 countries are certified as malaria free. Only nine of those countries are in Africa. These include Egypt, Seychelles and Lesotho.

    • The global target set by the WHO was to reduce new cases by 75% compared to cases in 2015. Africa should have reported approximately 47,000 cases in 2023. Instead there were 246 million.

    • Almost every African country with ongoing malaria transmission experienced an increase in malaria cases in 2023. Exceptions to this were Rwanda and Liberia.

    So why is progress stagnating and in many cases reversing?

    How malaria affects countries around the world.

    The setbacks

    Effective malaria control is extremely challenging. Malaria parasite and mosquito populations evolve rapidly. This makes them difficult to control.

    Africa is home to malaria mosquitoes that prefer biting humans to other animals. These mosquitoes have also adapted to avoid insecticide-treated surfaces.

    It has been shown in South Africa that mosquitoes may feed on people inside their homes, but will avoid resting on the sprayed walls.

    Mosquitoes have also developed mechanisms to resist the effects of insecticides. Malaria vector resistance to certain insecticides used in malaria control is widespread in endemic areas. Resistance levels vary around Africa.

    Resistance to the pyrethroid class is most common. Organophosphate resistance is rare, but present in west Africa. As mosquitoes become resistant to the chemicals used for mosquito control, both the spraying of houses and insecticide treated nets become less effective. However, in regions with high malaria cases, nets still provide physical protection despite resistance.

    An additional challenge is that malaria parasites continue to develop resistance to anti-malarial drugs. In 2007 the first evidence began to emerge in south-east Asia that parasites were developing resistance to artemisinins. These are key drugs in the fight against malaria.

    Recently this has been shown to be happening in some African countries too. Artemisinin resistance has been confirmed in Eritrea, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. Molecular markers of artemisinin resistance were recently detected in parasites from Namibia and Zambia.

    Malaria parasites have also developed mutations that prevent them from being being detected by the most widely used rapid diagnostic test in Africa.

    Countries in the Horn of Africa, where parasites with these mutations are common, have changed the malaria rapid diagnostic tests used to ensure early diagnosis.

    The progress

    Nevertheless, the fight against malaria has been strengthened by novel control strategies.

    Firstly, after more than 30 years of research, two malaria vaccines – RTS,S and R21 – have finally been approved by the WHO. These are being deployed in 19 African countries.

    These vaccines have reduced disease cases and deaths in the high-risk under-five-years-old age group. They have reduced cases of severe malaria by approximately 30% and deaths by 17%.

    Secondly, effectiveness of long-lasting insecticide-treated nets has been improved.

    New insecticides have been approved for use. Chemical components that help to manage resistance have also been included in the nets.

    Thirdly, novel tools are showing promise. One option is attractive toxic sugar baits. This is because sugar is what mosquitoes naturally eat. Biocontrol by altering the native gut bacteria of mosquitoes may also prove effective.

    Fourthly, reducing mosquito populations by releasing sterilised male or genetically modified mosquitoes into wild mosquito populations is also showing promise. Trials are currently happening in Burkina Faso. Genetically sterilised males have been released on a small scale. This strategy has shown promise in reducing the population.

    Fifthly, two new antimalarials are expected to be available in the next year or two. Artemisinin-based combination therapies are standard treatment for malaria. An improvement to this is triple artemisinin-based combination therapy. This is a combination of this drug with an additional antimalarial. Studies in Africa and Asia have shown these triple combinations to be very effective in controlling malaria.

    The second new antimalarial is the first non-artemisinin-based drug to be developed in over 20 years. Ganaplacide-lumefantrine has been shown to be effective in young children. Once available, it can to be used to treat parasites that are resistant to artemisinin. This is because it has a completely different mechanism of action.

    The end game

    It has been several years since the malaria control toolbox has been strengthened with novel tools and strategies that target both the vector and the parasite. This makes it an ideal time to double down in the fight against this deadly disease.

    In 2020, the WHO identified 25 countries with the potential to stop malaria transmission within their borders by 2025. While none of these countries eliminated malaria, some have made significant progress. Costa Rica and Nepal reported fewer than 100 cases. Timor-Leste reported only one case in recent years.

    Three southern African countries are included in this group: Botswana, Eswatini and South Africa. Unfortunately, all these countries showed increases in cases in 2023.

    With the new tools, these and other countries can eliminate malaria, getting us closer to the dream of a malaria-free world.

    – Malaria scorecard: battles have been won and advances made, but the war isn’t over
    – https://theconversation.com/malaria-scorecard-battles-have-been-won-and-advances-made-but-the-war-isnt-over-255230

    MIL OSI Africa –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Africa: AI policies in Africa: lessons from Ghana and Rwanda

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Thompson Gyedu Kwarkye, Postdoctoral Researcher, University College Dublin

    Artificial intelligence (AI) is increasing productivity and pushing the boundaries of what’s possible. It powers self-driving cars, social media feeds, fraud detection and medical diagnoses. Touted as a game changer, it is projected to add nearly US$15.7 trillion to the global economy by the end of the decade.

    Africa is positioned to use this technology in several sectors. In Ghana, Kenya and South Africa, AI-led digital tools in use include drones for farm management, X-ray screening for tuberculosis diagnosis, and real-time tracking systems for packages and shipments. All these are helping to fill gaps in accessibility, efficiency and decision-making.

    However, it also introduces risks. These include biased algorithms, resource and labour exploitation, and e-waste disposal. The lack of a robust regulatory framework in many parts of the continent increases these challenges, leaving vulnerable populations exposed to exploitation. Limited public awareness and infrastructure further complicate the continent’s ability to harness AI responsibly.

    What are African countries doing about it? To answer this, my research mapped out what Ghana and Rwanda had in place as AI policies and investigated how these policies were developed. I looked for shared principles and differences in approach to governance and implementation.

    The research shows that AI policy development is not a neutral or technical process but a profoundly political one. Power dynamics, institutional interests and competing visions of technological futures shape AI regulation.

    I conclude from my findings that AI’s potential to bring great change in Africa is undeniable. But its benefits are not automatic. Rwanda and Ghana show that effective policy-making requires balancing innovation with equity, global standards with local needs, and state oversight with public trust.

    The question is not whether Africa can harness AI, but how and on whose terms.

    How they did it

    Rwanda’s National AI Policy emerged from consultations with local and global actors. These included the Ministry of ICT and Innovation, the Rwandan Space Agency, and NGOs like the Future Society, and the GIZ FAIR Forward. The resulting policy framework is in line with Rwanda’s goals for digital transformation, economic diversification and social development. It includes international best practices such as ethical AI, data protection, and inclusive AI adoption.

    Ghana’s Ministry of Communication, Digital Technology and Innovations conducted multi-stakeholder workshops to develop a national strategy for digital transformation and innovation. Start-ups, academics, telecom companies and public-sector institutions came together and the result is Ghana’s National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2023–2033.

    Both countries have set up or plan to set up Responsible AI offices. This aligns with global best practices for ethical AI. Rwanda focuses on local capacity building and data sovereignty. This reflects the country’s post-genocide emphasis on national control and social cohesion. Similarly, Ghana’s proposed office focuses on accountability, though its structure is still under legislative review.

    Ghana and Rwanda have adopted globally recognised ethical principles like privacy protection, bias mitigation and human rights safeguards. Rwanda’s policy reflects Unesco’s AI ethics recommendations and Ghana emphasises “trustworthy AI”.

    Both policies frame AI as a way to reach the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. Rwanda’s policy targets applications in healthcare, agriculture, poverty reduction and rural service delivery. Similarly, Ghana’s strategy highlights the potential to advance economic growth, environmental sustainability and inclusive digital transformation.

    Key policy differences

    Rwanda’s policy ties data control to national security. This is rooted in its traumatic history of identity-based violence. Ghana, by contrast, frames AI as a tool for attracting foreign investment rather than a safeguard against state fragility.

    The policies also differ in how they manage foreign influence. Rwanda has a “defensive” stance towards global tech powers; Ghana’s is “accommodative”. Rwanda works with partners that allow it to follow its own policy. Ghana, on the other hand, embraces partnerships, viewing them as the start of innovation.

    While Rwanda’s approach is targeted and problem-solving, Ghana’s strategy is expansive, aiming for large-scale modernisation and private-sector growth. Through state-led efforts, Rwanda focuses on using AI to solve immediate challenges such as rural healthcare access and food security. In contrast, Ghana looks at using AI more widely – in finance, transport, education and governance – to become a regional tech hub.

    Constraints and solutions

    The effectiveness of these AI policies is held back by broader systemic challenges. The US and China dominate in setting global standards, so local priorities get sidelined. For example, while Rwanda and Ghana advocate for ethical AI, it’s hard for them to hold multinational corporations accountable for breaches.

    Energy shortages further complicate large-scale AI adoption. Training models require reliable electricity – a scarce resource in many parts of the continent.

    To address these gaps, I propose the following:

    Investments in digital infrastructure, education and local start-ups to reduce dependency on foreign tech giants.

    African countries must shape international AI governance forums. They must ensure policies reflect continental realities, not just western or Chinese ones. This will include using collective bargaining power through the African Union to bring Africa’s development needs to the fore. It could also help with digital sovereignty issues and equitable access to AI technologies.

    Finally, AI policies must embed African ethical principles. These should include communal rights and post-colonial sensitivities.

    – AI policies in Africa: lessons from Ghana and Rwanda
    – https://theconversation.com/ai-policies-in-africa-lessons-from-ghana-and-rwanda-253642

    MIL OSI Africa –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI NGOs: After first 100 days of US aid budget cuts

    Source: Médecins Sans Frontières –

    New York — Three months since the Trump administration first suspended all international assistance pending review, the United States (US) has terminated much of its funding for global health and humanitarian programmes, dismantled the federal government architecture for oversight of these activities, and fired many of the key staff responsible for implementation. Patients around the world are scrambling to understand how they can continue treatment, medical providers are struggling to maintain essential services, and aid groups are sounding the alarm about exploding needs in countries with existing emergencies.

    “These sudden cuts by the Trump administration are a human-made disaster for the millions of people struggling to survive amid wars, disease outbreaks, and other emergencies,” says Avril Benoît, CEO of Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in the US. “We are an emergency response organisation, but we have never seen anything like this massive disruption to global health and humanitarian programmes. The risks are catastrophic, especially since people who rely on foreign assistance are already among the most vulnerable in the world.”

    The US has long been the leading supporter of global health and humanitarian programmes, responsible for around 40% of all related funding. These US investments have helped improve the health and well-being of communities around the globe — and totalled less than 1% of the annual federal budget.

    Abruptly ending this huge proportion of support is already having devastating consequences for people who rely on aid, including those at risk of malnutrition and infectious diseases, and those who are trapped in humanitarian crises around the world. These major cuts to US funding and staffing are part of a broader policy agenda that has far-reaching impacts for people whose access to care is already limited by persecution and discrimination, such as refugees and migrants, civilians caught in conflict, LGBTQI+ people, and anyone who can become pregnant.

    The status of even the much-reduced number of remaining US-funded programmes is highly uncertain. The administration now plans to extend the initial 90-day review period for foreign aid, which was due to conclude on 20 April, by an additional 30 days, according to an internal email from the State Department obtained by the media.

    MSF does not accept US government funding, so we are not directly affected by these sweeping changes to international assistance as most other aid organisations are. We remain committed to providing medical care and humanitarian support in more than 70 countries across the world. However, no organisation can do this work alone. We work closely with other health and humanitarian organisations to deliver vital services, and many of our activities involve programmes that have been disrupted due to funding cuts.

    It will be much more difficult and costly to provide care when so many ministries of health have been affected globally and there are fewer community partners overall. We will also be facing fewer places to refer patients for specialised services, as well as shortages and stockouts due to hamstrung supply chains.

    Amid ongoing chaos and confusion, our teams are already witnessing some of the life-threatening consequences of the administration’s actions to date. Most recently, the US administration cancelled nearly all humanitarian assistance programmes in Yemen and Afghanistan, two countries facing some of the most severe humanitarian needs in the world. After years of conflict and compounding crises, an estimated 19.5 million people in Yemen — over half the population — are dependent on aid. The decision to punish civilians caught in these two conflicts undermines the principles of humanitarian assistance.

    Across the world, MSF teams have witnessed US-funded organisations reducing or cancelling other vital activities –including vaccination campaigns, protection and care for people caught in areas of conflict, sexual and reproductive health services, the provision of clean water, and adequate sanitation services.

    “It’s shocking to see the US abandon its leadership role in advancing global health and humanitarian efforts,” says Benoît. “US assistance has been a lifeline for millions of people–while yanking this support will lead to more preventable deaths and untold suffering around the world. We can’t accept this dangerous new normal. We urge the administration and Congress to maintain commitments to support critical global health and humanitarian aid.”

    Snapshot: How US aid cuts are impacting people worldwide

    Malnutrition: US funding cuts are severely impacting people in areas of Somalia affected by chronic drought, food insecurity, and displacement due to conflict. In the Baidoa and Mudug regions, the scaling down of operations by aid organisations — driven by US funding cuts and a broader lack of humanitarian aid — is making a shortage of health services and nutrition programmes even more critical. For example, the closure of maternal and child health clinics and a therapeutic feeding centre in Baidoa cut off monthly care to hundreds of malnourished children. MSF nutrition programmes in Baidoa have reported an increase in severe acute malnutrition admissions since the funding cuts. The MSF-supported Bay Regional hospital has received patients traveling as far as 190 kilometres for care due to facility closures elsewhere.

    HIV: Cuts to PEPFAR and USAID have led to suspensions and closures of HIV programmes in countries including South Africa, Uganda, and Zimbabwe — threatening the lives of people receiving antiretroviral (ARV) therapy. South Africa’s pioneering Treatment Action Campaign — which helped transform the country’s response to HIV/AIDS — has had to drastically reduce its community-led monitoring system that helps ensure that people stay on treatment. The monitoring is now only happening at a small scale at clinics. In MSF’s programme in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, there has been a 70% increase in pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) tablet distribution from January to March compared to the previous quarter, as well as an increase of 30% in consultations for health services, including for HIV — highlighting the growing demand as USAID funding cuts reduce access to other HIV prevention services.

    Outbreaks: In the border regions across South Sudan and Ethiopia, MSF teams are responding to a rampant cholera outbreak amid escalating violence — while other organisations have scaled down their presence. According to our teams, a number of organisations, including Save the Children, have suspended mobile clinic activities in South Sudan’s Akobo County due to US aid cuts. Save the Children reported earlier this month that at least five children and three adults with cholera died while making the long, hot trek to seek treatment in this part of South Sudan. With the withdrawal of these organisations, local health authorities are now facing significant limitations in their ability to respond effectively to the outbreak. MSF has warned that the disruption of mobile services, combined with the reduced capacity of other actors to support oral vaccination campaigns, increases the risk of preventable deaths and the continued spread of this highly infectious disease.

    Sexual and reproductive healthcare: MSF teams in more than 20 countries have reported concerns with disrupted or suspended sexual and reproductive health programmes, which MSF relies on for referrals for medical emergencies, supplies, and technical partnerships. These include contexts with already high levels of maternal and infant mortality. In Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh — home to one of the world’s largest refugee camps — MSF teams report that other implementers are not able to provide supplies, like emergency birth kits and contraceptives. Referrals for medical emergencies, like post-abortion care, have also been disrupted, increasing urgent needs for sexual and reproductive care in the region.

    Migration: Essential protection services — including shelters for women and children, legal aid, and support for survivors of violence — have been shuttered or severely reduced as needs increase due to changes in US immigration policy. For patients and MSF teams along the Central American migration route in areas like Danlí, San Pedro Sula, Tapachula, and Mexico City, referral networks have all but disappeared. This has left many migrants without safe places to sleep, access to food, or legal and psychosocial support.

    Access to clean water: In the initial weeks following the aid freeze, our teams saw several organisations stop the distribution of drinking water for displaced people in conflict-affected areas, including in Sudan’s Darfur region, Ethiopia’s Tigray region, and Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince. In response to the crisis in Port-au-Prince, in March, MSF stepped in to run a water distribution system via tanker trucks to provide for more than 13,000 people living in four camps for communities displaced by violent clashes between armed groups and police. This was in addition to our regular activities focused on providing medical care for victims of violence. Ensuring access to clean drinking water is essential for health and preventing the spread of waterborne diseases like cholera.

    Vaccination: The reported decision by the US to cut funding to Gavi (The Vaccine Alliance) could have disastrous consequences for children across the globe. The organisation estimated that the loss of US support is projected to deny approximately 75 million children routine vaccinations in the next five years, with more than 1.2 million children potentially dying as a result. Worldwide, more than half of the vaccines MSF uses come from local ministries of health and are procured through Gavi. We could see the impacts in places like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where MSF vaccinates more children than anywhere else in the world. In 2023 alone, MSF vaccinated more than 2 million people in DRC against diseases like measles and cholera.

    Mental health: In Ethiopia’s Kule refugee camp, where MSF teams run a health centre for more than 50,000 South Sudanese refugees, a US-funded organisation abruptly halted mental health and social services for victims and survivors of sexual violence and withdrew their staff. MSF teams provide other medical care but cannot currently cover the mental health and social services these patients need.

    Non-communicable diseases: In Zimbabwe, US funding cuts have forced a local provider to stop its community outreach activities to identify women to be screened for cervical cancer. Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer-related death in Zimbabwe, even though it is preventable. Many women and girls — especially in rural areas — cannot afford or do not have access to diagnosis and treatment, which makes outreach, screening, and prevention activities vital. 

    MIL OSI NGO –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Stakes high as G20 ministers miss opportunity to pursue solidarity, wealth tax

    Source: Greenpeace Statement –

    Washington, D.C. – A meeting of G20 Finance Ministers has failed to deliver a key signal of solidarity as ongoing economic turmoil led to difficult talks in Washington D.C. and slowed progress on critical reforms to tax the world’s super-rich.

    In a disappointing outcome at the 2nd Finance and Central Bank Ministerial Meeting, no reference was made to earlier agreements focused on cooperative efforts to effectively tax the ultra-rich as momentum around the initiative appeared to stall. 

    Fred Njehu, Global Political Lead, Greenpeace Africa, said: “Turbulent economic times like these demand a unified, multilateral response and G20 ministers have an historic obligation to help steer the global economy and environment towards safer waters. This starts with supporting South Africa’s focus on Solidarity, Equality and Sustainability to find real solutions.”

    “G20 ministers must boldly stay the course for what is fair and just, acting in solidarity with each other in opposition to wrecking ball diplomacy to deliver equality and a sustainable future for all. That means international cooperation, not tariff wars or economic blackmail or corporate plunder.”

    “Equality is not the accumulation of wealth and power in the hands of a few billionaires. G20 Finance Ministers have an incredible opportunity to achieve a breakthrough on wealth taxation. We need to stand up to the power of billionaires who are a threat to our safety, security and wellbeing.”

    “The hoarding of wealth and power is eroding democracy, fueling inequality and driving the climate crisis and environmental destruction. We cannot afford to sit idly by and the G20 must show bold and collaborative leadership in times of global need.”

    ENDS

    Contacts:

    Lee Kuen, Global Communications Lead, Fair Share Campaign, Greenpeace International, +60176690211, lkuen@admin

    Greenpeace International Press Desk, +31 (0)20 718 2470 (available 24 hours), [email protected]

    MIL OSI NGO –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Cameroon: forest communities demand a regional Congo Basin forest day

    Source: Greenpeace Statement –

    Yaoundé, March 21, 2025 – As deforestation accelerates and food security worsens, Indigenous and local communities in Cameroon are demanding urgent action. On the International Day of Forests, Greenpeace Africa and Indigenous leaders called for the creation of a Congo Basin Forest Day—a day to formally recognize the frontline defenders of Africa’s largest rainforest and their fight against environmental destruction

    “One day to honor a lifetime of protection”

    For SM Nkolo Thade, chief of Nyamibete, the initiative is long overdue:

    “Year after year, nothing changes. Our rights remain ignored, and our efforts to protect the forest go unrecognized. Indigenous and local communities are the backbone of forest conservation, yet we are marginalized. One day out of 365 would be a powerful step toward acknowledging our role and our fight to safeguard the planet.”

    This year’s International Day of Forests focuses on “Forests and Food”- a theme that directly impacts communities who rely on the forest for survival. Stella Tchoukep, Forest Campaigner at Greenpeace Africa, warned of the escalating crisis:

    “Food insecurity is skyrocketing across Africa. Destroying forests means destroying the livelihoods of millions. It’s time for conservation funding to go directly to the communities that have protected these forests for generations. Without them, there is no future for these ecosystems.”

    Deforestation, climate change, and a race against time

    Cameroon’s forests are disappearing at an alarming rate. Mining, industrial agriculture, and illegal logging are stripping the land, devastating biodiversity, and deepening poverty. Instead of bringing promised development, these projects push rural communities into crisis.

    “The pressure on Cameroon’s forests is relentless. Expanding agro-industry, mining and deforestation are wiping out ecosystems and driving food insecurity. Climate change is making things worse – erratic rainfall is crushing crop yields, and entire communities are on the brink. As Cameroon drafts its first-ever land policy, it must prioritize the land rights of forest communities before it’s too late,” urged Tchoukep.

    The numbers are alarming: 74% of households report declining harvests, 70% say soil quality is deteriorating, and in 2023, three million Cameroonians – 11% of the population – faced acute food insecurity, according to a study published by the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development.

    A global movement to safeguard forests

    This crisis is bigger than Cameroon. Greenpeace Africa is pushing for a global response through its Forest Solutions Campaign, bringing together the world’s three largest rainforest basins to champion local solutions and demand real funding for the people protecting these forests.

    The message is clear: time is running out. Without urgent action, the Congo Basin – the planet’s second-largest rainforest – will be lost, along with the communities that live there and protect it. Greenpeace Africa and its allies are calling on governments, international organizations, and the public to stand with Indigenous and local communities in defense of one of the world’s last great forests.

    ENDS

    Contacts:

    Luchelle Feukeng, Communication and Storytelling Manager, [email protected], +237 656 46 35 45 

    MIL OSI NGO –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: Macao int’l travel expo opens for global tourism opportunities

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    MACAO, April 25 — The 13th Macao International Travel (Industry) Expo (MITE) kicked off on Friday, setting new records with 755 exhibitors from 70 countries and regions.

    Organized by the tourism office of the Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR) government and coordinated by the Macao Travel Agency Association, the event aims to foster global tourism cooperation and strengthen Macao’s international connectivity.

    Over 500 participants gathered for the opening ceremony, including the SAR Chief Executive Sam Hou Fai, Director of the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Macao SAR Zheng Xincong, and Commissioner of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Macao SAR Liu Xianfa.

    With 30,000 square meters of exhibition space, this year’s expo showcased 1,502 booths. Tourism authorities from Qatar, Hamburg of Germany, Sweden, Burundi, Kenya and Türkiye participated for the first time. According to the Macao SAR tourism office, the number of international exhibitor booths increased by 50 percent this year.

    New highlights for this year’s MITE include a live-streaming section for exhibitors from Belt and Road countries, a coffee station showcasing products from Portuguese-speaking nations, and a foodie market that celebrates the culinary diversity of Macao.

    In her opening address, Maria Helena de Senna Fernandes, director of the Tourism Office of the Macao SAR government, said that Macao continuously enhances the role of a bridge to connect the tourism industries of Macao, the Chinese mainland, and the international community. She also called for the expansion of the international network to promote mutually beneficial development in the global tourism industry.

    The expo runs until Sunday with over 70 activities, including promotional sessions and forums.

    MIL OSI China News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Video: Secretary Rubio hosts a Declaration of Principles signing ceremony – 2:00 PM

    Source: United States of America – Department of State (video statements)

    Secretary of State Marco A. Rubio hosts a Declaration of Principles signing ceremony between Democratic Republic of the Congo Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner and Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe at the Department of State, on April 25, 2025.

    ———-
    Under the leadership of the President and Secretary of State, the U.S. Department of State leads America’s foreign policy through diplomacy, advocacy, and assistance by advancing the interests of the American people, their safety and economic prosperity. On behalf of the American people we promote and demonstrate democratic values and advance a free, peaceful, and prosperous world.

    The Secretary of State, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, is the President’s chief foreign affairs adviser. The Secretary carries out the President’s foreign policies through the State Department, which includes the Foreign Service, Civil Service and U.S. Agency for International Development.

    Get updates from the U.S. Department of State at www.state.gov and on social media!
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    #StateDepartment #DepartmentofState #Diplomacy

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X4fOSFlIhU0

    MIL OSI Video –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Video: Secretary Rubio hosts a Declaration of Principles signing ceremony

    Source: United States of America – Department of State (video statements)

    Secretary of State Marco A. Rubio hosts a Declaration of Principles signing ceremony between Democratic Republic of the Congo Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner and Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe at the Department of State, on April 25, 2025.

    ———-
    Under the leadership of the President and Secretary of State, the U.S. Department of State leads America’s foreign policy through diplomacy, advocacy, and assistance by advancing the interests of the American people, their safety and economic prosperity. On behalf of the American people we promote and demonstrate democratic values and advance a free, peaceful, and prosperous world.

    The Secretary of State, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, is the President’s chief foreign affairs adviser. The Secretary carries out the President’s foreign policies through the State Department, which includes the Foreign Service, Civil Service and U.S. Agency for International Development.

    Get updates from the U.S. Department of State at www.state.gov and on social media!
    Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/statedept
    X: https://x.com/StateDept
    Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/statedept
    Flickr: https://flickr.com/photos/statephotos/

    Subscribe to the State Department Blog: https://www.state.gov/blogs
    Watch on-demand State Department videos: https://video.state.gov/
    Subscribe to The Week at State e-newsletter: http://ow.ly/diiN30ro7Cw

    State Department website: https://www.state.gov/
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    #StateDepartment #DepartmentofState #Diplomacy

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=alkYTdkh76s

    MIL OSI Video –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: Press Briefing Transcript: African Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

    Speaker: ABEBE AEMRO SELASSIE, Director, African Department, IMF

    Moderator: KWABENA AKUAMOAH-BOATENG, Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening to all of you here in the room and those joining us online. My name is Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng.  I am with the Communications Department of the IMF, and

    I will be your moderator for today. 

    Welcome to today’s press briefing on the Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa. I am pleased to introduce Abebe Aemro Selassie, Director of the IMF’s African Department.  Abebe will share key insights from our new report titled Recovery Interrupted. 

    But before I turn to Abebe, a reminder that we have simultaneous interpretation in French and Portuguese, both online and in the room.  And the materials for this press briefing, the report, are all available online at IMF.org/Africa. Abebe, the floor is yours.

    MR. SELASSIE: Good morning and good afternoon to colleagues joining us from the region and beyond. Thank you for being here today for the release of our April Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Six months ago, I highlighted our region’s sluggish growth, and the steep political and social hurdles governments had to overcome to push through essential reforms.  Today, that fragile recovery faces a new test: the surge of global policy uncertainty so profound it is reshaping the region’s growth trajectory.

    Just when policy efforts began to bear fruit, with regional growth exceeding expectations in 2024, the region’s hard-won recovery has been overtaken by a sudden realignment of global priorities, casting a shadow over the outlook.  We now expect growth in Sub-Saharan Africa to ease to 3.8 percent in 2025 and 4.2 percent in 2026, marked down from our October projections, and these have been driven largely by difficult external conditions: weaker demand abroad, softer commodity prices, and tighter financial markets.

    Any further increase in trade tensions or tightening of financial conditions in advanced economies could further dampen regional confidence, raise borrowing costs further, and delay investment.  Meanwhile, official development assistance to Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to decline further, placing extra strain on the most vulnerable population.

    These external headwinds come on top of longer-standing vulnerabilities. High debt levels constrain the ability of many countries to finance essential services and development priorities.  While inflationary pressures have moderated at the regional level, quite a few countries are still grappling with elevated inflation, necessitating a tighter monetary stance and careful fiscal policy.

    Against this challenging backdrop, our report underscores the importance of calibrating policies to balance growth, social development, and macroeconomic stability.  Building robust fiscal and external buffers is more important than ever, underpinned by credibility and consistency in policymaking.

    In particular, there is a premium on policies to strengthen resilience: mobilize domestic revenue, improve spending efficiency, and strengthen public finance management and fiscal framework and fiscal frameworks to lower borrowing costs.  Reforms that enhance growth, improve the business climate, and foster regional trade integration are also needed to lay the groundwork for private sector-led growth.  High growth is imperative to engender the millions of jobs our region needs. 

    A strong, stable, and prosperous Sub-Saharan Africa is important for its people but also the world.  It is the region that will be the main source of labor and incremental investment and consumption demand in the decades to come.  External support as the region goes through its demographic transition is of tremendous strategic importance for the future of our planet. 

    The Fund is doing its part to help, having dispersed over $65 billion since 2020 and more than $8 billion just over the last year.  Our policy advice and capacity development efforts support more countries still. 

    Thank you and I’m happy to answer your questions. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Thank you, Abebe. Before we turn to you for your questions, a couple of ground rules, please. If you want to ask a question, raise your hand, and we’ll come to you.  Identify yourself and your organization and please limit it to one question.  For those online, you can use the chat function, or you can also raise your hand, and then we’ll come to you.  I will start from my right. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  You mentioned several things in your report.  The recovery that is going on the continent as well as some of the challenges that the continent is facing and the dividends that the continent currently has in its youth.  Leaders on the continent are working — I was at an event yesterday where they are looking at ways to raise funds to develop projects.  So, what is your recommendation for projects?  We’re seeing a need for projects like this as well as revenue mobilization on the continent.  So, is your recommendation to leaders on the continent on how to source these funds that are needed, given that some of the advanced economies are cutting back? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, any related questions before we go to Abebe?

    QUESTIONER: Abebe, you just made the point that the recovery has been hit by these uncertainties.  Beyond just policy direction, is there any scope to do anything in terms of, for example, maybe you dispense some money though, but maybe a little more to expect — to countries that are coming off defaults and what have you to help in this recovery, even at such a time?  This is also aided by, beyond the fact that some are coming, they have no buffers whatsoever.  And then, coming from defaults, things become very difficult for some of these countries to even have the money to do this.  Could there be any extra funding, even if on a regional level, to back the policy prescriptions that you have proposed? 

    MR. SELASSIE: I think there’s two different points here. The first one is more of a broader meta point, whether financing is the only constraint that is hindering more investment, more robust economic activity, and job creation. Of course, financing plays a role, but it is not the only constraint. It depends on country-to-country circumstances, what sectors we are talking about.  But it really is important to recognize that there are many other things that can be done to engender higher growth to facilitate more investment. 

    One of the issues that we have seen in our region over the years is that a lot of growth has –in many countries– been driven by public spending and public investment for many years.  That, of course, has made a major contribution.  It has facilitated all the investment that we have seen in infrastructure, building schools, building clinics.  So, that has a role to play. But I would say that going forward it will be as important to see if we can find ways in which the private sector is the main engine of growth. So, there are reforms that can be done to facilitate this growth. 

    The second one I am sensing from both your questions is about the circumstance right now where a combination of cuts in aid [and] tighter financing conditions are causing dislocation [and difficulties for governments. We have been, more than anybody else, stressing just what a difficult environment our governments have been facing.  We have been talking about the brutal funding squeeze that countries are under.  It has ebbed a little bit and flowed, you know, like the external market conditions, for example. There have been periods when they have been opened and some of our market access countries have been able to borrow, and then other periods where they have been closed, and we are going through one right now.  And this is on top of the cuts in aid that we have seen and tighter domestic financing conditions.  

    When this more cyclical point is playing out, I think it’s important for countries to be a bit more measured in how they are seeking to tackle their development needs.  So, maybe it means a bit more relying on domestic revenue mobilization, expenditure prioritization when conditions are particularly difficult as they are now, and, as I said earlier, going back to see what can be done to find ways to engender growth over the medium-term.  But it is a difficult period, as we note in our report, and one that is causing quite a bit of dislocation to our countries. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will come to the middle. The lady in the front.

    QUESTIONER: My first question is around recovery, of course, your reports are called “interrupted”.  So, with recovery slipping, growth downgraded, debt pressures mountain, is Sub-Saharan Africa at risk of another lost decade?  Because in your report you mentioned that the last four years have been quite turbulent for Africa, and we are trying to get back on track.  What is IMF’s message on bold actions that leaders must take now to avoid being left behind in the global economy and to avoid Africa being in a permanent state of vulnerability?  Because we always hear that we are in a permanent state of vulnerability.  Then for Nigeria, macros are under threat right now.  How can the government — what are your suggestions on how the government can actually push through deep reforms that deliver tangible growth for its people?  Of course, for your report, you did mention the millions and millions of people that you know live below $2.15 a day. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Any more Nigeria questions? I will take the gentleman right here.

    QUESTIONER: In your report you said that debt has stabilized.  And when you look at Nigeria’s debt profile, what insights can you share as to where the borrowings are going to?  Are you seeing more of long-term loans or short-term loans?  So that’s one.  So, what — recently the World Bank expressed concerns about the performance of Nigeria’s statistical body, saying that the institution is performing Sub optimally.  Do you share that sentiment?  Thank you very much. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will take one more on Nigeria. The gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTIONER: I [would] like to know in specific terms, Nigeria has already undertaken several reforms, especially removed oil subsidies and floated the naira.  What more specific things do you expect of Nigeria in terms of reform?

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thank you. Abebe?

    MR. SELASSIE: So, in terms of the reforms that have been going on in Nigeria and the particularities of the challenge, the first thing to note is that we have been really impressed by how much reforms have been undertaken in recent years. Most notably, trying to go to the heart of the cause of the macroeconomic imbalances in Nigeria, which are related to the fact that, oil subsidies were taking up a very large share of the limited tax revenues that the government have and not necessarily being used in the most effective way to help the most vulnerable people. The issues related to the imbalances on the external side with the exchange rate extremely out of line. 

    So it’s been really good to see the government taking these on, head-on, address those, and also beginning to roll out the third component of the reforms that we have been advocating for and of course, the government has been pursuing, which is to expand social protection, to target generalized subsidies to help the most vulnerable.  This has all been very good to see, but more can be done, particularly on the latter front, expanding social protection and enhancing a lot more transparency in the oil sector so that the removal of subsidies does translate into flow of revenue into the government budget.  So, there is still a bit more work to do in these areas. 

    We just had a mission in Nigeria where there was extensive discussions on these and other issues on the macroeconomic area, but also other areas where there is a need to do reforms to engender more private sector investment and also how more resources can be devoted to help Nigeria generate the revenues it so desperately needs to build more schools, more universities, and, of course, more infrastructure.  So, there is a comprehensive set of reforms that Nigeria can pursue that would help engender more growth and help diversify the economy away from reliance on oil.  And this diversification is, of course, all the more important given what we are seeing happening to commodity prices.  So, I think this is an important agenda. 

    Second, as the government is doing this, of course there will be a financing need.  And here what is needed is really a judicious and agile way of dealing with the financing challenges the country faces.  In the long run, the financing gap can only be filled by permanent sources such as revenue mobilization.  But in the interim, carefully looking at all the options the country must borrow in a contained way will be part of that solution.  And I think the government has been going about this prudently and cautiously so far, and we are encouraged by that. 

    And lastly, on data issues in Nigeria we really applaud the effort the government’s making to try and revise and upgrade data quality in Nigeria.  This task is not an easy one in our countries, given the extent of informality there is, given the extent of relative price changes that play out in our economies.  So doing this cautiously is what is needed methodically.  And that is exactly what we see happening.  We welcome, though, the efforts the government is making because without good data, it is difficult to make good policies.  So, we really applaud the effort the government is making to try and upgrade data quality. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take a round of questions online.

    QUESTIONER: There are bills in the UK Parliament and the New York State Assembly that aim to force holdout private creditors to accept debt treatments on comparable terms to other creditors and to limit or stop such litigation.  Are these bills needed, do you think, or is the current international debt architecture sufficient?  So, you know, IMF, DSAs, creditor groups, the common framework, where applicable. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead with your question.

    QUESTIONER: Earlier this month, the IMF reached a staff-level agreement with Burkina Faso to complete the Third Review of the country’s program.  So as part of the review, the IMF allowed a greater fiscal flexibility, allowing Burkina Faso to raise its public deficit target to 4 percent, up from the 2 percent cap set by the West African Economic Monetary Union.  So, given that the country’s challenges, such as persistent insecurity, high social demands, are common across the region, wouldn’t it be wiser to consider applying this flexibility more broadly to the West African Economic Monetary Union?  And my second question will be about the downward revision of the growth forecast for 2025 and 2026 in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Does the IMF view this new crisis – I am talking about the global uncertainty and the recent U.S. tariff measures.  Does the IMF view this crisis as potentially more severe and with broader consequences for the region than previous shocks such as COVID and the war in Ukraine? 

    MR. SELASSIE: On the first question on debt workouts and the challenges there, I am not fully informed about the specifics of the bills that Rachel, you are talking about, indeed, we have seen from time to time some private creditor groups holding out, trying to hold out, but I am not sure that a bill is what’s needed, but rather, force of argument to try and bring people to the table. And in recent restructurings, at least I am not aware of this being the main hindrance in advancing discussions.  There have been many other factors, including just the complexity of the current creditor landscape, that have played a role. 

    On Burkina Faso, flexibility under the program or the deficit targets for the WAEMU countries more generally, just it is important to distinguish between particular years’ fiscal deficit targets that the government wants to pursue and we, incorporate in the program and just the more medium-term criteria, convergence criteria that there is for the WAEMU countries. 

    So, the 3 percent target criteria are for the medium- to long-term.  And it has been very clear that when there are shocks or when there are pressing social development needs, countries do have the scope to deviate from that.  In fact, often the constraint on the Sahel countries has been not having enough, sufficient, enough financing to be able to meet these to advance development objectives.  The other constraint of course is that overall, the more you exceed this 3 percent target and add to the overall debt burden, the more you are going to have – you are likely to build up debt vulnerabilities. 

    So, in the work that we do with countries, whether it is Burkina Faso or other WAEMU countries or indeed beyond, what we try and help with is of course to help countries strike this balance between addressing the immediate and pressing needs that they have while avoiding medium-term debt sustainability problems.  I think one is just thinking about how to strike this balance.  And then second, we put resources on the table very cheaply to help countries, avoid, at least in the near term, more difficult financing difficulties.  So, for Burkina and others, it is just about striking this balance.

    And on growth, whether this latest shock is as bad for the region as the previous ones. I think it is really important also to point out that as difficult, I mean the last four or five years have been incredibly difficult time for our countries, a lot of challenges, a lot of dislocation, but there is also been quite a lot of resilience, and I think that is important to stress.  I would note that, even now, it is this year, 11 out of the 20 fastest growing economies in the world are from Sub-Saharan Africa.  So, there are quite a lot of countries that are going to be sustaining significant growth in the region.  So, we should also not lose sight of this resilience. 

    Second, and more broadly, the buildup of uncertainties I think is very negative.  And this is interrupting what we are seeing in terms of a recovery.  But growth is not, we are not projecting growth to collapse.  And our hope is that as things calm down, the region can resume its growth trajectory also.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take three more questions online, then we will come back to the room.

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to know about Senegal, in terms of whether funds would be repaid after the misreporting of data and if the IMF has learned anything from that?  And also, just if you can, the status of the IMF’s programs and even operations in Sudan and South Sudan? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead.

    QUESTIONER: The IMF is urging countries to focus on domestic revenue mobilization.  But you may have seen that South Africa’s Finance Minister has withdrawn the VAT increase that he had proposed in the budget, in the face of opposition from coalition partners.  Does the IMF see any alternative sources of revenue that are feasible for the South African government as the parties hoped?  And are there any lessons here for other countries trying to mobilize domestic revenue?                                                         

    QUESTIONER: Building on the question that Hilary has asked that the REO does make the case for domestic revenue mobilization, and you made that argument, I believe, in the last two Regional Economic Outlook reports as well.  But poverty is still endemic.  Incomes, as far as I can tell, have not really recovered to pre-pandemic levels.  So other than broadcast to tax exemptions what else can be done to raise tax-to-GDP ratios?  One last question on this.  Has there been any progress that has been made in the Sovereign Debt Roundtable in deciding how debt from Afreximbank, and Trade and Development Bank should be treated, at least under the common framework for countries like Ghana and Zambia?  Now, do they qualify to not have their debt restructured in the same way that the IMF, the World Bank’s credit lines?

    MR. SELASSIE: On Senegal, I was recently in Dakar for discussions building on work that our team has been doing. What we are waiting for is the government to finalize the work that’s ongoing.  Right now, the audits are going on and reconciliation work is going on. 

    On the extent of domestic and external debt.  We have been very clear in welcoming the transparency and really robust and collegial way in which the government has been engaging on the issues that have arisen in the misreporting case and we look forward to the numbers stabilizing, and engaging in discussions on the next steps in terms of bringing the, the findings to our Executive Board and next steps in our engagement with Senegal. 

    On South Sudan, it has just been a difficult period of course for South Sudan.  They have been hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from the conflict in the north.  The conflict has also interrupted, disrupted heavily their main source of tax revenue, oil exports through the pipeline.  So, it’s been a really wrenching period.  Over the last three, four years we have provided, you know, we have been trying to provide South Sudan with emergency financing and trying to find a way in which we can engage with a more structured longer-term program.  We remain hopeful that we are going to be able to do that.  But first and foremost, I think we need to see what can be done to make sure that the policy making environment is as robust and as strong as it is, and as transparent, so we can come in, step in and support South Sudan.

    On revenue mobilization, I want to just first link this to the point I made earlier that what we have observed and again there is a risk of generalizing, but what we’ve observed over the last 10, 15 years in the region is that governments have made a very significant effort to invest in really important infrastructure needs in building schools, in building health clinics and much else.  And you see very positive outcomes.  Look at the electricity coverage in our region, look at the human development indicators and how much they have moved over the years in the region. 

    But we have also seen that despite a lot of investment, for example, in electricity generation capacity and electricity coverage in our countries, many roads are being built.  The returns of all this investment have not been captured in the tax revenue, which is one of the points, the pressure points where debt levels have gone up and the interest-to-revenue ratio.  So, the interest payment-to-revenue ratio has also been rising.  And this has been one of the key points of vulnerability in many economies and why a few countries have gotten into debt difficulty and needed to restructure. 

    So going forward, I think it’s very clear that to be able to continue investing; to be able to continue expanding economies and the government doing its core function, it has to find more ways other than borrowing to address this. 

    Now, in the past, governments have been quick to cut spending, and that has, we found, again and again, to be very detrimental to development progress and growth outcomes.  I think this, again, at the risk of generalizing, was the approach that was generally pursued in the 1980s and found to be very problematic, very challenging, very depressing to growth.  So, we would very much love for countries to avoid this. When there are pressing spending needs, there’s generally only a couple of ways that you can finance this.  Spending cuts or revenue mobilization.  You can borrow, of course, but as I said, borrowing is not optimal. 

    Now, this doesn’t mean revenue mobilization is easy.  Far, far from it. It requires not only political engagement, but also a lot of communication, a lot of effort to show that the resources the government is trying to generate are going to be going to the right areas to help strengthen the social contract.  So, it’s a deep and engaged process, and we are very, very cognizant of that.  But I do think that this is the most optimal way, the most economically sensible way in which our countries can help address the tremendous development needs that we have.

    Now, specifically on South Africa, ultimately when issues like this arise, these are deeply domestic political issues to be resolved as to what the best way to do the financing is.  So, if a tax rate increase for a particular tax is not possible, then maybe finding ways to expand the tax base, maybe trying different tax angles or if all of those are not possible, then revisiting spending priorities may be one of the ways that countries must handle this.  And this is typically what we see playing out in countries in the region when financing constraints are binding. 

    So, whether it is in Kenya, South Africa, or other countries the issue of revenue mobilization is a live one, but one that is extremely complex.  We are very cognizant of that.  And one that requires quite a lot of consensus building, quite a lot of discussion to be able to advance, and of course, broader societal support.  And we absolutely see countries engaging in this and do what we can to help bring lessons from other countries where we are asked to.

    Then there was a question about the GSDR.  So, this Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, this is the initiative launched by the Fund and the Bank to try and bring creditors and debtors together around the table to find ways in which debt work[outs] can be easier because you are discussing general principles rather than country-specific debt restructuring issues. And we have seen this making quite a lot of progress. Perhaps the most recent development has been the preparation of a debt work[out] playbook that is a very helpful document that has been put out building on the experience of recent work[outs].  What has worked particularly well.  What kind of information sharing ahead of debt work[outs] have been helpful in terms of accelerating debt processes.  Debt restructurings are one of the most contentious and challenging issues that there are between states, between creditors and debtors, and it requires quite a lot of discussion, and it is not such an easy thing to do, including what the parameter of debt should be.  I think one of the questions that was raised is about the debt parameter.  This is fundamentally an issue for the debtor countries and creditors to resolve, and intra-creditor disputes also have to be done. 

    So, in terms of the principles that generally we see creditors apply when these kinds of disputes arise about what the right parameter should be or not and who gets preferential treatment. I think there’s generally been two rules of thumb. One is that the terms in which new financing is being provided or the financing is provided, whether it’s commercial or concessional has been a factor that most creditors look at in terms of whether a particular credit should be included in the parameter or not, and then also the extent to which new financing is being made available.  So, what differentiates senior creditors like the IMF, the World Bank, of course, is that for most countries we operate providing concessional financing very long-term.  And we are the ones that come in and provide financing consistently through crisis and otherwise. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have time for one more round of questions. I will start with the gentleman in the front here. 

    QUESTIONER: The U.S. is your largest shareholder, and we are seeing mixed messages this week from the Treasury Secretary mentioning that he remains committed to the Fund but also calling on you to hold countries accountable to program performance, empower staff to walk away if reform commitment is lacking. 

    So, I wanted to ask you, should we expect the IMF spigot to start closing in response to U.S. pressure?  Or if not, are you changing your approach to countries, what you are telling them and how to deal with their issues?  Are you being a little more stringent in your requirements? 

    You have talked about Senegal, maybe Ghana, Ethiopia, related to that issue of the U.S stepping in.  The CEMAC negotiations this week, we saw American energy companies working with the CEMAC on repatriation of funds dedicated to the rehabilitation of oil sites.  I’m wondering if you have a stance on that, what the IMF position is?  I understand the U.S is trying to get the IMF involved in that.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thanks. Gentleman. 

    QUESTIONER: Kenyan authorities here have indicated the need to present a credible fiscal framework as they try and unlock a new program for Kenya.  Would you offer more color into the discussions this week, noting again that the same credibility questions led to the cancellation or the termination of the program at its final review?  

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have a question online “what is the IMF’s view on Kenya’s debt position?”

    MR. SELASSIE: So, on the first question, I would like to refer you to Kristalina who gave comprehensive responses to the Secretary’s IMFC Statement. What I want to add though is that in the region, in Sub-Saharan Africa, in terms of programs, the calibration of reforms, incorporation of reforms, I would say that we are always in terms of each program has its particularities and what we always try and do in these programs is make sure that we’re striking a balance of helping countries address the long term challenges and also the cyclical challenges that are often the ones that cause them to come to us.  And I would say that I don’t think there are many countries that think that the adjustment efforts that they’re being asked to make are easy ones.

    On CEMAC.  Just to be very clear there is this dispute that is going on between member states, the BEAC, and oil companies with respect to what are called restitution funds.  The funds under contracts that countries have with oil companies are meant to be available to help restore the sites where oil is extracted back to their pre-extraction standards. 

    What has been a bit frustrating is that we are not privy to the contents of these documents. We have been calling on members and the companies involved to be transparent about this, to publish these documents.  They are after all documents that are about how countries natural resource wealth are used.  And we’ve been on record going seven, eight, nine years pushing for production sharing agreements, the terms of these things to be published so that each side can hold the other accountable.  I think that is the first thing that could be done to bring more transparency and light and understanding to the rest of the world about what is going on in these discussions. 

    Second, we have also made it clear to both parties that given that we do not have full information, it is difficult for us to know what to say.  But in general, any encumbrances in terms of how we look at foreign exchange reserves and these standards are published, any encumbrances like the type that we think there may be in the document, i.e., that is the expectation that these resources will be used for specific purposes means they’re not general use reserves.  So, they would not be classified as part of reserves. 

    On Kenya, we have had a very strong engagement with Kenya over the years and will continue to have such engagement going forward.  As we have noted, government has asked for a follow-on program to try and address the remaining challenges in Kenya, and we are discussing how to do that including in the context of these meetings. 

    It has been good to hear and see that the economy has been performing quite well in some parts.  Particularly the external adjustment front seems to have been proceeding well.  The current account has been narrowing.  So, there are quite a lot of strengths.  But also of course there remain fiscal challenges which were a significant part of the last program’s objectives that need to be advanced.  So, we are going to engage with the government and do everything that we can to be able to help it go forward. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Unfortunately, that is all the time we have. So, if you have any questions that we didn’t get to, please send them to me or to Media at IMF.org and we will try and get back to you as soon as possible.  So, also to mention that the report is now available at IMF.org/Africa.  The Spring Meetings continue.  Later this morning, we have the press briefing for the European Department and later in the afternoon we have the IMFC, and the Western Hemisphere Department press briefings. 

    On behalf of Abebe and the African and Communications Departments, thank you all for coming to this press briefing and see you next time. 

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng

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    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/tr-04252025-african-department-press-briefing-transcript

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: Press Briefing Transcript: IMFC, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    Speaker:

    Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director, IMF

    Mohammed Aljadaan, IMFC Chair, Minister of Finance, Saudi Arabia

     

    Moderator:

    Julie Kozack, Director, Communications Department, IMF

     

     

    Ms.  Kozack: I am delighted to have with me the Chair of the IMFC, His Excellency Mohammed Aljadaan. He is also the Minister of Finance of Saudi Arabia. And of course, our Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva.

    Minister Aljadaan and the Managing Director will first share some takeaways with you and then when that is concludes we will turn to you for your questions.  Your Excellency, the floor is yours.

    Minister. Aljadaan: Thank you, Julie. Thank you, Kristalina. And thanks to all of you for being here. At the outset, let me highlight an important development that took place the first time in these meetings, which is the IMFC welcoming its 25th member, the third chair of Africa. Obviously, this is an important milestone that strengthens the voice and representation of the African continent in a global economic dialogue. I would like to thank all members who made this possible.  

    On the IMF agenda, going forward, the Fund must continue to focus on its core mandate, including supporting international monetary cooperation, encouraging the expansion of trade and economic growth, and discouraging policies that would harm prosperity.

    In recent days, the IMFC members welcomed steps to further strengthen the effectiveness of the IMF’s three core functions, its surveillance of global economic trends, its lending where we welcome the review of program design conditionality, and its capacity development assistance, which helps ensure growth in so many member countries and within countries.

    Addressing global debt vulnerabilities remains a priority for our members, especially for low‑income and vulnerable countries. They welcome the progress made in debt treatments under the G20 Common Framework. They also express their commitment to addressing global debt vulnerabilities in an effective, comprehensive, and systemic manner.

    Members encouraged the IMF and the World Bank to help advance the implementation of the three‑pillar approach to address debt service pressures. We appreciate the tremendous efforts of the members in shaping the medium‑term direction of the IMF and contributing to the Diriyah Declaration.

    The Diriyah Declaration represents a forward‑looking approach to strengthening the IMFC process and advancing governance reforms and has received full support from the members. Just to clarify, when I say the Diriyah Declaration, this is the Declaration that was prepared by the Deputies in their meetings in Saudi Arabia earlier this month in preparation for this meeting.

    Here we aim to ensure that the Fund remains well‑equipped to meet future challenges in line with its core mandate. Before I hand it over to Kristalina, I have to comment on the topic of the day, which I think a lot of people are talking about, trade tension. Many members have told me how the trade situation has created significant uncertainty. Indeed, the buzz word was uncertainty all over this week, and indeed it also carries with it market volatility, presenting real risks to the global growth and financial stability. But as Kristalina said recently, these threat conflicts have been like forgetting a pot boiling on a stove. Well, now that pot is boiling over. In other words, we should not be surprised that there are trade tensions. And this situation is an opportunity for us all to have constructive conversations about how we will move forward together. This is a challenging time, but I have always been optimist and absolutely make no apologies for that. I will explain to you why. History tells us that the bigger the challenge, the more it requires us to come together to convene and to have an honest conversation. That is exactly what happened this week. That is exactly the power of the IMF to actually be able to convene everybody around the same table in closed rooms and discuss issues in a constructive way.

    I have told colleagues, I arrived in Washington a week ago with a lot of noise in my ears from reading the news and following social media. I have told them, everyone that I met in the early days, please keep your thoughts cool, and we will see where we are going to end. Actually, today we are ending in a lot better position than when we started the week. People understand the consequences and are working together in a constructive manner to resolve tensions.  

    I am also confident that because of the IMF, the IMF is really watching us very closely, following the global situation and is really providing advice to its members in real‑time, offering an assessment of the potential impacts and the best way to proceed.  

    This week we have seen an incredible assurance confirming the position of the IMF and its convening power and contributing to positive development, including in relation to Syria. Gathering together to talk about Syria and building on our meetings in AIUla has given us a new sense of urgency and purpose, to turn a conflict‑affected state, which is Syria, into a stable and economically successful one, benefiting the region and the world. It is not just about the money. It is about the work that the IMF and other partners can deliver on capacity development, quality data, and timely advice.

    Again, I would like to thank Kristalina and the IMF staff. And I can tell you, it was an incredible, unanimous position today to thank the IMF for their incredible, incredible brain cells power, which was able really to produce a very comprehensive report about what is happening in the world in a very short period of time, and it was fantastic. Thank you, Kristalina. Thanks to all the IMF staff and thank you again for being here. The floor is yours.

    Managing Director: Thank you very much, Minister Aljadaan, for your kind words now, but above all for your exemplary leadership of the IMFC. I want to tell everybody here that the way you chaired the meetings brought the members together to speak openly, frankly and as a result to find a path to common understanding that is so necessary in the current environment because, as we all know, our meetings take place against a challenging backdrop. You have seen our World Economic Outlook. It shows that the global economy is facing a significant slowdown and also that risks are on the downside.

    Understandably Ministers and Governors are concerned, but at the same time they have also exhibited a remarkably constructive spirit in these meetings, coming together, showing willingness to take on the challenges facing the global economy. Minister Aljadaan laid out the substance and achievements of our discussions. Let me add just three points. First, Ministers and Governors agreed on the importance of reducing uncertainty and working together to clarify policies.

    Second, importantly, they recognized that they need to seize the moment to put their own houses in order. And I saw very firm resolve to tackle difficult and, in many cases, delayed reforms at home, to strengthen resilience, to remove impediments to productivity and lift up their medium and long‑term growth prospects, and to address underlying domestic imbalances which drive external imbalances. To put it simply, addressing external imbalances starts at home.

    Finally, we discussed how the IMF can help countries successfully navigate this period of change and build resilience. I was very heartened to hear from the membership strong support for our work to promote macroeconomic and financial stability and to do it through robust bilateral, multilateral and regional surveillance, be there for our members when they need to cope with balance of payments problems, finance—finance them, but also finance them with the clear objective that they can strengthen their economies. I can say the words of support for our capacity development, in other words, helping countries have strong institutions, strong policies. That support was overwhelming.

    At this period of complex challenges for the membership, they also gave us homework. I want to emphasize two areas where we will further deepen our work. One, do more work on external imbalances, dig deeper, when they could become a source of concern and provide advise how to address them through policies. Two, continue to scan the financial sector to identify potential sources of instability, especially in the non‑bank sector, and provide advice on how best to enhance resilience.

    Overall, what I can tell you is that what I heard this week was an incredible determination by our members to steer economies through this period of change and uncertainty. And it gave me confidence that we actually can take challenge and make opportunity, that we can have a more resilient, more balanced world economy.

    Like Minister Aljadaan, I started the week more anxious of our capacity as a global community to come together, and I finished the week with more confidence that this is exactly what we will do.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you very much, Minister, Managing Director. We will now open the floor to your questions, so please raise your hand if you have a question and please identify yourself and your outlet. I will start here in the middle. I am going to go to the gentleman in the kind of White shirt. Yes, right here.

    Question: Thank you, Julie. Question for Minister Aljadaan and Managing Director Georgieva. You both pointed out that we ended a week in a way better position than when we started it. Managing Director, during your Curtain Raiser Speech, you also raised the hope that this week might be an opportunity for everybody to discuss. How do you feel like? Could you elaborate perhaps on how this week dialing down the uncertainty that you talked about and the global tensions when it comes to trade? Thank you very much.

    Managing Director: Finding a path to solutions starts from looking at the problem from a—seeing the problem with the same eye view. Let me start this again. To resolve a problem, you have different parties. To resolve a problem, they need to have information about the problem that allows them to have a meaningful conversation. I can say that I am very, very grateful to the staff of the IMF because what we did was to offer the members information that allows them to see what is ahead of them and expand their horizon. If you look at a problem only from a narrow point of view, it is difficult to have a meaningful conversation to resolve it.

    Secondly, what I saw was a genuine openness to present views in a candid way and to listen to each other.

    Third, and the third is the most important, it is a traction and engagement among members that could then bring a better—faster and better outcome. I do not want to sugarcoat. We still have quite a challenging time. It is challenging not just because of the tariffs and the uncertainty. It is also challenging that there are other transformational forces in play. Because of the overwhelming attention to tariffs, we stopped talking about other things, like artificial intelligence, demographics transition, and I think that that sense that we can have an engagement in a comprehensive way on a complex set of challenges, that came during the meetings quite strongly. Does it mean that everybody agrees with everybody else? No. But do we have an open conversation, engaged conversation with the fair space for everybody to present their views? Yes.

    Minister Aljadaan: Thank you. If I may, Julie, I think just to complement the Managing Director’s views, I think overall what do you need to resolve conflicts like this or tensions like this? A, you need to make sure that you understand the parties’ positions, where they are coming from, why they are taking these positions, and what are they seeking to achieve. Second, make sure that they actually talk. And that is largely what happened this week. So to have everybody who is party to all this trade tensions, which is almost everybody, all the members, around the same table in a candid discussion that is closed even—some of it has been in the restricted sessions—to really be open and talk about what are they doing, why they are doing it, what is their view of what is going to happen in the next even short period of time is very assuring. Sharing that information is very assuring. Understanding the implications of these actions on other nations, including low‑income countries, emerging economies and implications of that is actually very helpful for them to appreciate the consequences of their positions.

    I can tell you without—I cannot disclose some of the discussion that has taken place, but I can tell you there was a very clear, frank discussion, including a projection of a timeline for a resolution of some of these issues. So that is very assuring.

    Managing Director: Can I just add one point, that when people are in the same room, the abstract policies become more human because then we understand these policies are affecting people, and the whole world—the people of the whole world are then present, and that makes the conversation different. No longer it is an academic conversation. It is a very real-life conversation.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you. I will go to this side. I will go to the second row, gentleman with the blue jacket and the glasses.

    Question: Thank you so much for taking my question. I am from Bangkok. Your Excellency, you have mentioned uncertainty around the world in your opening remarks. So, I want to ask specifically on the consequences for the emerging markets as a whole, and what is your policy advice for the situation and also do you see any short‑term lasting impacts to these countries? Thank you.

    Minister Aljadaan: I will give it a time and then you can complement. First of all, I look forward to our renewal meeting in Thailand next year and seeing the preparations from now, I think a lot of people are excited and waiting for our meetings there. I am sure it will be very constructive in the hospitable country of Thailand and the Kingdom of Thailand.

    Obviously emerging economies, particularly emerging economies with limited fiscal space have little room to maneuver to deal with shocks. And even if these shocks have been resolved, there is some lasting impact. The earlier, the faster that these shocks or trade tensions in this context is resolved, the better for everybody. But we are not in a perfect world and things may take time and countries may get an impact, and that is where the IMF excels. That is where is IMF capacity building, advice comes into actual real play. So, the Managing Director is here and her staff with an incredible talent will be able to actually provide that support to emerging economies.

    Managing Director: As a group, emerging markets by and large are generally highly open. They rely on—many of them rely on exports as an engine for growth. They are quite active in international bond markets, so because they are highly exposed, the impact on emerging markets is quite significant. Some of the emerging markets, especially those that were in a tougher position after the multiple shocks, also face very limited and some of them non‑existing policy space to act.

    We have downgraded growth projections for emerging markets and developing economies to 3.7 percent for 2025. This is a 0.6 percent downgrade. And to 3.9 percent for 2026. What does that mean? It means that some of them would see a significant slowdown in their convergence to higher‑income countries. And they are also seeking ways to overcome the challenges ahead. What works for them is emerging markets have been fantastic in building resilience to shocks. And when I look at the universe of emerging market economies, quite a number of countries have become more agile in their policymaking, are more mature in how they approach their fiscal and monetary policy. That puts them in a better position.

    To use an analogy, it is like they have gone through multiple periods of being tested and they got immune to shocks to a certain degree. They would be seeing possibly somewhat less inflationary pressure. Why? Because when you are on the receiving end of tariffs, what it means is that actually domestically you do not have pressure on prices. We can expect emerging markets to look at their policy tools very carefully. We urge them, be very careful with fiscal measures. Do not rush to provide fiscal support willy‑nilly because you cannot afford to lose fiscal space. Have a medium long‑term framework to rebuild this fiscal space. On the monetary policy side, watch pressures. We are saying inflation is likely to slow down but watch it and watch inflation expectations. Do what is necessary, given the data you have. And very important, allow the exchange rate to be a shock absorber.

    We have the integrated policy framework that offers advice to countries how to approach exchange rate issues with great care. You are an emerging market. Actually, the Minister is not saying that, but one thing emerging markets can do for themselves is, get your own house in order. Pursue reforms relentlessly because this is what makes you stronger.

    Ms. Kozack: We have time for just one last question. So, I am going to go second row, the gentleman in the blue suit.

    Question: Thank you, Ms. Kozack. Mr. Aljadaan, Managing Director Georgieva. I am from Lebanon. My question is addressed to both of you. How will the IMF support Syria and what role will it play in Syria’s reconstruction. Thank you.

    Ms. Kristalina Georgieva: Minister Aljadaan in the opening recognized that Syria has returned to the international community. We had a meeting with Syrian representatives in AIUla during an emerging market conference. We had a meeting on fragile and conflict‑affected states. And at that time, we made the first step to create a coordinating group so different institutions that can support Syria can start working together. We held a meeting here in Washington during the Spring Meetings. It was co‑chaired by Minister Aljadaan, President Banga and myself, with the Finance Minister and the Central Bank Governor of Syria. In this meeting we discussed how we can start rebuilding institutions and policy capacity in Syria and how different institutions can play on their comparative advantage to help. For the Fund specifically, what it means is, of course, cautiously but engage to first define data, what is available, how we can rebuild credible data capability.  

    Second, central bank capacity. How can we rebuild the functioning of Syria’s central bank.

    Third, tax policy and how can the country rebuild capacity to create revenues for its functions.

    We have appointed a Mission Chief for Syria. We have not had Article IV Consultations with Syria for a long, long time. We hope that we can contribute in putting the foundation of knowledge, economic policy knowledge in Syria to get the country back on track. 

    I mean, just imagine, they have been in a Civil War for 14 years. A big part of the population is not in Syria. They are in Lebanon. They are in Iraq. They are in Jordan. The fabric of the Syrian society is deeply wounded. It is going to take a lot of work by the Syrians themselves to rebuild it. This is when international organizations can play a constructive role. Lebanon, you are not asking about Lebanon.

    Question: I heard the meetings went quite well by the end, especially since the Lebanese Parliament voted about the banking sequencing. That is more in line with international standards, so what are you—

    Managing Director: You are not asking because you know. That is very good.

    Ms. Kozack: Minister, would you like to have the last word?

     

    Minister Aljadaan: I have a few things. First of all, I really thank the IMF and the World Bank in stepping up their support to Syria and other states who are emerging from fragility. Syria in particular is a case where we have an opportunity. We have a government that is willing, and we have regional partners who are also providing support and willing really to provide whatever it takes to make sure that we bring back Syria, support its people and make sure that we also move cautiously through that process, recognizing that obviously there are sanctions that we need to deal with and other impediments. But even with that, I think standing with them, providing capacity support and advice and some regional and bilateral, even financial support is very crucial. The Syrian people deserve that support. And that does not stop at Syria. We are talking about Syria as an example, we have Yemen, we have Palestine, we have Sudan, we have other countries that really need the support, including Lebanon. They need to know that the international community, if they put their act together, the international community will stand by them, so we will continue that.

    Ms. Kozack: We are almost five minutes over our time.

    Managing Director: Ask your question short, and we will try to answer.

    Ms. Kozack: And have a very brief answer.

    Managing Director: It is my fault. I am the one that is professorial.

     

    Question: My question is to the MD concerning the global uncertainty on trade tensions shaping sub‑Saharan Africa’s debt risk, servicing costs as well as our fiscal future and its coordination with creditors such as you, so how are Africa also in all of these conversations? Thank you.

     

    Managing Director: As Minister Aljadaan said, Africa was more present this time because we now have three sub‑Saharan African representatives in the IMFC. But beyond that, very much on our minds, quite a number of the Governors of the Fund spoke about the importance to pay attention to countries that are particularly severely affected by this turbulence because they have a high level of debt and that suppresses their ability to cope.

    By the way, countries with high level of debt are not just in sub‑Saharan Africa. We have them all over the world.

    What has been done during these meetings is threefold. First, very strong emphasis on the three‑pillar approach of the IMF and the World Bank for countries that experience liquidity constraints. They are not yet facing debt sustainability problems, but they are on the way to there. And for these countries to concentrate support for domestic resource mobilization, concentrate attention to how to mobilize more international financing and very important, concentrate on how the private sector can play a bigger role in the economy.   

    Second, for countries where debt is not sustainable, how to make debt restructuring faster and more effective. We have issued this week a playbook for debt restructuring that was the outcome of the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. What it shows are the steps that need to be taken.

    As you recall under the Common Framework, there was some confusion around how exactly to go about it, what is the timeline, what is the exact sequencing of steps. This is now being clarified. If we follow the playbook, we play by the book, we get debt restructuring in less than 12 months. And the third thing, very important for the Fund, is that our members have put in place a way to expand our capacity to finance low‑income countries through the Poverty Reduction Growth Trust so the Fund can step up financing for countries, so they do not need to—they do not need to go through a super painful adjustment because of this burden of debt. We can ease their path. But, again, we want to see countries act decisively on reforms so they—you do not borrow your way out of debt. You grow your way out of debt. So, when countries have that growth potential enhanced, then they can also reduce debt vulnerability. It was not very short. My apologies.

    Ms. Kozack: Minister, would you like to add?          

    Minister Aljadaan: I am fine. I think the Managing Director did a great job in answering.

    Managing Director: Look, you have to forgive me. I was for 14 years a professor. It kicks in.

     

    Minister Aljadaan: We enjoy it, Kristalina

    Managing Director: Thank you very much, everybody.

    Ms. Kozack: This does bring us to an end, so thank you for joining us. And let me just add that the full transcript of the press briefing will be available online on the IMF website. And, of course, should you have further questions, please do not hesitate to reach out to my colleagues at IMF media.org. Thank you.

     

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Wafa Amr

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    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Hold Half Day of General Discussion on Reparations for the Injustices from the Transatlantic Trade of Enslaved Africans

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination this afternoon held a half day of general discussion on reparations for the injustices from the transatlantic trade of enslaved Africans, their treatment as chattel, and the ongoing harms to and crimes against people of African descent.  The half-day consisted of opening statements two panel discussions, hearing from Committee members, experts in international law, representative from the diplomatic corps, and political and civil society leaders.

    Speaking in the first panel discussion on “Reparations and International Law: Legal Frameworks, Obligations and Enforcement” were Pela Boker-Wilson, Committee Expert; Joshua Castellino, Executive Dean, College of Arts, Law & Social Sciences, Brunel University of London; Patricia Sellers, former Special Advisor to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court; Britta Redwood, Assistant Professor, Seton Hall School of Diplomacy and Seton Hall Law School; Adejoké Babington-Ashaye, former Investigator at the International Criminal Court; and Bernard Duhaime, Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.

    Speaking in the second panel discussion on “The Legacy of Chattel Slavery: Structural Racism and Institutional Accountability” were Tendayi Achiume, former Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance; Matthew Anthony Wilson, Permanent Representative of Barbados to the United Nations Office at Geneva; Eric Phillips, Vice-Chairperson of the Caribbean Community’s Reparations Commission; Ibrahima Guissé, Committee Expert; and Dennis O’Brien, Founder of the Repair Campaign.

    The programme of work and other documents related to the session can be found here.  Summaries of the public meetings of the Committee can be found here, while webcasts of the public meetings can be found here.

    The Committee will next meet in public on Monday, 28 April at 3 p.m. to begin its consideration of the combined twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth periodic reports of Mauritius (CERD/C/MUS/24-25).

    Opening Statements

    MICHAL BALCERZAK, Committee Chairperson, welcomed participants to the half-day of general discussion to advance the development of a general recommendation on reparations for the historical injustices rooted in the chattel enslavement of Africans and the enduring harms experienced by people of African descent.  The proposed general recommendation sought to clarify the scope and content of the right to reparations under international human rights law and address the harms caused by the forced capture and transatlantic transport of Africans, their enslavement as chattel, and the lasting consequences of these crimes. 

    To inform this process, the Committee had issued a public call for input on 14 February 2025 and had been encouraged by the engagement, with 56 submissions received from a wide range of stakeholders.  Today’s discussion provided a space to reflect on the submissions received, deepen the collective understanding of applicable international legal standards, and further examine the contemporary legacy of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans.  In the coming months, the Committee would prepare a draft text of the general recommendation, which would be made publicly available for input from all stakeholders prior to finalisation. 

    MAHAMANE CISSÉ-GOURO, Director, Human Rights Council and Treaty Mechanisms Division, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said today’s topic addressed a matter of deep historical significance and urgent contemporary relevance: reparatory justice for the injustices arising from the trade in enslaved Africans, their treatment as chattel, and the continuing harms and crimes suffered by people of African descent.  In 2001, at the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, States adopted by consensus the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, which recognised slavery and the slave trade as a crime against humanity, and among the major sources and manifestations of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.  Contemporary structures and systems, such as racial profiling, police brutality, unequal access to education and employment, disparities in health and housing, and the denial of political participation and justice were rooted in these enduring harms.

    International human rights law and political commitments by States provided a clear framework for attaining substantive racial justice and equality.  A central element of dismantling systemic racism was addressing the past and redressing its legacies through reparatory justice, to transform the present and secure a just and equitable future.  The High Commissioner had called for reparatory justice to transform structures and systems which were designed and shaped by enslavement, colonialism and successive racially discriminatory policies and systems. States and others that had benefited and continued to benefit from these legacies should make amends for centuries of violence and discrimination through wide-ranging and meaningful initiatives, including through formal apologies, truth-telling processes, and reparations in various forms.  This called for political leadership, and creative, effective and comprehensive responses to legacies of the past.  Since the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, the international community had taken important steps; however, as the Convention commemorated its sixtieth anniversary, it was evident that these commitments and recommendations had not resulted in durable, transformative change. 

    The development of this general recommendation was timely and necessary.  It would clarify the scope and content of the right to reparations for historical injustices under international human rights law and provide States with guidance to fulfil their obligations under the Convention.  Mr. Cissé-Gouro encouraged all participants to engage and emphasised that the Office of the High Commissioner supported the process. 

    GAY MCDOUGALL, Committee Vice-Chairperson, said this year marked the sixtieth anniversary of the Convention, which remained the normative centre of international efforts to end racism. In commemoration of the anniversary year, the Committee had decided to prepare a general recommendation on reparations to clarify and elaborate the legal obligations of States to repair the harms inflicted by the forced capture of Africans, the transatlantic transport of those captives, their enslavement as chattel, and the massive and continuing harms suffered by them and their descendants.  The transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans constituted the largest and most concentrated forced deportation of human beings ever recorded, implicating several regions of the world during more than four centuries. Between 12 to 13 million Africans were violently uprooted from Africa for sale and enslavement. 

    The system of colonial rule had enabled and facilitated the development of the uniquely brutal system of chattel enslavement, and the resulting massive gross abuses of human rights that followed for centuries.  The transatlantic slave trade was inextricably tied to European colonial domination of Africa, the Americas, the Caribbean and parts of Asia.  It was a system that enriched Europe, and the institutions in power, and it existed today in many contemporary forms.  Now it was widely agreed that all forms of slavery were violations of international law and most domestic laws gave rise to the responsibility to ensure reparations.  However, the harms inflicted by these events had never been addressed, including how they negatively impacted the economic, social, political, civic and cultural rights of countries around the world.   The Committee’s proposed general recommendation would provide guidance on the scope and content of the right to reparations under international human rights law. 

    Panel Discussion One on Reparations and International Law: Legal Frameworks, Obligations and Enforcement

    Opening Remarks by the Moderator of the Panel

    PELA BOKER-WILSON, Committee Expert and Panel Moderator, said the chattel enslavement of Africans was a human rights violation, and victims had a right to reparations based on their right to a remedy.  At the same time, today the legacies of chattel enslavement could be seen in daily lives.  Chattel enslavement and its legacies were the foundation on which systematic racism permeated and the history which drove discriminatory laws and policies based on race. Several legal challenges remained which would be discussed during the panel. 

    Summary of Remarks by the Panellists

    Some speakers, among other things, noted that the trade in enslaved Africans began in the fifteenth century, when Portuguese traders established sugar plantations in the Atlantic islands of Madeira, the Azores, and São Tomé.  At the time, the justification for the enslaved status of African labourers was based on the notion that these labourers had been enslaved because they had been taken captive in just wars.  The slave trade was the reduction of a free person to the status of being enslaved, by whatever means, including kidnap, capture, transfer, or sale.  Slave trading comprised not only the initial transatlantic passages, but internal acts of trade in enslaved persons throughout the Americas and the Caribbean.  These two prongs of the slave trade, trans-Atlantic and internal or domestic slave trading, had occurred for centuries. 

    One speaker said the photograph of a South African billionaire of European descent, arm raised in a Nazi salute, was perhaps the most apt icon for that particular civilization.  It epitomised success in generating wealth by extraction, disregarding surroundings in constructing systems where some had an inherent sense of entitlement to everything, even if it devastated others.  Another speaker said an immeasurable toll of sexual, reproductive and gendered practices and institutions had persisted throughout the hundreds of years of slavery and of slave trading in North and South America and in the Caribbean. 

    A speaker underscored that the transatlantic chattel slavery had created and entrenched anti-Black racism. Although slavery had been abolished, the persistence of the social, psychological, and economic harms of racial discrimination persisted until today.  Another speaker noted that the racial hierarchy that was at the root of the slave trade and slavery had no foundation in international law at that time, just as it had no legitimacy under international law today.  One speaker said reparations for people of African descent were not only a matter of justice for the past, but also a foundation for a more equitable and peaceful future.

    Reparations were vital in seeking justice for colonial crimes, but also to eliminate the root cause of historic and continuing colonial existence.  States must ensure that reparations were not merely symbolic, but concrete and enforceable, through judicial rulings as well as administrative or legislative reparation programmes.  These programmes could be supported by national or international funding and must be accessible, gender-sensitive, victim-centred, and rights-based.  In line with established standards, reparations needed to be comprehensive, encompassing restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction, and guarantees of non-repetition.  States should establish robust legal and institutional frameworks and ensure stable financial allocations that were protected from political or economic fluctuations.  Crucially, reparation measures must be proportional to the gravity of the harm and address the full scope of the violations.  It was also important to ensure that victims participated in the reparations process. 

    Successful reparations had stemmed from attempts to seek victim-oriented justice. These included local revolutions achieving regime change and victims’ framing of legal arguments to hold power to account.  The dismissal of reparations as solely pertaining to the past needed to be confronted; reparations appeared to be about the past but they were also about the present.  Redress by reparations required recognition that sexual abuse was omnipresent in the lives of the enslaved.  The quest for reparations needed to be achieved through evidence-based reasoning. They had to be shaped to show how the few, irrespective of race, had benefitted from the exploitation of the many, irrespective of race. 

    The Convention was a power instrument for redress.  Under article 11, States could bring complaints against other States for violations of the Convention.  Article 14 allowed individuals and groups to submit petitions directly to the Committee provided that the respondent State had recognised the Committee’s jurisdiction to receive individual petitions.  The Basic Principles on Reparations, a United Nations resolution from 2005, established five aspects of reparations that must follow a significant human rights violation, including the need to guarantee the non-recurrence of the human rights violation at issue. 

    The Convention and subsequent jurisprudence of the Committee required material compensation and policy changes to address the legacy of transatlantic chattel slavery and the system of racial discrimination that was created to entrench it. 

    Structural discrimination that arose from anti-Black racism was an ongoing human rights violation and needed to be addressed by States parties to the Convention.   The Committee was urged to recognise the gendered injustices intrinsic of the transatlantic slave trade and slavery and to include them as germane to the redress considered in the forthcoming general recommendation on reparations. 

    Discussion 

    Several speakers spoke from the floor. One speaker welcomed the Committee’s initiative to develop a general recommendation on reparations, which was a vital step towards accountability.  Reparations were grounded in international law, carrying legal consequences which could not be erased by time.  Another speaker said that at the minimum, States parties were required to provide reparations for their failure to eliminate the systemic racism and inequality arising from their inadequate remediation of chattel slavery and its legacies.  The Committee was urged to adopt a comprehensive and transformative approach to address both systemic racism and structural economic inequalities arising from chattel slavery and colonialism in the general recommendation.  A speaker said the time had come to move from rhetoric to concrete measures for reparations for historical and cultural monuments destroyed and looted during centuries of colonialism and slavery. One speaker said reparations were not a favour, but were moral and political obligations of States. 

    Panel Discussion Two on the Legacy of Chattel Slavery: Structural Racism and Institutional Accountability

    Summary of Remarks by the Panellists

    Some speakers, among other things, commended the Committee for the draft general recommendation, which dealt with a vital issue and was long overdue.  The Committee should be applauded for its work and the call for input, and those who had answered the call were thanked.  The call for input document prepared by the Committee did an excellent job of highlighting the history, global responses and objectives, while pointing out the milestones along the way. 

    Chattel slavery was the first global regime of State-legalised racial capitalism, speakers said.  The laws that built it had been dismantled in name, but never in consequence.  The transatlantic slave trade was not just a chapter in history, but was a crime against humanity.  Slavery had funded the economic development of colonial countries, particularly the industrial revolution, and put Britain in the wealthy position that it was in today. The European Union and its members, particularly France, Holland and Spain, and other countries like Germany and Denmark had also participated in this genocide as well. 

    Racism was not a relic of the past; it was present, global, systemic and was still taking lives.  Yet Europe had yet to fully confront this issue.  One speaker commented that Black communities across Europe were too often overlooked, marginalised and ignored by those in power; this must change.   

    There was a painful trail of historical legal construction of racial hierarchy that had occurred during chattel slavery.  This included the British Board of Trade that codified economic enslavement through slave codes and land seizure laws; and France’s Code Noir that created racialised personhood in law.  Portugal and Spain had used religious sanction known as Papal Bulls to erase African legal identity, while the Colonial Laws Validity Act of 1865 insulated colonial laws from challenge.  Today, these laws had mutated into many forms of structural, perceptual and institutional racism, including through education exclusion, Afrophobia, epistemicide and religious erasure.  These laws must be named, acknowledged, and formally repudiated by the United Kingdom and France as a first step in reparatory processes.

    Some speakers noted that chattel slavery was not just a legal and economic construct, it was also a social construct.  When the laws had changed and the cost benefit of slavery was eroded, what remained was institutional racism and structural racism – global inequalities caused by historical injustices.  Those who were descendants of the enslaved lived with the emotional scars of a society that kept ancestors as slaves for longer than people had equal rights under the law.  Chattel slaves were still impacted in deep and wide-ranging ways, with effects spanning economic, social, psychological, and cultural dimensions.  The descendants of the slave owners and the perpetrators of slavery should live with generational repentance. 

    One speaker noted that the 2013 Caribbean Community’s Reparations Commission continued to lead the call for reparations.  The Commission recognised that the persistent harm and suffering experienced today by victims of slavery and colonialism was the primary cause of development failure in the Caribbean.  Through its Ten-Point Reparations Plan, it sought to reposition reparations not in terms of a simple transfer of funds, but rather through a plurality of actions such as debt cancellation, education programmes and technology transfer, amongst other elements.

    The call for reparations and restorative justice did not come from a void; it had always been part of decolonisation.  The need for reparations was a pressing and current issue across all parts of the world affected by the African slave trade.  Reparations should be accessible in the form of compensation, addressing the deficits in equity and opportunity.  Reparations were about transforming systems, narratives and institutions, and creating a Europe where black lives were not just tolerated but celebrated and empowered. 

    Some speakers noted that the Convention needed to be more concertedly mobilised as a framework which was central to achieving reparations directly, including through article 6.  The Committee needed to underscore that reparations were required under the Convention.  It was recommended that European governments begin with a sincere formal apology.  However, apologies without material or structural redress were merely symbolic and could never compensate for the wealth extraction, trauma, or the ongoing inequalities faced by African descendants.  Reparations were about reforming entire legal, economic and social structures that still had forms of racism at their core in the present.  It was not just about addressing harms in the past, but also dealing with those in the present.  The Durban Declaration and Programme for Action and its framework provided for combatting racism and should be powerful guidance for the Committee as it prepared the general recommendation. 

    A speaker said the European Union and its Member States should ensure that the European Union’s anti-racism action plan was renewed, with a focus on reparatory justice.  The European Union and the United Kingdom should jointly fund a reparations programme on an intergenerational basis.  This was not a development issue; it was a justice issue. The United Kingdom and the European Union should start engaging with the political leadership of the Caribbean Community to achieve reparatory justice. 

    Discussion

    Several speakers spoke from the floor. One speaker said during the Second International Decade for People of African Descent, the international community should act to acknowledge and rectify longstanding economic and social inequities, which had economically stagnated the region and resulted in protracted inter-generational trauma.  Another speaker reiterated strong support for the general recommendation.  The sixtieth anniversary of the Convention should also be used as an opportunity to acknowledge the victories of civil society led by African people, including the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action. Racism was a disease, and the actions by the Committee to combat all forms of racism were appreciated.  A speaker said that according to research, stakeholders across the region in all 15 Caribbean Community countries had emphasised the connection between the transatlantic slave trade and unequal access to land ownership, which constituted a continuation of historical injustice. 

    Closing Remarks

    VERENE ALBERTHA SHEPHERD, Committee Vice-Chairperson, in closing remarks, thanked everyone for the amazing discussion which was a social justice exercise that would hopefully reset global relations.  Racism and racial discrimination were creatures of colonialism and many States parties to the Convention still suffered from the legacies of colonialism, especially those that suffered the ravages of the transatlantic trafficking in enslaved Africans, chattel enslavement, and socio-economic underdevelopment in the post-slavery period.  The interventions this afternoon had raised awareness on the racialised nature of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans and the ways in which, along with chattel enslavement and unjust enrichment, race and racism were attached to people from Africa and skin shade discrimination was further used to deny them rights.

    There had been several key takeaways from the discussion, including that African chattel enslavement was the first global regime of State-legalised racial capitalism.  Chattel enslavement, an invention of Europeans, was an organised and intentional system based on the legal determination that enslaved Africans were non-human.   

    Chattel enslavement was not gender neutral.  Racism was a direct legacy of the institution of transatlantic chattel slavery, and was an ongoing harm to all who experienced it.  Another takeaway issue was that as chattel enslavement ended, new anti-Black institutions were developed to maintain racial hierarchies, creating persistent economic and social disadvantages for Africans and people of African descent that continued to this present day.  Chattel slavery had no foundation in international law at that time, just as it had no legitimacy under international law today.

    However, as some of the legal experts on the panels had shown, there were legal tools which made reparations unavoidable.  The law could now be rightfully and effectively applied to deliver justice for the profound and continuing harms caused by the trafficking in Africans, chattel enslavement, and the colonisation of Africa.

    It was time that such an injustice be reversed by the payment of reparations to the descendants of those harmed, to ensure the development of areas exploited for the development of Europe. This must start with restitution of the ransom extracted from Haiti and the modern equivalent of the 20 million pounds paid by Britain to enslavers.

    Ms. Shepherd thanked all those who had made the discussion possible and pledged her support to the general recommendation. 

    GAY MCDOUGALL, Committee Vice-Chairperson, thanked all those who had been involved in the panel discussions and those who had made the half day of general discussion possible. 

    MICHAL BALCERZAK, Committee Chairperson, thanked everyone who had been involved in the discussion, which would help inform the work of the Committee. 

    ___________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CERD25.004E

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: African Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

    Speaker: ABEBE AEMRO SELASSIE, Director, African Department, IMF

    Moderator: KWABENA AKUAMOAH-BOATENG, Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening to all of you here in the room and those joining us online. My name is Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng.  I am with the Communications Department of the IMF, and

    I will be your moderator for today. 

    Welcome to today’s press briefing on the Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa. I am pleased to introduce Abebe Aemro Selassie, Director of the IMF’s African Department.  Abebe will share key insights from our new report titled Recovery Interrupted. 

    But before I turn to Abebe, a reminder that we have simultaneous interpretation in French and Portuguese, both online and in the room.  And the materials for this press briefing, the report, are all available online at IMF.org/Africa. Abebe, the floor is yours.

    MR. SELASSIE: Good morning and good afternoon to colleagues joining us from the region and beyond. Thank you for being here today for the release of our April Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Six months ago, I highlighted our region’s sluggish growth, and the steep political and social hurdles governments had to overcome to push through essential reforms.  Today, that fragile recovery faces a new test: the surge of global policy uncertainty so profound it is reshaping the region’s growth trajectory.

    Just when policy efforts began to bear fruit, with regional growth exceeding expectations in 2024, the region’s hard-won recovery has been overtaken by a sudden realignment of global priorities, casting a shadow over the outlook.  We now expect growth in Sub-Saharan Africa to ease to 3.8 percent in 2025 and 4.2 percent in 2026, marked down from our October projections, and these have been driven largely by difficult external conditions: weaker demand abroad, softer commodity prices, and tighter financial markets.

    Any further increase in trade tensions or tightening of financial conditions in advanced economies could further dampen regional confidence, raise borrowing costs further, and delay investment.  Meanwhile, official development assistance to Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to decline further, placing extra strain on the most vulnerable population.

    These external headwinds come on top of longer-standing vulnerabilities. High debt levels constrain the ability of many countries to finance essential services and development priorities.  While inflationary pressures have moderated at the regional level, quite a few countries are still grappling with elevated inflation, necessitating a tighter monetary stance and careful fiscal policy.

    Against this challenging backdrop, our report underscores the importance of calibrating policies to balance growth, social development, and macroeconomic stability.  Building robust fiscal and external buffers is more important than ever, underpinned by credibility and consistency in policymaking.

    In particular, there is a premium on policies to strengthen resilience: mobilize domestic revenue, improve spending efficiency, and strengthen public finance management and fiscal framework and fiscal frameworks to lower borrowing costs.  Reforms that enhance growth, improve the business climate, and foster regional trade integration are also needed to lay the groundwork for private sector-led growth.  High growth is imperative to engender the millions of jobs our region needs. 

    A strong, stable, and prosperous Sub-Saharan Africa is important for its people but also the world.  It is the region that will be the main source of labor and incremental investment and consumption demand in the decades to come.  External support as the region goes through its demographic transition is of tremendous strategic importance for the future of our planet. 

    The Fund is doing its part to help, having dispersed over $65 billion since 2020 and more than $8 billion just over the last year.  Our policy advice and capacity development efforts support more countries still. 

    Thank you and I’m happy to answer your questions. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Thank you, Abebe. Before we turn to you for your questions, a couple of ground rules, please. If you want to ask a question, raise your hand, and we’ll come to you.  Identify yourself and your organization and please limit it to one question.  For those online, you can use the chat function, or you can also raise your hand, and then we’ll come to you.  I will start from my right. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  You mentioned several things in your report.  The recovery that is going on the continent as well as some of the challenges that the continent is facing and the dividends that the continent currently has in its youth.  Leaders on the continent are working — I was at an event yesterday where they are looking at ways to raise funds to develop projects.  So, what is your recommendation for projects?  We’re seeing a need for projects like this as well as revenue mobilization on the continent.  So, is your recommendation to leaders on the continent on how to source these funds that are needed, given that some of the advanced economies are cutting back? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, any related questions before we go to Abebe?

    QUESTIONER: Abebe, you just made the point that the recovery has been hit by these uncertainties.  Beyond just policy direction, is there any scope to do anything in terms of, for example, maybe you dispense some money though, but maybe a little more to expect — to countries that are coming off defaults and what have you to help in this recovery, even at such a time?  This is also aided by, beyond the fact that some are coming, they have no buffers whatsoever.  And then, coming from defaults, things become very difficult for some of these countries to even have the money to do this.  Could there be any extra funding, even if on a regional level, to back the policy prescriptions that you have proposed? 

    MR. SELASSIE: I think there’s two different points here. The first one is more of a broader meta point, whether financing is the only constraint that is hindering more investment, more robust economic activity, and job creation. Of course, financing plays a role, but it is not the only constraint. It depends on country-to-country circumstances, what sectors we are talking about.  But it really is important to recognize that there are many other things that can be done to engender higher growth to facilitate more investment. 

    One of the issues that we have seen in our region over the years is that a lot of growth has –in many countries– been driven by public spending and public investment for many years.  That, of course, has made a major contribution.  It has facilitated all the investment that we have seen in infrastructure, building schools, building clinics.  So, that has a role to play. But I would say that going forward it will be as important to see if we can find ways in which the private sector is the main engine of growth. So, there are reforms that can be done to facilitate this growth. 

    The second one I am sensing from both your questions is about the circumstance right now where a combination of cuts in aid [and] tighter financing conditions are causing dislocation [and difficulties for governments. We have been, more than anybody else, stressing just what a difficult environment our governments have been facing.  We have been talking about the brutal funding squeeze that countries are under.  It has ebbed a little bit and flowed, you know, like the external market conditions, for example. There have been periods when they have been opened and some of our market access countries have been able to borrow, and then other periods where they have been closed, and we are going through one right now.  And this is on top of the cuts in aid that we have seen and tighter domestic financing conditions.  

    When this more cyclical point is playing out, I think it’s important for countries to be a bit more measured in how they are seeking to tackle their development needs.  So, maybe it means a bit more relying on domestic revenue mobilization, expenditure prioritization when conditions are particularly difficult as they are now, and, as I said earlier, going back to see what can be done to find ways to engender growth over the medium-term.  But it is a difficult period, as we note in our report, and one that is causing quite a bit of dislocation to our countries. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will come to the middle. The lady in the front.

    QUESTIONER: My first question is around recovery, of course, your reports are called “interrupted”.  So, with recovery slipping, growth downgraded, debt pressures mountain, is Sub-Saharan Africa at risk of another lost decade?  Because in your report you mentioned that the last four years have been quite turbulent for Africa, and we are trying to get back on track.  What is IMF’s message on bold actions that leaders must take now to avoid being left behind in the global economy and to avoid Africa being in a permanent state of vulnerability?  Because we always hear that we are in a permanent state of vulnerability.  Then for Nigeria, macros are under threat right now.  How can the government — what are your suggestions on how the government can actually push through deep reforms that deliver tangible growth for its people?  Of course, for your report, you did mention the millions and millions of people that you know live below $2.15 a day. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Any more Nigeria questions? I will take the gentleman right here.

    QUESTIONER: In your report you said that debt has stabilized.  And when you look at Nigeria’s debt profile, what insights can you share as to where the borrowings are going to?  Are you seeing more of long-term loans or short-term loans?  So that’s one.  So, what — recently the World Bank expressed concerns about the performance of Nigeria’s statistical body, saying that the institution is performing Sub optimally.  Do you share that sentiment?  Thank you very much. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will take one more on Nigeria. The gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTIONER: I [would] like to know in specific terms, Nigeria has already undertaken several reforms, especially removed oil subsidies and floated the naira.  What more specific things do you expect of Nigeria in terms of reform?

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thank you. Abebe?

    MR. SELASSIE: So, in terms of the reforms that have been going on in Nigeria and the particularities of the challenge, the first thing to note is that we have been really impressed by how much reforms have been undertaken in recent years. Most notably, trying to go to the heart of the cause of the macroeconomic imbalances in Nigeria, which are related to the fact that, oil subsidies were taking up a very large share of the limited tax revenues that the government have and not necessarily being used in the most effective way to help the most vulnerable people. The issues related to the imbalances on the external side with the exchange rate extremely out of line. 

    So it’s been really good to see the government taking these on, head-on, address those, and also beginning to roll out the third component of the reforms that we have been advocating for and of course, the government has been pursuing, which is to expand social protection, to target generalized subsidies to help the most vulnerable.  This has all been very good to see, but more can be done, particularly on the latter front, expanding social protection and enhancing a lot more transparency in the oil sector so that the removal of subsidies does translate into flow of revenue into the government budget.  So, there is still a bit more work to do in these areas. 

    We just had a mission in Nigeria where there was extensive discussions on these and other issues on the macroeconomic area, but also other areas where there is a need to do reforms to engender more private sector investment and also how more resources can be devoted to help Nigeria generate the revenues it so desperately needs to build more schools, more universities, and, of course, more infrastructure.  So, there is a comprehensive set of reforms that Nigeria can pursue that would help engender more growth and help diversify the economy away from reliance on oil.  And this diversification is, of course, all the more important given what we are seeing happening to commodity prices.  So, I think this is an important agenda. 

    Second, as the government is doing this, of course there will be a financing need.  And here what is needed is really a judicious and agile way of dealing with the financing challenges the country faces.  In the long run, the financing gap can only be filled by permanent sources such as revenue mobilization.  But in the interim, carefully looking at all the options the country must borrow in a contained way will be part of that solution.  And I think the government has been going about this prudently and cautiously so far, and we are encouraged by that. 

    And lastly, on data issues in Nigeria we really applaud the effort the government’s making to try and revise and upgrade data quality in Nigeria.  This task is not an easy one in our countries, given the extent of informality there is, given the extent of relative price changes that play out in our economies.  So doing this cautiously is what is needed methodically.  And that is exactly what we see happening.  We welcome, though, the efforts the government is making because without good data, it is difficult to make good policies.  So, we really applaud the effort the government is making to try and upgrade data quality. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take a round of questions online.

    QUESTIONER: There are bills in the UK Parliament and the New York State Assembly that aim to force holdout private creditors to accept debt treatments on comparable terms to other creditors and to limit or stop such litigation.  Are these bills needed, do you think, or is the current international debt architecture sufficient?  So, you know, IMF, DSAs, creditor groups, the common framework, where applicable. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead with your question.

    QUESTIONER: Earlier this month, the IMF reached a staff-level agreement with Burkina Faso to complete the Third Review of the country’s program.  So as part of the review, the IMF allowed a greater fiscal flexibility, allowing Burkina Faso to raise its public deficit target to 4 percent, up from the 2 percent cap set by the West African Economic Monetary Union.  So, given that the country’s challenges, such as persistent insecurity, high social demands, are common across the region, wouldn’t it be wiser to consider applying this flexibility more broadly to the West African Economic Monetary Union?  And my second question will be about the downward revision of the growth forecast for 2025 and 2026 in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Does the IMF view this new crisis – I am talking about the global uncertainty and the recent U.S. tariff measures.  Does the IMF view this crisis as potentially more severe and with broader consequences for the region than previous shocks such as COVID and the war in Ukraine? 

    MR. SELASSIE: On the first question on debt workouts and the challenges there, I am not fully informed about the specifics of the bills that Rachel, you are talking about, indeed, we have seen from time to time some private creditor groups holding out, trying to hold out, but I am not sure that a bill is what’s needed, but rather, force of argument to try and bring people to the table. And in recent restructurings, at least I am not aware of this being the main hindrance in advancing discussions.  There have been many other factors, including just the complexity of the current creditor landscape, that have played a role. 

    On Burkina Faso, flexibility under the program or the deficit targets for the WAEMU countries more generally, just it is important to distinguish between particular years’ fiscal deficit targets that the government wants to pursue and we, incorporate in the program and just the more medium-term criteria, convergence criteria that there is for the WAEMU countries. 

    So, the 3 percent target criteria are for the medium- to long-term.  And it has been very clear that when there are shocks or when there are pressing social development needs, countries do have the scope to deviate from that.  In fact, often the constraint on the Sahel countries has been not having enough, sufficient, enough financing to be able to meet these to advance development objectives.  The other constraint of course is that overall, the more you exceed this 3 percent target and add to the overall debt burden, the more you are going to have – you are likely to build up debt vulnerabilities. 

    So, in the work that we do with countries, whether it is Burkina Faso or other WAEMU countries or indeed beyond, what we try and help with is of course to help countries strike this balance between addressing the immediate and pressing needs that they have while avoiding medium-term debt sustainability problems.  I think one is just thinking about how to strike this balance.  And then second, we put resources on the table very cheaply to help countries, avoid, at least in the near term, more difficult financing difficulties.  So, for Burkina and others, it is just about striking this balance.

    And on growth, whether this latest shock is as bad for the region as the previous ones. I think it is really important also to point out that as difficult, I mean the last four or five years have been incredibly difficult time for our countries, a lot of challenges, a lot of dislocation, but there is also been quite a lot of resilience, and I think that is important to stress.  I would note that, even now, it is this year, 11 out of the 20 fastest growing economies in the world are from Sub-Saharan Africa.  So, there are quite a lot of countries that are going to be sustaining significant growth in the region.  So, we should also not lose sight of this resilience. 

    Second, and more broadly, the buildup of uncertainties I think is very negative.  And this is interrupting what we are seeing in terms of a recovery.  But growth is not, we are not projecting growth to collapse.  And our hope is that as things calm down, the region can resume its growth trajectory also.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take three more questions online, then we will come back to the room.

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to know about Senegal, in terms of whether funds would be repaid after the misreporting of data and if the IMF has learned anything from that?  And also, just if you can, the status of the IMF’s programs and even operations in Sudan and South Sudan? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead.

    QUESTIONER: The IMF is urging countries to focus on domestic revenue mobilization.  But you may have seen that South Africa’s Finance Minister has withdrawn the VAT increase that he had proposed in the budget, in the face of opposition from coalition partners.  Does the IMF see any alternative sources of revenue that are feasible for the South African government as the parties hoped?  And are there any lessons here for other countries trying to mobilize domestic revenue?                                                         

    QUESTIONER: Building on the question that Hilary has asked that the REO does make the case for domestic revenue mobilization, and you made that argument, I believe, in the last two Regional Economic Outlook reports as well.  But poverty is still endemic.  Incomes, as far as I can tell, have not really recovered to pre-pandemic levels.  So other than broadcast to tax exemptions what else can be done to raise tax-to-GDP ratios?  One last question on this.  Has there been any progress that has been made in the Sovereign Debt Roundtable in deciding how debt from Afreximbank, and Trade and Development Bank should be treated, at least under the common framework for countries like Ghana and Zambia?  Now, do they qualify to not have their debt restructured in the same way that the IMF, the World Bank’s credit lines?

    MR. SELASSIE: On Senegal, I was recently in Dakar for discussions building on work that our team has been doing. What we are waiting for is the government to finalize the work that’s ongoing.  Right now, the audits are going on and reconciliation work is going on. 

    On the extent of domestic and external debt.  We have been very clear in welcoming the transparency and really robust and collegial way in which the government has been engaging on the issues that have arisen in the misreporting case and we look forward to the numbers stabilizing, and engaging in discussions on the next steps in terms of bringing the, the findings to our Executive Board and next steps in our engagement with Senegal. 

    On South Sudan, it has just been a difficult period of course for South Sudan.  They have been hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from the conflict in the north.  The conflict has also interrupted, disrupted heavily their main source of tax revenue, oil exports through the pipeline.  So, it’s been a really wrenching period.  Over the last three, four years we have provided, you know, we have been trying to provide South Sudan with emergency financing and trying to find a way in which we can engage with a more structured longer-term program.  We remain hopeful that we are going to be able to do that.  But first and foremost, I think we need to see what can be done to make sure that the policy making environment is as robust and as strong as it is, and as transparent, so we can come in, step in and support South Sudan.

    On revenue mobilization, I want to just first link this to the point I made earlier that what we have observed and again there is a risk of generalizing, but what we’ve observed over the last 10, 15 years in the region is that governments have made a very significant effort to invest in really important infrastructure needs in building schools, in building health clinics and much else.  And you see very positive outcomes.  Look at the electricity coverage in our region, look at the human development indicators and how much they have moved over the years in the region. 

    But we have also seen that despite a lot of investment, for example, in electricity generation capacity and electricity coverage in our countries, many roads are being built.  The returns of all this investment have not been captured in the tax revenue, which is one of the points, the pressure points where debt levels have gone up and the interest-to-revenue ratio.  So, the interest payment-to-revenue ratio has also been rising.  And this has been one of the key points of vulnerability in many economies and why a few countries have gotten into debt difficulty and needed to restructure. 

    So going forward, I think it’s very clear that to be able to continue investing; to be able to continue expanding economies and the government doing its core function, it has to find more ways other than borrowing to address this. 

    Now, in the past, governments have been quick to cut spending, and that has, we found, again and again, to be very detrimental to development progress and growth outcomes.  I think this, again, at the risk of generalizing, was the approach that was generally pursued in the 1980s and found to be very problematic, very challenging, very depressing to growth.  So, we would very much love for countries to avoid this. When there are pressing spending needs, there’s generally only a couple of ways that you can finance this.  Spending cuts or revenue mobilization.  You can borrow, of course, but as I said, borrowing is not optimal. 

    Now, this doesn’t mean revenue mobilization is easy.  Far, far from it. It requires not only political engagement, but also a lot of communication, a lot of effort to show that the resources the government is trying to generate are going to be going to the right areas to help strengthen the social contract.  So, it’s a deep and engaged process, and we are very, very cognizant of that.  But I do think that this is the most optimal way, the most economically sensible way in which our countries can help address the tremendous development needs that we have.

    Now, specifically on South Africa, ultimately when issues like this arise, these are deeply domestic political issues to be resolved as to what the best way to do the financing is.  So, if a tax rate increase for a particular tax is not possible, then maybe finding ways to expand the tax base, maybe trying different tax angles or if all of those are not possible, then revisiting spending priorities may be one of the ways that countries must handle this.  And this is typically what we see playing out in countries in the region when financing constraints are binding. 

    So, whether it is in Kenya, South Africa, or other countries the issue of revenue mobilization is a live one, but one that is extremely complex.  We are very cognizant of that.  And one that requires quite a lot of consensus building, quite a lot of discussion to be able to advance, and of course, broader societal support.  And we absolutely see countries engaging in this and do what we can to help bring lessons from other countries where we are asked to.

    Then there was a question about the GSDR.  So, this Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, this is the initiative launched by the Fund and the Bank to try and bring creditors and debtors together around the table to find ways in which debt work[outs] can be easier because you are discussing general principles rather than country-specific debt restructuring issues. And we have seen this making quite a lot of progress. Perhaps the most recent development has been the preparation of a debt work[out] playbook that is a very helpful document that has been put out building on the experience of recent work[outs].  What has worked particularly well.  What kind of information sharing ahead of debt work[outs] have been helpful in terms of accelerating debt processes.  Debt restructurings are one of the most contentious and challenging issues that there are between states, between creditors and debtors, and it requires quite a lot of discussion, and it is not such an easy thing to do, including what the parameter of debt should be.  I think one of the questions that was raised is about the debt parameter.  This is fundamentally an issue for the debtor countries and creditors to resolve, and intra-creditor disputes also have to be done. 

    So, in terms of the principles that generally we see creditors apply when these kinds of disputes arise about what the right parameter should be or not and who gets preferential treatment. I think there’s generally been two rules of thumb. One is that the terms in which new financing is being provided or the financing is provided, whether it’s commercial or concessional has been a factor that most creditors look at in terms of whether a particular credit should be included in the parameter or not, and then also the extent to which new financing is being made available.  So, what differentiates senior creditors like the IMF, the World Bank, of course, is that for most countries we operate providing concessional financing very long-term.  And we are the ones that come in and provide financing consistently through crisis and otherwise. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have time for one more round of questions. I will start with the gentleman in the front here. 

    QUESTIONER: The U.S. is your largest shareholder, and we are seeing mixed messages this week from the Treasury Secretary mentioning that he remains committed to the Fund but also calling on you to hold countries accountable to program performance, empower staff to walk away if reform commitment is lacking. 

    So, I wanted to ask you, should we expect the IMF spigot to start closing in response to U.S. pressure?  Or if not, are you changing your approach to countries, what you are telling them and how to deal with their issues?  Are you being a little more stringent in your requirements? 

    You have talked about Senegal, maybe Ghana, Ethiopia, related to that issue of the U.S stepping in.  The CEMAC negotiations this week, we saw American energy companies working with the CEMAC on repatriation of funds dedicated to the rehabilitation of oil sites.  I’m wondering if you have a stance on that, what the IMF position is?  I understand the U.S is trying to get the IMF involved in that.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thanks. Gentleman. 

    QUESTIONER: Kenyan authorities here have indicated the need to present a credible fiscal framework as they try and unlock a new program for Kenya.  Would you offer more color into the discussions this week, noting again that the same credibility questions led to the cancellation or the termination of the program at its final review?  

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have a question online “what is the IMF’s view on Kenya’s debt position?”

    MR. SELASSIE: So, on the first question, I would like to refer you to Kristalina who gave comprehensive responses to the Secretary’s IMFC Statement. What I want to add though is that in the region, in Sub-Saharan Africa, in terms of programs, the calibration of reforms, incorporation of reforms, I would say that we are always in terms of each program has its particularities and what we always try and do in these programs is make sure that we’re striking a balance of helping countries address the long term challenges and also the cyclical challenges that are often the ones that cause them to come to us.  And I would say that I don’t think there are many countries that think that the adjustment efforts that they’re being asked to make are easy ones.

    On CEMAC.  Just to be very clear there is this dispute that is going on between member states, the BEAC, and oil companies with respect to what are called restitution funds.  The funds under contracts that countries have with oil companies are meant to be available to help restore the sites where oil is extracted back to their pre-extraction standards. 

    What has been a bit frustrating is that we are not privy to the contents of these documents. We have been calling on members and the companies involved to be transparent about this, to publish these documents.  They are after all documents that are about how countries natural resource wealth are used.  And we’ve been on record going seven, eight, nine years pushing for production sharing agreements, the terms of these things to be published so that each side can hold the other accountable.  I think that is the first thing that could be done to bring more transparency and light and understanding to the rest of the world about what is going on in these discussions. 

    Second, we have also made it clear to both parties that given that we do not have full information, it is difficult for us to know what to say.  But in general, any encumbrances in terms of how we look at foreign exchange reserves and these standards are published, any encumbrances like the type that we think there may be in the document, i.e., that is the expectation that these resources will be used for specific purposes means they’re not general use reserves.  So, they would not be classified as part of reserves. 

    On Kenya, we have had a very strong engagement with Kenya over the years and will continue to have such engagement going forward.  As we have noted, government has asked for a follow-on program to try and address the remaining challenges in Kenya, and we are discussing how to do that including in the context of these meetings. 

    It has been good to hear and see that the economy has been performing quite well in some parts.  Particularly the external adjustment front seems to have been proceeding well.  The current account has been narrowing.  So, there are quite a lot of strengths.  But also of course there remain fiscal challenges which were a significant part of the last program’s objectives that need to be advanced.  So, we are going to engage with the government and do everything that we can to be able to help it go forward. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Unfortunately, that is all the time we have. So, if you have any questions that we didn’t get to, please send them to me or to Media at IMF.org and we will try and get back to you as soon as possible.  So, also to mention that the report is now available at IMF.org/Africa.  The Spring Meetings continue.  Later this morning, we have the press briefing for the European Department and later in the afternoon we have the IMFC, and the Western Hemisphere Department press briefings. 

    On behalf of Abebe and the African and Communications Departments, thank you all for coming to this press briefing and see you next time. 

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: IMFC, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 25, 2025

    Speaker:

    Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director, IMF

    Mohammed Aljadaan, IMFC Chair, Minister of Finance, Saudi Arabia

     

    Moderator:

    Julie Kozack, Director, Communications Department, IMF

     

     

    Ms.  Kozack: I am delighted to have with me the Chair of the IMFC, His Excellency Mohammed Aljadaan. He is also the Minister of Finance of Saudi Arabia. And of course, our Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva.

    Minister Aljadaan and the Managing Director will first share some takeaways with you and then when that is concludes we will turn to you for your questions.  Your Excellency, the floor is yours.

    Minister. Aljadaan: Thank you, Julie. Thank you, Kristalina. And thanks to all of you for being here. At the outset, let me highlight an important development that took place the first time in these meetings, which is the IMFC welcoming its 25th member, the third chair of Africa. Obviously, this is an important milestone that strengthens the voice and representation of the African continent in a global economic dialogue. I would like to thank all members who made this possible.  

    On the IMF agenda, going forward, the Fund must continue to focus on its core mandate, including supporting international monetary cooperation, encouraging the expansion of trade and economic growth, and discouraging policies that would harm prosperity.

    In recent days, the IMFC members welcomed steps to further strengthen the effectiveness of the IMF’s three core functions, its surveillance of global economic trends, its lending where we welcome the review of program design conditionality, and its capacity development assistance, which helps ensure growth in so many member countries and within countries.

    Addressing global debt vulnerabilities remains a priority for our members, especially for low‑income and vulnerable countries. They welcome the progress made in debt treatments under the G20 Common Framework. They also express their commitment to addressing global debt vulnerabilities in an effective, comprehensive, and systemic manner.

    Members encouraged the IMF and the World Bank to help advance the implementation of the three‑pillar approach to address debt service pressures. We appreciate the tremendous efforts of the members in shaping the medium‑term direction of the IMF and contributing to the Diriyah Declaration.

    The Diriyah Declaration represents a forward‑looking approach to strengthening the IMFC process and advancing governance reforms and has received full support from the members. Just to clarify, when I say the Diriyah Declaration, this is the Declaration that was prepared by the Deputies in their meetings in Saudi Arabia earlier this month in preparation for this meeting.

    Here we aim to ensure that the Fund remains well‑equipped to meet future challenges in line with its core mandate. Before I hand it over to Kristalina, I have to comment on the topic of the day, which I think a lot of people are talking about, trade tension. Many members have told me how the trade situation has created significant uncertainty. Indeed, the buzz word was uncertainty all over this week, and indeed it also carries with it market volatility, presenting real risks to the global growth and financial stability. But as Kristalina said recently, these threat conflicts have been like forgetting a pot boiling on a stove. Well, now that pot is boiling over. In other words, we should not be surprised that there are trade tensions. And this situation is an opportunity for us all to have constructive conversations about how we will move forward together. This is a challenging time, but I have always been optimist and absolutely make no apologies for that. I will explain to you why. History tells us that the bigger the challenge, the more it requires us to come together to convene and to have an honest conversation. That is exactly what happened this week. That is exactly the power of the IMF to actually be able to convene everybody around the same table in closed rooms and discuss issues in a constructive way.

    I have told colleagues, I arrived in Washington a week ago with a lot of noise in my ears from reading the news and following social media. I have told them, everyone that I met in the early days, please keep your thoughts cool, and we will see where we are going to end. Actually, today we are ending in a lot better position than when we started the week. People understand the consequences and are working together in a constructive manner to resolve tensions.  

    I am also confident that because of the IMF, the IMF is really watching us very closely, following the global situation and is really providing advice to its members in real‑time, offering an assessment of the potential impacts and the best way to proceed.  

    This week we have seen an incredible assurance confirming the position of the IMF and its convening power and contributing to positive development, including in relation to Syria. Gathering together to talk about Syria and building on our meetings in AIUla has given us a new sense of urgency and purpose, to turn a conflict‑affected state, which is Syria, into a stable and economically successful one, benefiting the region and the world. It is not just about the money. It is about the work that the IMF and other partners can deliver on capacity development, quality data, and timely advice.

    Again, I would like to thank Kristalina and the IMF staff. And I can tell you, it was an incredible, unanimous position today to thank the IMF for their incredible, incredible brain cells power, which was able really to produce a very comprehensive report about what is happening in the world in a very short period of time, and it was fantastic. Thank you, Kristalina. Thanks to all the IMF staff and thank you again for being here. The floor is yours.

    Managing Director: Thank you very much, Minister Aljadaan, for your kind words now, but above all for your exemplary leadership of the IMFC. I want to tell everybody here that the way you chaired the meetings brought the members together to speak openly, frankly and as a result to find a path to common understanding that is so necessary in the current environment because, as we all know, our meetings take place against a challenging backdrop. You have seen our World Economic Outlook. It shows that the global economy is facing a significant slowdown and also that risks are on the downside.

    Understandably Ministers and Governors are concerned, but at the same time they have also exhibited a remarkably constructive spirit in these meetings, coming together, showing willingness to take on the challenges facing the global economy. Minister Aljadaan laid out the substance and achievements of our discussions. Let me add just three points. First, Ministers and Governors agreed on the importance of reducing uncertainty and working together to clarify policies.

    Second, importantly, they recognized that they need to seize the moment to put their own houses in order. And I saw very firm resolve to tackle difficult and, in many cases, delayed reforms at home, to strengthen resilience, to remove impediments to productivity and lift up their medium and long‑term growth prospects, and to address underlying domestic imbalances which drive external imbalances. To put it simply, addressing external imbalances starts at home.

    Finally, we discussed how the IMF can help countries successfully navigate this period of change and build resilience. I was very heartened to hear from the membership strong support for our work to promote macroeconomic and financial stability and to do it through robust bilateral, multilateral and regional surveillance, be there for our members when they need to cope with balance of payments problems, finance—finance them, but also finance them with the clear objective that they can strengthen their economies. I can say the words of support for our capacity development, in other words, helping countries have strong institutions, strong policies. That support was overwhelming.

    At this period of complex challenges for the membership, they also gave us homework. I want to emphasize two areas where we will further deepen our work. One, do more work on external imbalances, dig deeper, when they could become a source of concern and provide advise how to address them through policies. Two, continue to scan the financial sector to identify potential sources of instability, especially in the non‑bank sector, and provide advice on how best to enhance resilience.

    Overall, what I can tell you is that what I heard this week was an incredible determination by our members to steer economies through this period of change and uncertainty. And it gave me confidence that we actually can take challenge and make opportunity, that we can have a more resilient, more balanced world economy.

    Like Minister Aljadaan, I started the week more anxious of our capacity as a global community to come together, and I finished the week with more confidence that this is exactly what we will do.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you very much, Minister, Managing Director. We will now open the floor to your questions, so please raise your hand if you have a question and please identify yourself and your outlet. I will start here in the middle. I am going to go to the gentleman in the kind of White shirt. Yes, right here.

    Question: Thank you, Julie. Question for Minister Aljadaan and Managing Director Georgieva. You both pointed out that we ended a week in a way better position than when we started it. Managing Director, during your Curtain Raiser Speech, you also raised the hope that this week might be an opportunity for everybody to discuss. How do you feel like? Could you elaborate perhaps on how this week dialing down the uncertainty that you talked about and the global tensions when it comes to trade? Thank you very much.

    Managing Director: Finding a path to solutions starts from looking at the problem from a—seeing the problem with the same eye view. Let me start this again. To resolve a problem, you have different parties. To resolve a problem, they need to have information about the problem that allows them to have a meaningful conversation. I can say that I am very, very grateful to the staff of the IMF because what we did was to offer the members information that allows them to see what is ahead of them and expand their horizon. If you look at a problem only from a narrow point of view, it is difficult to have a meaningful conversation to resolve it.

    Secondly, what I saw was a genuine openness to present views in a candid way and to listen to each other.

    Third, and the third is the most important, it is a traction and engagement among members that could then bring a better—faster and better outcome. I do not want to sugarcoat. We still have quite a challenging time. It is challenging not just because of the tariffs and the uncertainty. It is also challenging that there are other transformational forces in play. Because of the overwhelming attention to tariffs, we stopped talking about other things, like artificial intelligence, demographics transition, and I think that that sense that we can have an engagement in a comprehensive way on a complex set of challenges, that came during the meetings quite strongly. Does it mean that everybody agrees with everybody else? No. But do we have an open conversation, engaged conversation with the fair space for everybody to present their views? Yes.

    Minister Aljadaan: Thank you. If I may, Julie, I think just to complement the Managing Director’s views, I think overall what do you need to resolve conflicts like this or tensions like this? A, you need to make sure that you understand the parties’ positions, where they are coming from, why they are taking these positions, and what are they seeking to achieve. Second, make sure that they actually talk. And that is largely what happened this week. So to have everybody who is party to all this trade tensions, which is almost everybody, all the members, around the same table in a candid discussion that is closed even—some of it has been in the restricted sessions—to really be open and talk about what are they doing, why they are doing it, what is their view of what is going to happen in the next even short period of time is very assuring. Sharing that information is very assuring. Understanding the implications of these actions on other nations, including low‑income countries, emerging economies and implications of that is actually very helpful for them to appreciate the consequences of their positions.

    I can tell you without—I cannot disclose some of the discussion that has taken place, but I can tell you there was a very clear, frank discussion, including a projection of a timeline for a resolution of some of these issues. So that is very assuring.

    Managing Director: Can I just add one point, that when people are in the same room, the abstract policies become more human because then we understand these policies are affecting people, and the whole world—the people of the whole world are then present, and that makes the conversation different. No longer it is an academic conversation. It is a very real-life conversation.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you. I will go to this side. I will go to the second row, gentleman with the blue jacket and the glasses.

    Question: Thank you so much for taking my question. I am from Bangkok. Your Excellency, you have mentioned uncertainty around the world in your opening remarks. So, I want to ask specifically on the consequences for the emerging markets as a whole, and what is your policy advice for the situation and also do you see any short‑term lasting impacts to these countries? Thank you.

    Minister Aljadaan: I will give it a time and then you can complement. First of all, I look forward to our renewal meeting in Thailand next year and seeing the preparations from now, I think a lot of people are excited and waiting for our meetings there. I am sure it will be very constructive in the hospitable country of Thailand and the Kingdom of Thailand.

    Obviously emerging economies, particularly emerging economies with limited fiscal space have little room to maneuver to deal with shocks. And even if these shocks have been resolved, there is some lasting impact. The earlier, the faster that these shocks or trade tensions in this context is resolved, the better for everybody. But we are not in a perfect world and things may take time and countries may get an impact, and that is where the IMF excels. That is where is IMF capacity building, advice comes into actual real play. So, the Managing Director is here and her staff with an incredible talent will be able to actually provide that support to emerging economies.

    Managing Director: As a group, emerging markets by and large are generally highly open. They rely on—many of them rely on exports as an engine for growth. They are quite active in international bond markets, so because they are highly exposed, the impact on emerging markets is quite significant. Some of the emerging markets, especially those that were in a tougher position after the multiple shocks, also face very limited and some of them non‑existing policy space to act.

    We have downgraded growth projections for emerging markets and developing economies to 3.7 percent for 2025. This is a 0.6 percent downgrade. And to 3.9 percent for 2026. What does that mean? It means that some of them would see a significant slowdown in their convergence to higher‑income countries. And they are also seeking ways to overcome the challenges ahead. What works for them is emerging markets have been fantastic in building resilience to shocks. And when I look at the universe of emerging market economies, quite a number of countries have become more agile in their policymaking, are more mature in how they approach their fiscal and monetary policy. That puts them in a better position.

    To use an analogy, it is like they have gone through multiple periods of being tested and they got immune to shocks to a certain degree. They would be seeing possibly somewhat less inflationary pressure. Why? Because when you are on the receiving end of tariffs, what it means is that actually domestically you do not have pressure on prices. We can expect emerging markets to look at their policy tools very carefully. We urge them, be very careful with fiscal measures. Do not rush to provide fiscal support willy‑nilly because you cannot afford to lose fiscal space. Have a medium long‑term framework to rebuild this fiscal space. On the monetary policy side, watch pressures. We are saying inflation is likely to slow down but watch it and watch inflation expectations. Do what is necessary, given the data you have. And very important, allow the exchange rate to be a shock absorber.

    We have the integrated policy framework that offers advice to countries how to approach exchange rate issues with great care. You are an emerging market. Actually, the Minister is not saying that, but one thing emerging markets can do for themselves is, get your own house in order. Pursue reforms relentlessly because this is what makes you stronger.

    Ms. Kozack: We have time for just one last question. So, I am going to go second row, the gentleman in the blue suit.

    Question: Thank you, Ms. Kozack. Mr. Aljadaan, Managing Director Georgieva. I am from Lebanon. My question is addressed to both of you. How will the IMF support Syria and what role will it play in Syria’s reconstruction. Thank you.

    Ms. Kristalina Georgieva: Minister Aljadaan in the opening recognized that Syria has returned to the international community. We had a meeting with Syrian representatives in AIUla during an emerging market conference. We had a meeting on fragile and conflict‑affected states. And at that time, we made the first step to create a coordinating group so different institutions that can support Syria can start working together. We held a meeting here in Washington during the Spring Meetings. It was co‑chaired by Minister Aljadaan, President Banga and myself, with the Finance Minister and the Central Bank Governor of Syria. In this meeting we discussed how we can start rebuilding institutions and policy capacity in Syria and how different institutions can play on their comparative advantage to help. For the Fund specifically, what it means is, of course, cautiously but engage to first define data, what is available, how we can rebuild credible data capability.  

    Second, central bank capacity. How can we rebuild the functioning of Syria’s central bank.

    Third, tax policy and how can the country rebuild capacity to create revenues for its functions.

    We have appointed a Mission Chief for Syria. We have not had Article IV Consultations with Syria for a long, long time. We hope that we can contribute in putting the foundation of knowledge, economic policy knowledge in Syria to get the country back on track. 

    I mean, just imagine, they have been in a Civil War for 14 years. A big part of the population is not in Syria. They are in Lebanon. They are in Iraq. They are in Jordan. The fabric of the Syrian society is deeply wounded. It is going to take a lot of work by the Syrians themselves to rebuild it. This is when international organizations can play a constructive role. Lebanon, you are not asking about Lebanon.

    Question: I heard the meetings went quite well by the end, especially since the Lebanese Parliament voted about the banking sequencing. That is more in line with international standards, so what are you—

    Managing Director: You are not asking because you know. That is very good.

    Ms. Kozack: Minister, would you like to have the last word?

     

    Minister Aljadaan: I have a few things. First of all, I really thank the IMF and the World Bank in stepping up their support to Syria and other states who are emerging from fragility. Syria in particular is a case where we have an opportunity. We have a government that is willing, and we have regional partners who are also providing support and willing really to provide whatever it takes to make sure that we bring back Syria, support its people and make sure that we also move cautiously through that process, recognizing that obviously there are sanctions that we need to deal with and other impediments. But even with that, I think standing with them, providing capacity support and advice and some regional and bilateral, even financial support is very crucial. The Syrian people deserve that support. And that does not stop at Syria. We are talking about Syria as an example, we have Yemen, we have Palestine, we have Sudan, we have other countries that really need the support, including Lebanon. They need to know that the international community, if they put their act together, the international community will stand by them, so we will continue that.

    Ms. Kozack: We are almost five minutes over our time.

    Managing Director: Ask your question short, and we will try to answer.

    Ms. Kozack: And have a very brief answer.

    Managing Director: It is my fault. I am the one that is professorial.

     

    Question: My question is to the MD concerning the global uncertainty on trade tensions shaping sub‑Saharan Africa’s debt risk, servicing costs as well as our fiscal future and its coordination with creditors such as you, so how are Africa also in all of these conversations? Thank you.

     

    Managing Director: As Minister Aljadaan said, Africa was more present this time because we now have three sub‑Saharan African representatives in the IMFC. But beyond that, very much on our minds, quite a number of the Governors of the Fund spoke about the importance to pay attention to countries that are particularly severely affected by this turbulence because they have a high level of debt and that suppresses their ability to cope.

    By the way, countries with high level of debt are not just in sub‑Saharan Africa. We have them all over the world.

    What has been done during these meetings is threefold. First, very strong emphasis on the three‑pillar approach of the IMF and the World Bank for countries that experience liquidity constraints. They are not yet facing debt sustainability problems, but they are on the way to there. And for these countries to concentrate support for domestic resource mobilization, concentrate attention to how to mobilize more international financing and very important, concentrate on how the private sector can play a bigger role in the economy.   

    Second, for countries where debt is not sustainable, how to make debt restructuring faster and more effective. We have issued this week a playbook for debt restructuring that was the outcome of the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. What it shows are the steps that need to be taken.

    As you recall under the Common Framework, there was some confusion around how exactly to go about it, what is the timeline, what is the exact sequencing of steps. This is now being clarified. If we follow the playbook, we play by the book, we get debt restructuring in less than 12 months. And the third thing, very important for the Fund, is that our members have put in place a way to expand our capacity to finance low‑income countries through the Poverty Reduction Growth Trust so the Fund can step up financing for countries, so they do not need to—they do not need to go through a super painful adjustment because of this burden of debt. We can ease their path. But, again, we want to see countries act decisively on reforms so they—you do not borrow your way out of debt. You grow your way out of debt. So, when countries have that growth potential enhanced, then they can also reduce debt vulnerability. It was not very short. My apologies.

    Ms. Kozack: Minister, would you like to add?          

    Minister Aljadaan: I am fine. I think the Managing Director did a great job in answering.

    Managing Director: Look, you have to forgive me. I was for 14 years a professor. It kicks in.

     

    Minister Aljadaan: We enjoy it, Kristalina

    Managing Director: Thank you very much, everybody.

    Ms. Kozack: This does bring us to an end, so thank you for joining us. And let me just add that the full transcript of the press briefing will be available online on the IMF website. And, of course, should you have further questions, please do not hesitate to reach out to my colleagues at IMF media.org. Thank you.

     

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Wafa Amr

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Keynote Speech – Canning House Mexico-UK Summit

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    Keynote Speech – Canning House Mexico-UK Summit

    During the Canning House’s Mexico-UK Summit, His Majesty’s Ambassador to Mexico, Susannah Goshko, highlight the bilateral opportunity between our countries.

    The UK-Mexico Partnership in 2025 

    Good morning everyone.  It’s great to be here at Canning House’s inaugural Mexico-UK Summit.  Canning House plays a hugely important role in bringing the UK and Mexico closer together.

    I would therefore like to begin by thanking Jeremy Browne and his team for organising this Summit and fostering the valuable exchange of ideas between business, government and academia.

    As many of you will know, I arrived in Mexico at the end of last year: so I am now just a few months into my posting as British Ambassador to Mexico. And what a time to arrive.  A new government in Mexico and a new government in the UK.  A world that is changing more rapidly than any of us could have predicted.  Let me start therefore by talking about the bilateral opportunity, before coming on to how the UK and Mexico can work together on the global stage.

    The relationship between the UK and Mexico dates back over 200 years.  One of the first things I did in my role here was accompany the High Sheriff of Cornwall to Hidalgo where British miners – from Cornwall – first arrived in the 19th century, drawn by the opportunities that Mexico offered.  They brought with them football and Cornish pasties – both of which live on to this day, although the pasties turn out to be a little more picante than we are used to them in Cornwall.

    The first record of a football match being played in Mexico was between those Cornish miners and the Mexicans who lived in Hidalgo.  On that occasion – for perhaps the first and last time – the Brits beat the Mexicans.  And this is a nice anecdote but actually, it’s more than that.  It’s evidence of the culture and history that continue to bind us today.

    In fact, our rich cultural and people-to-people links are one of the most important aspects of this relationship: whether it’s the numerous Mexicans who play in the English Premier League, the more than 3000 Mexican students have been awarded Chevening scholarships since 1983, or the fact that the largest number of Beatlemaniacs in the world are not in fact in the UK but are right here in Mexico.

    But the policy agenda is – perhaps – even more exciting.  When the new government in the UK was elected last summer, it was on the basis of a number of very clear priorities – or missions as the PM has described them.  These include:

    • Reducing barriers to opportunity for all
    • Building a health system fit for the future
    • Making the UK a green energy super power by 2030
    • And kickstarting economic growth.

    I have been struck in my first few months here, how much of that agenda resonates with what the government in Mexico is trying to achieve. In the language we use and in the priorities we choose, there is much alignment between our approaches.

    The growth agenda

    Let me start by talking about economic growth. Growth is at the heart of the UK government’s agenda because – like Mexico – the British government has made important commitments around addressing social inequality.  To meet these ambitious commitments, it will be essential for us both to have thriving economies.

    So all British diplomats have been given clear marching orders: we must do all we can to build economic prosperity for the UK but also for the countries in which we are working. And what does that mean here? Well, trade between the UK and Mexico is good: Our markets are complementary, so we are not in competition with each other, and we have an more or less equally balanced trading relationship.

    But we can afford to be much more ambitious: two way trade is currently worth around £6.1bn a year – as two G20 countries, both committed to open and free trade – this should and could be much higher.  It is in both of our interests to ensure that it is, if we are to build the equitable and prosperous societies we are both seeking.

    The first step on this journey will be Mexican ratification of the UK’s accession to CPTPP which we hope will happen shortly.   This will accelerate growth by deepening British and Mexican participation in our respective supply chains. It will diversify our trade in innovative sectors such as electromobility, health-tech and advanced manufacturing and will provide greater certainty to UK investors in Mexico and Mexican investors wanting to set up and grow their business in the UK.

    At the same time, a new industrial strategy in the UK and Plan Mexico here will drive growth in both our countries in sectors of mutual interest and expertise, among them healthcare and life sciences, financial services, and education. We must grasp this opportunity.

    There is much success to build upon: last year we saw innovative British bank Revolut secure their banking licence in Mexico. Astrazeneca opened their second largest global research plant in Jalisco. Orbia expanded their presence in the UK with an additional £75m investment, creating 100 new jobs.

    These are just a small selection of success stories from the last twelve months.  I am confident that there will be many more to come driven by a determination from both our governments to put sustainable growth at the heart of our plans.

    Climate

    The second area where I see enormous potential is on climate and energy.  I am delighted that Minister for Environment, Alicia Barcena will speak later in the day. Minister Barcena has been a great friend of the UK as well as a champion of our shared commitment to tackling the climate and nature emergency.

    This is one of the most profound threats to face us and future generations. We must work together to ensure a liveable planet for all. Our future prosperity and security depends on what we do now.

    For the British government, combatting climate change and biodiversity loss must be done alongside eradicating social inequality. We believe firmly that this can be achieved without compromising economic growth. In fact, done right, we believe that the energy transition can be an economic advantage.  As testament to this, I offer the fact that in the UK we have reduced emissions by 54% whilst also growing our GDP by 84% on 1990 levels.

    Under the leadership of President Sheinbaum and Prime Minister Starmer we have an unparalleled opportunity to deepen our cooperation in this area.

    When I presented my credentials to the President some two weeks ago, I congratulated her for her leadership on Mexico’s NDC commitment and the newly announced Net Zero goal. The UK stands ready to offer any support that we can in their development and implementation.

    Our vision to do this is one where there’s space for every part of society to contribute and benefit from ambitious climate action. We have, for instance, worked with local communities and civil society in Sonora to pilot solar energy projects, increasing access to electricity and diversifying sources of income for families.

    And our scientific and academic links are also a fundamental asset to tackle climate change. Mexican and British research institutions are working together to deploy solutions to manage sargassum proliferation, which has greatly impacted the tourism industry in Mexico and many Caribbean nations.

    And there’s, of course, the role of private sector. No climate target will ever be met without industries and financiers actively playing a part in addressing the climate and biodiversity crisis. Private investment in innovative technologies such as offshore wind energy will be essential to boost renewable energy generation in Mexico whilst ensuring the protection of energy sovereignty. Many British companies are keen to be part of this journey.

    While the task might feel unsurmountable at times, I am convinced that by working together, Mexico and the UK can bring us closer to building a liveable, more equitable planet for all.

    The Global Context

    Now let me come on and talk a bit about the global context.  Of course, to ensure that prosperous democracies like ours can thrive we need geopolitical stability. Across the world we are living in uncertain times with brutal conflicts still waging in Sudan, the Middle East and Ukraine.

    Mexico’s historic bridging role in multilateral fora means it is uniquely placed to bring countries together in support of our shared values of democracy, sovereignty and a commitment to human rights.

    During my career, I have observed the vast experience and talent of Mexican diplomats in multilateral fora, sharing our concern to protect the institutions that ensure world peace. Their ability to bring together different points of view and chart a path forward that everyone can agree is part of Mexico’s USP: one of my formative memories is of watching a Mexican diplomat rescue a biodiversity negotiation from the brink of collapse at the eleventh hour and find an almost impossible consensus.

    In this increasingly complex world, we need this more than ever. Those countries that share our commitment to the rules based international order must continue working together to ensure that multilateral institutions remain strong and relevant.

    For example, in February, the UK and Mexico united with other nations in the UN to mark the third anniversary of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    The security threats we face have been transformed in the last decade. We are all confronting the unprecedented rate at which threats to information integrity are growing.  Misinformation and disinformation are both more common than ever and increasingly difficult to distinguish from the truth.

    As democratic governments, the UK and Mexico must be proactive about countering this threat. We also have a responsibility to uphold the principles of an open civil society and free media to take on this challenge. I’m proud therefore that here in Mexico we support a vibrant Civil Society Group ‘Las Linternas’ to strengthen their fact checking, identify false stories and build media literacy. Our resilience to these threats domestically depends – like so much else – on our ability to work together.

    Conclusion

    So there is much to do. Perhaps I’ll end where I began: Lord Canning – after whom Canning House is named – was the first British foreign secretary, some 200 years ago, to devote a large proportion of his time and energies to Latin America and to foresee the important political and economic role the region would one day play.

    We are once again at a moment of enormous geopolitical change.  We too should choose to strengthen and trust in this bilateral relationship.  Together I am confident that the UK and Mexico can do brilliant things.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 25 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: Foreign students of the State University of Management wrote the “Victory Dictation”

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: State University of Management – Official website of the State –

    Today, foreign students of the State University of Management joined the All-Russian historical campaign on the theme of the events of the Great Patriotic War “Victory Dictation”. Students from Algeria, Vietnam, China, Mali, Syria, Great Britain, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Chad, Egypt, Pakistan, Senegal and other countries were united by the main task – preserving the connection between generations and the memory of the events that shook our country almost 80 years ago.

    The Victory Dictation consisted of 25 tasks, 15 of which were multiple-choice and 10 were short-answer tasks, and was conducted in the form of testing. The time for writing the “Victory Dictation” was 45 minutes. The questions were about important battles, military leaders, home front workers, the cultural heritage of the war years, as well as about current events in the SVO zone.

    Since 2019, the Victory Dictation has been held annually in all regions of the Russian Federation, bringing together schoolchildren, students, and adults. This year, the Victory Dictation was held not only in Russia, but also in 90 countries around the world, bringing together participants at 35,000 venues. The tasks were translated into ten foreign languages. The winners at the federal level will traditionally receive an invitation to the Victory Parade on May 9 on Red Square in Moscow.

    “Victory Dictation” has become a truly national project and has become an integral part of the Victory Day celebration. The State University of Management preserves historical memory and a reverent attitude towards the great heritage of our country.

    Subscribe to the TG channel “Our GUU” Date of publication: 04/25/2025

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Cameroonian Man Indicted for Conspiring to Provide Material Support to Armed Separatist Fighters to Murder, Kidnap, and Maim Individuals in Cameroon and For Making Threats

    Source: US Justice – Antitrust Division

    Headline: Cameroonian Man Indicted for Conspiring to Provide Material Support to Armed Separatist Fighters to Murder, Kidnap, and Maim Individuals in Cameroon and For Making Threats

    A federal grand jury in Baltimore returned an indictment yesterday charging a Cameroonian national residing in Maryland, Eric Tataw, also known as “the Garri Master,” 38, of Gaithersburg, Maryland, with conspiring to provide material support to armed separatist militias in Cameroon and threatening violence against Cameroonian civilians.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Security: Cameroonian Man Indicted for Conspiring to Provide Material Support to Armed Separatist Fighters to Murder, Kidnap, and Maim Individuals in Cameroon and For Making Threats

    Source: United States Attorneys General

    A federal grand jury in Baltimore returned an indictment yesterday charging a Cameroonian national residing in Maryland, Eric Tataw, also known as “the Garri Master,” 38, of Gaithersburg, Maryland, with conspiring to provide material support to armed separatist militias in Cameroon and threatening violence against Cameroonian civilians. He surrendered and will make his initial court appearance before U.S. Magistrate Judge J. Mark Coulson today.

    According to court documents, multiple armed and violent secessionist groups in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon are fighting to form a new country called “Ambazonia.” The armed separatist militias sought to achieve secession by not only attacking the Cameroonian military, but also intentionally attacking the civilian population in Cameroon in an attempt to force the Cameroonian government into allowing these regions to secede. These separatist fighters are frequently referred to as “Amba Boys.”

    “The defendant is alleged to have ordered horrific acts of violence, including severing limbs, against Cameroonian civilians in support of a violent secessionist movement,” said Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division. “This indictment represents the Justice Department’s commitment to hold accountable human rights violators who direct brutal political violence and fundraise for armed militias from the comfort of the United States.”

    “The Justice Department will not tolerate those who help murder, maim, and kidnap,” said Sue J. Bai, Head of the Justice Department’s National Security Division. “We will continue to hold accountable those who aim to turn American soil into a staging ground for political violence abroad.”

    “Tataw and his co-conspirators masterminded and financially supported a vicious scheme to overthrow a foreign government. They resorted to an unthinkable level of violence while instilling fear in innocent victims to advance their political agenda,” said U.S. Attorney Kelly O. Hayes for the District of Maryland. “We, along with our law enforcement partners, are committed to relentlessly pursuing anyone who attempts to inflict mayhem on others. Tataw and his co-conspirators demonstrated a total disregard for human life so now they must pay the price.”

    As alleged in the indictment, Tataw was a citizen of Cameroon living in Maryland and was a member of the Cameroonian diaspora with a large social media following. Beginning in April 2018, Tataw and others sought to raise funds for the Amba Boys to finance violent attacks in Cameroon. Tataw also allegedly called for the murder, kidnapping, and maiming of civilians and the destruction of public, educational, and cultural property in Cameroon. Tataw and his co-conspirators allegedly directed the maiming of Cameroonian civilians by severing their limbs, a practice Tataw called “Garriing.” Tataw allegedly used the phrase “small Garri” to refer to removing fingers or other small appendages and the phrase “large Garri” to refer to removing large limbs or killing people. Additionally, Tataw allegedly referred to himself as the “Garri Master,” or master of mutilation.

    Tataw and his co-conspirators allegedly targeted those believed to be working for or collaborating with the government, including municipal officials, traditional chiefs, and employees of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), a public company that grew, processed, and sold bananas, palm oil, and rubber. As alleged, Tataw personally wrote hundreds of social media posts on Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter calling for attacks against Cameroonian civilians, seeking to raise funds to arm Amba Boys, and threatening those he viewed as cooperating with the government of Cameroon. These social media posts were regularly viewed by tens of thousands of people, including Amba Boys and their leaders, and were often further disseminated by third parties allegedly acting at Tataw’s direction or encouragement.

    Tataw is charged with one count of conspiracy to provide material support and four counts of interstate communication of a threat to harm. If convicted, he faces a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the material support count and five years in prison on each count of communication of a threat to harm. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division; Sue J. Bai, Head of the Justice Department’s National Security Division; U.S. Attorney Kelly O. Hayes for the District of Maryland; and Special Agent in Charge Michael McCarthy of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Homeland Security Investigations (ICE HSI) Maryland made the announcement.

    HSI and the U.S. Department of State’s Diplomatic Security Service, with assistance from the FBI, are investigating the case.

    Trial Attorney Chelsea Schinnour of the Criminal Division’s Human Rights and Special Prosecutions Section, Assistant U.S. Attorney Christina Hoffman and Joseph Wenner for the District of Maryland, and Trial Attorneys Michael Dittoe and Andrew Briggs of the National Security Division’s Counterterrorism Section are prosecuting the case, with assistance from the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. The defendant is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL Security OSI –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: DoSJE and The World Bank Host Seminar to brainstorm on issues affecting Beggars, the Homeless, and the Destitute Population

    Source: Government of India

    DoSJE and The World Bank Host Seminar to brainstorm on issues affecting Beggars, the Homeless, and the Destitute Population

    Need to hear directly from  those who have transitioned out of begging, to understand the root causes and impact of support systems: Secretary DEPwD

    Such events provide valuable grassroots insights and authentic data from the field, essential to identifying and supporting individuals in vulnerable conditions: Lead Economist, World Bank

    Posted On: 25 APR 2025 8:22PM by PIB Delhi

    The Department of Social Justice and Empowerment (DoSJE), Government of India, in collaboration with the World Bank, organized a powerful and thought-provoking seminar with the theme –  ‘Population Out of Reach – SMILE (Beggary)’ – on 25th April, 2025, in New Delhi.

    The objective of the seminar was to deliberate on strategies and share knowledge regarding the rehabilitation of beggars, the homeless, and the destitute population, with participation from both national and international experts. This event formed part of an ongoing knowledge seminar series aimed at deepening dialogue and action to strengthen social protection systems for the most vulnerable sections of society in India.

    Addressing the Seminar as the Chief Guest, Shri Rajesh Aggarwal, Secretary, DEPwD, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, shared his vision on inclusive development and disability-friendly outreach. He emphasized the need to hear directly from real stakeholders — those who have transitioned out of begging — to understand the root causes and impact of support systems. He also acknowledged the complexity of the issue, touching upon its social, religious, and economic dimensions.

    On the other hand, the keynote address by Ms. Benedicte Leroy De La Briere, Lead Economist, World Bank, brought a global lens to the discussion on beggary rehabilitation. She highlighted the significance of the partnership between the World Bank and the Ministry of Social Justice, noting that such events provide valuable grassroots insights and authentic data from the field. They emphasized the importance of foundational documentation—such as having a registered address, a bank account, and access to healthcare—as essential to identifying and supporting individuals in vulnerable conditions. The representative concluded by stressing the need to focus today’s discussion on targeted interventions and actionable solutions.

    Key Highlights of the Seminar:

    Shri Ajay Srivastava, Economic Advisor (MoSJ&E), shared that approximately 18,000 individuals have been identified under the SMILE initiative, of which 1,612 have already been rehabilitated. He assured that efforts are underway to accelerate the rehabilitation of the remaining individuals. Ms. Debolina Thakur, Joint Secretary and Economic Advisor (DoSJ&E), also addressed the gathering, highlighting that many social challenges are shared globally. She noted that several international organizations are actively working to address these issues, and India too has many institutions making commendable efforts.

    Global Best Practices:

    Mr. Alemseged W Yohannes Bedane, Senior Social Protection Consultant, Ethiopia, shared the success story of the Urban Destitute Support Programme, which has led to the rehabilitation of thousands of homeless individuals. From Brazil, Ms. Beatriz Oliani and Ms. Camila Cabral presented São Paulo city’s progressive policies and urban social welfare strategies.

    Initiatives from across India:

    The seminar featured compelling presentations by nodal officers and grassroots organizations. Notable contributions came from Ms. Anuradha Chagti (Secretary, Social Welfare, Chandigarh Administration), Shri Snehil Kumar Singh (District Collector, Kozhikode). Partner organizations including Atchayam Trust (Tamil Nadu), PRAWES Rehabilitation Centre (Madhya Pradesh), UMMEED (Uttar Pradesh), and Udayam Homes (Kerala), also shared on-the-ground realities, challenges, and success stories in engaging with hard-to-reach populations. Further, Ms. Neena Pandey, Head of the Department of Social Work, and Dr. Tarique, Founder of Koshish Trust, delivered insightful presentations focusing on policy frameworks, ethical aspects, and the importance of community-based rehabilitation models.

    The event was held in a hybrid format, ensuring inclusive participation from a broad spectrum of practitioners, policy-makers, international delegates, officials from the World Bank and students of social development across the country. Lively discussions, experience sharing, and actionable insights made this seminar a meaningful step towards building a more inclusive and responsive social protection system in India. Detailed discussions were held on creating structured frameworks to address social issues systematically.

    The Department of Social Justice reaffirmed its commitment to continuing such knowledge-sharing platforms in the future, to promote innovation, foster collaborations, and work toward building a just and inclusive society.

    *****

    VM

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: WAVES Bazaar unveils Its First-Ever ‘Top Selects’ Lineup Showcasing 15 Projects in 9 Languages

    Source: Government of India

    Posted On: 25 APR 2025 4:10PM by PIB Mumbai

    India occupies a dominant position in Media & Entertainment sector with talents spread across different geographies of the country, creating compelling contents through its rich cultural heritage. The World Audio Visual & Entertainment Summit (WAVES), to be held from 1st to 4th May in Mumbai, is poised to become one of the landmarks in the Media and Entertainment sector. The summit will promote India as one stop destination for content creation, Investment destination and leverage ‘Create in India’ opportunities as well as for global outreach.

    WAVES Bazaar is the premier global marketplace for the media and entertainment industry, a dynamic platform designed to foster connection, collaboration, and growth. It offers filmmakers and industry professionals the opportunity to engage with buyers, sellers, and a wide range of projects and profiles, while also showcasing their skills and expanding their professional network.

    The Viewing Room is a dedicated physical platform set up at Waves Bazaar, taking place from May 1st to 4th, 2025. It serves as a space for showcasing recently completed films and projects in Post Production from around the world. These films are actively seeking opportunities for film festivals, global sales, distribution partnerships, and finishing funds.

    Designed for film programmers, distributors, world sales agents, investors and other industry professionals, the Viewing Room offers a secure environment where delegates attending Waves Bazaar can watch these films, access detailed project information, and connect directly with filmmakers through our specialized Viewing Room Software.

    For the first ever WAVES Bazaar, a total 100 films from 8 countries namely India, Sri Lanka, USA, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Germany, Mauritius and UAE will be available to watch in the Viewing Room Library. The overall lineup includes 18 titles of NFDC produced and co-produced films and adds 8 restored classics from the National Film Archive of India (NFAI). It also includes 19 student projects from Film & Television Institute of India (FTII, Pune) and Satyajit Ray Film & Television Institute (SRFTI, Kolkata)

    These 15 Projects selected for the WAVES Bazaar Top Selects Section from the Viewing Room includes 9 Feature projects, 2 documentaries, 2 Short films and 2 Web-Series which will pitch their films to producers, sales agents, distributors, festival programmers and potential investors in an open pitching session during WAVES Bazaar at the Jio World Centre, Mumbai on 2nd May, 2025.

    WAVES Bazaar Top Selects 2025

    1. The Wage Collector | Tamil | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Infant Soosai | Producer – Bagavathi Perumal

    1. Putul | Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Radheshyam Pipalwa | Producer – Sharad Mittal

    1. Doosra Byaah ( Levir) | Haryanvi,Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Bhagat Singh Saini | Producer – Parveen Saini

    1. Pankhudiyaan (Petals in the Wind) | Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Abdul Aziz | Producer – Abdul Aziz, Jyotsana Rajpurohit

    1. Khidki Gaav (If on a Winter’s Night) | Malayalam | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Sanju Surendran | Producer – Dr. Surendran M N

    1. Suchana – The Beginning | Bangla | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Pausali Sengupta | Producer – Avinanda Sengupta

    1. Swaha In the Name of Fire | Magahi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Abhilash Sharma | Producer – Vikash Sharma

    1. Gotipua – Beyond Borders | English ,Hindi,Odia  | India | Documentary Feature

    Director & Producer – Chintan Parekh

    1. From India | English | USA | Documentary Short

    Director & Producer – Mandar Apte

    1. Third Floor | Hindi | India | Short Film

    Director – Amandeep Singh | Producer – Amandeep Singh

    1. Jahaan | Hindi | India | Fiction Short

    Director & Producer – Rahul Shetty

    1. Planet India | English,Hindi | India | TV Show

    Director – Colin Butfield | Producer – Tamseel Hussain

    1. Bharti Aur Bibo | Hindi | India | Animation Web-Series/TV

    Director – Sneha Ravishankar | Producer – National Film Development Corporation &

    Puppetica Media Pvt. Ltd

    1. Achappa’s Album (Grampa’s Album) | Malayalam | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Deepti Pillay Sivan | Producer – National Film Development Corporation

    1. Duniya Na Mane (The Unexpected) | Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director & Producer – V. Shantaram

     

    About WAVES

    The first World Audio Visual & Entertainment Summit (WAVES), a milestone event for the Media & Entertainment (M&E) sector, will be hosted by the Government of India in Mumbai, Maharashtra, from May 1 to 4, 2025.

    Whether you’re an industry professional, investor, creator, or innovator, the Summit offers the ultimate global platform to connect, collaborate, innovate and contribute to the M&E landscape.

    WAVES is set to magnify India’s creative strength, amplifying its position as a hub for content creation, intellectual property, and technological innovation. Industries and sectors in focus include Broadcasting, Print Media, Television, Radio, Films, Animation, Visual Effects, Gaming, Comics, Sound and Music, Advertising, Digital Media, Social Media Platforms, Generative AI, Augmented Reality (AR), Virtual Reality (VR), and Extended Reality (XR).

    Have questions? Find answers here  

    Stay updated with the latest announcements from PIB Team WAVES

    Come, Sail with us! Register for WAVES now

    ***

    PIB TEAM WAVES 2025 | Nikita / Parshuram | 102

     

    Follow us on social media:  @PIBMumbai    /PIBMumbai     /pibmumbai   pibmumbai[at]gmail[dot]com

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s tariffs: poor workers in countries like Cambodia will be among the biggest losers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sabina Lawreniuk, Principal Research Fellow, University of Nottingham

    I Love Coffee dot Today/Shutterstock

    Politicians and economists have been pretty vocal in their response to the ongoing saga of Donald Trump’s tariffs. But much less has been heard from the world’s poorest workers about how they will be affected.

    For when the US president first set out his reciprocal tariffs – later paused for 90 days – some of the highest rates were for countries like Vietnam (46%), Bangladesh (37%) and Cambodia (49%).

    These are places that make huge amounts of the clothes we wear, and even the reduced 10% tariff could be a big blow to their economies – and the people who depend on them.

    Because aside from the well known sweatshop conditions suffered by many workers in these places, brands and manufacturers often offset new costs by passing them on to workers in the form of lower wages and higher demands.

    This phenomenon, sometimes referred to as “social downgrading”, was seen during the pandemic, when garment workers around the world faced mass layoffs and even worse working conditions to protect corporate profits when consumer demand decreased.

    And those working conditions are already challenging. The minimum wage for one of Cambodia’s 1 million garment workers (from a total population of 16 million) is just US$208 (£155.50) per month.

    Around 80% of those workers are women, whose wages often support children and elderly parents, who don’t have the security of a state pension safety net.

    It is these workers and their families who may end losing the most in Trump’s trade war. But they are used to geopolitics affecting their everyday lives, having suffered the impact of tariffs fairly recently – from the EU.

    In 2020, Cambodia’s duty-free, quota-free access to the EU market (usually granted to developing countries) was partially revoked as a punitive response to human rights concerns. Tariffs averaging 11% were added to some product lines, mostly clothing and footwear, which covered about 20% of Cambodia’s total exports to the EU.

    The Cambodian government immediately responded by cutting public holidays and workplace benefits to try offset any increase in costs.

    It has since slowed the rate of minimum wage growth to below inflation. Both actions slashed real wages and made the challenge of economic survival even harder for those who depend on the industry.

    Now, as Trump’s latest tariffs take hold – even at the lower rate of 10% – many garment and footwear industry workers will fear for their jobs.

    But even those “lucky” enough to keep them will face mounting pressures to produce more, and more quickly, to offset rising costs – at the direct expense of their own financial security and wellbeing.

    The idea that tariffs will ultimately bring jobs back to the US ignores that fact that these jobs – precarious, underpaid and frequently dangerous – are not the kind of jobs that any American would want.

    International supply chains are deeply embedded.
    PX Media/Shutterstock

    Supply chained

    And the evidence suggests that if even if they did want them, international manufacturing supply chains are more deeply embedded than people might think.

    After the EU imposed its tariffs on Cambodia for example, brands could have looked to circumvent those added costs by relocating production. As it turned out, the volume of trade between Cambodia and the EU has remained steady since – because sometimes there’s no alternative.

    With Cambodia, companies have not been willing or able to shift production to competitors like Bangladesh, Myanmar or Sri Lanka, partly due to the political volatility in those countries.

    Added to this is the fact that clothes production has become highly specialised geographically. Cambodia’s distance from the EU means it focuses mainly on seasonal fashion “basics” such as T-shirts and knitwear.

    Closer countries like Turkey and Morocco concentrate on the latest fast fashion trends, as their shorter shipping routes mean they can be quicker to respond to changing tastes.

    It is not that easy to unsettle the systems and markets that are already in place.

    As a result, in the global garment industry at least, Trump’s tariffs may not trigger a complete restructuring of the world’s supply chains. In the short term, they are instead likely to cause great uncertainty, reducing investors’ appetite for long-term planning, and reducing their confidence.

    Orders may slow and prices may rise. And Cambodians making the world’s T-shirts and trainers will face even more pressure on their wages and working conditions.

    Sabina Lawreniuk receives funding from UKRI through a Future Leaders Fellowship (grant ref MR/ W013797/1).

    – ref. Trump’s tariffs: poor workers in countries like Cambodia will be among the biggest losers – https://theconversation.com/trumps-tariffs-poor-workers-in-countries-like-cambodia-will-be-among-the-biggest-losers-254408

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Why the energy transition won’t be green until mine waste disasters are prevented

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eva Marquis, Research Fellow in Critical Minerals and Circular Economy, University of Exeter

    On February 18, contamination in the Kafue river, Zambia, led to a mass death of fish. Its water turned a deathly grey and adjacent farmland was poisoned. The drinking water it supplied to half a million residents of the town of Kitwe was suddenly cut off.

    Reports suggest that this catastrophe was caused by the failure of the Chambishi tailings storage facility. Tailings are mixed liquid-solid mine wastes that remain after the valuable materials are removed from the crushed ores.

    They are often stored in impoundments, held in place by dams made of rock (and other mine waste), that ideally are managed and kept safe. This storage is necessary because tailings often contain high concentrations of potentially toxic, radioactive and corrosive elements.

    But tailings storage facilities can and do fail. The Chambishi failure was caused by a break in a wall between two tailings ponds containing acidic water. Fifty million litres of this water, equivalent to 20,000 Olympic swimming pools, spilled into a tributary of the Kafue river, and then into the river itself.

    The Kafue is a lifeline, flowing through 990 miles (1,600km) of Zambia, providing water for around 5 million people and supporting fishing and agriculture. That lifeline is still threatened by the ongoing damage of this failure.

    Chambishi is not alone. It is one of six major tailings incidents documented in the first three months of 2025, with others documented in Bolivia, Ghana, Philippines and Indonesia.

    Tailings and transitions

    Tailings are a produce of society’s voracious appetite for metals and materials. With growing demand for technologies for the energy transition, digitalisation and development, production of metals and materials and the volumes of tailings are set to vastly increase.

    Identifying suitable sites for safe storage is likely to become more challenging. Space will become more of a premium as more tailings are produced, and risks will evolve with changing climate and growing global population. For instance, storage facility plans developed before mining begins may no longer be suitable for their intended use over the life of the operation.

    The ability to safely store and manage tailings is a key factor in the development of metals projects. By extension, that’s fundamental to enabling an equitable and responsible energy transition.

    Initiatives to improve the management and monitoring of tailings, developed by independent organisations and industry bodies, such as the Global Industry Standard for Tailings Management and the International Council on Mining and Mineral’s Tailings Management Good Practice Guide. Although these initiatives are comprehensive, they do not minimise risks from past tailings storage practices or address the full costs involved.

    Tailing ponds.
    iofoto/Shutterstock

    A broad range of technical, social and environmental uncertainties have been linked to the management of tailings storage facilities. These uncertainties, combined with financial practices such as discounting future costs, can result in future costs (such as long-term tailings management and rehabilitation) being underestimated in mining project cash flows, and sizeable costs for future generations.

    Without a fully understanding of the true long-term costs, making the economic case for improved tailings management becomes that much harder.

    Reducing risks and improving outcomes

    Improved mechanisms for quantifying the cost of tailings in the short, medium and long term, whether tailings storage facilities fail or not, are essential for adequately financing these long-term legacies of mining. Mechanisms to reduce volumes of waste produced not only have the potential to improve project economics over the lifetime of a mine but can also enhance social and environmental outcomes both during and beyond the life of a mine.

    Tailings can be used as sources of aggregate materials for construction and critical metals for the green transition, and for carbon capture and storage. These opportunities will be context specific, however, and there will not be a one-size-fits-all approach to tailings reduction and responsible management.

    New mining paradigms, such as selective mining through precision drilling or in-situ electrokinetic “keyhole” techniques and extraction of metals from geothermal waters, may give us the ability to extract some metals without producing tailings.

    Innovations in tailings storage, like using tailings to fill worked-out underground mining tunnels, can remove tailings from the surface environment, eliminating risk from landslides, dust, seepages and other hazards. Even with these efforts, tailings storage facilities will continue to be used and will need to be managed.

    Reducing, reclaiming and regenerating the environments that have been negatively affected by tailings will require collaborative approaches. Financing is a clear barrier to responsible tailings management. Without knowing the true social, environmental and economic costs of tailings legacies, the ability to overcome this barrier to responsible management is hampered.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

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    Eva Marquis receives funding from EPSRC, NERC, and Innovate UK.

    Karen Hudson-Edwards receives funding from NERC, BBSRC, EPSRC, the Technology Strategy Board (Innovate UK), the Royal Society and the EU Horizon 2020 programme.

    – ref. Why the energy transition won’t be green until mine waste disasters are prevented – https://theconversation.com/why-the-energy-transition-wont-be-green-until-mine-waste-disasters-are-prevented-252436

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Jordan joins regional push to sideline Islamist opposition

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rory McCarthy, Associate Professor in Politics and Islam, Durham University

    The Jordanian authorities have banned the Muslim Brotherhood, the largest opposition movement in the kingdom, in a major new crackdown. On Wednesday April 23, security forces raided Brotherhood offices, confiscating assets and property, and outlawed all of the group’s activities.

    One week earlier, 16 Brotherhood members were arrested for allegedly plotting attacks on targets inside Jordan using rockets and drones. The Brotherhood, whose members Jordanian interior minister Mazen al-Faraya says “operate in the shadows and engage in activities that could undermine stability and security”, has denied any links to the attack plots.

    The ban on the Brotherhood, an Islamist movement that wants a greater role for religion in public life, comes at a time when the Jordanian government is facing intense pressure over the war in Gaza.

    The Brotherhood organised months of demonstrations in solidarity with Palestinians. It has also been vocal in its support for the Palestinian armed group Hamas, and has demanded the cancellation of Jordan’s peace treaty with Israel.

    At the same time, Jordan’s King Abdullah II has come under heavy pressure from the Donald Trump administration in the US to resettle Palestinians from the occupied Gaza Strip and West Bank. If he were to agree, the move would risk being seen as a betrayal of the Palestinian cause.

    The Jordanian authorities have had an uneasy relationship with the Brotherhood since the late 1980s, when the kingdom’s political system opened up. They have looked to curb its influence.

    In 2016, the Brotherhood’s headquarters in the capital, Amman, was closed and its assets were transferred to a new organisation called the Association of the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood, known as the “permitted” Muslim Brotherhood. As ideological splits emerged in the movement, the authorities have tried to exploit internal divisions.

    The latest crackdown represents a striking repressive turn. It marks a shift away from containing the movement to excluding it from public life.

    Yet the Brotherhood remains popular. In September 2024, the Islamic Action Front, the political party affiliated with the movement, surprised observers by winning parliamentary elections. It took 31 seats in the 138-seat parliament, securing victory in constituencies across the country in its best election performance in more than three decades.

    Its success was largely down to the Brotherhood’s demonstrations in support of Palestinians. These demonstrations resonated in Jordan, where around half the population is of Palestinian origin. The party also benefited from changes in the electoral laws prior to the election, which gave more weight to political parties and less to independent candidates.

    But under Jordan’s authoritarian system, the king holds most of the power, especially in internal security and foreign affairs. The palace tightly controls political life. So the Islamic Action Front was not invited to join the new government, which is made up of pro-monarchy parties.

    The key question now is whether the authorities will also ban the Islamic Action Front, despite its electoral gains.

    Conflict with the crown

    Even before the latest crackdown, Islamists in Jordan feared a confrontation with the authorities. Many suspected the palace wanted to close the Brotherhood movement and leave a weakened party that might be more easily contained.

    During a visit to Jordan shortly after the elections in September, one senior Islamic Action Front figure told me: “They [the monarchy] just want a party in a superficial form. A party without any presence.”

    Although the Brotherhood had been under pressure, it was still able to operate most of its activities. Senior party members even took part in a royal committee on “political modernisation” in 2021, which drew up reforms to change the electoral laws to strengthen political parties.

    Yet many in the Brotherhood feared a confrontation with the palace was coming. One senior Brotherhood figure told me in October 2024: “The Brotherhood is a vast, widespread organisation with a social and a political presence. A clash between the state and the Brotherhood would have negative effects on society and on the legitimacy of the political system.”

    Jordan’s Brotherhood is not alone in facing a crisis. Other Islamist organisations across the region are experiencing political setbacks, more than a decade after the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings seemed to offer them new opportunities.

    In Tunisia, where a democratic transition has been sharply reversed since 2021, dozens of leaders from the Islamist Ennahda party have been jailed.

    The arrests were part of a broad wave of repression against regime critics, including politicians, judges, lawyers and human rights activists. Ennahda, which spent a decade in government between 2011 and 2021, has suffered internal splits.

    In Morocco, the Justice and Development party, an Islamist party which also spent a decade in government from 2011, suffered a heavy defeat in the most recent elections in 2021.

    The party’s losses were partly a result of restrictions at the time of the vote. These included new rules about how seats were apportioned and the fact that some party candidates were disqualified from running.

    But the losses were also because of internal disputes after Prime Minister Saadeddine Othmani signed a normalisation agreement with Israel in 2020 to avoid a confrontation with the monarchy, which controls foreign affairs.

    In Kuwait, parliament was suspended in 2024 because the ruling emir, Sheikh Meshal al-Ahmad al-Sabah, complained about political gridlock. This kept all opposition parties, including Islamists, out of the political process. And in Algeria, Islamist parties have been co-opted or marginalised since the bitter civil war of the 1990s.

    Opinion polls show that many people in the Middle East want to see a significant role for religion in public life. But rulers across the region are increasingly wary of Islamist parties, which want not only to introduce a more conservative social agenda but to challenge undemocratic regimes.

    Rory McCarthy receives funding for his academic research from the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust.

    – ref. Jordan joins regional push to sideline Islamist opposition – https://theconversation.com/jordan-joins-regional-push-to-sideline-islamist-opposition-255243

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Security: Michigan Man Sentenced in Maryland to Five Years in Federal Prison for Tax-Refund Money Laundering Scheme

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    The conspirators used stolen personally identifiable information from identity theft victims located in Maryland

    Greenbelt, Maryland – Today, U.S. District Judge Deborah K. Chasanow sentenced Jerome Brown, 42, of Detroit, Michigan, to five years in federal prison for his role in laundering money stolen from federal and North Carolina state-tax refunds. Additionally, Brown was ordered to pay restitution in the amount of $604,889.64.  On January 28, 2022, Brown pled guilty to conspiracy to commit money laundering.

    Kelly O. Hayes, U.S. Attorney for the District of Maryland, announced the sentence with Special Agent in Charge Kareem A. Carter, Internal Revenue Service – Criminal Investigation (IRS-CI), Washington, D.C. Field Office; Special Agent in Charge Matt McCool, U.S. Secret Service (USSS) – Washington Field Office; Joseph V. Cuffari, Inspector General for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS-OIG); and Acting Special Agent in Charge Colleen Lawlor, Social Security Administration (SSA-OIG) Office of Inspector General – Philadelphia Field Division.

    In his guilty plea, Brown acknowledged that from February through August 2020, he conspired with individuals in Nigeria and Michigan to launder wire-fraud proceeds. The co-conspirators placed the wire-fraud proceeds on Green Dot pre-paid debit cards.  Brown laundered the fraudulent funds by depositing them into bank accounts and cashing them out through ATM withdrawals and purchasing money orders and cryptocurrency.

    These fraudulent proceeds were comprised of stolen funds from the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the North Carolina Department of Revenue (NCDOR). The IRS and NCDOR administer federal and North Carolina state-revenue laws, respectively, and pay “tax refunds” to individuals who are entitled to them under the law.  At the time, these funds could be paid onto pre-paid debit cards.  Brown and his co-conspirators regularly cashed out these funds soon after the government agencies added funds to a card.

    Through the fraudulent scheme, one of Brown’s co-conspirators, who was working from Nigeria, and others, caused funds to be placed on the pre-paid debit cards. The co-conspirators registered the cards with Green Dot using stolen personally identifiable information (PII) from identity theft victims around the country, including in Maryland.

    Co-conspirators purchased the pre-paid debit cards in the United States and then sent the associated card information to the co-conspirator in Nigeria to receive the stolen government funds. The co-conspirators aided the fraudulent scheme by using stolen PII to file for false IRS tax refunds.  Additionally, the co-conspirators applied for NCDOR tax refunds and state unemployment insurance payments.

    The federal and state agencies then deposited the proceeds through ACH transfers directly onto the pre-paid debit cards.  After the funds were placed onto the pre-paid debit cards, the co-conspirator in Nigeria informed others, including Brown, that the funds were available on the cards.  In exchange for a commission, Brown and the other co-conspirators facilitated the cashing out of the cards and returned the remaining funds to the co-conspirator in Nigeria.

    Brown and the other co-conspirators took steps to conceal their identities, the money laundering conspiracy, and scheme to defraud. The co-conspirators attempted to hide the fraudulent scheme by enlisting others to make withdrawals from the cards, withdrawing from multiple locations, converting funds into cash rather than depositing them into bank accounts, and making money orders payable to other individuals.

    The defendant cashed out at least approximately $540,975.80 from pre-paid debit cards as part of the scheme. Brown kept approximately 40 percent of the proceeds, for a total of $216,390.36, and sent approximately $324,585.44 in Bitcoin to his co-conspirator in Nigeria.  The co-conspirators used the pre-paid debit cards to apply for at least approximately $1,255,761 in benefits from the IRS and $588,716 in benefits from the NCDOR.

    U.S. Attorney Hayes commended the IRS-CI, USSS, DHS-OIG, SSA-OIG, and U.S. Postal Inspection Service (USPIS) – Detroit Division for their work in the investigation.  Ms. Hayes also thanked Assistant U.S. Attorneys Elizabeth Wright and Darren Gardner who prosecuted the federal case.

    For more information about the Maryland U.S. Attorney’s Office, its priorities, and resources available to help the community, please visit www.justice.gov/usao-md and https://www.justice.gov/usao-md/community-outreach.

    # # #

    MIL Security OSI –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: Chair’s Statement: Fifty-First Meeting of the IMFC – Mr. Mohammed Aljadaan, Minister for Finance of Saudi Arabia

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    In the context of the Fifty-First Meeting of the IMFC that took place in Washington, D.C. on 24th and 25th April, IMFC members welcomed the ongoing efforts to end wars and conflicts, recognizing that peace is essential to restoring stability and fostering sustainable growth. IMFC members underscored that all states must act in a manner consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the UN Charter in its entirety. They acknowledged, however, that the IMFC is not a forum to resolve geopolitical and security issues which are discussed in other fora.

    The world economy is at a pivotal juncture. Following several years of rising concerns over trade, trade tensions have abruptly soared, fueling elevated uncertainty, market volatility, and risks to growth and financial stability. Near-term growth is projected to slow and intensifying downside risks dominate the outlook. We will step up our efforts to strengthen economic resilience and build a more prosperous future. We underline the critical role of the IMF in helping us navigate this challenging environment, as a trusted advisor and champion of strong policy frameworks. We thank our Deputies for discussing the medium-term direction of the IMF during their meeting in Diriyah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on April 6-7, 2025, and we agree on the annexed Diriyah Declaration.

     

    1. The world economy is at a pivotal juncture. Following several years of rising concerns over trade, trade tensions have abruptly soared, fueling elevated uncertainty, market volatility, and risks to growth and financial stability. Near-term growth is projected to slow, while disinflation is expected to continue but at a slower pace. Intensifying downside risks dominate the outlook, in an already challenging context of weak growth and high public debt. Wars and conflicts impose a heavy humanitarian and economic toll. Transformative forces, such as digitalization/artificial intelligence, demographic shifts, and climate transitions are creating opportunities, but also challenges.
    1. We will step up our efforts to strengthen economic resilience and break from the low-growth, high-debt path, while harnessing transformative forces, to build a more prosperous future. Comprehensive and well calibrated, well sequenced, and well communicated reforms and policy actions are needed to boost private sector-led growth, productivity, and job creation. We will pursue sound macroeconomic policies and advance structural reforms to improve the business environment, streamline excessive regulation, fight corruption, and mobilize innovation and technology adoption. We will deepen our pivot toward growth-friendly fiscal adjustments to ensure debt sustainability and rebuild buffers where needed. Fiscal adjustments should be mindful of distributional impacts and underpinned by a credible medium-term consolidation plan, while strengthening the efficiency of public spending, protecting the vulnerable, and supporting growth-enhancing public and private investments, taking into account country circumstances. Central banks remain strongly committed to maintaining price stability, in line with their respective mandates, and will continue to adjust their policies in a data dependent and well-communicated manner. We will continue to closely monitor and, as necessary, tackle financial vulnerabilities and risks to financial stability, while harnessing the benefits of innovation. We will work together to improve the resilience of the world economy and build prosperity and ensure the stability and effective functioning of the international monetary system. We will also work together to address excessive global imbalances, support an open, fair and rules-based international economic order, and reinforce supply chain resilience. We reaffirm our April 2021 exchange rate commitments.
    1. We will continue to support countries as they undertake reforms and address debt vulnerabilities and debt service challenges. We acknowledge the specific challenges faced by low-income and vulnerable countries, including fragile and conflict-affected states (FCS) and small developing states (SDS), which are further compounded by recent decrease in official development assistance. We underline the importance of the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust. We welcome the progress made on debt treatments under the G20 Common Framework (CF) and beyond. We remain committed to addressing global debt vulnerabilities in an effective, comprehensive, and systematic manner, including further stepping up the CF’s implementation in a predictable, timely, orderly, and coordinated manner, and enhancing debt transparency. We look forward to further work at the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable on ways to address debt vulnerabilities and restructuring challenges. We encourage the IMF and the World Bank to help advance the implementation of the 3-pillar approach to address debt service pressures in countries with sustainable debt, including through supporting them to implement growth-enhancing reforms, mobilize domestic resources, and attract private capital. We look forward to the review of the Low-Income Country Debt Sustainability Framework (LIC-DSF).
    1. We welcome the Managing Director’s Global Policy Agenda.
    1. We support further sharpening the focus of surveillance based on analytical rigor, evenhandedness, and tailored policy advice. We welcome a strong focus on helping countries strengthen their economic resilience and achieve macroeconomic and financial stability and sustainable growth by increasing productivity, addressing macro-critical risks, reducing excessive imbalances, achieving debt sustainability, and mitigating disruptive capital flows and exchange rate volatility. We look forward to the Comprehensive Surveillance Review that will set future surveillance priorities and modalities; and the Review of Financial Sector Assessment Programs to keep financial surveillance in step with evolving financial stability risks.
    1. We look forward to the Review of Program Design and Conditionality to strengthen further the effectiveness of IMF-supported programs and to the Review of the Short-Term Liquidity Line. We also look forward to the assessment of the Global Financial Safety Net, including the role of Regional Financing Arrangements (RFAs), and its ability to safeguard global financial stability.
    1. We support efforts to further strengthen capacity development and to ensure the sustainability of financing. We welcome the IMF’s ongoing work with the World Bank on the Joint Domestic Resource Mobilization Initiative. We welcome a more flexible and tailored delivery, better integrated with policy advice and program design, as set out in the 2024 Capacity Development Strategy Review.
    1. We reaffirm our commitment to a strong, quota-based, and adequately resourced IMF at the center of the GFSN. We have advanced the domestic approvals for our consent to the quota increase under the 16th General Review of Quotas and we look forward to the finalization of this process as soon as possible. We recognize that realignment in quota shares should aim at better reflecting members’ relative positions in the world economy, while protecting the voice of the poorest members. We acknowledge, however, that building consensus among members on quota and governance reforms will require progress in stages. In this regard, we agree on the annexed Diriyah Declaration on the way forward.
    1. We underline the critical role of the IMF in helping us navigate the current challenging environment, as a trusted advisor and champion of strong policy frameworks. We reaffirm our commitment to the institution and look forward to discussing further ways to ensure the Fund remains agile and focused, working in collaboration with partners and other IFIs. We reiterate our appreciation for staff’s high-quality work and dedication to support the membership and continue to encourage further efforts to improve regional and women’s representation within staff positions, and women’s representation at the Executive Board and in Board leadership positions.
    1. Our next meeting is expected to be held in October 2025.

    Annexed Diriyah Declaration

    Recalling the October 2024 IMFC Chair’s Statement, which stated: “We reiterate our strong commitment to the Fund on its 80th anniversary and look forward to further discussing at our next meeting ways to ensure the Fund remains well-equipped to meet future challenges, in line with its mandate, and in collaboration with partners and other IFIs. We ask our Deputies to prepare for this discussion.”; and

    Drawing on the work advanced by our Deputies, who met in the historic town of Diriyah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on April 6-7, 2025, to prepare for this discussion;

    We thank our Deputies and agree on the following Diriyah Declaration on the way forward with regard to IMFC processes and IMF quota and governance reforms.

    *****

    Enhancing IMFC Processes

    We agree that the IMFC plays a key role in the IMF’s governance structure, offering the IMF Board of Governors trusted advice and providing strategic direction to the work and policies of the Fund through structured, high-level, and consensus-driven policy guidance on all relevant issues.

    To enhance its effectiveness as a forum for effective engagement and consensus-building on complex challenges, we agree to further strengthen IMFC processes. To this end, we welcome recent improvements to the format of the Introductory IMFC session and the use of concise, accessible communiqués to effectively convey key IMFC messages to a broader audience. Moreover, we agree that deputy-level meetings focused on strategic rather than routine issues could support the work of IMFC principals.

    We appreciate the value of engagement across the international financial architecture, including with Regional Financing Arrangements (RFAs), to enhance cooperation and strengthen the resilience of the international monetary system.

     

    Strengthening IMF Governance

    We note that the world economy currently faces significant challenges and agree that the IMF makes a vital contribution to international cooperation, providing a long-established and trusted institution for policy discussions informed by rigorous analysis. We stress that the IMF’s mandate to promote macroeconomic and financial stability remains as relevant as ever, and its role to support members in addressing macroeconomic challenges through analysis and policy advice, capacity development, and financing where relevant, is key. We agree on the need to ensure that the institution remains strong, quota-based, adequately resourced, and efficiently managed to fulfil its mandate at the center of the global financial safety net.

    We agree that a strong, inclusive, and representative governance framework is fundamental to maintaining the Fund’s credibility and legitimacy among its diverse membership. Strengthening IMF governance will support its continued ability to effectively promote consensus among the membership in addressing global challenges. These efforts are also essential to fostering multilateralism and international cooperation.

    Given the strategic importance of governance reforms, we recognize that progress toward consensus should be made in stages. In this context, we agree to develop as a first step a set of general principles to guide future discussions and help foster convergence of views. Work on these principles should be completed in a timely manner to help ensure the efficient progression of future General Reviews of Quotas (GRQs), including under the 17th GRQ. Establishing these guiding principles would help ensure that governance changes are gradual, widely acceptable, and reflective of the interests of the entire membership, as well as maintain the Fund’s financial soundness.

    The Way Forward

    We agree that implementation of the 16th GRQ remains a priority. We recognize that realignment in quota shares should aim at better reflecting members’ relative positions in the world economy, while protecting the voice of the poorest members. To build consensus on future governance reforms, including under the 17th GRQ, we call on the Executive Board to develop, by the 2026 Spring Meetings, a set of principles to guide future discussions on IMF quotas and governance, drawing from the deliberations by IMFC Deputies during their meeting in Diriyah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on April 6-7, 2025. We look forward to a discussion of the status of advancement of this work at our next meeting. We ask our Deputies to prepare for this discussion.

    INTERNATIONAL MONETARY AND FINANCIAL COMMITTEE

     ATTENDANCE 

    Chair

    Mohammed Aljadaan, Minister of Finance, Saudi Arabia

    Managing Director

    Kristalina Georgieva

    Members or Alternates

    Ayman Alsayari, Governor of the Saudi Central Bank, Saudi Arabia (Alternate for Mohammed Aljadaan, Minister of Finance, Saudi Arabia)

    Mohammed bin Hadi Al Hussaini, Minister of State for Financial Affairs, United Arab Emirates

    Edgar Amador Zamora, Minister of Finance and Public Credit, Mexico

    Scott Bessent, Secretary of the Treasury, United States

    Edouard Normand Bigendako, Governor, Bank of the Republic of Burundi

    Luis Caputo, Minister of Economy, Argentina

    Tiff Macklem, Governor of the Bank of Canada (Alternate for Francois-Philippe Champagne, Minister of Finance, Canada)

    Sang Mok Choi, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance, Republic of Korea

    Giancarlo Giorgetti, Minister of Economy and Finance, Italy

    Gabriel Galipolo, Governor, Central Bank of Brazil (Alternate for Fernando Haddad, Minister of Finance, Brazil)

    Jan Jambon, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Pensions, National Lottery and Federal Culture Institutions, Belgium

    Katsunobu Kato, Minister of Finance, Japan

    Daniela Stoffel, State Secretary for International Finance, Federal Department of Finance, Switzerland (Alternate for Karin Keller-Sutter, Minister of Finance, Switzerland)

    Lesetja Kganyago, Governor, South African Reserve Bank, South Africa

    Jörg Kukies, Federal Minister of the Ministry of Finance, Germany

    François Villeroy de Galhau, Governor of the Bank of France (Alternate for Eric Lombard, Minister for the Economy, Finance and Industrial and Digital Sovereignty, France)

    Adebayo Olawale Edun, Minister of Finance and the Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Nigeria

    Gongsheng Pan, Governor of the People’s Bank of China

    Rachel Reeves, Chancellor of the Exchequer, H.M. Treasury, United Kingdom

    Pavel Snisorenko, Director, Department of International Financial Relations (Alternate for Anton Siluanov, Minister of Finance, Russian Federation)

    Sanjay Malhotra, Governor, Reserve Bank of India (Alternate for Nirmala Sitharaman, Minister of Finance, India)

    Mehmet Simsek, Minister of Treasury and Finance, Republic of Türkiye

    Salah-Eddine Taleb, Governor, Bank of Algeria

    Perry Warjiyo, Governor, Bank of Indonesia

    Ida Wolden Bache, Governor, Bank of Norway

    Observers

    Agustín Carstens, General Manager, Bank for International Settlements (BIS)

    Elisabeth Svantesson, Chair, Development Committee (DC) and Minister for Finance, Sweden

    Christine Lagarde, President, European Central Bank (ECB)

    Valdis Dombrovskis, Commissioner for Economy and Productivity, European Commission (EC)

    Klaas Knot, Chair, Financial Stability Board (FSB) and President of De Nederlandsche Bank

    Celeste Drake, Deputy Director-General, International Labour Organization (ILO)

    Mathias Cormann, Secretary-General, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)

    Mohannad Alsuwaidan, Economic Analyst, Petroleum Studies Department, Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)

    Achim Steiner, UNDP Administrator, United Nations (UN)

    Rebeca Grynspan, Secretary-General, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

    Ajay Banga, President of the World Bank Group, The World Bank (WB)

    Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General, World Trade Organization (WTO)

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Wafa Amr

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/pr-123-imfc-chairs-statement-fifty-first-meeting-of-the-imfc

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Security: Nebraska Woman Sentenced to 20 Years in Federal Prison for Conspiring to Distribute Methamphetamine in the Pine Ridge Reservation and Rapid City

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    RAPID CITY – United States Attorney Alison J. Ramsdell announced today that U.S. District Court Judge Karen E. Schreier has sentenced a Chadron, Nebraska, woman convicted of Conspiracy to Distribute a Controlled Substance.

    Casey Lopez, age 51, was sentenced on April 21, 2025, to 20 years in federal prison, followed by five years of supervised release, and a special assessment to the Federal Crime Victims Fund in the amount of $100.

    Lopez was indicted by a federal grand jury in February 2024 and pleaded guilty on January 17, 2025.

    Lopez and others distributed significant amounts of methamphetamine in Pine Ridge and Rapid City.  Lopez was a leader in the conspiracy, setting prices, organizing the distribution, and enabling a Mexican cartel to gain inroads into the Pine Ridge Reservation. In sentencing Lopez, Judge Schreier denounced how Lopez’ actions severely damaged the community. Judge Schreier also noted the drugs Lopez was distributing came from Mexican cartels and constituted 100% pure methamphetamine.

    This case was investigated by Oglala Sioux Tribe Department of Public Safety, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Drug Enforcement Administration and the FBI. Assistant U.S. Attorney Anna Lindrooth prosecuted the case.

    Lopez was immediately remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service following sentencing. 

     

     

    MIL Security OSI –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Security: Maryland Man Charged With Providing Material Support to a Conspiracy to Murder, Kidnap, and Maim Individuals in Cameroon

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    So-Called “Garri Master,” or Master of Mutilation, called for violent attacks against Cameroonian civilian population and raised funds to supply AK-47s to separatist groups.

    Baltimore, Maryland – A federal grand jury has indicted Eric Tano Tataw, 38, of Gaithersburg, Maryland. The Cameroonian national, also known as “the Garri Master,” is charged with conspiring to provide material support to armed separatist groups in Cameroon and making threatening communications to injure or kidnap Cameroonian civilians.

    Kelly O. Hayes, U.S. Attorney for the District of Maryland, announced the indictment with Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division; Sue J. Bai, Head of the Justice Department’s National Security Division; and Special Agent in Charge Michael McCarthy, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Homeland Security Investigations (ICE HSI) Maryland.

    According to court documents, multiple armed and violent secessionist groups in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon are fighting to form a new country called “Ambazonia.” The armed separatist groups sought to achieve secession by not only attacking the Cameroonian military, but also intentionally attacking the civilian population in Cameroon in an attempt to coerce and intimidate the Cameroonian government into allowing these regions to secede. These separatist fighters are frequently referred to as “Amba Boys.”

    “Tataw and his co-conspirators masterminded and financially supported a vicious scheme to overthrow a foreign government. They resorted to an unthinkable level of violence while instilling fear in innocent victims to advance their political agenda,” Hayes said.  “We, along with our law enforcement partners, are committed to relentlessly pursuing anyone who attempts to inflict mayhem on others. Tataw and his co-conspirators demonstrated a total disregard for human life so now they must pay the price.”

    “The defendant is alleged to have ordered horrific acts of violence, including severing limbs, against Cameroonian civilians in support of a violent secessionist movement,” Galeotti said. “This indictment represents the Justice Department’s commitment to hold accountable human rights violators who direct brutal political violence and fundraise for armed militias from the comfort of the United States.”

    “The Justice Department will not tolerate those who help murder, maim, and kidnap,” Bai said. “We will continue to hold accountable those who aim to turn American soil into a staging ground for political violence abroad.”

    As alleged in the indictment, Tataw was a citizen of Cameroon living in Maryland and was a member of the Cameroonian diaspora with a large social media following. Beginning no later than April 2018, Tataw conspired to provide material support and resources — including money, weapons, and personnel — to Amba Boys in Cameroon, and called for the murder, kidnapping, and maiming of Cameroonian civilians. Tataw and his co-conspirators directed the maiming of Cameroonian civilians by severing their limbs, a practice Tataw called “Garriing.” Tataw used the phrase “small Garri” to refer to removing fingers or other small appendages and the phrase “large Garri” to refer to removing large limbs or killing people.  Additionally, Tataw referred to himself as the “Garri Master,” or master of mutilation.

    Tataw and his co-conspirators targeted those believed to be working for or collaborating with the government, including municipal officials, traditional chiefs, and employees of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), a government-owned company that grew, processed, and sold bananas, palm oil, and rubber. As alleged, Tataw personally wrote hundreds of social media posts on Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter calling for attacks against Cameroonian civilians, seeking to raise funds to arm Amba Boys, and threatening those he viewed as cooperating with the Cameroonian government. These social media posts were regularly viewed by tens of thousands of people, including Amba Boys and their leaders, and were often further disseminated by third parties allegedly acting at Tataw’s direction or encouragement.

    Tataw and his co-conspirators solicited and raised funds to supply Amba Boys with firearms, ammunition, explosive materials, and other equipment for enforcing lockdown or “ghost-town” orders and carrying out violent attacks.  A fundraising campaign, known as the “National AK Campaign,” was designed to arm each Amba Boy in Cameroon with an AK-47 rifle.  From about September 2018 through December 2020, Tataw and his co-conspirators raised more than $110,000. Tataw and co-conspirators transferred portions of these funds — either directly or through intermediaries — to Amba Boys located in Cameroon and neighboring Nigeria. Additionally, Tataw communicated directly with Amba Boy leaders on the ground in Cameroon. Tataw also, on multiple occasions, personally took credit for Amba Boys murdering, kidnapping, and maiming civilians in connection with the separatists’ cause.

    An indictment is not a finding of guilt.  All defendants charged by indictment are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty at a later criminal proceeding.  If convicted, Tataw faces a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the material support count and five years in prison on each count of making threatening communications to injure or kidnap. A federal district court judge determines sentencing after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    U.S. Attorney Hayes commended the HSI Maryland’s Document and Benefit Fraud/El Dorado Task Force, U.S. Department of State’s Diplomatic Security Service, and Federal Bureau of Investigation – Baltimore Field Office for their work in the investigation.  Ms. Hayes also thanked Assistant U.S. Attorneys Christina A. Hoffman and Joseph Wenner; Trial Attorney Chelsea Schinnour of the Criminal Division’s Human Rights and Special Prosecutions Section; and Michael Dittoe and Andrew Briggs, National Security Division, who are prosecuting this case, along with the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs for their valuable assistance.

    For more information about the Maryland U.S. Attorney’s Office, its priorities, and resources available to help the community, visit www.justice.gov/usao-md and https://www.justice.gov/usao-md/community-outreach. To report a Maryland-based hate crime, contact the FBI Baltimore field office at (410) 265-8080 or www.tips.fbi.gov. 

    # # #

    MIL Security OSI –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: During Her Visit to Mozambique, IOM Deputy Chief Amplifies Need for Lasting Solutions for Displaced Communities

    Source: International Organization for Migration (IOM)

    Beira/ Geneva, 25 April 2025 – International Organization for Migration (IOM) Deputy Director General for Operations Ugochi Daniels called for increased sustained development financing to help communities in Mozambique grappling with climate-induced displacement. Wrapping up a three-day visit to the Southern African country this week, DDG Daniels also reaffirmed IOM’s commitment to finding durable solutions for people in Mozambique. 

    “The UN Solutions Agenda calls on us to move beyond short-term fixes,” said DDG Daniels. “In Beira, I met women and local leaders who are not only rebuilding homes but reshaping futures. They reminded me that the most sustainable solutions are those driven by the communities themselves—solutions rooted in dignity, knowledge, and local leadership. Our role is to listen, support, and amplify their efforts.” 

    Mozambique ranks among the world’s top 20 countries most exposed to disasters worldwide, according to the Global Climate Risk Index. Between 2019 and 2024, recurring disasters displaced over 140,000 people, destroyed homes, and overwhelmed fragile infrastructure. In the past six months alone, severe drought—exacerbated by El Niño and limited food security—has displaced an additional 10,000 people.

    Climate shocks are escalating in frequency and severity. In just three months cyclones Chido, Dikeledi and Jude affected more than one million people. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall, and rising sea levels are compounding the risks faced by communities already experiencing chronic poverty and inadequate housing, deepening vulnerability, and prolonging displacement.

    During the visit, DDG Daniels heard first-hand from disaster victims and community leaders during her visit. She also met with senior government officials, including the President of the National Institute for Disaster Risk Management and Reduction, Luisa Celma Caetano Meque, as well as donors, partners, and other UN officials, including the United Nations Resident Coordinator in Mozambique, Catherine Sozi.

    IOM Mozambique is supporting the repair and reconstruction of over 6,000 homes through the Cyclone Idai and Kenneth Emergency Recovery and Resilience Project (CERRP) in Beira. The project exemplifies the Build Back Safer approach—combining resilient construction techniques, community leadership, and environmental safeguards. With funding from the World Bank and coordination by the Government’s Post-Cyclone Reconstruction Office (GREPOC), the initiative is implemented in partnership with UN-Habitat and Dora Construções, merging technical expertise with local knowledge to strengthen long-term resilience. 

    “Recovery is not something done to communities,” said IOM Mozambique Chief of Mission, Dr. Laura Tomm-Bonde. “It is something we do with them—and ultimately, something they lead.” 

    IOM supported recovery efforts are not limited to infrastructure. Core to the project is the training of local artisans in resilient building techniques, fostering employment while ensuring safer, climate-adapted homes.

    The sites visited during the mission showcase how the UN’s Solutions Agenda—which advocates for long-term, development-oriented approaches to displacement—translates into action on the ground, focusing on durable solutions that promote self-reliance, resilience, and social inclusion. This demonstrates how global commitments take root in community-led recovery efforts like those in Beira. 

    For more information, please contact IOM Media Centre 

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    April 26, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Maryland Man Indicted for Conspiring to Provide Material Support to Armed Separatist Fighters to Murder, Kidnap, and Maim Individuals in Cameroon and For Making Threats

    Source: US State of North Dakota

    A federal grand jury in Baltimore returned an indictment yesterday charging a Cameroonian national, Eric Tataw, also known as “the Garri Master,” 38, of Gaithersburg, Maryland, with conspiring to provide material support to armed separatist militias in Cameroon and threatening violence against Cameroonian civilians. He surrendered and will make his initial court appearance before U.S. Magistrate Judge J. Mark Coulson today.

    According to court documents, multiple armed and violent secessionist groups in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon are fighting to form a new country called “Ambazonia.” The armed separatist militias sought to achieve secession by not only attacking the Cameroonian military, but also intentionally attacking the civilian population in Cameroon in an attempt to force the Cameroonian government into allowing these regions to secede. These separatist fighters are frequently referred to as “Amba Boys.”

    “The defendant is alleged to have ordered horrific acts of violence, including severing limbs, against Cameroonian civilians in support of a violent secessionist movement,” said Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division. “This indictment represents the Justice Department’s commitment to hold accountable human rights violators who direct brutal political violence and fundraise for armed militias from the comfort of the United States.”

    “The Justice Department will not tolerate those who help murder, maim, and kidnap,” said Sue J. Bai, Head of the Justice Department’s National Security Division. “We will continue to hold accountable those who aim to turn American soil into a staging ground for political violence abroad.”

    “Tataw and his co-conspirators masterminded and financially supported a vicious scheme to overthrow a foreign government. They resorted to an unthinkable level of violence while instilling fear in innocent victims to advance their political agenda,” said U.S. Attorney Kelly O. Hayes for the District of Maryland. “We, along with our law enforcement partners, are committed to relentlessly pursuing anyone who attempts to inflict mayhem on others. Tataw and his co-conspirators demonstrated a total disregard for human life so now they must pay the price.”

    As alleged in the indictment, Tataw was a citizen of Cameroon living in Maryland and was a member of the Cameroonian diaspora with a large social media following. Beginning in April 2018, Tataw and others sought to raise funds for the Amba Boys to finance violent attacks in Cameroon. Tataw also allegedly called for the murder, kidnapping, and maiming of civilians and the destruction of public, educational, and cultural property in Cameroon. Tataw and his co-conspirators allegedly directed the maiming of Cameroonian civilians by severing their limbs, a practice Tataw called “Garriing.” Tataw allegedly used the phrase “small Garri” to refer to removing fingers or other small appendages and the phrase “large Garri” to refer to removing large limbs or killing people. Additionally, Tataw allegedly referred to himself as the “Garri Master,” or master of mutilation.

    Tataw and his co-conspirators allegedly targeted those believed to be working for or collaborating with the government, including municipal officials, traditional chiefs, and employees of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), a public company that grew, processed, and sold bananas, palm oil, and rubber. As alleged, Tataw personally wrote hundreds of social media posts on Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter calling for attacks against Cameroonian civilians, seeking to raise funds to arm Amba Boys, and threatening those he viewed as cooperating with the government of Cameroon. These social media posts were regularly viewed by tens of thousands of people, including Amba Boys and their leaders, and were often further disseminated by third parties allegedly acting at Tataw’s direction or encouragement.

    Tataw is charged with one count of conspiracy to provide material support and four counts of interstate communication of a threat to harm. If convicted, he faces a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the material support count and five years in prison on each count of communication of a threat to harm. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division; Sue J. Bai, Head of the Justice Department’s National Security Division; U.S. Attorney Kelly O. Hayes for the District of Maryland; and Special Agent in Charge Michael McCarthy of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Homeland Security Investigations (ICE HSI) Maryland made the announcement.

    HSI and the U.S. Department of State’s Diplomatic Security Service, with assistance from the FBI, are investigating the case.

    Trial Attorney Chelsea Schinnour of the Criminal Division’s Human Rights and Special Prosecutions Section, Assistant U.S. Attorney Christina Hoffman and Joseph Wenner for the District of Maryland, and Trial Attorneys Michael Dittoe and Andrew Briggs of the National Security Division’s Counterterrorism Section are prosecuting the case, with assistance from the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. The defendant is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 26, 2025
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