Category: Africa

  • MIL-OSI Video: Transforming Social Safety Nets: A Digital Revolution

    Source: International Monetary Fund – IMF (video statements)

    This Analytical Corner focuses on how digital technologies are transforming social safety nets in various country settings such as Brazil, DRC, India, Pakistan, Togo, and Türkiye. Join us to discover innovative strategies to identify, verify, and pay social benefits to enhance support for vulnerable households, even in low-capacity settings. Related publication: Expanding and Improving Social Safety Nets Through Digitalization: Conceptual Framework and Review of Country Experiences (IMF Note, December 2023).

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XIh2aySlzvo

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: Iraq, Gaza/UNSCO, Lebanon & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (22 Oct 2024) | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Noon briefing by Farhan Haq, Deputy Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    -BRICS
    -Iraq
    -Gaza/UNSCO
    -Occupied Palestinian Territory
    -Gaza/UN Development Programme
    -The UN Interim Force in Lebanon
    -Lebanon/Humanitarian
    -Yemen
    -Sudan
    -Ukraine
    -Security Council/Ukraine
    -Cuba
    -Haiti
    -Democratic Republic of the Congo

    BRICS
    I can confirm that the Secretary-General is once again attending the BRICS summit, which this year takes place in Kazan, in the Russian Federation.

    Iraq
    In a statement issued today, the Secretary-General congratulates the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and its people on the holding of parliamentary elections on 20 October, which took place in a calm and peaceful manner. He further commends the efforts of the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC), supported by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), in the preparations and conduct of these elections.
    As the Kurdistan Region of Iraq awaits the final results, the Secretary-General encourages all political leaders and segments of society to continue to maintain a peaceful atmosphere and urges political actors to resolve any electoral disputes through established legal channels and to complete the electoral process by forming an inclusive government as soon as possible. He reiterates the commitment of the United Nations to support Iraq’s efforts to consolidate democratic gains and build a prosperous future for the people of Iraq.

    Gaza/UNSCO
    Tor Wennesland, the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, visited Gaza today, where he saw firsthand the continued immense destruction and profound suffering of the people.
    He said he met with UN staff and Palestinian NGOs in Gaza, whose tireless efforts are admirable. He heard directly from them about the alarming security and humanitarian situation across the Strip, particularly in northern Gaza. The challenges faced by the people of Gaza, including serious violations of international humanitarian law, are enormous, with urgent needs for food, medical supplies, and protection.
    Mr. Wennesland said that a significant increase in the entry of humanitarian assistance and an improvement in security is urgently required.  He reiterated the Secretary-General’s repeated call for an immediate ceasefire and the unconditional release of all hostages held by Hamas. He calls on all relevant parties to urgently pursue these goals.

    Gaza/UN Development Programme
    The UN Development Programme (UNDP) says that one year into the Gaza war, the humanitarian crisis has reached a catastrophic level – with unprecedented casualties, widespread destruction and severe food insecurity.
    The war has had a severe impact on critical sectors such as education, healthcare, social services, the economy and the environment, UNDP says in a new report. Educational institutions have suffered significant losses, with numerous casualties among students and educators and the widespread destruction of schools. The healthcare system is nearing collapse, facing critical shortages in medical supplies and widespread malnutrition, particularly among children.
    Economic projections indicate that the gross domestic product (GDP) of the State of Palestine contracted by 35.1 per cent in 2024 compared with a no-war scenario, with unemployment potentially rising to 49.9 per cent. By the end of 2024, the Human Development Index (HDI) in the State of Palestine may fall to 0.643, a level not seen since human development calculations began in 2004.
    Poverty in the State of Palestine is projected to rise to 74.3 per cent in 2024, affecting 4.1 million people, including 2.61 million people who are newly impoverished. The full report is online.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/ossg/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=22+October+2024

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gfpt8lR-1Oc

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI China: Xi underscores BRICS’ role in building multipolar world, driving globalization

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 23 — The BRICS mechanism is a pillar in promoting a multipolar world and fostering an inclusive economic globalization, said Chinese President Xi Jinping on Tuesday as leaders gathered in Kazan for the 16th BRICS Summit.

    Xi made the remarks while meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin ahead of the leaders’ formal meetings. He noted that BRICS is the world’s most important platform for solidarity and cooperation between emerging markets and developing countries.

    He also voiced his hope to have in-depth discussions with Putin and other leaders participating in the summit on the future development of the BRICS mechanism, so as to secure more opportunities for the Global South.

    Putin thanked China for its support during Russia’s presidency of BRICS, stressing that Russia is ready to closely cooperate with China to ensure the success of the first BRICS Summit after its expansion and bolster BRICS cooperation.

    Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan and the fifth-largest city in Russia, holds historical and cultural significance. Xi told Putin during their meeting that around 400 years ago, the Great Tea Road that connected the two countries went past Kazan, through which tea leaves from China’s Wuyi Mountain region found their way into many Russian households.

    The city is also home to Kazan Federal University, where notable figures like the Russian writer Leo Tolstoy and Russian revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin studied.

    Russian fighter jets escorted Xi’s plane before its landing at the Kazan International Airport around noon on Tuesday. Guards of honor lined both sides of a red carpet to salute Xi, while Russian youths in traditional attire offered him a warm welcome.

    Kazan Mayor Ilsur Metshin, one of the Russian officials who greeted Xi at the airport, told Xinhua that the city is honored to host the Chinese president.

    During the three-day summit, Xi will attend small- and large-scale leaders’ meetings and the BRICS Plus leaders’ dialogue. He will also have in-depth exchanges with leaders of other countries on the current international situation, BRICS cooperation, the development of the BRICS mechanism and important issues of common concern, according to Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning.

    GREATER BRICS

    Observers see the BRICS Summit as an opportunity for Global South countries to voice their needs.

    Victoria Fedosova, deputy director of the Institute for Strategic Research and Forecasts of the Russian Peoples’ Friendship University, said the very dynamic development of BRICS and the growth in its membership reflect a demand for a platform to address global issues.

    “The BRICS mechanism has enormous potential in adjusting the imbalances in global development accumulated over the last 80 years,” said Fedosova.

    The New Development Bank (NDB) is a flagship project of BRICS cooperation. As the first multilateral development bank established by emerging economies, the NDB, headquartered in Shanghai, provides financing support for infrastructure development, clean energy, environmental protection, and the building of cyber infrastructure across BRICS countries.

    Dilma Rousseff, president of the NDB who is also in Kazan, told Putin during a meeting on Tuesday that the summit is “very important.”

    BRICS has emerged as “the core of this multipolar world” alongside other global and regional organizations, said British author and political commentator Carlos Martinez. “It is essential to move away from the dominance of Western voices and allow countries from the Global South to have a meaningful say in international relations.”

    “BRICS, with its focus on inclusivity and equality, serves as a shining star of this new type of international relations,” he said.

    Zukiswa Roboji, a researcher at Walter Sisulu University in South Africa, said that BRICS has “undoubtedly made notable strides in recent years,” offering emerging economies easier access to financial resources and better opportunities for trade, investment and development.

    Experts also highlighted China’s role in BRICS cooperation and development. Timirkhan Alishev, vice rector for International Affairs at Kazan Federal University, told Xinhua that all initiatives introduced by China are rooted in multilateralism, fostering communication and dialogue on multiple levels.

    “We see China puts a lot of efforts into developing BRICS,” said Alishev, adding that there are no preconditions for BRICS cooperation as one can begin dialogue on equal footing with everyone.

    STRONGER APPEAL

    The term BRIC was initially coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, former chief economist at Goldman Sachs, as an investment concept referring to emerging market economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China. With South Africa’s inclusion in 2010, BRICS officially took shape.

    Following last year’s expansion, the BRICS grouping now represents approximately 30 percent of global GDP, nearly half of the world’s population, and one-fifth of global trade.

    “Measured by GDP, the BRICS countries have already surpassed the G7 in importance,” said Rousseff in a recent interview with Xinhua.

    One of the key priorities of Russia’s BRICS chairmanship is integrating the new members into the BRICS framework, according to the official website. Other areas of practical cooperation include boosting trade and direct investment, as well as fostering a balanced and equitable transition to a low-carbon economy.

    As BRICS’ influence grows, its appeal has strengthened. Over 30 countries like Thailand, Malaysia, Türkiye and Azerbaijan have either formally applied for or expressed interest in its membership, while many other developing countries are seeking deeper cooperation with the group.

    “Joining BRICS will benefit Thailand in many ways, including advancing cooperation with other developing countries and increasing its influence in the international arena,” said Tang Zhimin, director of China ASEAN Studies at the Bangkok-based Panyapiwat Institute of Management.

    BRICS “has become an engine of growth for the world economy and plays an important role in global policymaking,” Tang added.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Environmental, Social and Governance Disclosure is Critical for Africa’s Sustainable Development — African Development Bank Group (AfDB) Vice-President (VP) Quaynor at Inaugural Africa Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) Forum

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast, October 23, 2024/APO Group/ —

    “The importance of ESG disclosure for attracting finance for sustainable development in Africa cannot be overstated. It is no longer an optional add-on; it is a necessity if Africa is to thrive and not just survive in the 21st century,” stated Solomon Quaynor, African Development Bank Group (www.AfDB.org) Vice-President in opening the inaugural Africa ESG Forum today in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

    The two-day event, jointly organised by the African Development Bank, the Multilateral Cooperation Center for Development Finance (MCDF) (http://apo-opa.co/4eQY1bJ), and Making Finance Work for Africa (MFW4A) takes place under the theme Building a Sustainable Finance Ecosystem for Africa: A Collaborative Approach for ESG Disclosure.

    The forum aims to catalyze collaboration and knowledge sharing on ESG issues, paving the way for the establishment of a centralised Africa ESG Information Disclosure Hub and embedding ESG principles into the continent’s development strategies.

    MFW4A is a platform for African governments, the private sector, and development partners to coordinate financial sector development across the continent. Its secretariat is hosted by the African Development Bank Group.

    Quaynor, the Bank Group’s Vice president for Private Sector, Infrastructure & Industrialization emphasized the urgency of adopting robust ESG practices. “Achieving sustainable development requires substantial financial investments which will not come without trust, transparency, and accountability,” he said. He also highlighted that Africa faces low awareness of ESG’s importance, inadequate infrastructure for data collection, and inconsistent policy engagement. Fragmented ESG disclosure standards could lead to Africa being excluded from global capital markets that increasingly prioritise sustainability.

    Quaynor noted, “By facilitating better data availability and promoting best practices, we can enhance stakeholder engagement and foster greater trust between investors and businesses. This is essential for building a sustainable finance ecosystem that benefits everyone.”

    Frederic Wiltmann, Head of Project Team at MCDF, elaborated on its work to support sustainable investment. “We now have several capacity-building programs focused on facilitating trade financing, connectivity infrastructure development, and environmental and social safeguards,” he said. “One of the pillars involves establishing this Disclosure Hub initiative, and today’s forum serves as a launch for this capacity-building program, of which we hope the Disclosure Hub will be one of the major outputs.”

    Opening-day sessions featured discussion of the development of an African ESG taxonomy and an overview of the global landscape of ESG disclosure. “Despite the challenges we face, there are many opportunities for Africa to lead in sustainability reform, and the establishment of the Sustainability Centre of Excellence is critical for driving the adoption of international standards,” said Lebogang Senne, Technical Director of the Pan African Federation of Accountants. PAFA’s board in August 2024 approved the establishment of a Centre of Excellence to accelerate the Africa-wide adoption and implementation of the IFRS Sustainability Disclosure Standards of the International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB).

    In a session titled, Perspectives from Sustainable Finance Initiatives, Wakesho Sonje of ICEA LION GROUP said The Nairobi Declaration for Sustainable Insurance is driving ESG integration in Africa’s insurance sector, with 219 members across 36 countries committed to sustainable principles and SDGs. She also highlighted that innovative products like parametric insurance are being developed to address climate-related risks and protect vulnerable communities. Additionally, initiatives like the African Development Bank’s Africa Climate Risk Insurance Facility for Adaptation (ACRIFA) are partnering to achieve similar goals, she said.  

    Nearly one hundred delegates attended physically with a further 400 online sharing insights and posing questions to the speakers, reflecting strong commitment to addressing the critical role of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) disclosure in fostering sustainable development across the continent.

    Day 2 will feature engaging discussions on the challenges and opportunities in ESG reporting in Africa with insights from industry leaders. Additionally, sessions will focus on investor expectations for ESG reporting, including a panel discussion featuring representatives from various financial institutions.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Quality of life continues to slide in South Africa’s key economic province, Gauteng – new survey

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Christian Hamann, Researcher, Gauteng City-Region Observatory

    The Gauteng City-Region, which has long been South Africa’s economic engine, is in decline. The region contributes about 35% of the country’s total economic output, and is home to more than 15 million people, about 25% of the country’s population of 62 million people.

    Many in the province have come from far and wide hoping to “make it” in the land of opportunity. Yet both the media and the public raise critical questions about its future amid decaying infrastructure, poor delivery of basic government services, and a steady uptick in violent crime.

    New research from the Gauteng City-Region Observatory (GCRO) reveals that development outcomes in the province are declining. The GCRO is an independent institute that produces research and analysis to inform decision making and policy in the Gauteng City-Region. It is a partnership between the Gauteng provincial government, the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of Johannesburg, and organised local government (Salga-Gauteng).

    The GCRO constructs a multidimensional index of wellbeing that combines 33 variables into one measure, known as the Quality of Life Index, from survey data that has been collected every two to three years since 2009.

    This includes measures of health, safety, life satisfaction, socio-economic status, public services, satisfaction with government, and social and political participation. The latest index (2023/24) shows that quality of life in Gauteng has fallen to its lowest level ever since the survey began in 2009. This suggests that the wellbeing of many households has been compromised by the complex and interconnected global challenges, known as the polycrisis, that have emerged since the COVID-19 pandemic.

    The composition of the GCRO Quality of Life Index. GCRO Quality of Life 7 Survey (2023/24)

    Many of these challenges are linked to the local governance crisis, characterised by unstable political party coalitions. The interaction of complex crises amplifies harmful effects, profoundly affecting quality of life.

    A governance crisis emerged in South Africa in the wake of state capture, marked by a stark decline in the provision of quality public services. So, the government has struggled to shield citizens from the worst impacts of the polycrisis. Households face an acute convergence of global and local crises, reflected in health, economic instability, societal unrest, climate challenges, and rising safety concerns.

    The research

    The 7th Quality of Life Survey involved 13,795 adult residents of Gauteng. Respondents were randomly sampled in every ward of the province. Data was collected by a team of fieldworkers from 28 August 2023 to 16 April 2024. The data is made freely available, and is used by government, academics and civil society. The findings inform policy and strategic planning by government entities across the Gauteng City-Region.

    The latest survey results paint a complex picture about the quality of life in Gauteng. Some of the most significant findings which relate to the challenges that household face, and the ways people respond to challenges, are highlighted below. The list of crises includes concerns about public service delivery, satisfaction with government, safety, poverty, and overall quality of life.

    Unreliable service delivery

    Basic services in Gauteng are characterised by interruptions to supply, inadequate coverage and quality problems. While most residents have access to water, electricity, sanitation and refuse removal, satisfaction with these levels has declined substantially since the previous survey in 2020/21.

    The latest survey shows that only 61% of respondents were satisfied with their sanitation, only 60% perceived their water as always clean, and only 64% were satisfied with their refuse removal. These are all lower than in the past when satisfaction ranged between 70% and 75%. The impact, for example, is that those who do not have weekly refuse removal are more likely to dump their rubbish in public spaces or burn it – causing various environmental challenges.

    Gauteng households use various resources at their disposal to deal with the impacts of unreliable services. For instance, one in seven households (15%) are now generating some or all their own electricity, compared to 4% in 2017/18. This is partly related to the unreliability of electricity provision, and growing efforts to gain independence from the “grid”. But the unreliability and cost of electricity have varied impacts, depending on household income.

    Declining satisfaction with government

    Only a fifth (21%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of the national government. A similar proportion (22%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of provincial and local governments. Satisfaction for all these spheres has declined by between 15 and 20 percentage points since 2017/18.

    The effect of dissatisfaction with government is increasing disengagement. Just over half of respondents (54%) felt that politics was a waste of time, and 57% said that South Africa was a failed state. When the survey was conducted, before the 2024 provincial elections, 21% of respondents said they were not planning to vote. Thus, government dissatisfaction and disengagement helps to understand the low voter turnout during the elections.

    Poverty

    While poverty rates measured in 2023/24 have improved from their peak during the pandemic, the recovery is partial. Sixteen percent of respondents lived below the food poverty line of R760 per month (about US$43). This remains higher than pre-pandemic levels (it was 12% in 2017/18). It shows that a large portion of Gauteng’s households have struggled to meet their basic needs for a long time.

    South Africa’s welfare systems remain a lifeline for many households. The proportion of respondents that benefited from any kind of social grant (including child support and old age pensions has increased steadily from 30% in 2011 to just over 50% in 2023/24.

    Low-income households are also less likely to recover from shocks because they lack financial safety nets, and cannot afford to replace public services with costly private alternatives.

    Safety concerns

    Another kind of problem experienced by respondents is insecurity as a result of crime and violence. A fifth of respondents (21%) said that they had been the victim of crime in the last year. This was a two percentage point increase from 2020/21, when lockdowns reduced crime levels. The proportion of respondents who said that the crime situation had worsened was also higher (increasing from 43% in 2020/21 to 48% in 2023/24).

    Much larger proportions of respondents felt unsafe in their homes, and when walking in their neighbourhood in the daytime or at night. For example, in 2023/24, 81% of respondents felt unsafe walking in their area at night, compared to 75% in 2020/21. The effect is that 62% of respondents in 2023/24 were dissatisfied with the security services provided by the government, compared to 54% in 2020/21.

    Overall quality of life is lower

    Overall, in the latest index quality of life reached its lowest point yet since the index was first calculated. The 2023/24 value was calculated at 59.5 out of 100, compared to 61.4 in 2020/21 and a high of 63.9 in 2017/18.

    GCRO Quality of Life Index changes over time. GCRO Quality of Life 7 Survey (2023/24)

    Most of the dimensions declined, suggesting that the wellbeing of many households has been adversely affected by the interplay between the governance crisis and the polycrisis. Households’ ability to navigate these challenges is strongly shaped by inequality, which remains very high.

    The 2023/24 quality of life report shows that the Gauteng City-Region grapples with a series of wicked problems. Public and private sector leaders, along with civil society, need to assess the current situation and collaborate on innovative solutions to enhance the quality of life of all residents in the City-Region.

    Shannon Arnold, a junior researcher at the Gauteng City-Region Observatory, contributed to the research and this article.

    – Quality of life continues to slide in South Africa’s key economic province, Gauteng – new survey
    https://theconversation.com/quality-of-life-continues-to-slide-in-south-africas-key-economic-province-gauteng-new-survey-241714

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Liam Payne: the death of a favourite celebrity can be painful – but collective grief can help

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Carr, Reader in Education with Psychology and Centre for Death and Society, University of Bath

    One of my (Sam’s) earliest memories is from 1980, when John Lennon was tragically assassinated. I vividly recall my mother’s reaction upon hearing the news – she put down the phone, overwhelmed with grief.

    Her connection to Lennon, someone she’d never met, was deeply personal. This moment, even though I was only three years old, left a lasting impression and showed me how profound these attachments can be. For my mother, Lennon wasn’t just a famous figure. He represented a significant part of her life and emotions.

    If you’re a One Direction fan, you may be feeling a similar kind of grief over the tragic death of band member Liam Payne. Some fans have described Payne’s loss as akin to “losing a family member” or feeling like they’ve “lost a big part of their childhood”.

    This collective mourning illustrates how deeply ingrained celebrities can become in our lives, not just as entertainers, but as symbols of our personal experiences and memories.

    Olivia, 23, tried to describe her sense of loss to a BBC reporter:

    It was my first feeling of being in love, my first feeling of crushing on a boy, of being excited about boys. I kissed the posters every night. We all did. It felt like you were part of the best club in the world and it’s a huge part of why we bonded together.

    This form of attachment is known as a parasocial relationship, an emotional connection formed with someone who is unaware of the bond. Unlike personal relationships, where both parties contribute to the connection, parasocial relationships allow fans to project idealised traits onto celebrities, unchallenged by reality.

    In this way, celebrities often represent aspirational versions of ourselves or embody significant aspects of our identity. When they die, the emotional experience of grief is not just about the person, but about losing part of that imagined connection.


    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:


    The death of a beloved celebrity shatters something that feels deeply meaningful, and can leave you grappling with an emotional void. The loss is not just of a public figure, but of a personal connection that may have shaped your identity and sense of belonging.

    This profound sense of grief is often also shared. Following Payne’s sudden death, fans have gathered worldwide, from the UK to the Philippines and Argentina, to sing and mourn at vigils for the star. A similar phenomenon was also observed in September, when Harry Potter fans raised wands at the Wizarding World of Harry Potter theme park in Orlando. They were paying tribute to Maggie Smith, who played the popular character Professor McGonagall in the Harry Potter films, following her death aged 89.

    Collective grief is a common reaction when an influential figure dies. These shared acts of mourning are not only socially significant but also have the power to foster empathy, transforming collective pain and public emotion into meaningful memories of social solidarity and communal strength.

    While fans will mourn their star regardless of age, there’s a stark contrast between the deaths of Smith and Payne. Smith’s passing is generally viewed as a “good” death, marking the end of “a true legend”, while Payne’s death at 31 is seen as “a bad, sad ending”. The way that we grieve celebrities is often connected to their age. When Black Panther star Chadwick Boseman died in 2020 aged 43, it shattered many fans’ sense of hope for the future.

    For many Payne fans, the singer was their “first love”. Falling in love with celebrities, as psychoanalysts like Aldo Carotenuto have argued, elicits a projection of idealised fantasy that becomes interwoven with our vision of the future. This temporal aspect of fandom is rooted in our sense of narrative identity, through which we view life as a continuing book. The death of a young star can powerfully disrupt this plot and leave you grappling with an unresolved chapter in your own story.

    One Direction fans often call themselves “directioners”. Losing a core member of the group has led some directioners to feel this identity is now threatened or altered. The disruption to your sense of identity following the death of a young celebrity that you grew up alongside can be profound. It signifies not only the loss of a cherished part of your past but also serves as a painful reminder of the passage of time and the fragility of life.

    This reality can force you to confront your own mortality, highlighting the finite nature of existence. In times of collective mourning, people reflect on their own lives and aspirations while cherishing the memories and legacies of those they admired.

    Moving forward without them

    Despite the deep pain of grieving, fans often engage in what grief experts call “continuing bonds” – an effort to maintain a connection with the celebrity through memories, tributes or ongoing engagement with their work.

    This bond helps to reestablish a sense of order, providing emotional continuity even in the face of loss. The bonds we form with celebrities are often more meaningful than they first appear. Sociologist Jackie Stacey has examined how memories tied to celebrities can profoundly shape and sustain a sense of meaning throughout our lives.

    From a life course perspective, early experiences with a favourite star can become deeply embedded in your identity, acting as enduring sources of comfort, inspiration and self-expression.

    Though his life has been cut short, the memories and inspiration Payne provided will continue to live on among his fans. As directioners gathered outside the Buenos Aires hotel where he passed away, they sang One Direction songs, including the poignant line: “This is not the end.”

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Liam Payne: the death of a favourite celebrity can be painful – but collective grief can help – https://theconversation.com/liam-payne-the-death-of-a-favourite-celebrity-can-be-painful-but-collective-grief-can-help-242039

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How different people around the world understand democracy – and why it matters

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Williamson, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford

    Most people in most countries say they want to be governed democratically. Because democracy’s appeal is so powerful, governments and political leaders everywhere claim to be supporters of democracy.

    Take China, for instance. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has ruled for decades under a single-party system, a system that contrasts sharply with traditional definitions of democracy. Democratic systems emphasise competitive elections for key leaders, strong protections for political rights and constraints on executive power.

    Yet, ask members of the CCP and they will probably tell you that their governance is democratic because it responds to the preferences of the Chinese public. In their view, what makes a democracy is not elections, liberties and constraints. Rather, strong and unencumbered political leaders can govern well and give the people what they want.

    How do people understand democracy? If people around the world hold dramatically different views of what democracy means – or even adhere to understandings of democracy that reflect a more authoritarian style of government – then democracy’s apparent global appeal may not mean very much in practice.

    Researchers have long been interested in how people from different countries and backgrounds understand democracy. But it’s a complex issue and previous studies have found it difficult to determine what people really mean when they say they want to be governed democratically. In a new article published in Science, we use an experiment administered via surveys in Egypt, India, Italy, Japan, Thailand and the US to bring fresh evidence to this debate.

    We presented survey respondents with paired profiles of hypothetical countries. These profiles randomised nine factors reflecting different theories of how people understand democracy. For instance, we presented respondents with information about the countries’ elections, varying whether they were free and fair, biased, or not held at all.

    We also randomised whether political rights were protected or repressed, and whether the executive respected the powers of the legislature and courts or not. These three attributes reflect traditional concepts of democracy.

    We also included attributes of the hypothetical countries that reflect alternative understandings of democracy. Some claim that democracy means a political system capable of producing substantial changes that benefit citizens broadly. So we varied whether economic equality in the country is higher or lower. We also adjusted whether social equality between genders is better or worse. And we randomised how much influence technocratic experts wield over policy decisions.

    Others argue for a more authoritarian model of democracy in which unconstrained leaders give the people what they want in exchange for their obedience. To reflect this view, we gave information about how often the countries’ political leaders follow the majority’s preferences. We also varied whether people obey the government or not.

    After reviewing the country profiles, respondents were asked to determine which hypothetical country was more democratic. Analysing which attributes influenced respondents’ choices more strongly gives us insights into how they understand what democracy means.

    Reasons to be cheerful

    Our results indicate that the traditional definition of democracy is widely accepted. Across the six diverse countries in our sample, respondents were much more likely to perceive countries as democratic when elections were free and fair and political rights were strongly protected.

    This prioritisation of elections held across the board. People felt that way regardless of their individual characteristics such as gender, educational attainment, political ideology, age, minority status and attitudes toward geopolitics.

    This finding implies some reasons to be optimistic about support for democracy. It suggests that when people say they want democratic governance, many mean competitive elections and protected liberties. This agreement is important. It makes it more likely that enough people will recognise – and potentially push back – against attempts by anti-democratic political leaders to subvert democratic governance.

    Reasons for caution

    But our findings also highlight points of caution. First, institutional checks and balances were less central to how our respondents understood democracy. This suggests that political leaders may be able to increase their grip on power more easily by undermining the influence of the legislature and courts.

    And anti-democratic politicians can still claim to be democratic by deceptively arguing that they prioritise these elements of the political system, while actually undermining them. A prominent example is former US president Donald Trump. In 2020, Trump tried to overturn his election loss by falsely asserting it had been rigged against him.

    Even in outright authoritarian countries, rulers often use controlled elections as “evidence” of their democratic character. In Egypt, for instance, the autocratic president Abdel Fatah al-Sisi declared after winning his rigged 2023 election that he would continue to build “a democratic state that protects its citizens”.

    Many people may see through such claims, but autocrats can sometimes build support by using elections to present themselves as democrats – even when they are not free and fair.

    While many people reject outright authoritarian notions of what democracy means, factors other than elections and liberties also influence their understanding of democratic governance. In our study, countries were often believed to be more democratic when they delivered good outcomes – for example, by providing higher gender or economic equality.

    Gender equality was the only attribute in the experiment which came close to elections and liberties in its ability to shape perceptions of which countries were more democratic. Because gender equality is inherently desirable and is associated with democracy, some autocrats have successfully engaged in “genderwashing”. They’ve done this by (often nominally) reforming women’s rights to reduce pressure for more competitive elections and protected political rights.

    Finally, just because people generally agree on what democracy means does not necessarily mean they will continue to support it. If democracies fail to perform effectively or represent their citizens well, people may be persuaded to accept more authoritarian models of governance.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How different people around the world understand democracy – and why it matters – https://theconversation.com/how-different-people-around-the-world-understand-democracy-and-why-it-matters-241617

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Quality of life continues to slide in South Africa’s key economic province, Gauteng – new survey

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Christian Hamann, Researcher, Gauteng City-Region Observatory

    The Gauteng City-Region, which has long been South Africa’s economic engine, is in decline. The region contributes about 35% of the country’s total economic output, and is home to more than 15 million people, about 25% of the country’s population of 62 million people.

    Many in the province have come from far and wide hoping to “make it” in the land of opportunity. Yet both the media and the public raise critical questions about its future amid decaying infrastructure, poor delivery of basic government services, and a steady uptick in violent crime.

    New research from the Gauteng City-Region Observatory (GCRO) reveals that development outcomes in the province are declining. The GCRO is an independent institute that produces research and analysis to inform decision making and policy in the Gauteng City-Region. It is a partnership between the Gauteng provincial government, the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of Johannesburg, and organised local government (Salga-Gauteng).

    The GCRO constructs a multidimensional index of wellbeing that combines 33 variables into one measure, known as the Quality of Life Index, from survey data that has been collected every two to three years since 2009.

    This includes measures of health, safety, life satisfaction, socio-economic status, public services, satisfaction with government, and social and political participation. The latest index (2023/24) shows that quality of life in Gauteng has fallen to its lowest level ever since the survey began in 2009. This suggests that the wellbeing of many households has been compromised by the complex and interconnected global challenges, known as the polycrisis, that have emerged since the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Many of these challenges are linked to the local governance crisis, characterised by unstable political party coalitions. The interaction of complex crises amplifies harmful effects, profoundly affecting quality of life.

    A governance crisis emerged in South Africa in the wake of state capture, marked by a stark decline in the provision of quality public services. So, the government has struggled to shield citizens from the worst impacts of the polycrisis. Households face an acute convergence of global and local crises, reflected in health, economic instability, societal unrest, climate challenges, and rising safety concerns.

    The research

    The 7th Quality of Life Survey involved 13,795 adult residents of Gauteng. Respondents were randomly sampled in every ward of the province. Data was collected by a team of fieldworkers from 28 August 2023 to 16 April 2024. The data is made freely available, and is used by government, academics and civil society. The findings inform policy and strategic planning by government entities across the Gauteng City-Region.

    The latest survey results paint a complex picture about the quality of life in Gauteng. Some of the most significant findings which relate to the challenges that household face, and the ways people respond to challenges, are highlighted below. The list of crises includes concerns about public service delivery, satisfaction with government, safety, poverty, and overall quality of life.

    Unreliable service delivery

    Basic services in Gauteng are characterised by interruptions to supply, inadequate coverage and quality problems. While most residents have access to water, electricity, sanitation and refuse removal, satisfaction with these levels has declined substantially since the previous survey in 2020/21.

    The latest survey shows that only 61% of respondents were satisfied with their sanitation, only 60% perceived their water as always clean, and only 64% were satisfied with their refuse removal. These are all lower than in the past when satisfaction ranged between 70% and 75%. The impact, for example, is that those who do not have weekly refuse removal are more likely to dump their rubbish in public spaces or burn it – causing various environmental challenges.

    Gauteng households use various resources at their disposal to deal with the impacts of unreliable services. For instance, one in seven households (15%) are now generating some or all their own electricity, compared to 4% in 2017/18. This is partly related to the unreliability of electricity provision, and growing efforts to gain independence from the “grid”. But the unreliability and cost of electricity have varied impacts, depending on household income.

    Declining satisfaction with government

    Only a fifth (21%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of the national government. A similar proportion (22%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of provincial and local governments. Satisfaction for all these spheres has declined by between 15 and 20 percentage points since 2017/18.

    The effect of dissatisfaction with government is increasing disengagement. Just over half of respondents (54%) felt that politics was a waste of time, and 57% said that South Africa was a failed state. When the survey was conducted, before the 2024 provincial elections, 21% of respondents said they were not planning to vote. Thus, government dissatisfaction and disengagement helps to understand the low voter turnout during the elections.

    Poverty

    While poverty rates measured in 2023/24 have improved from their peak during the pandemic, the recovery is partial. Sixteen percent of respondents lived below the food poverty line of R760 per month (about US$43). This remains higher than pre-pandemic levels (it was 12% in 2017/18). It shows that a large portion of Gauteng’s households have struggled to meet their basic needs for a long time.

    South Africa’s welfare systems remain a lifeline for many households. The proportion of respondents that benefited from any kind of social grant (including child support and old age pensions has increased steadily from 30% in 2011 to just over 50% in 2023/24.

    Low-income households are also less likely to recover from shocks because they lack financial safety nets, and cannot afford to replace public services with costly private alternatives.

    Safety concerns

    Another kind of problem experienced by respondents is insecurity as a result of crime and violence. A fifth of respondents (21%) said that they had been the victim of crime in the last year. This was a two percentage point increase from 2020/21, when lockdowns reduced crime levels. The proportion of respondents who said that the crime situation had worsened was also higher (increasing from 43% in 2020/21 to 48% in 2023/24).

    Much larger proportions of respondents felt unsafe in their homes, and when walking in their neighbourhood in the daytime or at night. For example, in 2023/24, 81% of respondents felt unsafe walking in their area at night, compared to 75% in 2020/21. The effect is that 62% of respondents in 2023/24 were dissatisfied with the security services provided by the government, compared to 54% in 2020/21.

    Overall quality of life is lower

    Overall, in the latest index quality of life reached its lowest point yet since the index was first calculated. The 2023/24 value was calculated at 59.5 out of 100, compared to 61.4 in 2020/21 and a high of 63.9 in 2017/18.

    Most of the dimensions declined, suggesting that the wellbeing of many households has been adversely affected by the interplay between the governance crisis and the polycrisis. Households’ ability to navigate these challenges is strongly shaped by inequality, which remains very high.

    The 2023/24 quality of life report shows that the Gauteng City-Region grapples with a series of wicked problems. Public and private sector leaders, along with civil society, need to assess the current situation and collaborate on innovative solutions to enhance the quality of life of all residents in the City-Region.

    Shannon Arnold, a junior researcher at the Gauteng City-Region Observatory, contributed to the research and this article.

    Christian Hamann is employed by the Gauteng CIty-Region Observatory which receives funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.

    Rashid Seedat is employed by the Gauteng CIty-Region Observatory which receives funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government. He is also a Board member of the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation.

    ref. Quality of life continues to slide in South Africa’s key economic province, Gauteng – new survey – https://theconversation.com/quality-of-life-continues-to-slide-in-south-africas-key-economic-province-gauteng-new-survey-241714

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Afreximbank Signs term Sheet for US$3Million Facility for Mediwood Studios’ Expansion

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    ALGIERS, Algeria, October 23, 2024/APO Group/ —

     African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) (www.Afreximbank.com) and Mediwood Studios in Tunisia have signed a Term Sheet for a US$3 million facility aimed to Strengthen Mediwood’s position as a key contributor to the growth of the Tunisian film industry.  

    As part of the agreement, signed on 19 October 2024 on the sidelines of the just concluded Creative Africa Nexus Weekend (CANEX WKND) 2024, Mediwood Studios will use the proceeds of the term loan facility for the expansion of its studio facilities so as to showcase Tunisia as a filmmaking destination and provide world class facilities for both domestic and international productions in the Middle East and North Africa. 

    Signing the Term Sheet on behalf of Afreximbank was Mrs. Kanayo Awani, Executive Vice President, Intra-African Trade Bank, and Mr. Mehdi Ajroudi, Chief Executive Officer of Mediwood Studios, on behalf of his company. 

    Commenting on the deal, Mrs. Awani stated that Afreximbank was committed to ensuring that Africa’s creative economy remained relevant on the global stage while enhancing economic integration, job creation and bridging of cultural divides. 

    “By enhancing Tunisia’s filmmaking infrastructure, we hope to attract international productions, foster local talent and promote authentic regional narratives, thereby reinforcing Africa’s cultural influence globally. This is part of our mandate to support Africa’s creative industries through the CANEX Programme. The expansion of Mediwood Tunisia’s studio facilities will position Tunisia as an attractive hub for domestic and international film productions, enhancing the country’s visibility and appeal to global filmmakers and support the promotion of Africa’s narratives and talent.” 

    Mr. Ajroudi, on his part, said that the expanded studio facilities would foster job creation and skills development across pre-production, production and post-production activities as the world-class infrastructure would accommodate large-scale productions capable of stimulating economic activity in Tunisia’s creative sector.  

    “At Mediwood Studios, we believe it’s time for Africa to become the storyteller – sharing our heritage, dreams, and voices with the world,” he said. 

    The four-day CANEX WKND 2024, organised by Afreximbank was held from October 16 to 19 under the theme “One People, United in Culture, Creating for the World” and was attended by almost 4,000 participants — representing a diversity of creative sectors from across Africa. 

    It featured live performances, speeches by industry leaders and experts, masterclass sessions, fashion shows, sporting events, high energy music concerts and gastronomical showcases alongside a vibrant market and exhibition. 

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: The UK welcomes the unanimous mandate renewal of the Multinational Security Support mission to Haiti: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki, UK Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on Haiti.

    Thank you President. I thank SRSG Salvador and Executive Director Russell for their briefings. I welcome the participation of the Permanent Representatives of Haiti and Kenya as well as Foreign Minister Álvarez Hill from the Dominican Republic in our meeting today.

    And I would also like to thank Ms. Auguste Ducéna for joining us today. As you and the other briefers made clear, the crisis in Haiti continues to bring unimaginable daily suffering and misery to the Haitian people. This Council remains shocked and appalled by the barbarity and human rights abuses committed by gangs.

    The UK welcomes the unanimous mandate renewal of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission to Haiti and pays tribute to Kenya’s leadership. We welcome the deployment of personnel from Kenya, Jamaica and Belize to the MSS as well as the pledged contributions from other nations. The MSS remains vital to supporting Haitian efforts to resolve instability and we commend the initial progress it has made alongside the Haitian National Police. It is important to ensure international security efforts are sustainable and support the Haitian government in addressing the root causes of the crisis. 

    We are also grateful to BINUH for their work to establish coordination between Haitian stakeholders, the MSS, and the international community. The UK has pledged over $6 million to support the deployment of the MSS through strengthening the mission’s human rights compliance framework. We expect the first tranche of funding to be released imminently.

    The Transitional Presidential Council must work together for the benefit of the Haitian people. We urge Haitian political and civil society, with the active participation of women and youth, to seize this opportunity to create the conditions necessary for lasting change.

    President, in a welcome step this Council decided to expand the UN Haiti sanctions designation list and for the first time targeted an individual responsible for financing destabilising gang activity.

    In conclusion, we call on all political actors to work together to address Haiti’s serious challenges and to refrain from acting based on personal or partisan interests. There is a chance to bring the peace and security that the Haitian people need and deserve.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg – Provisional edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     413k  815k
    Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg Provisional edition

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
    President

     
    1. Resumption of the session

     

      President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on Thursday, 10 October 2024.

     

    2. Opening of the sitting

       

    (The sitting opened at 17:03)

     

    3. Statements by the President

     

      President. – Dear colleagues, on the results of the presidential election and referendum in Moldova, the people in Moldova have chosen their future: they chose hope, stability, opportunity. They chose Europe.

    (Applause)

    The European Parliament strongly condemns any activities and interferences in Moldova’s presidential election and constitutional referendum on EU integration.

    We are proud to be one of Moldova’s strongest allies and supporters. We understand that Moldova’s future lies within the European Union and we fully support its EU accession path.

    President Maia Sandu and her government have already made remarkable progress in implementing reforms. And while the road ahead may not always be easy, I want to assure our European Moldovan friends that the European Parliament will continue to be with them every step of the way.

    Also, dear colleagues, on 16 October we marked 7 years since the brutal assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, a Maltese investigative journalist who exposed corruption and organised crime. Those who thought they could silence her were wrong. In fact, her work sparked a movement that echoes in every corner where we pursue a Europe that protects journalists, that respects the rule of law.

    I am grateful to have known Daphne beyond her writing: as a woman battling the odds; as a mother who was so proud of the men her boys grew into; as a daughter, wife and sister who wanted more from her country. And she raised the bar for all of us in politics. But most of all, today I think about how we must keep Daphne’s memory alive; how the European Parliament will keep pushing for the truth, for justice and for accountability.

    It is for this reason that the European Parliament is proud to be hosting the fourth edition of the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for outstanding journalism. And I take this moment to encourage you to attend the award ceremony this Wednesday in the Daphne Caruana Galizia Press Room, to honour the bravery of all those who continue to carry her legacy forward.

    This House remembers her and we honour her legacy.

    (Applause)

     

    4. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

     

      President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sitting of 10 October 2024 are available. Are there any comments? No? The minutes are therefore approved.

     

    5. Composition of Parliament

     

      President. – The competent authorities of Poland have notified me of the election of Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz to the European Parliament, replacing Marcin Kierwiński with effect from 10 October 2024.

    I wish to welcome our new colleague and recall that she takes her seat in Parliament and its bodies in full enjoyment of her rights, pending the verification of her credentials.

     

    6. Composition of committees and delegations

     

      President. – The PfE Group has notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within the committees and delegations. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

     

    7. Negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading (Rule 73)

     

      President. – The TRAN Committee has decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading, pursuant to Rule 73 of the Rules of Procedure.

    The positions adopted by Parliament at first reading, which constitute the mandates for those negotiations, are available on the plenary webpage, and their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    8. Corrigenda (Rule 251)

     

      President. – The competent committees have transmitted nine corrigenda to texts adopted by Parliament.

    Pursuant to Rule 251, these corrigenda will be deemed approved unless, no later than 24 hours after their announcement, a request is made by a political group or Members reaching at least the low threshold that they be put to the vote.

    The corrigenda are available on the plenary webpage. Their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    9. Signing of acts adopted in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure (Rule 81)




     

      Marc Botenga (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, vous savez que, sur la base de l’article 188, les députés européens gagnent facilement 14 000 euros par mois. Pourtant, chaque année, notre groupe demande de baisser ces salaires pour que les députés soient un tout petit peu plus en phase avec la réalité des travailleurs, qui, eux, peinent à boucler les fins de mois. Chaque année, ce vote permet de démasquer les députés qui, d’une part, prêchent l’austérité et la misère pour les travailleurs, mais, d’autre part, s’octroient, eux, un salaire généreux de 14 000 euros par mois.

    Mais aujourd’hui, en coulisses, vous nous dites que ce n’est plus acceptable et vous voulez empêcher ce vote – je sais bien, chers collègues, que vous ne voulez pas que l’on touche à vos privilèges. Vous nous dites que ces revenus sont garantis par d’autres textes. Mais justement, en refusant aujourd’hui de voter le budget nécessaire, nous pouvons ouvrir cette porte pour faire le premier pas et revoir tout cela.

    L’année dernière, vous aviez permis ces amendements. Qu’est-ce qui a changé, qui ne serait plus vrai aujourd’hui? Serait-ce parce que la campagne électorale est terminée? Madame la Présidente, je vous prie, revoyez cette décision. La politique sert à servir et non à se servir.

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Botenga. I will give you the explanation.

    You file a point of order under Rule 188, which is actually a point of order, but I will answer you. The amendments tabled by your group on the lines and figures of the general budget 2025 concerning salaries and allowances, etc., have been examined and declared inadmissible, simply because we want to apply the rules.

    And I will tell you why: it is because they are in contradiction with the existing regulations, in other words, the Statute for Members of the European Parliament and the Council Regulation determining the emoluments of EU high-level public office holders, based on Articles 243 TFEU and 223 TFEU. So the right procedure would be to call on the responsible institutions to amend the mentioned regulations.

    However, you will have seen as well, in this spirit, that the corresponding amendment that you tabled to the resolution on the general budget calling for this change has been declared admissible, because that can be declared admissible.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, quero expressar o meu total desacordo com a sua decisão discricionária e sem fundamento de recusar, sem justificação, a proposta de debate sobre o agravamento da situação humanitária em Gaza, na sequência das declarações do coordenador especial da ONU para o processo de paz no Médio Oriente. Na quinta-feira, a ONU declarou que mais de um milhão e oitocentos mil palestinianos enfrentam fome extrema. Ontem mesmo, aquele coordenador especial da ONU emitiu um comunicado falando de pesadelo, cenas horripilantes na zona norte, ataques israelitas implacáveis e uma crise humanitária cada vez pior e, cito, que «nenhum lugar é seguro em Gaza», condenando os contínuos ataques contra civis. Aquele responsável disse: «A guerra tem de parar agora».

    Apesar de tudo isto ter acontecido em condições que permitiam que o debate aqui fosse feito, a senhora presidente recusou aceitar sequer a proposta. Desafio-a a colocar à votação este pedido de debate. Enquanto continuarem a chover bombas em Gaza, a morrer crianças, mulheres e civis, este debate será sempre urgente e imprescindível.

     
       


     

      Virginie Joron (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, chers démocrates, chers légalistes, je souhaite faire un rappel au règlement. Son article 219 prévoit le respect de l’égalité des genres dans la composition des bureaux des commissions. Cette égalité n’est pourtant pas respectée, pas plus que le résultat des urnes, c’est-à-dire de la démocratie.

    En effet, Madame la Présidente, vous avez accepté de ne pas respecter la démocratie en accordant une dérogation au principe de l’égalité des genres pour M. Weber dans plusieurs bureaux de commissions, ignorant par là même plus de 20 millions de nos électeurs.

    Comment pouvez-vous accepter que la commission CONT, qui contrôle le budget de l’Union européenne – et qui doit donner l’exemple –, continue de ne pas respecter nos règles? Vous souhaitez exporter l’égalité des genres jusqu’au Kazakhstan ou encore lui consacrer une semaine en décembre, mais ce principe n’est déjà pas respecté au sein de la commission CONT, au cœur même de notre institution. En ne disposant pas d’une quatrième vice-présidence, la composition du bureau de la commission CONT viole notre règlement.

    Madame la Présidente, je vous remercie de faire le nécessaire pour mettre un terme à cette hypocrisie et respecter notre devise, «Unie dans la diversité».

     
       


     

      Manon Aubry (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, ça tombe bien, j’avais envie de vous parler de démocratie et de faire un rappel au règlement sur la base de l’article 154, qui traite des accords interinstitutionnels, pour évoquer l’état des négociations entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur. Je vais commencer, chers collègues, par une question assez simple: qui trouve normal que le plus important accord de libre-échange jamais conclu par l’Union européenne soit en train d’être signé en catimini, sans que notre Parlement ait la moindre information, quelle qu’elle soit? Allez-y, dites-moi qui est d’accord avec cela et levez la main.

    Vous le voyez bien – et j’ai fait le compte –, cela fait exactement cinq ans que la Commission européenne n’a pas donné ni publié le moindre compte-rendu officiel sur l’état des négociations. Bien entendu, cet accord de libre-échange aura un impact désastreux sur nos agriculteurs, qui souffrent déjà, sur la santé et sur la planète.

    Mes chers collègues, c’est aussi un scandale démocratique. Comment accepter d’être ainsi tenus à l’écart? C’est pourquoi, Madame la Présidente, je vous prierais de demander des comptes à la Commission européenne afin qu’elle nous tienne enfin informés, parce qu’on ne peut pas se laisser ainsi «bananer». Il est temps!

     
       


     

      President. – As you can see, your colleagues agree with you. This is something that has been an outstanding issue and we can put pressure on the incoming Commission to respect the deadlines that we have set.

     

    10. Order of business


     

      Terry Reintke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case.

    Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: ‘Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration’.

     
       



     

      Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, I think it is clear and already stated that this request should not be supported. It’s very clear. It’s not about a protocol about Italy and Albania, as you say in what you’re asking for. Also, it’s not even a final decision in the court, and it’s also a decision based on an EU directive that actually will be replaced once the new migration pact is fully adopted.

    I think it’s also about the general question, because we had a request in plenary before, from the Patriots, about another decision. We could, of course, make this Chamber nothing else than debating different court decisions. I think when it comes to migration policy, we should be serious, we should be balanced, and we should use our time to actually debate real things and not only try to make court decisions that you may like or not like to be in favour of them.

    So that is why the EPP will reject this request.

     
       


     

      Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, nous savons que le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile et la politique migratoire ont occupé l’essentiel du Conseil européen de la fin de la semaine dernière. C’est un sujet de préoccupation pour nos concitoyens.

    Nous sommes fiers, tous ici dans cette Chambre, d’avoir adopté un pacte, d’avoir trouvé un équilibre pour traiter la question de la migration illégale, tout en respectant nos valeurs. Nous savons aussi, chers collègues, qu’il nous faudra encore deux années pour le mettre en œuvre. Nous ne pouvons dès lors pas accepter qu’un État membre utilise une voie détournée pour contourner ce que prévoit le pacte et les règles précises que nous avons définies ensemble.

    C’est pourquoi nous proposons de rebondir sur la proposition des Verts et d’ajouter la dimension «mise en œuvre du pacte» dans son ensemble, c’est-à-dire vis-à-vis de ses devoirs, de l’application de ses règles, mais aussi des garanties des droits de l’homme et du respect des droits fondamentaux que nous y avons intégrés. C’est dans cet esprit que nous proposons ce débat amendé.

     
       

     

      President. – Ms Reintke, do you agree with the alternative proposal? So the Green Group does not. Therefore, I will put the original request by the Green Group to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    I now ask Ms Keller: do you want to keep your request? Yes, Ms Keller wants to keep the request, so the proposal from the Renew Group is now put to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    So the agenda remains unchanged.

    The agenda is now adopted and the order of business is thus established.

     

    11. International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (debate)

     

      President. – The first item is the debate on Parliament’s statement on the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (2024/2881(RSP)).

    Dear colleagues, last week, on 17 October, we marked the International Day of the Eradication of Poverty. Poverty is not inevitable. It is a challenge that we can – and we must – overcome. Across the world, far too many people still struggle. Far too many people do not have access to clean water, to clothing, shelter, health care or education. And far too many people are excluded from society, denied the possibility of a dignified job, not given the opportunities to achieve their potential. Given that 1 in 5 Europeans and 1 in 4 children under the age of 18 in the European Union is at risk of poverty or social exclusion, the reality is as serious as it is alarming.

    Here in the European Parliament, we refuse to be bystanders. We are proud of all the work we have done already in making our Europe a front-liner in the fight against poverty, and yet more work remains. Poverty is a symptom of inequality, and we understand the responsibility that we bear to ensure that every person – no matter who they are or where they come from – has a chance to live with dignity, with purpose.

    This is why the European Parliament is looking forward to seeing the European Union’s first anti-poverty strategy that was announced in the 2024-2029 Political Guidelines of the European Commission. This is a positive step forward. By investing in education, affordable housing and job creation, by ensuring our social safety net works, we can lift millions out of poverty.

    This House will continue turning our policies into concrete action, and we will continue to fight for fairness, for dignity and for opportunity for all.

     
       


     

      Gabriele Bischoff, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat: Wir sprechen inzwischen von 100 Millionen Menschen, die in Europa, einem der reichsten Kontinente, von Armut und sozialer Ausgrenzung bedroht sind; Frau Präsidentin hat es gesagt: mehr als jeder fünfte Mensch hier in Europa. Und dieser Internationale Tag zur Abschaffung der Armut, der muss wirklich ein Weckruf hier sein, weil wir mehr brauchen.

    Ja, wir brauchen eine Armutsstrategie, aber wir brauchen auch konkrete Politiken, und eine davon ist in der Tat, dass wir ein festes Budget von 20 Milliarden in einem eigenen ESF+ für die Kindergarantie brauchen, um die 19 Millionen Kinder – 19 Millionen, denen die Zukunft gestohlen wurde – besser vor Armut zu schützen, und wir brauchen Maßnahmen.

    Aber wir dürfen nicht nur national bleiben, sondern nach den Verträgen ist Armutsbekämpfung auch das Hauptziel der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik. Das muss so bleiben und muss unser Kompass sein zur Bekämpfung der Armut auf der ganzen Welt.

     
       

     

      Malika Sorel, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, 34 % des Européens renoncent à des soins médicaux, et nombre de jeunes, de nos jeunes, sont en grande souffrance. C’est la tiers-mondisation de nos nations. L’Europe d’Hippocrate, de Pasteur et de Marie Curie n’est même plus capable de soigner les siens, tandis qu’elle érige en dogme la préférence extra-européenne.

    Alors que la pauvreté touche chacune de nos nations, la Commission va verser 1,8 milliard d’euros à la Moldavie. De plus, l’immigration issue des couches sociales les plus pauvres bat des records. Pour Enrico Letta, aucune réforme, aucun progrès ne sera possible sans la participation des citoyens. Cette participation, je vous le dis, est impossible, car ces conditions ne sont pas réunies.

    Relisons Jean-Jacques Rousseau: «Voulons-nous que les peuples soient vertueux? Commençons donc par leur faire aimer la patrie: mais comment l’aimeront-ils si la patrie ne leur accorde que ce qu’elle ne peut refuser à personne?». Nous sommes là au cœur du mal qui détruit l’Europe. Chers collègues, j’aimerais comprendre: est-ce l’indifférence – ou pire: le cynisme – qui conduit à nous lamenter sur une pauvreté que nous organisons?

     
       

     

      Chiara Gemma, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la povertà non è soltanto una questione economica: è una piaga sociale che mina la dignità e la speranza delle persone. Combatterla è un dovere morale e una responsabilità politica che deve impegnarci tutti, senza eccezioni.

    C’è un aspetto che merita una particolare attenzione e che troppo spesso viene trascurato: la condizione delle persone con disabilità, che sono tra le più esposte al rischio di povertà. I dati parlano chiaro: il 28,8% delle persone con disabilità in Europa vive in condizioni di povertà e di esclusione sociale.

    Questo dato è inaccettabile, soprattutto se pensiamo che stiamo parlando di una categoria già vulnerabile, che deve affrontare non solo le difficoltà economiche, ma anche le barriere strutturali, culturali e sociali che la società impone.

    Non possiamo tollerare che in un’Europa che si proclama “paladina dei diritti umani e dell’inclusione”, quasi un terzo delle persone con disabilità viva in condizioni di disagio economico. La nostra forza si misura dalla capacità di includere chi è già più debole.

     
       

     

      Charles Goerens, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, la lutte contre la pauvreté doit se manifester tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Cela étant, la pratique semble confirmer ce propos.

    L’Union européenne n’a certes pas réussi à éliminer la pauvreté, comme chacun de nous le souhaiterait. À sa décharge, rappelons que ses compétences sont insuffisantes pour régler ce problème. Les États membres, par contre, disposent de moyens ô combien supérieurs à ceux dont dispose la Commission. À ce propos, l’on constate que les États membres qui ont de meilleurs résultats en matière de lutte contre la misère chez eux sont souvent les mêmes que ceux qui s’impliquent le plus dans la coopération au développement en faveur des pays du Sud.

    Cette corrélation n’est pas anodine. Elle nous fait penser que la solidarité est indivisible. C’est donc une question de cohérence, une question d’équité, qui s’applique dans le même esprit tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Pour appuyer mon propos, il suffit de lire les rapports annuels du Programme des Nations unies pour le développement et d’en comparer les résultats à ceux obtenus en matière de lutte contre la misère au sein des États membres.

     
       


     

      Leila Chaibi, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, en France, 1 jeune sur 4 vit sous le seuil de pauvreté, et 1 étudiant sur 2 est obligé de sauter un repas par jour. Vous vous souvenez de ces files d’attente interminables devant l’aide alimentaire pendant la pandémie de COVID-19? Ces images, elles avaient fait le tour du monde. C’était il y a quatre ans. Et que s’est il passé depuis? Rien.

    Pourquoi l’Union européenne ne demande-t-elle pas aux gouvernements de proposer le repas à 1 euro pour les étudiants? Pourquoi continuons-nous à agir comme si la pauvreté était un phénomène météorologique, une espèce de catastrophe naturelle? Non, la pauvreté ne tombe pas du ciel. Sans inégalités, il n’y a pas de pauvreté. Bernard Arnault, l’homme le plus riche du monde, a vu sa fortune dépasser les 200 milliards d’euros, soit plus que le PIB de la Slovaquie. Imaginez ce qu’on pourrait faire avec cette somme. On pourrait faire 200 000 hôpitaux, 40 000 écoles.

    Vous voulez agir contre la pauvreté? Taxez les plus riches, taxez les multinationales, allez chercher l’argent là où il est.

     
       

     

      Petar Volgin, от името на групата ESN. – Скъпи колеги, дълго време силните на деня обясняваха, че когато глобализацията окончателно победи, когато бъдат премахнати всички държавни граници и всички държавни пречки пред бизнеса, ние ще станем богати и щастливи. Разказваха ни, че когато милионерът стане милиардер, това ще направи и нас, обикновените хора богати. Защото нали според постулатите на така наречената „трикъл даун” икономика („trickle down economy“) или икономика на просмукването, приливът повдигал всички лодки. Само че действителността се оказа много по-различна.

    Да, богатите ставаха още по-богати, милионерите ставаха милиардери, но лодките на обикновенните хора не се повдигаха, даже много от тях потънаха. Колкото повече държавата минаваше на заден план, толкова повече се увеличаваха неравенствата и бедността. Има само един начин, по който може да бъде преодоляно това. Държавата отново трябва да стане активна. Тя трябва да създаде такива правила, които да помагат на работещите хора да живеят по-добре. Наднационалните институции няма да направят това. Те се грижат за интересите на мега корпорациите. Нужна ни е повече държава и по-малко транснационални институции.

     
       


     

     

      Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR), în scris. – Prin acțiunile sale, Uniunea Europeană s-a declarat responsabilă pentru înverzirea Globului, pentru eliminarea surplusului de carbon, pentru tot ce e „eco” și „bio” la nivel mondial, pentru salvarea migranților, precum și pentru încetarea unor războaie din afara granițelor UE.

    Totuși, când vine vorba de sărăcia în care trăiesc unii dintre europeni, mai ales despre construirea unor programe concrete și asigurarea unui buget corespunzător pentru acest lucru, rămânem la stadiul de discuții frumoase. Iată că marcăm o zi oficială pentru eradicarea sărăciei, în loc să o eradicăm efectiv. În România, unul din cinci cetățeni trăiește sub pragul sărăciei, cifrele fiind mult mai ridicate în rândul tinerilor. Pe acești oameni, ziua internațională a eradicării sărăciei nu îi ajută. Este nevoie de bani și de măsuri concrete.

    Sigur, e onorabil să avem o astfel de zi, nu ne opunem, dar haideți să ne concentrăm mai mult pe fapte și mai puțin pe discursuri pompoase, care au zero efect în asigurarea hranei copiilor săraci ai Europei sau în oferirea unor programe care să-i încurajeze să-și continue studiile.

     

    12. Address by Enrico Letta – Presentation of the report ‘Much More Than a Market’

     

      President. – The next item is the debate on the address by Enrico Letta – presentation of the report ‘Much more than a market’.

    We have today with us former Prime Minister of Italy Enrico Letta to present his report ‘Much more than a market’. Caro Enrico, welcome back to the European Parliament. Your report came at an extremely timely moment.

    As we embark on a new legislative term, this House recognises that the future of Europe will be defined by our ability to make ourselves more competitive; how we are able to grow our economies and pay back our debts, to fuel our innovation and turn seemingly impossible challenges into opportunities, to create jobs and futures with dignity. That is what our people are asking from us. It is why Europeans went to the polls last June, and what our voters are expecting us to deliver on.

    To do all this, we do not need to reinvent the wheel. We already have many tools in place. For over 30 years, the single market has been our Union’s unique growth model, a powerful engine of convergence and our most valuable asset. But we are again at a moment where the single market is in need of a boost.

    The time is now for us to renew our engagement to it, to deepen it, especially when it comes to energy, to finance, telecoms, banking, capital markets and services – to bring it back on par with the needs of the current context.

    Boosting it also means doing more to level the playing field, to reduce excessive bureaucracy and to cut red tape. This is how our single market works best. So, Mr Letta, dear Enrico, the European Parliament is eager to hear your findings and recommendations on how we can bolster our single market and make Europe more competitive.

     
       

     

      Enrico Letta, author of the report ‘Much more than a market’. – Madam President, esteemed Members, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to President Roberta Metsola, the Members of the European Parliament and the groups. It is a particularly emotional moment for me to do so in this Chamber once chaired by David Sassoli. The last time I spoke from this very place was to commemorate him some days after his death. His legacy and his commitment to European values continues to guide and inspire all of us.

    I must also express my deep gratitude to those who commissioned this report and entrusted me with the responsibility to undertake it: the Belgian and Spanish presidencies of the Council of the European Union, along with the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council. It is a great honour for me to be here today, especially after a year of engaging with the European Parliament: more than 20 meetings, groups, committees – the IMCO Committee in particular, subcommittees fostering meaningful dialogue and collaboration.

    This is a decisive moment for the life of the report. The pragmatic proposals it contains can only make a real impact if this very Chamber embraces and advances them.

    This report is not mine. I bear full responsibility for it, of course, but above all, it is the result of a collective exercise developed during a journey that spanned almost the entire European Union, reaching out also to candidate countries for accession and non-EU countries that share with us the single market. Throughout this journey across Europe, I visited 65 cities and took part in over 4 400 meetings, I engaged open social dialogue with all stakeholders. This was not an ideological pursuit, but a pragmatic endeavour. I traveled across Europe and engaged with all stakeholders to find common ground for tangible solutions. And there is one thing I want to stress out here: all the proposals contained in the report do not require Treaty changes. They are very concrete and can be implemented immediately.

    Madame la Présidente, par cette méthode j’ai cherché à honorer l’esprit même du projet d’intégration européenne. Un projet qui s’épanouit dans le dialogue entre les grands et les petits pays, entre les grandes villes et les petites communes, entre des modèles divers de relations industrielles, ainsi qu’entre différentes cultures et histoires. C’était la vision de Jacques Delors, à la mémoire duquel ce rapport est dédié.

    Jacques Delors visait à poser une base solide sur laquelle les grands idéaux européens pourraient prospérer. Il reconnaissait que la passion seule ne pouvait bâtir l’Europe. Il fallait des projets pragmatiques, qui améliorent concrètement la vie des citoyens. Jacques Delors croyait fermement que le succès de l’intégration européenne ne se mesurait pas à l’aune des bénéfices pour les États, mais à l’amélioration de la vie des citoyens. C’est cette approche que j’ai poursuivie et qui m’a inspiré en rédigeant ce rapport.

    The single market has been our greatest achievement. It has fuelled prosperity and it embodies our values. But it was born in a very different era, an era in which both the European Union and the world were smaller, simpler and far less interconnected. More than 20 years ago, we succeeded in integrating our currencies. We created the euro. We integrated this critical dimension which carries important emotional and practical significance for our citizens.

    However, we have not achieved the same level of integration in other key strategic sectors that, paradoxically, would have been far less difficult to integrate: sectors that are now vital for the future of the European economy, in particular. At the inception, three sectors were deliberately kept outside the single market, considered too strategic to extend beyond national borders: finance, electronic communications and energy. In reality, when it comes to these issues, Europe is merely a geographical expression. We are 27, not 1, on telecommunication. We have 27 financial markets, not 1 financial market. The exclusion of these sectors from the completion of the single market was motivated by the belief at that time that domestic control would better serve strategic interests.

    In an increasingly interconnected world and a vastly larger global market, the national dimension is no longer sufficient. It is becoming a ceiling in these sectors. We need to address this paradox, which is one of the main drivers of the current gap with other global powers, and we must act now. Inertia or inaction on this front risks reducing our choices to a single question: whether we want to become a colony of the United States or of China in ten years’ time. Telecommunications, energy and financial markets must be integrated, as we did for the euro. The integration of these sectors is a precondition for our competitiveness and security. There can be no security without independence in connectivity, energy and finance.

    In the report, I propose a roadmap for telecommunications to move from 27 separate markets to 1, from the approximately 80 operators of today to 10, 20 operators. I am not suggesting that we mimic the American or Chinese models here in Europe. These models do not adequately protect consumers as we aim to do in the European Union, but with a single telecoms market, 10, 20 operators can compete while ensuring consumer protection. At the same time, they will be larger and stronger on the global stage. That is what is not happening today with the fragmentation in 27 different markets.

    For energy, the key mission is to invest in interconnections. We must reduce the energy prices in Europe, and the only way is to maximise the diversification of energy sources through a highly interconnected European system. We win through cooperation, not through fragmentation. However, the most important sector to integrate is the financial one, which is in reality today the sum of 27 separate financial markets. This fragmentation is a major factor in Europe’s loss of competitiveness, creating the paradox of having a single currency, the euro, without a fully integrated financial market. We are falling behind the US, which has surged ahead in this sector over the last 15 years, and we are paying a steep price for it. Without a unified financial system, we will be unable to create a new paradigm for economic development, unable to innovate and unable to ensure our security.

    Having unified and significantly larger financial markets would allow Europe to invest in innovation and support its real economy. It would also enable Europe to effectively finance the Green Deal.

    During my journey, one topic has emerged as a priority everywhere: how to support and finance the just, green and digital transition. Let’s be very clear: the Green Deal remains the top priority for the coming years. It is no longer a question of whether Europe will pursue it, but rather how it will be achieved. The legislative term began with a debate on how to approach the Green Deal. In the report, I propose solutions for implementing it that reduce the potential social and economic consequences for Europe. We cannot allow the Green Deal to become a luxury that only the wealthy can afford in our societies. The social and economic dimensions of the Green Deal are essential.

    If we are committed to this, we must also clearly outline how we intend to finance it. Otherwise, we risk engaging in an unrealistic declaration of intent. Without a concrete plan on how to finance it, political backlash and delays are inevitable – outcomes that neither the EU nor the planet can afford. That is why all our energy must be focused on financially supporting the transition. We need an innovative set of tools that can leverage both public and private financing, as both are crucial to meet our massive investment needs.

    There are differing views within the European Union on how to address this funding challenge. We have to be honest: there are often opposing views on this matter. It makes no sense to ignore or hide these differences. But I firmly believe that the single market is not only a fundamental tool, but also the common ground where these diverse positions can converge.

    The initial priority should be to mobilise private capital, where the EU lags behind and has enormous untapped potential. Let me offer two clear as significant examples. Each year, EUR 300 billion of European savings cross the Atlantic to fuel the American financial markets and their real economy. This happens because our financial markets, fragmented as they are, are unable to absorb these resources. But the effect is a paradox. This money ultimately strengthens American companies, which then return to Europe to buy our European companies with our European savers’ money.

    We need a change in mindset. The current lack of integration of Europe’s financial markets is unacceptable. Take also the case of international payment systems: every day, each of us makes several credit or debit card transactions, billions of transactions in total. Yet Italians aren’t happy using a French system. The French aren’t happy using a German system. The Germans aren’t happy to use a Spanish one. As a result, we are all end up being happy to rely on an American system. This example alone highlights the inefficiency of our fragmented approach.

    We have to be pragmatic, not ideological. The fragmentation of Europe’s financial markets plays directly into the hands of other global players, keeping Wall Street and China satisfied and very happy. And this is why, in the report, I proposed the creation of the savings and investments union, building on the incomplete capital markets union. By fully integrating financial markets, the savings and investments union aims to close the gap in a sector where we have enormous potential and provide a concrete tool to finance our ambitions.

    What I want to emphasise is the importance of forging a strong link between the fair, green and digital transition and the financial integration of the single market. One of the main reasons the capital markets union failed to succeed is that it was seen as an end in itself. True financial market integration in Europe will only be achieved when both citizens and policymakers recognise that this integration is not just beneficial for the financial sector, but it is essential for achieving broader, more critical goals such as the fair, green and digital transition.

    Ultimately, progress in the area of private investments will enable us to tackle the role, structures and regulations governing public investments. As I have noted, this is a divisive issue, but it is essential that we confront it openly. Closing the current gap in private investments is a critical first step in moving this debate forward. The massive investment needs of the European Union require both private and public sources of funding. We must strike a balance between different sensibilities and pave the way for a more constructive, integrated and efficient funding strategy.

    This also extends to the debate on state aid. In the report, I have presented some ideas to overcome the current impasse. We need new solutions that can swiftly mobilise targeted national public support for industry, while also preventing fragmentation of the single market and ensuring a level playing field.

    Combining private resources and public investments, considering various instruments, is the only way to achieve a compromise in this chamber and within the European Council. Finance, energy and telecommunications are interconnected and serve as critical boost within a broader concept of security. However, the current geopolitical situation compels us to accelerate the strengthening of our common defence capabilities.

    Greater integration within our common market can serve as a pivotal tool to overcome existing duplications and inefficiencies, yet substantial investments are required. We need to act on this front, and we must do swiftly in order to preserve a crucial level of autonomy in our foreign security and defence policy.

    The EU must continue its unwavering support for Ukraine in its fight for freedom, while also striving to play a pivotal role in ending the conflict in the Middle East. Both are essential steps towards securing long-term peace and stability. To address this significant challenge, we must consider innovative financing mechanisms here as well. In the report, I propose several options, but I believe, and I want to underline here, the most pragmatic and impactful approach involves the use of the ESM, the European Stability Mechanism.

    One of the consequences of fragmentation and the lack of unity in key sectors is the difficulty we are facing in terms of innovation. The EU has not yet developed a robust industry capable of harnessing the benefits of the new wave of technological advancements. As a result, we have become increasingly reliant on external technologies that are now critical to European companies. It is essential that we unlock the full potential of the single market, and to do so, we need to leverage our unexploited common strength in research and development.

    The single market, as we know, was built on four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people. However, this structure is outdated and too closely aligned with the 20th century vision. I believe something is missing in today’s complex and dynamic environment, something intangible yet vital. The economy of the future will be driven by innovation, knowledge and tangible assets, a dimension that is vital to our progress.

    In the report, I argue for the addition of a fifth freedom, one that encompasses a range of essential fields: research, data, skills, knowledge, education. This is possible within the framework of the existing Treaties, as demonstrated in the report. This new fifth freedom will not just be about facilitating the movement of research and innovation outputs; it will embed the drivers of research and innovation at the heart of the single market. With this framework, the EU will not only better position itself as a global leader in setting ethical standards for innovation, but also as a creator and pioneer of new technologies.

    The EU’s ability to innovate depends also on creating an ecosystem where businesses can thrive. This is why the simplification of the single market rules is a central theme. It is a topic that I have heard repeatedly during my travels. However, when we speak of simplification, too frequently, these words are not followed by concrete, actionable proposals. In the report, I present two pragmatic proposals to significantly ease businesses’ access to the benefits of the single market. The first proposal is that EU institutions should unequivocally prioritise the use of regulations over directives when setting single market rules. This would reduce uncertainty and eliminate barriers. The second proposal is the idea of the ’28th regime’ to operate within the single market, a virtual 28th state that companies could choose for smoother, more practical operation at the European level. Both these proposals cover regulatory aspects that help to reduce bureaucracy without in an in any way undermining social standards, on which we do not want to see any race to the bottom. I’m very happy to speak on behalf and in front of the Commission on these topics.

    I conclude, Madam President: Jacques Delors always insisted on the crucial point of the importance of a single market with convergence, and the success of the single market is fundamental. If we add to the freedom to move the freedom to stay, the freedom to stay is fundamental for the people who want to stay in their own regions, with the idea to be allowed to grow up there and to have services of general interest across all the EU regions and also in the periphery regions.

    My conclusion: President von der Leyen’s decision to outline an ambitious plan for reform and relaunch of the European project, drawing on some of these ideas from both my report and that of Mario Draghi opens a window of opportunity we cannot afford to miss. In a time when divisions among us – between countries, political parties and populations are growing – I stand before you to affirm that the single market is what keeps us united. We must rally around it and remain firm in our commitment to the relaunch and completion of the single market. The question before us is clear: if not now, when? Now more than ever, we must defend, strengthen and relaunch the single market.

    I hope that with all these arguments, I have convinced you that, as I wrote in the title of my report, the single market is really much more than a market.

     
       

       

    PRZEWODNICTWO: EWA KOPACZ
    Wiceprzewodnicząca

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Letta.

     

    13. Empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU citizens (debate)


     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, lieber Enrico Letta, Herr Kommissar! Zunächst einmal im Namen der EVP-Fraktion einen großen Glückwunsch für diese intensive Arbeit und auch für die Präsentation der Ergebnisse hier.

    Es ist deutlich geworden, dass der Bericht und auch Sie ganz persönlich, Herr Letta, nochmals in Erinnerung rufen, dass der Binnenmarkt der Motor unseres europäischen Wohlstandes ist. Das finde ich beachtlich, weil natürlich ein Stück weit in den vergangenen Jahren in Vergessenheit geraten ist, dass der wirtschaftliche Austausch – egal ob es um Waren oder Dienstleistungen, egal ob es um Autos oder um Tourismus geht – im Zentrum dessen steht, was uns als Europäerinnen und Europäer reich und viele auch zufrieden macht.

    Deswegen, glaube ich, muss man an dieser Stelle noch einmal sagen: Der Binnenmarkt kann eben am besten entscheiden, was die richtige Leistung ist. Deswegen sollten wir den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern auch die Möglichkeit geben, dass sie entscheiden können in einem offenen Markt in Europa, welche Leistung, welchen Tourismusort, welches Auto sie kaufen können. Dafür ist der Titel vielleicht ein bisschen gefährlich, denn mehr als ein Markt bedeutet ja im Umkehrschluss, dass wir einen echten Binnenmarkt vollständig schon haben. Da, glaube ich, müssen wir sagen, gibt es noch einiges zu tun.

    Es gibt noch einiges zu tun, damit Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer problemlos von einem Land in ein anderes fahren können. Auch wenn sie das Recht, dort zu bleiben, wo sie sein wollen, behalten sollen, müssen sie die Freiheit genießen können – in der Überarbeitung der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 883/2004 –, die Grenze zu überschreiten. Deswegen, liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, meine Damen und Herren, glaube ich, die Anpassung an eine neue geopolitische Bedingung, die rasche Entbürokratisierung und die Kapitalmarktunion sind sicher Kernforderungen des Berichts, die wir alle unterstützen.

    Ich bin froh, dass Enrico Letta in die gleiche Richtung wie Mario Draghi gegangen ist. Deswegen, glaube ich, gilt es jetzt, dass die Europäische Kommission liefert: ein 28. Regime dort, wo es notwendig ist, eine neue Grundfreiheit und einen einheitlichen Telekommunikationsbinnenmarkt. Es gibt viel zu tun.

     
       

     

      Gabriele Bischoff, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President and dear Enrico Letta, I think it is very important that we still keep a vision of what we could do and what is possible, but where we lack the courage so far to do so. Jacques Delors always said that no one falls in love with the common market. That was true in the past, it’s also true today, but you show that it’s not only a single market, but it is what it does for people, how it enables people. And therefore we really have to boost the common market indeed, but also – in the spirit of Jacques Delors – to always have in mind that this always needs a strong social dimension going for it, if we want to also convince the citizens that it’s in their interest to do so.

    But I also have to say I could comment on many things, because your report is very rich. I want to highlight the fifth freedom, a fair mobility, a new push here for innovation, and to deliver for our citizens.

     
       



     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kollegen, wenn wir in der Welt über Werte wie Demokratie reden, hat man uns zugehört, weil wir ein attraktiver Markt waren. Der Binnenmarkt ist das Herzstück der EU – er hat uns wirtschaftlich stark werden und zusammenwachsen lassen. Doch der Binnenmarkt kränkelt vor sich hin, auch weil die Kommission zu wenig für seine Zukunft getan hat.

    Herr Letta gibt uns eine lange To-do-Liste mit: allem voran sind es massive Überregulierung, hohe Energiekosten, Steuern und Abgaben und on top noch ein mindset, das Innovation und unternehmerischem Erfolg misstraut. Das ist Gift für unseren Binnenmarkt, das ist Gift für Wirtschaftswachstum.

    Und wer jetzt die Lösung in neuen Steuern, Umverteilung und Subventionen sieht, ist doch aus der Zeit gefallen. Wir machen die EU nicht fit für die Zukunft mit Ideen von gestern, sondern mit strukturellen Reformen. Für mehr Wirtschaftswachstum brauchen wir jetzt einen radikalen Bürokratieabbau und eine Fastenkur für neue EU-Gesetze. Und es muss Schluss sein mit Protektionismus in unserem Binnenmarkt.

    Wachstum muss das Ziel sein, denn eine starke Wirtschaft schafft Arbeitsplätze, finanziert Bildung und unseren Sozialstaat und sorgt auch dafür, dass wir uns verteidigen können. Ein starker Binnenmarkt ist die Grundlage für unsere Gesellschaft, unseren Zusammenhalt und unsere Sicherheit.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lieber Enrico Letta, erst einmal vielen Dank für deinen Bericht und die gute Zusammenarbeit mit diesem Haus, insbesondere mit dem Ausschuss für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. Einige Leute sind ja fest davon überzeugt – und Gabriele hat es schon gesagt –, dass man sich nicht in einen EU-Binnenmarkt verlieben kann; einer davon hieß Jacques Delors.

    Aber ich muss schon sagen, dass die aktuelle Binnenmarktgesetzgebung ziemlich attraktiv ist, ein Schlüssel gegen die multiplen Krisen unserer Zeit. Mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte legen wir demokratische Regeln für die Onlinewelt fest. Mit der Gesetzgebung für die Kreislaufwirtschaft und dem Recht auf Reparatur machen wir Nachhaltigkeit zur Norm auf dem Binnenmarkt. Und – das ist wirklich ein Projekt zum Verlieben – das gemeinsame Ladekabel macht endlich Schluss mit unserem Kabelsalat in den Schubladen. Diese Beispiele zeigen, dass sich die Aufgabe, einen gemeinsamen europäischen Markt zu schaffen, in den letzten 30 Jahren weiterentwickelt hat.

    Von der Veränderung des Marktes mit seinen vier Freiheiten – Waren, Dienstleistungen, Kapital und Menschen – nutzen wir ihn heute immer mehr, um unsere gemeinsamen politischen Ziele zu erreichen: Souveränität, die Regulierung von großen Tech-Unternehmen, die Stärkung von Rechten von Verbrauchern und vor allem auch der Schutz unseres Planeten und des Klimas.

    Und das ist auch die Geschichte – finde ich –, die wir den Bürgern heute erzählen müssen. Tatsächlich wird sich niemand in die abstrakte Idee der wirtschaftlichen Integration verlieben. Aber die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der EU wollen hohe Verbraucherschutzstandards, eine gesunde Wirtschaft, Umweltschutz; und der Binnenmarkt und unsere Binnenmarktregeln können all das liefern, wenn wir es richtig machen.

    Ich finde, wenn wir die Unterstützung unserer Bürger erhalten wollen, muss der Binnenmarkt sie schützen. Riesige Proteste in ganz Europa und zwei gescheiterte EU-Verfassungsreferenden waren damals die Folge, als die Kommission bei der Marktintegration mit der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie zu weit gegangen ist. Dieses Parlament hat damals, 2006, den Vorschlag geändert und ausgewogener gestaltet. Wir haben in den vergangenen Jahren erfolgreich für eine stärkere soziale Dimension des Binnenmarktes gekämpft und müssen dies auch weiterhin tun.

    Ja, viele unsinnige Hürden im Binnenmarkt müssen schnellstens abgebaut werden. Aber Marktintegration darf niemals, aber auch niemals zum Abbau von Schutzstandards führen.

     
       

     

      Νικόλας Φαραντούρης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ κύριε Letta, σας καλωσορίζω στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Καλωσορίζουμε κάποιες από τις προτάσεις σας, όπως αυτές για μια κοινή φορολογική πολιτική ή για μια κοινή ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανική πολιτική. Δεν με βρίσκει όμως σύμφωνο η περαιτέρω απορρύθμιση των εργασιακών σχέσεων και η αποκλειστική έμφαση μονάχα στην κινητικότητα των επενδύσεων.

    Επίσης, σας καλώ, εσάς και την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, να λάβετε υπόψη σας το γεγονός ότι ένας βασικός πυλώνας της εσωτερικής αγοράς από δημιουργίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, η πολιτική ανταγωνισμού, οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού και η αντιμονοπωλιακή νομοθεσία, σε πολλές χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και στην ίδια την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν λειτουργεί. Υπάρχουν χώρες, όπως για παράδειγμα η δική μου χώρα, η Ελλάδα, όπου είναι απολύτως καρτελοποιημένοι κάποιοι κρίσιμοι κλάδοι της οικονομίας, όπως επίσης και κλάδοι βασικών κοινωνικών αγαθών. Γι’ αυτό, θα πρέπει να ενταθούν οι προσπάθειες, ξανά από την αρχή, ώστε οι βασικοί πυλώνες της εσωτερικής αγοράς, όπως είναι οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού, να γίνονται σεβαστοί και εφαρμόζονται αυστηρά.

    Καλώ, λοιπόν, την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, στο πλαίσιο του ευρωπαϊκού δικτύου ανταγωνισμού, να δείξει μεγαλύτερη προσοχή σε καρτελοποιημένες αγορές και να δώσει μεγαλύτερη έμφαση στην κοινωνική διάσταση της εσωτερικής αγοράς.

     
       

     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Der Binnenmarkt ist eine der größten Errungenschaften der europäischen Zusammenarbeit. Er ist ein lebendiges Beispiel dafür, wie souveräne Nationen gemeinsam ihre Ziele erreichen können, wenn sie ihre Kräfte in einem wichtigen Bereich bündeln. Der Binnenmarkt hat Innovationen angeregt und für zusätzlichen Wohlstand in Europa gesorgt.

    Doch heute sehen wir leider, dass sich die Europäische Union immer weiter von diesen zentralen Aufgaben entfernt. Statt sich auf ihre wenigen, aber entscheidenden Aufgaben zu konzentrieren, wie eben den Binnenmarkt, den Schutz unserer gemeinsamen europäischen Außengrenzen oder auch die Koordination einer gesamteuropäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft, mischt sie sich in immer mehr Lebensbereiche ein, in denen sie eigentlich nichts zu suchen hat.

    Anstatt den Schwerpunkt auf grenzüberschreitende Herausforderungen wie Handel, Wettbewerb, Innovation oder gemeinsame Sicherheitsstandards zu legen, wird die EU zunehmend zu einem Gemischtwarenladen, der sich um alles Mögliche kümmert, vom Weltklima bis zur Genderideologie, aber das Wesentliche vernachlässigt. Diese Überdehnung der EU-Aufgaben schreckt private Investoren und Entrepreneure ab und schadet damit ganz Europa. Doch jede Kritik an dieser Entwicklung wird sofort als antieuropäisch verunglimpft und sehr schnell in die Ecke der Europafeinde gesteckt.

    Dabei braucht Europa eine Rückbesinnung auf das, was wirklich wichtig ist, und nationale Souveränität ist eine Voraussetzung für eine funktionierende europäische Zusammenarbeit. Darum kann man uns Patrioten auch die Zukunft Europas anvertrauen, weil wir eben verstanden haben, dass mehr nicht immer besser ist. Wir wollen eine handlungsfähige Gemeinschaft europäischer Nationalstaaten, die den Binnenmarkt fortentwickelt, die Außengrenzen sichert und unseren Kontinent schützt.

     
       

     

      Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, a participação da União Europeia na economia global está a cair. As economias asiáticas ultrapassam‑nos a uma velocidade vertiginosa, tal como o relatório de Enrico Letta e o relatório de Mário Draghi o confirmam. As condições de vida dos europeus estão a degradar‑se. O PIB per capita nos Estados Unidos cresceu o dobro do europeu desde que foi criado o Mercado Único, em 1993. Portanto, não podemos continuar a ficar para trás.

    E o mais chocante é a nossa produção de bens essenciais, incluindo em áreas como a saúde, que desceu de 53 % para menos de 25 % em pouco mais de duas décadas. Estamos dependentes de outros, quando nunca precisámos tanto de garantir a nossa autonomia estratégica.

    Enrico Letta disse‑o ainda há pouco, mas continuamos, infelizmente, a ver mais de 300 mil milhões de EUR das poupanças dos europeus serem desviadas para fora da Europa. É trágico, porque estamos a financiar a economia dos outros, em vez de fortalecermos a nossa.

    Queremos ter um mercado mais competitivo, então precisamos de uma união bancária completa. Queremos proteger as poupanças dos nossos cidadãos e relançar a inovação, precisamos de uma união de mercado de capitais. E, acima de tudo, precisamos mesmo de reformar o mercado único europeu, acrescentando‑lhe a livre circulação do conhecimento, porque só com investigação e inovação seremos capazes de ter mais empresas competitivas a nível global.

    Creio que já temos relatórios o quanto basta. Precisamos mesmo é de decisões, e está na hora de as tomarmos.

    (A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Presidente, fazer a defesa do mercado único a partir da apologia da política de concorrência, ignorando a concentração e a centralização a que essa política e esse mercado têm conduzido, não nos serve de muito. Basta olhar para o setor bancário português e perceber que, sem o aprofundamento do mercado único, ficaram os bancos todos nas mãos de capital estrangeiro, com exceção da Caixa Geral de Depósitos, que, por ser pública, continua a ser nacional.

    Trazer aqui a defesa do mercado único a partir da ideia de que é isso que permite reduzir os preços – quando o setor energético mostra exatamente o contrário, com o aumento dos custos da energia – ou agora a partir do setor financeiro, achando que é isso que resolve os problemas, pode servir às multinacionais, mas não serve um país como Portugal, Senhora Deputada.

     
       


     

      Camilla Laureti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie a Enrico Letta per il rapporto. Alexander Langer diceva che la conversione ecologica potrà affermarsi solo se apparirà socialmente desiderabile: per questo in Europa servono investimenti comuni, perché il Green Deal è una rivoluzione necessaria che impatta sul modello di sviluppo e sulla vita delle persone, e nelle persone può generare paura.

    Se sapremo realizzarlo, avremo i cittadini al nostro fianco, le aziende più competitive e un’Europa più forte. Gli Stati Uniti, la Cina e l’India stanno andando veloci e in questa direzione – l’Europa non può permettersi di restare indietro. La risposta è un sistema comunitario di aiuti di Stato: dobbiamo integrare i principi dell’economia circolare per spingere sostenibilità e competitività.

    La libertà di muoversi, dice anche Letta nel rapporto, deve essere una scelta – oggi non lo è. Un terzo della popolazione europea vive in regioni che da anni sono immobili: le aree interne d’Europa. Qui si vince la sfida della crescita sostenibile, fatta di investimenti comuni, capaci di garantire i servizi di interesse generale per non lasciare indietro nessuno.

     
       

     

      Enikő Győri (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Az egységes piac az Unió legközérthetőbb értéke. Az olcsóbb repülés, vagy annak előnye, hogy otthoni szeretteinkkel ingyen telefonálhatunk, nem szorul magyarázatra. Persze szereztünk keserű tapasztalatokat is. Szolgáltatási irányelv, kiküldött munkavállalók, mobilitási csomag. Ezek elfogadásakor a Bizottság mindig a nyugat-európaiak érdekét tartotta előbbre valónak.

    Ahol az EU keleti fele versenyképesebb, ott nem akarta lebontani az akadályokat. A feladat tehát csak, hogy olyan területeken mélyítsük az egységes piacot, mely fokozza a versenyképességet, és földrajzi helytől függetlenül megkönnyíti a polgárok és cégek életét. Ne központosítsunk ott, ahol a kisebbek vagy fejletlenebbek rosszul állnak. Több összeköttetés tehát, de például az energia- vagy telekommunikációs szektor centralizáltásával bánjunk csínján, ne tűnjenek el a helyi szereplők, ne dráguljon a szolgáltatás. A pénzügyi piacok közötti átjárhatóság jó irány, de legyünk óvatosak a nemzeti felügyeletek egységesítésével, ne fojtsuk meg a kisebb nemzeti tőkepiacokat, amelyek nélkül nincs helyi ökoszisztéma.

    Elnök úr említette az ötödik szabadságot, a tudás mozgását. Ez nagyon klassz. Csak kérdezem, hogy az Európai Bizottság miért blokkolja a magyar kutatók részvételét a Horizont programban, vagy a magyar diákok mozgását az Erasmus program keretein belül? Regionális különbségek kiegyenlítése nélkül nincs versenyképesség. Az agyelszívás ellen tenni kell. Ösztönözni kell a helyben boldogulást. Tartsuk meg a kohéziós politikát, hiszen ezt az egységes piac ellensúlyozására találták ki, hol nehézségeket okozott. Ezt fenn kell tartani kondicionalitás nélkül, mert az durva politikai eszközzé vált a Bizottság kezében.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Letta, la relazione che discutiamo oggi mette in luce una delle sfide cruciali: il rafforzamento del mercato unico è senza dubbio un obiettivo fondamentale per il futuro dell’Unione europea.

    Tuttavia, non possiamo ignorare le criticità evidenti. Le eccessive regolamentazioni burocratiche rappresentano un ostacolo reale che rischia di soffocare l’innovazione e la crescita delle PMI. Se poi ci troviamo di fronte a perfidie come quella della direttiva ETS, giusto per citarne una, che mette a rischio la competitività delle infrastrutture portuali del Mediterraneo – come il porto di Gioia Tauro – con forti ricadute anche sul livello occupazionale, non parliamo di mercato unico, bensì di un distorto mercato unico.

    Per rilanciare la nostra competitività nell’ambito del mercato unico abbiamo bisogno di una politica economica adeguata e solidale, accompagnata da regole che vadano incontro alle esigenze di tutti gli Stati membri. Per questo è essenziale che il mercato unico non diventi un vantaggio riservato solo ad alcune aree: serve un mercato unico realmente inclusivo, che possa offrire opportunità anche alle regioni meno sviluppate, mettendo al centro l’uomo e non le “eco-follie”, e che sia a favore di famiglie, consumatori e imprese.

     
       

     

      Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, caro Enrico, le plus grand succès de l’Union, le marché unique, doit être renouvelé et complété. «Rico» Letta l’affirme avec force, et il a raison.

    Renouvelé, car il est impossible de réussir la transition écologique et numérique sans rendre le marché unique plus durable et plus simplifié pour les producteurs et pour les consommateurs. Complété, car il faut éliminer tous les obstacles qui empêchent les PME d’en profiter pleinement et qui nous empêchent d’avoir une union de l’énergie, des télécoms, des capitaux et des investissements. Le coût de la «non-Europe» est trop grand pour ne pas agir. L’approfondissement du marché européen pourrait générer jusqu’à 1,1 trillion d’euros de production économique supplémentaire par an.

    Il est aussi urgent – le rapport le dit très bien – de dégager les ressources sociales et économiques nécessaires à l’accompagnement du pacte vert et de la transition numérique.

    Enfin, nous devons développer une dimension extérieure du marché unique en lien avec notre politique commerciale. Dans ce cadre, nous devons également réformer les marchés publics, qui doivent aussi nous aider à réduire notre dépendance vis-à-vis des pays tiers. Cela doit être notre grande mission pour l’innovation et la compétitivité.

     
       


     

      Marcin Sypniewski (ESN). – Pani Przewodnicząca, Szanowni Państwo, jestem posłem od kilku miesięcy i jestem szczerze zdumiony, że w tym krótkim czasie po raz kolejny debatujemy nad nowym sprawozdaniem, które ma nam wskazać, jak mamy stać się bardziej konkurencyjni, bogatsi, silniejsi czy piękniejsi. Najwyraźniej oprócz biegunki legislacyjnej mamy również do czynienia z biegunką ekspertyz, analiz i sprawozdań. Zamiast tego polecam poczytać Rothbarda, Misesa czy Hayeka, których dzieła przetrwały próbę czasu we wskazywaniu, co jest dobre dla rozwoju gospodarczego i wolności jednostki.

    Noblista Fryderyk von Hayek wskazuje, że wiedza w swojej naturze jest rozproszona. To rynek za pośrednictwem cen przesyła informacje do przedsiębiorców i konsumentów. Dzięki temu rynek samodzielnie się stabilizuje i dostosowuje się do zmieniających się warunków i potrzeb. Politycy i urzędnicy nie są do tego w ogóle potrzebni. Alternatywą dla takiego spontanicznego i rozproszonego działania jest centralne planowanie, które wielokrotnie wprowadzane zawsze zawodziło, ponieważ politycy nigdy nie posiądą całości rozproszonej wiedzy.

    Rynek nie jest tabelką w Excelu, ale żywym, dynamicznie zmieniającym się organizmem, a prawdziwymi przywódcami na rynku są konsumenci. To ich wymagania starają się spełnić przedsiębiorcy. Rozwiązaniem, które ewentualnie pobudziłoby rynek, jest porzucenie praw własności intelektualnej w postaci chociażby patentów. Informacja może przecież znajdować się w kilku miejscach jednocześnie, bez wzajemnej szkody. Nie jest to dobro rzadkie, dlatego nie powinno być chronione jak własność prywatna. Własność intelektualna to sztuczny twór, a jej ochrona jest fikcją prawną. Chcecie bogactwa i dobrej przyszłości? Postawcie na rynek, a nie na biurokrację i na sprawozdania.

     
       


     

      Mohammed Chahim (S&D). – Voorzitter, de heer Letta is vrij helder in zijn analyse, net zoals de heer Draghi kort daarna. Het gaat echt ergens over, namelijk hoe kunnen we onze interne markt versterken? Hoe kunnen we de eenheid van Europa versterken? Hoe zorgen we ervoor dat we een sterke concurrentie krijgen binnen Europa, maar vooral ook met de rest van de wereld? En dit gebaseerd op een gelijk speelveld, op innovatie en op vergroening?

    Simpel gezegd zijn er twee stromingen in Europa: enerzijds conservatief rechts, dat de ontwikkelingen buiten de EU negeert, blind is voor de massale groene investeringen in de VS en wegkijkt van de modernisering van de Chinese economie; anderzijds een stroming die deze ontwikkelingen wil inhalen door meer – en niet minder – op Europese schaal samen te werken, te investeren in groene technologieën en ons niet te blijven blindstaren, zoals Draghi zei, op onze deels verouderde industrie.

    De keuze is simpel. Kiezen we voor modernisering en vergroening en dus voor vooruitgang? Of kiezen we voor nostalgie en stilstand?

    (De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag)

     
       



     

      Roman Haider (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Letta-Bericht benennt viele Probleme des Binnenmarkts richtig: steigende Energiepreise, mangelhafte Infrastruktur, vor allem bei den Hochleistungsbahnstrecken, Rückstand bei den Zukunftstechnologien, Überbürokratisierung vor allem. Das ist alles richtig; es ist nicht neu, aber es stimmt. So richtig aber die Analyse und die Diagnose im Letta-Bericht ist, so falsch sind leider die Vorschläge zur Verbesserung. Das war beim Draghi-Bericht so, und das ist auch beim Letta-Bericht so.

    Den beiden fällt zur Lösung der Probleme der EU nur eines ein: noch mehr EU, noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel, noch mehr EU-Institutionen, eine neue Fiskalkapazität, die Kapitalunion, und dabei ist aber genau das das Problem. Noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel bedeuten noch mehr Bürokratie, noch mehr unnütze Vorschriften, noch weniger Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten.

    Es ist höchst an der Zeit für neue Wege, für weniger Zentralismus, für weniger EU, für mehr Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten, mehr Subsidiarität und mehr Freiheit.

     
       

     

      Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! Od sukcesu jednolitego rynku zależy przyszłość Unii Europejskiej. Ten bardzo dobry projekt gospodarczy wciąż jest jednak daleki od ideału, gdyż ogranicza potencjał rozwojowy wszystkich państw członkowskich. Wreszcie możemy o tym głośno mówić.

    Istnieje wiele barier dla firm, zwłaszcza małych i średnich, które chcą prowadzić działalność ponad granicami w sektorze usług, transporcie, budownictwie czy handlu internetowym. Już zidentyfikowane problemy, takie jak geoblocking, gold-plating czy nadmierne i uciążliwe kontrole, skutecznie należy zwalczać. Europejski Zielony Ład jest wyłącznie kolejną taką barierą dla wzrostu gospodarczego.

    Nierealistyczne cele klimatyczne w takich obszarach jak rolnictwo, motoryzacja, transport czy budownictwo muszą zostać w tej kadencji Parlamentu zmienione. Zacznijmy w końcu deregulować, umożliwiać małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom dostęp do rynków zagranicznych, wspierać innowacje i cyfryzację. To przełoży się na wzrost zatrudnienia oraz niższe ceny towarów i usług dla Europejczyków.

     
       

     

      Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, the Letta report and the Draghi report are a wake-up call for the European Union in terms of digitisation, the Green Deal, our knowledge economy, investing in innovation, research and development, ensuring that we have growth and competitiveness. The single market, the internal market, is a cornerstone on which all of this is built, and we have to protect it and ensure that it prospers and flourishes.

    The fact of the matter is, at the moment we are very short on capital in the European Union to invest in all of the above. So we have to advance the Capital Markets Union and the Banking Union to ensure that we have the capital to invest in the knowledge economy, in the Green Deal and other areas of research and development.

    The free movement of people, goods and services and capital is the cornerstone. Of course, we do have some in this Chamber who are even trying to undermine the basic principle of free movement of people. We have to be very conscious that we can’t cherry‑pick the Single Market – free movement of capital, goods, services and people is the cornerstone and we must all defend it to the last.

    More broadly, over the next number of months, we have to ensure that we respond to the Letta report and the Draghi report in what they observe are the challenges ahead for our competitiveness.

     
       


     

      Fulvio Martusciello (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come sottolineato nella sua relazione e in quella di Mario Draghi, un solido mercato unico europeo è essenziale per la competitività delle imprese, perché può stimolare la crescita economica e l’innovazione, garantendo accesso al mercato ed eliminando la burocrazia inutile.

    L’Europa però ha bisogno di una forte strategia industriale per le tecnologie e le catene del valore, che promuova competitività, sostenibilità e innovazione. Questa strategia deve sviluppare una visione coerente, che dia priorità ad un quadro normativo, con politiche basate su dati scientifici e valutazioni di impatto approfondite, fornendo alle imprese la stabilità di cui hanno bisogno. Da questo punto di vista riteniamo molto positive le lettere di missione sulla creazione di una vera e propria economia circolare competitiva.

    Negli ultimi decenni le aziende europee hanno infatti investito miliardi di euro in tecnologie all’avanguardia, hanno generato enormi progressi nell’eco-design di prodotti, nella sicurezza dei consumatori e nell’industria del riciclo, dove l’Italia e l’Europa detengono posizioni di leadership mondiale, sia in termini di innovazione industriale che di sostenibilità ambientale.

    Purtroppo, l’eccesso di regolamentazione degli ultimi anni ha generato un’enorme incertezza, spingendo interi settori industriali a posticipare i propri investimenti, compromettendo gli obiettivi di crescita complessivi, con spreco di tempo e di risorse.

    In questo mandato sarà dunque necessario evitare a tutti i costi di produrre ulteriori iniziative legislative motivate da logiche falsamente ambientaliste e non basate su evidenze scientifiche, che rischiano di penalizzare le imprese europee. Sarà imperativo garantire la conformità con le norme europee da parte dei Paesi terzi, garantendo standard che riducano la dipendenza dai fornitori esteri e rafforzino la competitività dell’industria e delle economie europee per affrontare le sfide delle concorrenze globali di Cina e Stati Uniti.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor Letta, señorías, treinta años después de su creación, el informe Letta nos brinda una oportunidad única para avanzar hacia el futuro del mercado único en tres aspectos clave:

    En primer lugar, inspirados por Jacques Delors, apoyamos su idea de añadir una nueva libertad a la libertad de movimiento, que es la libertad de permanecer en el rincón de la Unión Europea que queramos. No queremos solo una Unión donde podamos movernos libremente en busca de una vida mejor: también queremos cohesión, oportunidades y desarrollo en todas las regiones de la Unión Europea, y acceso a la vivienda para proteger las zonas rurales y las más pobladas.

    En segundo lugar, necesitamos profundizar en la integración del mercado de capitales y el de las telecomunicaciones porque, como bien dice el señor Letta, no es coherente que compartamos una moneda única, pero tengamos aún fronteras digitales y prefijos nacionales.

    Y, en tercer lugar, la quinta libertad, la del conocimiento y la innovación. Nos quedan cinco años para profundizar en el mercado único y hacer que más europeos se enamoren de esta idea, tal como quería Jacques Delors, en contra de la extrema derecha que está aquí en esta Cámara sentada.

     
       

     

      Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Priekšsēdētājas kundze! Godātais Lettes kungs, es pilnīgi piekrītu jūsu ziņojumam, ka vienotais tirgus ir kaut kas vairāk kā tirgus, un arī jūsu norādītām nepilnībām gan sektoru ziņā: finanses, enerģētika, telekomunikācijas un it īpaši privātā kapitāla izvietošana.

    Ja kopumā Eiropā ir 33 triljonu eiro uzkrātā kapitāla un katru gadu 300 miljardi eiro tiek investēti ārpus Eiropas Savienības, Amerikā un citās vietās, tad kaut kas nav kārtībā ar šo. Un ar publisko naudu vien mēs nespēsim izdarīt tos uzdevumus, kas ir nepieciešami Eiropas Savienībai gan militārās industrijas jomā, gan zaļā kursa, gan paplašināšanās, gan citās jomās.

    Jūsu ieteiktās zāles arī ļoti vērā ņemamas par piekto pamatbrīvību, par Uzkrājumu un investīciju savienību. Bet dažas zāles, kā, teiksim, radīt siltumnīcas apstākļos Eiropas čempionus, kas var kļūt par globāliem čempioniem, es ļoti baidos, ka tas to nesasniegs. Vēl jo vairāk tas var noplicināt no perifērijas gan naudas resursus, gan arī cilvēku – gudrāko cilvēku – resursus uz dažiem centriem Eiropā, kas varbūt nebūs Eiropas Savienības veiksmes stāsts.

     
       


     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Madam President, Mr Letta, you’re absolutely right when you say that the single market is the best tool that we have to increase opportunities, improve our well-being and the living standards for all of the citizens across the European Union. And we absolutely can’t take it for granted, because if we do, it’s going to fail. Your report, which is really welcome, helps to illuminate many of the current problems that we are seeing and that the single market is facing.

    Europe’s economy is not growing strongly enough. Our small businesses are not given the opportunity to grow and to scale up. Approximately 30 % of the high-value companies founded in the EU between 2008 and 2021 relocated their headquarters out of the EU, and mostly to the US. Some 60 % of the issues that we identified by businesses in 2002 still exist in the European market today, because progress on removing the barriers has been so slow, and it’s particularly true in the case of our service industry.

    We see the distorting effects of current rules around the EU state aid rules, which allow larger countries to subsidise businesses at the expense of smaller ones, like my own, Ireland. In 2023, almost 80 % of EU state aid came from just two Member States, and 85 % from three Member States.

    Europe will not be able to spend its way out to growth. Instead, we must reduce the unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy that everybody has been speaking about daily since I arrived here in June. But it’s also vital to avoid EU protectionism in the form of high external tariffs, a hostility towards investment from third countries and an over-reliance on those subsidies.

     
       

     

      Estelle Ceulemans (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur Letta, Mesdames et Messieurs les Commissaires, chers collègues, il est aussi bon de rappeler que le rapport de M. Letta sera – Mme von der Leyen l’a elle-même dit – l’un des fils rouges de la prochaine Commission. Il était donc vraiment important que vous veniez nous le présenter et que nous puissions en débattre aujourd’hui.

    Merci, Monsieur Letta, de reprendre les mots de Jacques Delors, artisan du marché unique, qui nous dit que le marché n’est pas une fin en soi: il est là pour améliorer la vie des citoyens, qui ne sont pas que des consommateurs. Le marché unique a en effet permis de développer la prospérité et la compétitivité, mais il a aussi creusé les disparités et la pauvreté – comme cela a été dit dans le débat précédent, qui nous rappelle que, malheureusement, 1 Européen sur 5 fait face à un risque de pauvreté.

    Merci, donc, Monsieur Letta, de rappeler que le marché ne peut fonctionner que sur la base de politiques sociales fortes, et de rappeler aussi qu’il faut, sous cette législature, investir dans les deux transitions, pour qu’elles soient justes. Je voudrais rappeler aussi que nous attendons de la prochaine Commission qu’elle s’engage, tout comme l’a fait M. Nicolas Schmit, sur des matières sociales importantes.

     
       

     

      Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, piața unică europeană este o idee foarte bună, care, din păcate, în anumite domenii de activitate nu funcționează așa cum trebuie. Vă dau trei exemple: piața de energie, acolo unde România, care produce mai multă electricitate decât consumă, plătește cele mai mari facturi din Uniunea Europeană. A doua disfuncționalitate, care este încă nerezolvată, ține de agricultură. În continuare, cerealele și anumite produse alimentare exportate din Ucraina ajung pe piața românească, bulgărească sau poloneză și creează o concurență neloială producătorilor agricoli autohtoni.

    Merită subliniat și refuzul implementării procesului de convergență externă, care ar trebui să ducă la egalizarea subvențiilor pentru fermieri în toate țările Uniunii Europene. Nu în ultimul rând, recent, Curtea de Justiție a Uniunii Europene a declarat nelegale mai multe prevederi din pachetul de mobilitate orientate împotriva transportatorilor din România, ceea ce confirmă raportul Draghi. Există în continuare o suprareglementare a pieței unice și aceasta afectează competiția liberă. Aș mai puncta și faptul că uciderea spațiului Schengen de către țările care introduc controale generale la frontieră și statele care țin încă România și Bulgaria pe margine afectează în continuare buna funcționare a pieței unice.

     
       

     

      Ľudovít Ódor (Renew). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, tak ako vidíme aj z tejto diskusie, skutočný jednotný trh je niečo, na čom vieme stavať aj v tomto Parlamente, a musíme v najbližších rokoch urobiť maximum pre to, aby sme tento koncept rozšírili aj na ďalšie sektory. Rád by som upozornil na tri veci, ktoré sú pre mňa prioritné. Po prvé, svet sa zmenšil a trhy sa trošku zmenili. V digitálnom svete dominujú tí najlepší. Víťaz berie takmer všetko, dosť dobre už nestačí. Potrebujeme naozaj silných európskych globálnych hráčov, a nie desiatky trpaslíkov. Po druhé, svet inovácií je aj o riziku. Bohužiaľ, náš bankami dominovaný finančný systém, a ako aj občania preferujú menej rizika, a preto bez Únie, úspor a investícií, ako aj lepšej finančnej gramotnosti to tak aj zostane. Peniaze máme, no nevieme ich dostať k inovatívnym firmám. A po tretie, pri dobrých nápadoch a podnikaní nemôžeme tolerovať bariéry pri prechode každej vnútornej hranice.

     
       


     

      Marc Angel (S&D). – Madam President, the single market is the crown jewel of the European construction, and in my eyes gives the EU a competitive advantage. A stronger single market means a more competitive Europe.

    Mr Letta, as your excellent report shows, we can improve a lot and we must perfect it. We need better implementation of the existing rules. We need to ensure that it contributes to a more sustainable and a more social Europe, and we need to consider strengthening integration in crucial sectors, as a stronger single energy market, for example, driven notably by better interconnectivity, can lead to more secure and affordable energy and cheaper electricity bills for companies and our citizens.

    Furthermore, for the S&D Group, more integration means more competitiveness for our companies, better consumer protection and more prosperity for Europeans – while adopting national solutions will lead to more fragmentation and ultimately a weaker Europe.

    Further harmonisation of rules also means less bureaucracy and a reduced administrative burden for our companies, especially for SMEs, which will no longer have to navigate through a jungle of 27 different sets of national rules.

    So let us leverage the power of integration to tap into the full potential of the single market.

     
       

     

      Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Madam President, thank you, Mr Letta, for your excellent report. Well, of course, the single market is a strength of the EU: it’s the main instrument. This is how we achieve our goals. But what are actually our goals today? Let me remind you that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is still going on. And the Russian attack on an EU country is possibly, still, a question of the nearest future.

    And that’s why I really like the part in your report which deals with a common market for security and defence industries. This is a real necessity for the EU right now. Some 80 % of the military help to Ukraine is right now spent on non-European materials.

    But how to achieve that common market? European investment in defence is lagging. It is very seriously hindered by red tape, by excessive regulatory requirements, by fragmentation. There is an immense potential of a single market in defence industry, but one must have a political will to implement it – and quickly. Time is running out.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione Letta, unitamente a quella del Presidente Draghi, arrivano all’inizio di questa legislatura, che io vorrei diventasse riformatrice, ambiziosa, coraggiosa ma responsabile, perché l’Unione europea non sia più spettatrice in una scena globale ma diventi protagonista.

    E abbiamo gli strumenti per farlo: un mercato unico che in questi anni non solo è stato strumento di integrazione ma ha consentito la nostra crescita economica e la prosperità, uno strumento che va semplificato da un punto di vista burocratico, ma soprattutto rafforzato, per esprimere ulteriormente le sue potenzialità e affrontare le nuove opportunità.

    Così come è necessario arrivare a un mercato unico dell’energia, un mercato finanziario che permetta ovviamente di garantire condizioni di competitività. E allora noi abbiamo davanti a noi sfide importanti, per le quali solo un mercato unico forte potrà garantirci un futuro all’altezza delle nostre ambizioni climatiche, sociali e produttive.

     
       

     

      Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, señor Letta, es un placer tenerle aquí en un momento en el que estamos empezando a definir las prioridades de este mandato y, sin duda, acelerar la integración del mercado único —especialmente en el ámbito de los servicios, donde aún tenemos relevantes problemas, como ha expuesto en su informe— es absolutamente necesario.

    Pero me va a permitir decirle que lo que más me ha llamado la atención del informe es la exigencia de evitar la huida de ahorro europeo a otras jurisdicciones. Porque algunos llevamos años en esta Cámara pidiendo reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente de algunos países —superávits por cuenta corriente que, en algunos casos, llegan a dos dígitos en relación con el PIB de esos países— y, ciertamente, en los debates que teníamos aquí en estos años, nadie o muy pocos me seguían.

    Y yo creo que es importante que, ahora que pedimos que el ahorro se invierta en Europa, seamos capaces de explicar a la Cámara que lo que estamos pidiendo es más demanda interna y reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente que ahogan el crecimiento de la Unión Europea.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, zajedničko tržište jedno je od najvećih europskih postignuća.

    Svaka kriza produbljuje nejednakosti na tržištu, bogati se još više bogate, siromašni postaju još siromašniji. Troškovi života najveći su problem u cijeloj Europskoj uniji, a nejednakosti između i unutar država članica u cijenama, plaćama, mirovinama i stopi siromaštva se samo povećavaju.

    Izvješće ističe zaštitu potrošača kao jedan od uvjeta za pošteno tržište, ali geoblocking, teritorijalne barijere, viši rast cijena hrane u istočnoj Europi samo su neki od gorućih problema. Izvješće hvali Zakon o osnaživanju potrošača u zelenoj tranziciji na koju sam i sama ponosna, ali rješenje je provedba naših pravila u svakom dijelu Europske unije. Više od 80 posto građana moje zemlje smatra da su potrošači nezaštićeni protiv tržišnih igrača.

    Moramo ojačati europske alate, potrošačke udruge, inspekcijski nadzor i svijest građana o vlastitim pravima. Ne smijemo biti oni tamo negdje u Bruxellesu. Mi moramo raditi za ljude.

     
       


       

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      Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, gospodin Letta ispravno govori o tome što ubrzanje integracije unutarnjeg tržišta ima jednu geopolitičku važnost u današnjim uvjetima.

    Ja bih to nadopunio time što unutarnje tržište moramo isto tako i povezati s procesom proširenja. Pogledajmo, na primjer, situaciju na zapadnom Balkanu, ima puno političkih problema. Ne smijemo čekati da se oni riješe, da te zemlje postanu punopravne članice, nego bismo ih već prije mogli, doduše možda na jedan postupni način, ali već prije mogli integrirati u naše jedinstveno tržište. Kao što, na primjer, činimo kada je u pitanju roaming. Mislim da je to jedan dobar primjer, ali moramo to proširiti i na druge slobode.

    Na taj način će i ljudi u toj regiji imati svoje pravo na ostanak, a Europska unija će imati veći utjecaj i više će pridonijeti stabilnosti tog dijela europskog kontinenta.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, domnule Letta, vă salut și în această săptămână. Aș spune multe. În primul rând vă felicit: este o radiografie corectă, dar nu numai o radiografie, sunt și măsuri concrete. V-aș întreba, estimați dumneavoastră oare cât din acest raport se va aplica? Pentru că, iată, noua comisie nu are un comisar, nu există un portofoliu pentru piața internă. Cine se ocupă atunci de piața internă? Cum să ne ducem la măsurile concrete pe care le-ați spus dumneavoastră? Ați spus că piața unică ne unește; este oare o piață unică acum?

    Sunt de acord să avem cea de a cincea libertate de mișcare, dar cel puțin o libertate de mișcare ne lipsește acum, domnule Letta. Știți oare cât a pierdut o țară care de 17 ani nu este în spațiul Schengen și are costuri la transport? Cât a pierdut economia țării mele? Apoi, avem acum, când vorbim, îngrădirea în interiorul spațiului Schengen a granițelor. Deci trebuie – toată piața unică, e adevărat, ați spus că ne unește – dar trebuie să luăm cu pragmatism măsuri care să ducă la rezultate și la o viață mai bună a oamenilor.

     
       

     

      Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le istituzioni europee hanno deciso di affidare ad Enrico Letta l’incarico di scrivere una relazione sul futuro dell’Europa. Eh, niente, fa già ridere così.

    Letta è l’ex leader del Partito democratico, ex premier della sinistra in Italia, volto di punta dei socialisti europei: rappresenta praticamente tutti i responsabili del disastro dell’Unione europea degli ultimi anni, tra l’altro sonoramente sconfitti in Italia.

    Per Letta la transizione verde è indispensabile e bisogna accompagnare agricoltori, imprese, industria dell’auto: esattamente ciò che però la sua maggioranza non ha fatto. Anzi, grazie a voi questi settori sono in crisi. Letta ci ricorda che l’Europa non deve cedere sul ruolo di leader nel settore manifatturiero: ma è proprio grazie ai vincoli, tasse e burocrazia volute dall’Europa che ci troviamo in questa condizione.

    Enrico Letta: uno che ha uno strano concetto di democrazia e ci ha tenuto a dire che i cordoni sanitari sono fondamentali per fermare le destre. Lui, proprio lui, che ha ribadito che servono più migranti regolari per lo sviluppo, andando contro diversi Paesi, anche socialisti, che finalmente dicono che bisogna fermare l’immigrazione.

    Insomma, veramente vogliamo farci dare lezioni da Letta, colui che dice che l’ex ministro Fornero è stato un ministro ottimo quando invece ha solo distrutto il nostro Paese?

     
       


     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, visto a partir do conselho de administração de uma multinacional, o aprofundamento do mercado único pode parecer um filão; visto a partir da realidade dos trabalhadores e dos povos, das micro, pequenas e médias empresas, das possibilidades de desenvolvimento de um país como Portugal, o aprofundamento do mercado único é um pesado fardo que nos arrasta para o fundo.

    Há algumas décadas atrás, o militante do PCP e ex‑deputado deste Parlamento, Sérgio Ribeiro, antecipava que a transferência de instrumentos de política para a esfera supranacional, nomeadamente através da transferência da política monetária e financeira para o BCE, conduziria a uma política tendencialmente única. Por meio do mercado único e das políticas que lhe estão associadas, que o senhor Letta hoje adjetiva de motor de mudança da União Europeia, retirou‑se capacidade de decisão aos governos nacionais, abriu‑se mais espaço à concentração e centralização do capital, colocaram‑se sob ataque os direitos sociais e laborais.

    O aprofundamento do mercado único serve às multinacionais, mas não serve ao desenvolvimento económico nem à justiça social.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, dear honourable House, dear people of Europe, Mr Letta, before I came here to this Parliament, I finished my law studies at the University of Cologne. During this time, I put a lot of effort into learning the four European freedoms: the freedom to move people, services, goods and capital. And I can tell you, learning all the law-related details – especially the court rulings – that was a pain in the ass, indeed. Names like Dassonville or Cassis de Dijon, who will tell you here nothing, send a shiver down the spine of every law student.

    But at the same time, whenever I opened my books, I felt love for Europe. Because what is Europe if not the idea of freedom? And that’s why, Mr Letta, I would like to take the time to give you my deepest support for one of the main ideas of your report: the implementation of a fifth freedom – the freedom of research, innovation, knowledge and education. Because as Europe is an idea, ideas should roam free on this continent.

     
       

       

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      Giuseppe Lupo (S&D), per iscritto. – Penso che il Parlamento europeo debba condividere e sostenere la strategia della relazione Letta per modernizzare il mercato unico dell’UE.

    Condivido in particolare che, se vogliamo che il mercato unico migliori davvero la vita della gente, deve avere un’anima che è il dialogo sociale, che deve fare partecipare e coinvolgere le persone, la società, i corpi sociali intermedi, i sindacati dei lavoratori e delle imprese, rilanciando il dialogo sociale come lo ha voluto e praticato con successo Jacques Delors, anche grazie alla collaborazione dell’allora segretario della CES, Emilio Gabaglio.

    La grande sfida da affrontare, credo, sia adesso la promozione di una politica fiscale comune, per sostenere con condizioni fiscali di vantaggio le aree territoriali più deboli, superando le differenze dei sistemi fiscali nazionali che ostacolano la leale concorrenza.

     

    14. Implementation of the Single European Sky (debate)


     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 30 000 Flüge täglich, 600 Mio. Passagiere jährlich, über 500 000 Arbeitsplätze bei Fluggesellschaften, weniger als 17 000 Arbeitsplätze in der nationalen Verkehrskontrolle, überlastete Flughäfen, ein Flickenteppich an Strecken aufgrund der Flugsicherung entlang nationaler Grenzen – das ist das Bild des letzten europäischen Monopols: die Flugsicherungsdienste.

    Ich bin heute hier, um Sie zu bitten: Sagen Sie Ja zu kürzeren Strecken, zu mehr Effizienz, zu mehr Leistungen, zu mehr Zusammenarbeit, und Ja zu einem wirklich europäischen einheitlichen Luftraum. Warum gibt es kein Leistungsüberprüfungsgremium? Warum gibt es nicht ein gemeinsames Leistungssystem? Warum gibt es nicht einen europäischen Netzwerkmanager? Das sind alles wichtige Elemente, um die Leistungen der Flugsicherung zu verbessern und den Schaden für die Passagiere zu begrenzen. Fluglotsen behalten ihren Arbeitsplatz, sie werden weniger gestresst arbeiten, sie werden besser arbeiten, weil sie mit ihren Nachbarn zusammenarbeiten. Ich bin hier, um Ihnen zu sagen: Ja, wir können Flüge sicherer, kürzer, umweltfreundlicher und erschwinglicher für den Durchschnittsbürger der Europäischen Union machen.

    Wir haben hier ein riesiges Potenzial. Milliarden Euro wurden sowohl von der Europäischen Union als auch von privaten Interessenträgern im Rahmen des SESAR-Projektes investiert. SESAR liefert den digitalen europäischen Luftraum. Es liegt nun in unserer Hand, aber wir können uns nicht nur auf Investitionen in Technologien verlassen. Während der technologische Fortschritt durch das SESAR-Programm fortgeschritten ist, sind die Strukturreformen, die hier erforderlich sind, um sowohl die Kapazitäts- als auch die Umweltperformance zu erreichen, seit mehr als einem Jahrzehnt ins Stocken geraten und halten uns in der Vergangenheit fest. Hier haben die Mitgliedstaaten auch nicht mitgemacht, die standen auf der Bremse.

    Sehen Sie sich nun allein diesen Sommer an: Von Juni bis August haben die Flugsicherungen in Europa 16,9 Millionen – ich wiederhole: 16,9 Millionen – Minuten an Verspätungen im europäischen Netzwerk angehäuft. Das waren 41 % mehr als im gesamten Sommer 2023. Zum Vergleich: Im Jahr 2017 – im ganzen Jahr – gab es 15,9 Millionen Minuten. Wenn man die wetterbedingten Verspätungen herausnimmt, dann haben sich die Verspätungen im Vergleich zum Sommer 2023 um 82 % erhöht, und nur sieben nationale Flugsicherungen haben 85 % dieser Verspätungen verursacht.

    Das zeigt, dass die Situation von Jahr zu Jahr schlechter wird – leider –, insbesondere jetzt, da der Flugverkehr wieder das Niveau von vor der Pandemie erreicht hat. Diese Reform, die wir nun hier haben, die wird gebraucht, sie wird dringend gebraucht! Die Schaffung eines wirklich einheitlichen europäischen Luftraums wurde viel zu lange von den Mitgliedstaaten blockiert, die nicht bereit waren, sich auf eine Restrukturierung der Flugsicherung zum Wohle der Allgemeinheit, zum Wohle der Passagiere einzulassen.

    Dank der unermüdlichen Arbeit von Herrn Marian-Jean Marinescu, unserem Berichterstatter der EVP, für den einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum und für EASA in den letzten 16 Jahren werden wir nun in der Lage sein, diese neue Luftraumverordnung umzusetzen. Hier möchte ich aber auch an die großartige Arbeit von Herrn David Maria Sassoli, unserem verstorbenen Parlamentspräsidenten, erinnern, mit dem Herr Marinescu zusammen an der EASA-Grundverordnung gearbeitet hat. Ich möchte aber auch meinen sozialistischen Kollegen Bogusław Liberadzki nicht vergessen, der mit Herrn Marinescu stark zusammengearbeitet hat, so wie es jetzt Johan Danielsson mit mir tut.

    Gestatten Sie mir, Frau Präsidentin, die Mitgliedstaaten nun aufzufordern, die Fehler, die wir noch haben, nun zügig bei der Umsetzung umzuarbeiten. Es besteht ein riesiges Potenzial zum Wohle der Bürgerinnen und Bürger und um am Ende auch die Klimaziele einzuhalten. Also, wir müssen weiterarbeiten.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Fru talman! Varje år genomförs omkring en miljard resor med flyg inom EU. Över tid har flyget blivit en allt viktigare del av vår vardag och vår ekonomi. För ett land som Sverige är en välfungerande flygtrafik avgörande. Vi har stora avstånd och är glest befolkade. Flyget knyter samman vårt land, vår kontinent och kopplar oss till omvärlden.

    Men sektorn står inför stora utmaningar. Under 2023 var nästan tre av tio flyg mer än 15 minuter försenade. Den genomsnittliga förseningen per flygning i Europa är cirka 18 minuter. Samtidigt står flyget globalt för omkring 2 till 3 % av våra totala koldioxidutsläpp.

    I dag liknar Europas luftrum ett stort pussel där varje land har sin egen bit, och tyvärr passar inte alla bitar ihop. Det leder till omvägar, till väntetider och till onödiga kostnader. Singel European Sky ska lösa delar av detta pussel. Efter mer än ett decennium av förhandlingar har vi äntligen nått fram till en överenskommelse.

    Lagstiftningen handlar om att göra flyget säkrare, punktligare och klimatvänligare. Det gynnar resenärer, det kommer att gynna industrin och det kommer att gynna klimatet. Och det är ett viktigt steg för att modernisera Europas luftrum.

    Jag vill tacka alla som arbetat med det här förslaget. Ett särskilt tack till tidigare föredragande Bogusław Liberadzki och Marian-Jean Marinescu, som jobbade med detta oförtröttligt under den föregående mandatperioden. Och så ett tack till Jens Gieseke, min medföredragande den här gången. Det visar vad vi kan åstadkomma om vi arbetar tillsammans över partigränserna i det här huset.

    Men låt mig vara tydlig: Singel European Sky är ingen revolution – det är en evolution. Det är en kompromiss som tar oss i rätt riktning. Vi kommer att se förbättringar och effektivitet och samordning. Men även om förändringarna kanske inte blev så stora som vi hade tänkt oss, innehåller det viktiga steg framåt.

    Vi stärker till exempel övervakningen på EU-nivå, vilket kommer att vara avgörande för att säkerställa att våra europeiska regler efterföljs. Förändringarna ger oss en god plattform att bygga vidare på mot ett enhetligt, effektivt och hållbart europeiskt luftrum.

    Enligt beräkningarna kan Singel European Sky bidra till att minska koldioxidutsläppen med upp till 10 % per flygning. Det här är ett viktigt steg och en del av lösningen för att också göra flyget mer hållbart.

    Men vi måste fortsätta arbetet på flera fronter. Vi kommer att behöva säkerställa en marknad för hållbara flygbränslen. Vi kommer att behöva fortsätta arbeta med ökad effektivitet i bränsleförbrukningen i flyget. Vi kommer också att se till att de fantastiska innovationer som är på väg fram, inte minst för att elektrifiera regionalflyget, kan få en praktisk omsättning på vår europeiska flygmarknad. Jag ser fram emot en bra debatt i dag och ett bra beslut senare i veckan. Och jag är hoppfull om att resultatet kommer att bli ett bättre europeiskt luftrum.

     
       

     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, let me start by wholeheartedly thanking Mr Gieseke, Mr Danielsson and the TRAN Committee for all the great work that they have been doing. But let me also thank the former rapporteurs, Mr Marinescu and Mr Liberadzki, who might be with us virtually, for successfully concluding the interinstitutional negotiations with the Council on the regulation on the implementation of the Single European Sky.

    Ladies and gentlemen, our skies – and the two rapporteurs have said that – need fixing for the good of passengers, airlines and the environment. And to illustrate what is really at stake here, let me just recall this summer, when every second flight was delayed. Every second flight was delayed. And we all know how that feels and what it is like.

    Now some of those delays were unavoidable, for example because of bad weather conditions. But if you then go into the details, you will find that many of those delayed and cancelled flights could actually simply have been reduced by improving the way we manage air traffic today. And that is, of course, the ultimate aim. That is the ultimate aim of this new regulation.

    This agreement will update rules which are 15 years old. Let me be clear – and it was said here before – it is not as ambitious as the Commission, and I feel many in this room, would have wanted. And some would consider it far away from our original plan. But what is also true is that it does represent a clear step forward, and it improves the performance of the European airspace and the provision of air navigation services in the years to come.

    The new rules will strengthen the European network, tackling the fragmentation of European airspace, and they will reduce congestion and suboptimal flight routes, which today create delays for our passengers, extra fuel consumption and unnecessary CO2 emissions.

    Ladies and gentlemen, the agreement will also stimulate innovation and facilitate new services for air traffic management. It will create incentives to reduce the environmental footprint of aviation. For example, air navigation service providers will now have to introduce environment and climate performance targets on a wider range of services. The charges that airlines will need to pay for flying over our skies will be more favourable for those carriers emitting fewer CO2 emissions and with less impact on the environment.

    Finally, more know-how will be introduced when we regulate the performance of monopoly air navigation service providers. A new performance review board will be created to support the Commission, bringing independent expertise and improving the temporary solutions that we have today.

    Madam President, honourable Members, please allow me to conclude. More than 10 years have passed since the Commission presented what was then its original proposal. Believe me, it was not an easy task. In order to reap the benefits that the agreement brings, in my view it is now urgent that the Parliament finalises the adoption of the regulation by supporting the Council’s first reading position this week. Implementation work can then start as soon as possible.

    Thank you very much, once again, in particular to the TRAN Committee and the rapporteurs, and I’m very much looking forward to the continuation of our interaction today.

     
       

     

      Sophia Kircher, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir reisen heute fast grenzenlos durch Europa. Doch über den Wolken, wo die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos scheint, stoßen wir im EU-Luftraum immer noch auf viele unsichtbare Grenzbalken – dadurch wird der europäische Luftverkehr stark eingeschränkt. Flugzeuge fliegen oft unnötige Umwege, weil veraltete nationale Vorschriften das erzwingen. Das führt zu Verspätungen, zu Kosten und 10 % mehr CO2-Ausstoß pro Jahr.

    Der Grund dafür: Der europäische Luftraum gleicht aktuell einem komplizierten Fleckerlteppich aus vielen nationalen Vorschriften. Statt eines gemeinsamen europäischen Systems mit einheitlichen Bestimmungen überwacht derzeit jeder Mitgliedstaat seinen Luftraum eigenständig, ohne eine ausreichende Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten.

    Mit diesem Gesetzespaket schaffen wir nun die Grundlage für mehr Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten, die wir so dringend brauchen, und somit werden wir in Zukunft günstiger, schneller und nachhaltiger fliegen können. Das ist eine Win-win-Situation für uns alle. Trotz dessen bleibt noch viel zu tun. Mit diesem Gesetzespaket gelingt uns ein wichtiger Schritt, aber es liegen noch viele Meilen vor uns.

     
       

     

      Matteo Ricci, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo oltre dieci anni di trattative, siamo finalmente giunti a un accordo sul cielo unico europeo, un tema che incide direttamente sulla vita quotidiana di milioni di cittadini.

    Tuttavia, dobbiamo essere chiari: il testo che adotteremo domani non è all’altezza delle aspettative. L’Europa ha bisogno di uno spazio aereo unificato con una gestione integrata e rotte dirette per ridurre ritardi, costi e soprattutto l’impatto ambientale.

    Oggi la frammentazione del nostro spazio aereo genera inefficienze gravi, costando ai passeggeri tempo e denaro. Ogni ritardo si traduce in maggiori emissioni e questo è un prezzo che il nostro pianeta non può più permettersi di pagare.

    Il regolamento che ci apprestiamo a votare promuove una maggiore cooperazione tra le autorità nazionali ma non impone regole vincolanti per una vera integrazione dello spazio aereo europeo. È un compromesso necessario, ma non sufficiente.

    Personalmente lo considero solo un primo passo. Non dobbiamo fermarci: l’Europa ha bisogno di un cielo unico europeo per essere più competitiva.

     
       

     

      Julien Leonardelli, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, nous nous défions de tout projet qui penche vers le fédéralisme, à plus forte raison lorsqu’il est placé sous l’égide de la Commission européenne. Cela ne nous empêche pas d’être pragmatiques et responsables. Le projet de ciel unique européen vise, nous dit-on, à faciliter les trajets aériens à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne et à faire économiser 5 milliards d’euros par an de kérosène pour les compagnies aériennes.

    La Commission européenne ne pouvait que briller sur ce sujet technique, qui bénéficie d’un véritable consensus européen. Cette initiative, soutenue par une large majorité, ne devait être qu’une formalité. Mais la Commission, trop occupée à outrepasser ses compétences, en oublie ses objectifs premiers. Ce texte ne verra pas l’instauration d’un ciel unique européen, malgré des années de tractations. La montagne a accouché d’une souris. C’est en tout cas ce qui ressort des positions des professionnels du transport aérien, qui ne cachent pas leur déception à l’égard de ce texte.

    Le maintien d’un millefeuille à la fois administratif et technocratique ne plaît à personne. Pendant que l’Europe brasse du vent et se penche sur un texte ridicule, qui ne change rien tant ces changements sont insignifiants, les Etats-Unis, eux, produisent déjà en très grande partie la nouvelle génération de carburants par des subventions massives dans la recherche et l’industrie. En matière d’industrie comme d’énergie, les pays européens restent à la traîne, et la Commission européenne n’y est pas pour rien. Madame von der Leyen, sur la souveraineté faites preuve de plus de retenue, et sur le ciel unique montrez plus d’ambition.

     
       


       

    PREȘEDINȚIA: VICTOR NEGRESCU
    Vicepreședinte

     
       

     

      Jan-Christoph Oetjen, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zehn Jahre hat es gedauert, dass wir dieses Gesetz, diesen einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum, auf den Weg gebracht haben. Nicht etwa, weil wir hier im Parlament lange gebraucht hätten, sondern es hat an den Mitgliedstaaten gelegen, die sich sehr lange hinter nationalen Kompetenzen versteckt haben. Diese nationalen Kompetenzen haben dazu gedient, zu kaschieren, dass es in den Mitgliedstaaten staatliche Monopole in der Flugsicherung gibt, die sie nicht angetastet sehen wollen. Und zur Wahrheit gehört: So richtig antasten tun wir sie jetzt auch nicht. Das, was wir machen, ist keine Reform, sondern ein Reförmchen, aber sie adressiert wichtige Themen.

    Wir kriegen endlich dieses performance review, das heißt endlich ein Benchmark für die Flugsicherung – ob sie gut funktionieren, ob sie genügend Leute haben, wie es klappt mit den Verspätungen, an denen – nicht immer, aber sehr häufig – eben auch die Flugsicherung mit Schuld ist.

    Wir haben eine Kapazitätsfrage, die sich dadurch adressieren lässt, und von daher können wir am Ende dieser Reform zustimmen. Aber sie ist weit von dem entfernt, was wir uns eigentlich erhoffen und was wir bräuchten, damit wir die Verspätungen in Europa endlich in den Griff bekommen.

     
       

     

      Merja Kyllönen, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, yhtenäisellä eurooppalaisella ilmatilalla on pitkä historia. Tavoitteena on vähentää viivytyksiä, lisätä turvallisuutta, lieventää ympäristövaikutuksia ja alentaa palvelujen tarjoamiseen liittyviä kustannuksia ilmailualalla. Euroopan ilmatilan pirstoutumisen vähentäminen tehokkaammalla ilmaliikenteen hallintajärjestelmällä on enemmän kuin tarpeellista. Vaikka politiikka on edennyt, niin SES ei ole onnistunut saavuttamaan täysin siltä odotettua edistystä. Tämän seurauksena Euroopan ilmatila on edelleen valitettavan pirstoutunut, kallis, tehoton ja kapasiteettiongelmat jatkuvat nopeasti kasvavan lentoliikenteen vuoksi. Työn on siis jatkuttava, paikoilleen emme voi jämähtää.

    Nykyinen sääntelykehys on pitkän aikavälin työ. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaisia toimijoita. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaista vääntöä sellaisia historian paloja, taisteluita, joita muun muassa Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta ja Espanja kävivät aikanaan, esimerkiksi Gibraltarin osalta. Kun Brexit poisti tämän esteen, komissio on muuttanut alkuperäistä ehdotustaan, ja hyvä niin.

    Jäsenvaltiot tarvitsevat laajaa yhteistyötä ja koordinointia toiminnallisissa ilmatilan lohkoissa, myös yhtenäisen eurooppalaisen ilmatilan sääntelykehyksen luomisen jälkeen. Tässä säädöksessä tunnustetaan olemassa olevien yhteistyöjärjestelyjen arvo ilmatilan hallinnan tehostamisessa ja lentoliikennevirtojen optimoinnissa tietyillä maantieteellisillä alueilla.

    Liikenteessä yleisesti, mutta lentoliikenteessä erityisesti, turvallisuusnäkökulma korostuu ja siksi kaikissa muutoksissa on mentävä ehdottomasti turvallisuusnäkökulma edellä. Safety first! Ja ihan pakko on sanoa rakkaat terveiset aina upealle taisteluparilleni Marinesculle. Ja rakkaat terveiset myös britti Jodie Fosterille, jota ei voi kyllä tämä talo unohtaa. Olisinpa videoinut parhaat palat uusille päättäjille. Piccolino, magnifico, amato David Sassoli.

     
       

     

      Siegbert Frank Droese, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Seit 20 Jahren plant die EU einen einheitlichen Luftraum, aber wenig ist passiert. Wir teilen die Kritik der Airlines an dem Vorschlag der Kommission zum einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum. Es wird zu höheren Steuern führen, mehr Bürokratie, mehr Berichtspflichten – all das wollen wir nicht. Europa ist bisher schon ein sehr sicherer Luftraum. Warum also auf Biegen und Brechen die Kompetenzen der nationalen Flugsicherungsdienste beschneiden und alles in den EU-Topf werfen?

    Es muss nicht alles harmonisiert oder einheitlich zertifiziert werden. Wichtig dagegen wäre für uns die Abschaffung von Sanktionen, z. B. gegenüber Russland. Dann könnten Flugzeuge schneller und vor allem umweltschonender nach Asien fliegen und so CO2 reduzieren. Aber immer neue Steuern und Vorschriften vertreiben Fluggesellschaften aus Europa und verteuern das Fliegen unnötig. Wir wollen, dass auch in Zukunft sich der Arbeiter noch seinen wohlverdienten Urlaubsflug leisten kann und nicht nur die Eurokraten.

    Die Kommission könnte sich unserer Meinung nach mal mit wichtigen Dingen beschäftigen, beispielsweise mit der Migration, oder vielleicht gibt es in Zukunft auch Tausende von Abschiebeflügen zu organisieren – da würden wir gern mal einen schönen Vorschlag hören. Diesem Vorschlag, der hier vorliegt, können wir nicht zustimmen.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Damen und Herren! Der berühmte deutsche Lyriker Reinhard Mey sang einst „Über den Wolken, da muss die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos sein“, und in diesen Worten steckt aus europapolitischer Sicht endlos viel Wahrheit. Denn über den Wolken gibt es keine Grenzen, da ist man einfach irgendwo über Europa. Deswegen unterstütze ich die Aktualisierung des Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraums, auch wenn sie halb so lange gedauert hat, wie ich auf dieser Welt bin.

    Gleichzeitig sollten wir aber nicht aufhören, wo wir jetzt angefangen haben, und über weitere Dinge nachdenken. Ich möchte Ihnen da zwei Sachen vorschlagen.

    Zum einen braucht es eine Gebührenanpassung für klimafreundliche Flüge. Wir haben in der Vergangenheit gemerkt, dass wir vor allen Dingen über so etwas die Entwicklung in der Gesellschaft steuern können, und der Klimawandel kennt nun mal keine Grenzen.

    Zum anderen benötigen wir einen einheitlichen europäischen Luft-Datenraum. Wir müssen also den Datenaustausch zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten im Luftverkehr optimieren und damit effizienter machen, denn auch Daten kennen keine Grenzen. Die Arbeit am Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraum ist wertvoll – sie ist noch nicht vorbei.

     
       

     

      Alvise Pérez (NI). – Señor presidente, ¿de verdad este Parlamento no entiende lo que se pretende hoy aquí, imponiendo el Cielo Único Europeo?

    No se trata de fomentar la competencia, no se trata de mejorar ninguna descentralización ni de ahorrarnos un 10 % más de CO2. Esa es la gran farsa: ¿qué poder en Europa está más centralizado que la propia Comisión Europea? ¿Qué entidad ha centralizado más poder que la Comisión? Ninguna. ¿Y siguen de verdad creyéndose estas iniciativas en pro del supuesto medio ambiente?

    Lo que busca con esto la Comisión es que hasta nuestros cielos dependan de una nueva entidad europea bajo el control férreo de Von der Leyen con la excusa del CO2. El Cielo Único Europeo no es más que un instrumento para expandir la supervisión y la regulación comunitaria imponiendo aún más objetivos ambientales, aún más cargas y aún más tarifas contra los usuarios de este continente. La señora Von der Leyen demuestra un desprecio absoluto por la soberanía de los países, y esta Cámara, también.

    Y aquí, un orgulloso español les responde que el desprecio, evidentemente, es mutuo. Solo que hay una diferencia esencial: quien parasita y esclaviza a nuestro país es ella, mientras que nosotros solo anhelamos libertad.

    Si queremos preocuparnos por el cielo europeo, defendámonos de las intrusiones y las amenazas militares por cielo, mar y aire con las que Marruecos y todas las falsas ONG del sur de Europa están atentando contra nuestro país.

    Esta no era la Europa que nos prometieron. Esta es una Europa mesiánica en la que no nos reconocemos.

     
       

       

    Intervenții la cerere

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, zece ani am fost în Comisia pentru transport și am tot dezbătut nevoia de îmbunătățire a Cerului unic european. Transportul prin aviație este extrem de important. Vorbeam mai devreme la raportul domnului Letta despre conectivitate, despre libera circulație. Domnule comisar, am patru zboruri pe săptămână – nu numai datorită condițiilor meteorologice sunt întârzieri. Întârzierile, așa cum ați spus și dumneavoastră, sunt frecvente și din alte cauze: lipsa de organizare, să stai pe pistă să aștepți că nu ai culoar de zbor.

    Asta înseamnă că este nevoie să aplicăm acest regulament și îl susțin, pentru că s-a lucrat la el, îmbunătățește Cerul unic european și cred că avem nevoie de un transport reformat și pe aviație pentru, sigur, eficiență economică în piața internă și, de ce nu, pentru protejarea drepturilor pasagerilor. Prețurile nu se schimbă când ai întârziere, dar ajungi foarte târziu la destinație și câteodată îți pierzi practic întâlnirile pe care ți le-ai programat.

     
       

     

      Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εισήγηση για δημιουργία ενιαίου ευρωπαϊκού ουρανού αποτελεί μια προσπάθεια για βελτίωση της ασφάλειας, της αποδοτικότητας και της περιβαλλοντικής βιωσιμότητας των αεροπορικών υπηρεσιών, όπως έχει αναφερθεί.

    Όμως, πώς μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ασφάλεια όταν κλείνουμε τα μάτια στις παρανομίες; Θα γίνω πιο συγκεκριμένος. Η λειτουργία του παράνομου αεροδρομίου της κατεχόμενης Τύμπου στην Κύπρο θέτει σε κίνδυνο τις πτήσεις και χιλιάδες πολίτες καθημερινώς, αφού ελλοχεύει τεράστιος κίνδυνος για αεροπορικά ατυχήματα.

    Διερωτώμαι: δεν θα αντιδρούσατε αν λίγα μέτρα από το αεροδρόμιο της Φρανκφούρτης, δίπλα από το αεροδρόμιο στο Παρίσι, πλησίον του αεροδρομίου της Ρώμης, των Βρυξελλών, της Μαδρίτης, του Βερολίνου, λειτουργούσε ένα παράνομο αεροδρόμιο με δικούς του κανόνες; Φυσικά.

    Επομένως, ας αφήσουμε τα λόγια και ας περάσουμε στις πράξεις, που δεν είναι ο συντονισμός και η επικοινωνία με κατοχικές αρχές —κάτι που θα οδηγούσε στην κανονικοποίηση της παρανομίας— αλλά η απαγόρευση της λειτουργίας του, που θα συνοδεύεται με αυστηρότατες κυρώσεις σε αεροπορικές εταιρείες που χρησιμοποιούν το παράνομο αεροδρόμιο.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, é certo que esta nova versão do Regulamento Céu Único Europeu não vai tão longe como a posição que o Parlamento Europeu havia aprovado, com tudo o que ela representava de ataque sem equívocos à soberania nacional, numa abordagem abertamente mercantilista e de liberalização ainda maior do setor aéreo, visando a sua concentração e centralização. Mas, esses não deixam de ser traços que persistem no documento final, mesmo que de forma matizada, traços que rejeitamos.

    Em nome do que esta proposta não é, não faltará certamente quem procure ir além dela, nomeadamente em Portugal, dando continuidade e consequência às ameaças que têm recaído sobre a NAV, com vista ao desmembramento da sua atividade, com prejuízo para a soberania nacional e para a economia.

    Pela nossa parte, daqui reafirmamos que continuaremos a intervir, rejeitando o caminho de liberalização do controlo aéreo e em defesa da NAV, empresa pública estratégica para o desenvolvimento nacional.

     
       

       

    (Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

     
       


     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear Members, let me mention two quick points in response. The first one is on sovereignty. For those who are concerned about the impacts on the sovereignty of Member States over their airspace, let me be clear, and let me underline that all the provisions aim to foster better coordination within Europe. Member States will continue to decide whether and which parts of their airspace they open or they close. Full stop. It’s that simple. So I feel sovereignty will continue to be fully in place.

    Secondly, in response to the Members who have been speaking, let me reiterate what I said in the first term, and that is that more is needed. More needs to be done, and more today would have been better. But politics is also quite often the art of the possible. We are where we are today. Let’s seal this now and then let’s move forward from there.

     
       

     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich danke für diesen konstruktiven Austausch. Obwohl das natürlich ganz rechts und ganz links schwerfällt, bei so einem sachlichen Thema konstruktiv mitzuarbeiten, glaube ich, dass wir insgesamt eine gute Debatte hatten.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum zeigt einmal mehr unser europäisches und auch unser EVP-Engagement für die kontinuierliche Unterstützung der Fluggäste, der Luftfahrtindustrie, der Forschung und Entwicklung, auch im Luftfahrt- und im Raumfahrtsektor, sowie auch die Einhaltung der Umweltversprechen. Wir streben ganz sicher nach effizienteren Flugsicherungsdiensten, weniger Verspätungen, einem geringeren ökologischen Fußabdruck und auch geringeren Kosten für Passagiere und Fluggesellschaften.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum ist ein erster Schritt vorwärts, um die Engpässe im Luftraum zu beseitigen, um endlich einen wirklich einheitlichen EU-Raum zu schaffen, ohne die nationale Souveränität zu beeinträchtigen. Das wird dann auch zu weniger Kosten und zu einer besseren Umweltleistung führen.

    Ich glaube, morgen kann wirklich ein guter Tag werden für Europa. Von daher mein klarer Appell an alle Kolleginnen und Kollegen, morgen pünktlich zur Abstimmung zu kommen und für diese Neufassung zu stimmen. Ich stimme mit dem Kommissarsanwärter, aktuellen Kommissar und demnächst hoffentlich wiedergewählten Kommissar Hoekstra überein: Das ist ein erster Schritt heute, es werden weitere in den nächsten fünf Jahren folgen müssen. Aber für die EVP kann ich sagen: Wir sind bereit, diese Arbeit fortzusetzen. Unsere Bürger werden es sicherlich danken.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Herr talman! Jag blir glad över det engagemang som visats under debatten. Avslutningsvis vill jag betona att vårt arbete inom flygsektorn inte slutar här. Vi har, som många konstaterat, fortfarande mycket att göra för att säkerställa en rättvis och hållbar flygsektor i Europa.

    Smidiga gränsöverskridande transporter är viktiga men får aldrig ske på bekostnad av arbetstagares rättigheter. Under denna mandatperiod hoppas jag därför att vi kan ta itu också med andra viktiga frågor som berör sektorn.

    En revidering av EU:s förordning om luftfartstjänster står högt på agendan. För det första måste vi stärka reglerna kring så kallad wet leasing, där flygbolag hyr in plan med besättning. Wet leasing ska naturligtvis kunna användas för att möta oförutsedda händelser, men inte för att konkurrera med löner och arbetsvillkor.

    Utvecklingen – där på ytan seriösa flygbolag skapar dotterbolag med enda syftet att pressa tillbaka personalens arbetsvillkor – är inte värdig och måste få ett slut. För det andra behöver vi tydligare definitioner kring personalens hemmabas. Vi har sett hur bolag i dag utnyttjar skillnader i nationell lagstiftning för att pressa ner lönekostnaderna. Också detta måste få ett slut.

    Med det sagt återstår nu att genomföra Single European Sky. Det kommer att kräva fortsatt hårt arbete från EU-kommissionen i övervakningen av de regler som vi nu ändå får på plats, för att säkerställa att det verkligen blir ett steg framåt och inte ett slag i luften. Jag hoppas att alla är här och röstar för förslaget i morgon.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

    The vote will take place tomorrow.

     

    15. A stronger Europe for safer products to better protect consumers and tackle unfair competition: boosting EU oversight in e-commerce and imports (debate)


     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je suis ravi d’être parmi vous aujourd’hui pour débattre des défis que pose le commerce électronique, tant en matière de protection des consommateurs que de concurrence loyale ou de durabilité. Ces dernières années, des milliards de colis individuels ont été expédiés directement aux consommateurs de l’Union, notamment par voie aérienne, et de nouveaux acteurs du commerce électronique, principalement installés en dehors de l’Union, dominent désormais le marché. Quatre milliards de colis devraient être livrés en 2024.

    La Commission est consciente que cet afflux de marchandises achetées en ligne pose des défis en matière de conformité au cadre juridique applicable et de sécurité, de concurrence déloyale et de durabilité. En effet, bon nombre de ces produits s’avèrent dangereux, non conformes ou contrefaits.

    En raison de l’urgence de la situation, nous devons identifier une réponse européenne collective pour garantir la sécurité et la conformité des produits vendus sur ces plateformes de commerce électronique situées dans des pays tiers, pour préserver les consommateurs de pratiques commerciales déloyales et pour assurer des conditions de concurrence justes et équitables aux entreprises européennes.

    The Commission is ready to act in cooperation with the market surveillance authorities, the consumer protection and customs authorities, as well as with the digital services coordinators under the DSA to effectively enforce Union legislation and increase the controls on those platforms and products. We have instruments at our disposal that we are already using.

    First, the Digital Services Act is a powerful tool and it is a priority to enforce this regulation. The Commission is fully committed to ensuring strong and effective enforcement against very large online platforms, notably marketplaces not complying with all rules, which risk fines up to 6% of their global turnover. The DSA gives the Commission unprecedented enforcement powers that are already available. The recent enforcement action by the Commission, which resulted in TikTok’s commitment to withdraw its ‘lite rewards’ system from the EU market, as it raised concerns of addictiveness, is a good example of what the DSA can deliver for the whole European Union.

    More specifically, regarding e-commerce, the Commission has already launched an investigation in relation to AliExpress’ practices, including on suspicions related to the risk of dissemination of illegal products and the possible negative impact to consumer protection. We have also recently designated Temu and Shein as very large online platforms under the DSA, and already launched investigative actions in relation to these two online marketplaces. Consumer protection and compliance by online marketplaces is and will remain one of our enforcement priorities. We take this responsibility seriously and will not refrain to act decisively. The Commission will also coordinate closely with the digital services coordinators, which are responsible for the smaller online marketplaces, to ensure that smaller online marketplaces also follow the rules, and that these rules are consistently applied in the European Union. The European Board for Digital Services is crucial in this respect.

    Second, customs authorities are the first line of defence when it comes to products imported from third countries. They are also key actors in the supply chain to identify and suspend the release of non-compliant and dangerous goods. The customs reform, proposed by the Commission in 2023, is currently being discussed by the European Parliament and the Council. Under this proposed reform, the implementation of an EU customs data hub would enable risk management at EU level, making the enforcement of compliance with product requirements more targeted and effective. Additionally, the proposal includes an abolition of the current threshold that exempts goods valued at less than EUR 150 from customs duties. These measures would be important tools for combating fraud and abuse. However, customs authorities cannot act alone. It is crucial for them to collaborate with market surveillance authorities and digital services coordinators to combine their tools, capacity and expertise.

    Third, the Consumer Protection Cooperation Network, under the coordination of the Commission, has carried out several enforcement actions in recent years against key market players, such as Amazon and AliExpress, to bring them into line with EU consumer protection legislation. In May, the consumer organisation BEUC informed the Commission about practices of the e-commerce platform Temu and its alleged non-compliance with, among others, EU consumer laws. The Commission has immediately informed the CPC Network about this complaint, and discussions under that format are ongoing. Compliance by major e-commerce players, including those targeting European consumers from third countries, is a top priority for the Commission and national authorities. The Commission will continue to fully support and coordinate the enforcement work of the network.

    Looking ahead, it will be essential to further tackle challenges with e-commerce platforms and strengthen measures to prevent non-EU compliant products from entering the EU market. This would include ensuring an optimal articulation between the General Product Safety Regulation, the Market Surveillance Regulation and the Digital Services Act. To further improve online product safety and compliance with relevant rules, it will be our priority to fully use the enforcement toolbox provided for under these regulations, for example, by organising product safety control to check and improve compliance of the e-commerce sector with EU product safety requirements, organising joint product sampling and testing activities involving online mystery shopping, and facilitating further the cooperation between market surveillance and customs authorities to give an unified response to the challenges of e-commerce.

    To ensure that manufacturers outside the EU comply with all rules, the new GPSR also introduces a new obligation to appoint a responsible person for their products. This will guarantee traceability and responsibility for any goods sold on the open market. To address the issue at its source, it is also paramount to continue cooperating with manufacturing third countries. We are, for example, committed to continue the awareness-raising and training activities on EU product safety rules with Chinese companies. Apart from legal obligations, it is also important to explore voluntary cooperation mechanisms, such as the product safety pledge, which has enabled the removal of close to 60 000 unsafe products listings in the past six months.

    It will also be crucial to further improve the current enforcement framework for cross-border infringement of EU consumer law, in order to preserve the level playing field in the Union and the competitiveness of EU businesses. To achieve this aim, we will continue to explore possible approaches to strengthen the Commission’s role in specific circumstances that affect consumers throughout the Union and to further improve the enforcement cooperation among national authorities. Moreover, the Commission encouraged the swift adoption of some proposed legislative initiatives, namely the ‘VAT in the digital age’ package and the customs reform, that aim to structurally improve the transparency and control on the flow of goods entering and leaving the union, starting by e-commerce goods.

    I thank you for your attention. Of course, I am now looking forward to our debate and to try to collect your proposals, remarks, or maybe some criticism.

     
       

     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Onlineplattformen haben die Art und Weise, wie Verbraucher einkaufen, grundlegend geändert. Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher sind nicht mehr auf lokale Anbieter beschränkt, sondern können Waren bei internationalen Händlern einkaufen, wodurch ihre Auswahl erweitert wird und sie oft bessere Preise finden. Sie haben ja gerade angesprochen, Herr Kommissar: 4 Milliarden Pakete allein in diesem Jahr zeigen, dass die europäischen Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher an internationalen Produkten interessiert sind und auf den besten Preis achten. Aber viele Drittstaatenplattformen stehen in der Kritik wegen mangelhafter Produktqualität, unzureichender Kontrollen und damit unfairer Wettbewerbsbedingungen.

    Deswegen ist es gut, Herr Kommissar, dass Sie den Dreiklang aus Maßnahmen, die greifen können, dargestellt haben. Zoll: Wir haben nach wie vor 27 unterschiedliche Zollsysteme, obwohl das einheitliche europäische Zollrecht angewendet werden muss, und es wird leider unterschiedlich angewendet. Wir haben zum Zweiten die Marktaufsichtsbehörden, die alle in nationaler Hand sind und unterschiedlich stark ausgestattet sind, und wir haben das Gesetz über digitale Dienste. Und hier, Herr Kommissar, hätte ich mir etwas mehr erwartet, denn das Gesetz über digitale Dienste wird jetzt schon zum zweiten Mal gegenüber Temu in Anwendung gebracht – aber immer mit der Bitte um Auskunftserteilung und nicht mit Entscheidungen.

    Hier müssen wir schneller vorankommen, denn mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte hat das Europäische Parlament hier – dieses Haus – in den vergangenen Jahren wichtige Schritte unternommen, um das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Sicherheit des Internets zu stärken und um europäischen Unternehmen fairen Wettbewerb anzubieten. Daran wollen wir festhalten, und deshalb ist die Europäische Kommission gefordert, hier Schritte folgen zu lassen.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor comisario, un 71 % de la población europea compra bienes y servicios en línea. El comercio en línea es cómodo, es barato, pero tiene muchos riesgos. Por ello, regularlo bien es ya inaplazable.

    Sabemos que plataformas de comercio electrónico, como Amazon, Aliexpress, Temu o Shein, están afectando a nuestro comercio en tres aspectos clave.

    En primer lugar, en la seguridad de productos que consumimos: juguetes, ropa, etc. Todos conocemos esos productos que nos llegan a casa y que no cumplen las condiciones mínimas.

    En segundo lugar, en el enorme impacto que tienen sobre el comercio local de nuestros municipios, que está siendo asfixiado por la competencia desleal de estas plataformas a nuestras pymes europeas.

    Y, en tercer lugar, en el medio ambiente, porque sabemos que estas empresas abandonan a su suerte toneladas de paquetes devueltos por clientes en Europa y en otros continentes, lo que pone en riesgo la salud de todo el planeta.

    Para eso tenemos leyes, apliquémoslas: más controles en las aduanas, y comercio y consumo responsable para proteger nuestro medio ambiente, a nuestros consumidores y nuestro comercio local.

     
       

     

      Virginie Joron, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous voici en marche vers cinq ans de teutonneries supplémentaires. On avait espéré en 2019 que le premier mandat von der Leyen ferait état d’une gestion saine et honnête. Mais on a eu le matraquage des automobilistes, un dérapage budgétaire et les fourberies de Pfizer.

    Ce soir, nous parlons donc de la surveillance européenne des marchés du commerce en ligne, pendant que nos commerces de proximité ferment les uns après les autres. La vente de produits dangereux, illicites, contrefaits ou volés est encore légion sur les grandes plateformes. Cette lutte, c’était pourtant ce que vous aviez promis lors de l’adoption de toutes les législations précédentes sur la question. Votre slogan? «Le règlement sur les services numériques protégera vos enfants.» Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus un règlement sur les services numériques, mais un règlement sur la surveillance numérique qui a été mis en place, sous l’impulsion du démissionnaire Thierry Breton. Les associations de consommateurs ont signalé en avril dernier le géant chinois Temu, parce qu’il n’assurait pas l’identification des vendeurs. C’est l’article 30 du règlement sur les services numériques. Ces mêmes associations ont fait état de cas où le consommateur est manipulé par des prix qui changent ou qui ne correspondent pas au produit choisi. C’est l’article 25 du règlement sur les services numériques. On a eu la directive de 1998 sur les indications de prix, la directive de 2005 sur les pratiques commerciales prohibées, les nouvelles règles de sécurité des jouets ou encore la réforme du code des douanes.

    Mais la réalité, c’est une jungle de normes qui empêchent nos entreprises françaises ou européennes de se développer, et des pays tiers, comme la Chine, leader mondial du commerce électronique, qui contournent sans problème nos règles – dixit un inspecteur de l’OLAF – ou, pis, qui bénéficient d’exemptions des frais de douane pour les achats dont la valeur ne dépasse pas 150 euros. Une jungle où, finalement, c’est Bruxelles qui tire une balle dans le pied du commerce électronique européen.

     
       

     

      Piotr Müller, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Regulacje dotyczące bezpieczeństwa produktów w Europie są niezwykle ważne. One powodują, że z jednej strony konsumenci są bezpieczni, a z drugiej strony, że standaryzujemy pewnego rodzaju rozwiązania produkcyjne w Europie, co oczywiście też przynosi wymierne korzyści i bezpieczeństwo dla konsumentów. Jednak widzimy tę rosnącą konkurencję ze strony w szczególności rynków azjatyckich i moją obawą jest to, że te przepisy w praktyce nie będą obowiązywały właśnie wobec tych krajów, które dostają się na rynek europejski w sposób inny niż produkcja na naszym rodzimym rynku.

    W związku z tym mam pytanie do Pana Komisarza, jakie działania tutaj można byłoby podjąć (chociażby być może zapisując w nowej perspektywie budżetowej, nad którą będziemy pracować, dodatkowe środki dla urzędów, dla instytucji krajowych i unijnych, ale przede wszystkim krajowych, bo one najczęściej kontrolują jakość produktów), aby właśnie rzeczywista kontrola tych produktów, które pochodzą w szczególności z Azji, miała miejsce.

     
       

     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wenn Spielzeuge für Babys so leicht auseinanderfallen, dass sie daran ersticken können, dann haben Eltern zu Recht Angst. Vor allem, wenn Untersuchungen zeigen, dass mehr als die Hälfte von Spielzeugen aus Drittländern wie China gefährlich ist.

    Wenn Designs von kleinen europäischen Designern kopiert werden und die Klamotten aus fragwürdiger Produktion mit giftigen Chemikalien belastet sind und dann auch noch über Plattformen wie Temu und Shein zu Billigpreisen verschleudert werden, dann leiden wir Verbraucher, unsere Umwelt und unsere Unternehmen, die sich an Recht und Gesetz halten.

    Illegale und unsichere Produkte dürfen nicht in unseren Binnenmarkt kommen, am besten, weil sie bereits vor Verkauf gestoppt werden. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen geltendes Recht rigoros durchsetzen: das Gesetz über digitale Dienste und die neuen Regeln zu Produktsicherheit. Wir müssen gemeinsam unsere Marktüberwachung und unseren Zoll stärken. Vor allem die Digitalisierung des Zolls muss schneller vorangehen, damit wir die digitale Voranmeldung und auch den Wegfall der Freigrenze für illegale Produkte haben können, damit wir illegale Produkte aus unserem Markt fernhalten können.

    Ich baue darauf, dass die Kommission zügig einen Aktionsplan mit den Mitgliedstaaten umsetzen wird, damit unsere Kleinsten sicher sind, damit Shopping weder zur Ausbeutung von Umwelt noch von Menschen führt und Wettbewerb fair ist.

     
       

     

      Saskia Bricmont, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, vous l’avez dit: Temu, Shein, AliExpress, Amazon et de plus petites plateformes inondent le marché européen de produits à faible coût. Mais, derrière ces bas prix, il y a des coûts énormes, notamment des techniques de manipulation en ligne incitant à l’hyperconsommation ou des produits de mauvaise qualité pouvant s’avérer dangereux pour la santé et la sécurité.

    Une enquête a même révélé que 80 % des jouets testés ayant été importés par le biais de ces plateformes ne respectaient pas les normes de sécurité européennes. Cela induit aussi une concurrence déloyale pour les entreprises européennes qui respectent les normes sociales, environnementales, de produits, de sécurité. Ces normes existent au niveau européen pour de bonnes raisons: la protection des consommateurs, des travailleurs, de l’environnement. Elles doivent donc être respectées par tout le monde, y compris par les entreprises importatrices et par les plateformes de pays tiers.

    Des centaines de milliers de colis arrivent chez nous tous les jours, en un clic et sans avoir fait l’objet de contrôles. Autant de produits potentiellement dangereux, qui ne respectent pas les normes européennes. Cette concurrence déloyale touche tous les secteurs et constitue souvent un frein au développement de filières locales durables et sociétalement responsables. C’est le cas notamment du secteur textile, où la concurrence déloyale de l’«ultrafast fashion» venant des plateformes chinoises menace l’émergence d’un secteur textile durable en Europe.

    L’Union européenne est bien là pour protéger les consommateurs et nos entrepreneurs: il faut donc assurer effectivement le respect des règles, la transparence et l’information des consommateurs, mais aussi des contrôles douaniers renforcés et les moyens nécessaires à de tels contrôles, des droits de douane même pour les achats de moins de 150 euros, et un renforcement des sanctions à l’égard des plateformes qui ne respectent pas les règles.

     
       

     

      Hanna Gedin, för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag ska börja med att säga att jag är glad att vi har den här diskussionen, för situationen är ohållbar.

    Från Vänstern har vi länge krävt ett stramare regelverk för e-handelsplattformar. Ett test som nyligen gjordes av leksaksbranschen visar att åtta av tio leksaker som importeras till EU och kan köpas på olika internetsajter riskerar att kväva eller förgifta barn – kväva och förgifta våra barn.

    De uppfyller inte EU:s säkerhetskrav. Vår uppgift som lagstiftare är att se till att minska risken för olyckor, att se till att medborgarna är trygga och säkra. Det gör vi genom att premiera miljövänliga och säkra produkter, samtidigt som vi ser till att arbetsvillkoren för dem som producerar de här sakerna är bra.

    Det är inte bara barn och andra konsumenter i Europa som riskerar att skadas. Det finns återkommande indikationer på att många av de här produkterna, förutom att de är skadliga, dessutom är tillverkade genom tvångsarbete.

    Kommissionen måste agera – inte bara för att den här slapphäntheten mot utländska internetsajter konkurrerar med lägre standarder och sämre arbetsvillkor än varor som produceras i enlighet med EU-lagstiftning. Dagens regelverk leder faktiskt till stora risker för alla medborgare – inte minst för våra barn. Lösningen måste vara att även utländska sajter får samma skyldigheter som inhemska aktörer, att tullen får större resurser och att varor som importeras, till exempel från Kina, inte längre ska subventioneras när det kommer till exempelvis fraktkostnader.

     
       

     

      Zsuzsanna Borvendég, a ESN képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A helyi termelők által helyben előállított termékek védik a környezetet és a nemzetgazdaságot is erősítik, vagyis minden szempontból a társadalom jólétét szolgálják. Emiatt kezdett pártom, a Mi Hazánk Mozgalom hazai termelői vásárokat szervezni Magyarországon, ezzel is népszerűsítve a jó minőségű helyi termékek fogyasztását. Az élelmiszeripar különösen veszélyeztetett ezen a területen. Vissza kell szorítani a globális élelmiszerláncok sokszor gyenge minőségű, földrészeken át utaztatott, agyonvegyszerezett termékeinek dömpingjét.

    A multik gazdasági érdekei nem írhatják felül az emberek egészséges élethez való jogát, de meg kell akadályozni azt is, hogy politikai elfogultság alapján olyan mezőgazdasági termékeknek nyissunk szabad utat, amelyek nem felelnek meg az EU-s előírásoknak, ahogy az számos ukrán termék esetében megtörténik. Azonnali hatállyal meg kell tiltani a harmadik országokból érkező hamisított méz importját is. Ennek érdekében egy előterjesztést is készítettem, amelyet az ESN frakció benyújtott, de az AGRI bizottság napirendre sem volt hajlandó ezt tűzni. Kérem, gondolják ezt át újra!

     
       


     

      Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. Formand, kommissær. Flere og flere handler på nettet. Legetøj, tøj, gaver. Det er nemt, det er bekvemt, og det er praktisk. Men hvis man handler på platforme som Temu, så kan det altså skade både din sundhed, vores miljø og den europæiske konkurrenceevne, og alt for mange af f.eks. Temu’s produkter de lever simpelthen ikke op til de europæiske regler. De er sundhedsskadelige, miljøskadelige, og så er de også ødelæggende for vores konkurrencesituation for vores europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er der brug for, at der sker noget. Vi har fået mange nye regler, men vi har brug for, at de bliver håndhævet. Derfor vil jeg gerne opfordre EU-Kommissionen til at komme i gang med at håndhæve reglerne og gøre det lidt hurtigere, end det, der sker i dag. Vi har fået nogle gode regler i det, jeg sagde. Spørgsmålet er, om de er gode nok, spørgsmålet er, om der skal mere til. Noget af det, som jeg tror, vi skal kigge på, er, om vi egentlig ikke burde give disse handelsplatforme et importøransvar, så de fik et meget konkret og direkte ansvar for at sikre, at de produkter, de sælger, overholder de europæiske regler. Så hurtigere og bedre, og hvis ikke det er nok, så tror jeg, at vi skal se på, om der skal endnu flere strammere regler til.

     
       

     

      Ernő Schaller-Baross (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A termékbiztonság egyre sürgetőbb kérdés Európában, különösen az e-kereskedelem gyors ütemű terjedése révén. Mondjuk ki őszintén, a piacfelügyelet rendszere ma nem elég hatékony, hogy lépést tartson a digitális világ kihívásaival. A fellépés hiánya komoly kockázatot jelent polgáraink biztonságára nézve, és hosszú távon veszélyezteti Európa versenyképességét is. Az e-kereskedelem gyors üteme és a határokon átnyúló eladások miatt a tagállami hatóságoknak nehéz feladatuk van, hogy minden egyes terméket ellenőrizzenek.

    Így a fogyasztók biztonsága gyakran veszélybe kerül, és a szabályozás átláthatóságának fenntartására s kihívásokkal szembesül. Az Európai Parlament nem blokkolhatja tovább a háromoldalú tárgyalásokat, kezdje el a munkát. Kezdje el a termékbiztonságot érintő javaslatok, többek között a játékbiztonságról szóló szabályok tárgyalását is. Ne hagyjuk, hogy a késlekedés ára az európai polgárok vagy gyermekeink biztonsága legyen! Tegyük meg a szükséges lépéseket közösen, hogy Európa továbbra is az innováció és a biztonságos termékek kontinense lehessen. A jelenlévő vagy nem jelenlévő TISZA párti képviselőknek pedig azt üzenem, hogy ne féljenek, ha kérdést tesznek föl ebben a Házban, ebben a teremben válaszolni is lehet.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la protezione dei consumatori e la lotta alla concorrenza sleale, soprattutto nel commercio online, sono una questione prioritaria per l’Europa.

    Troppi prodotti non conformi agli standard europei continuano a entrare nel nostro mercato attraverso l’e-commerce, mettendo a rischio la sicurezza dei consumatori e penalizzando le nostre aziende, in particolare le piccole e medie imprese italiane ed europee.

    Non possiamo più accettare che le nostre imprese siano costrette a competere ad armi impari con prodotti di bassa qualità provenienti da paesi che non rispettano le nostre regole. Le aziende che rispettano rigorosamente la normativa europea su sicurezza e qualità sono penalizzate da una concorrenza sleale.

    Dobbiamo rafforzare i controlli alle frontiere, garantire che i prodotti importati rispettino gli stessi standard che le nostre imprese sono tenute a seguire. Chiediamo che l’Unione europea intervenga con decisione: è fondamentale che le piattaforme di e-commerce non diventino un canale privilegiato per la vendita di prodotti non conformi. Questo è un punto essenziale per difendere la sovranità economica italiana e quella europea, proteggendo il nostro tessuto produttivo.

    Come abbiamo spesso sottolineato, la nostra economia non può continuare a subire le conseguenze di politiche commerciali che favoriscono attori esterni a scapito delle nostre eccellenze.

     
       


     

      Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, en dix ans, le chiffre d’affaires du commerce électronique a été multiplié par trois. Rien qu’en France, le chiffre d’affaires du site Shein se monte à 1,63 milliard d’euros. C’est un tsunami économique.

    Alors oui, oui à la protection des consommateurs, oui à la fin de l’exonération des droits de douane en dessous de 150 euros d’achats, oui à une enquête précise sur les soupçons de subventions chinoises et de concurrence déloyale, oui à la fin de la publicité mensongère, oui, encore oui au contrôle sur la toxicité, la propriété intellectuelle et la sécurité des données personnelles.

    Oui, mais quand? Combien d’enseignes et de marques européennes auront fermé entre-temps? Combien de chaussures pour enfants intoxiquées au plomb aurons-nous achetées? Combien de jeunes auront adopté des comportements de consommation détestables pour notre avenir?

    Alors, oui à tout cela, mais quand? Je vous le dis: agissons maintenant!

     
       

     

      Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, des ballons de baudruche à gonfler soi-même bourrés de substances cancérigènes, des jouets comprenant des pièces qui peuvent être avalées, des casques de moto pour enfants qui, en fait ne protègent pas du tout, des détecteurs de fumée qui ne détectent pas la fumée… Ces produits dangereux ne sont pas des exceptions: ils pullulent sur des plateformes de vente en ligne comme Amazon, Temu ou Wish. Les associations de consommateurs les ont testées, et le constat est alarmant.

    Comment est-il possible que ces objets puissent envahir le marché européen? La réponse est simple. Pour les géants du commerce électronique, la priorité c’est: les profits, et le marché européen, c’est le jackpot.

    C’est un triple jackpot, en réalité. D’abord, un jackpot sur les normes de sécurité, car ces plateformes ignorent les normes de sécurité en vigueur chez nous. Elles inondent l’Union européenne de produits qui ne respectent pas les réglementations en matière de sécurité, et mettent donc les Européens en danger.

    C’est un jackpot sur les conditions de travail, car ces produits sont fabriqués dans des conditions inacceptables, en exploitant les travailleurs et en détruisant la planète.

    C’est un jackpot sur les obligations fiscales, car, pour couronner le tout, ces plateformes trouvent le moyen d’échapper à leurs obligations fiscales. Et tout cela permet à ces plateformes de commerce électronique de casser les prix et d’écraser nos entreprises européennes, qui ne peuvent pas rivaliser face à cette concurrence déloyale.

    Chers collègues, il est temps de sonner la fin de la récré pour Amazon, pour Temu, pour Alibaba et compagnie. L’Union européenne passe beaucoup de temps à discuter, à légiférer sur le poids des pommes ou sur la pulpe des poires. Je ne dis pas que ce n’est pas intéressant, que ce n’est pas important, mais je crois qu’il y a plus important et plus urgent en matière de normalisation au sein du marché unique.

    Les plateformes de commerce électronique doivent assumer leurs responsabilités et se soumettre à nos règles communes. Elles doivent être tenues pour responsables des produits qu’elles vendent, comme n’importe quel commerçant en réalité. Si elles veulent jouer dans notre cour, alors elles doivent se conformer à nos règles. Pas de passe-droit. La santé et la sécurité des Européennes et des Européens passent avant leurs profits.

     
       

     

      Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, hračky pro batolata, které se snadno rozbijí na malé kousky, u nichž hrozí vdechnutí, nefungující plynové alarmy či hračky a kosmetika obsahující nebezpečné chemikálie – zkrátka produkty, které ohrožují spotřebitele a které jsou v Evropské unii zakázány vyrábět i prodávat.

    Jenže e-shopy až do této chvíle dokáží naše pravidla zdatně obcházet a společně s nimi je obchází i výrobci ze zemí mimo Evropskou unii. Tyto zdraví i život ohrožující výrobky, jež často cílí na děti, nadále zaplavují evropský trh díky e-shopům a nízkým nákladům na jejich výrobu. Budu ráda, pokud konečně tuto skulinu, jednou provždy, odstraníme. On-line platformy musí také nést odpovědnost za produkty, které na svých stránkách nabízejí. Jejich stahování musí mít jasná pravidla. Informační systémy musí být lépe připraveny a pokuty za jejich prodávání musí být značně vyšší, než byly dosud. Jsem ráda, že alespoň zde se věci mají s novými pravidly ubírat správným směrem.

     
       

     

      Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz (PPE). – Panie Komisarzu! Koledzy, koleżanki! Unia Europejska jest liderem we wprowadzaniu regulacji chroniących konsumentów na rynku cyfrowym, a jednocześnie miliony Europejczyków korzystają z niespełniających standardów Unii Europejskiej produktów. Dlaczego? Po pierwsze dlatego, że europejski rynek jest zalewany przez chińskie subsydiowane towary sprzedawane po bezkonkurencyjnie niskich cenach. 2023 rok 2 miliardy paczek, 2024 rok dwa razy tyle paczek – 4 miliardy.

    Po drugie wjeżdżają niebezpieczne produkty. W liście, który otrzymałam od 100 producentów zabawek z Polski, wskazano na sprawozdanie Toy Industries of Europe, z którego dowiadujemy się, że 18 z 19 zabawek kupionych na platformie Temu stanowi rzeczywiste zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa dzieci. Po trzecie chińskie platformy sprzedażowe stosują agresywny marketing i manipulują klientami. Często informacje o tym, kto sprzedaje i za ile sprzedaje wymagają dziesiątki kliknięć, a i tak na koniec są podawane po chińsku.

    Co możemy zrobić, żeby przywrócić uczciwą konkurencję? Po pierwsze wprowadzić poza nielicznymi wyjątkami cła na paczki o wartości do 150 euro. Po drugie Komisja musi skutecznie i szybko egzekwować istniejące prawo. Po trzecie działania organów nadzoru krajowych i unijnych muszą być skoordynowane. Musimy to zatrzymać, zanim będzie za późno, zanim miliony produktów niespełniających standardów bezpieczeństwa trafią do naszych domów, do rąk naszych dzieci, zanim setki tysięcy miejsc w Europie znikną. Musimy to zrobić teraz.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, discutăm de protecția consumatorului și concurența loială în piață, domnule comisar. Sigur, am dezbătut astăzi și dezbatem comerțul online. Avem foarte multe reglementări, le-ați enumerat și dumneavoastră. Întreb: poate un cetățean, un consumator care a achiziționat online un produs să se apere dacă produsul e defect, dacă se îmbolnăvește, dacă produsul nu este conform? Avem reglementare de la etichetare până la dreptul la repararea produselor.

    Totuși, în piața internă sunt extrem de multe produse neconforme din țări terțe și – sigur nu vă dau, cred, o noutate – și în comerțul online avem produse din țări terțe pentru că acordurile nu sunt bine comercial făcute. Nu este subliniată respectarea standardelor de produs, cele europene, și atunci întrebarea este: cum le aplicăm? Reformarea vămilor – pentru prima dată vom avea o autoritate europeană pentru vămi. Problema este de aplicare, nu de reglementare. Am rămas în urmă cu implementarea și cred că aici trebuie să punem accent împreună cu statele membre, evident, ca să protejăm cu adevărat consumatorii.

     
       

     

      Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons bien évidemment, au groupe des Patriotes pour l’Europe, que saluer l’intention de protéger les consommateurs européens. Cependant, le rapport Letta nous démontre que nous assistons à une augmentation des fraudes, à une augmentation de la concurrence déloyale et à ces fameuses importations de produits dangereux.

    Alors certes, on a beaucoup parlé des jouets. Je voudrais aussi parler des médicaments, par exemple, qui sont extrêmement dangereux pour la santé lorsqu’ils sont achetés sur des sites que personne ne contrôle. Dans la réalité, vous récoltez, à la Commission et dans cette Union européenne, les fruits de votre politique. C’est le résultat du dogme suprême du libre-échange qui nous amène là où nous en sommes.

    En effet, comment contrôler cette jungle qu’est devenu aujourd’hui le commerce électronique, où les géants du numérique règnent en maîtres. Je pense que les solutions ne sont, comme d’habitude, pas celles que vous proposez. Les solutions sont nationales. Il faut renforcer les douanes nationales pour contrôler ces importations de produits dangereux.

    Je voudrais, puisqu’il me reste quelques secondes, rappeler que, dans la plus grande opacité, dans le plus grand secret, la Commission européenne négocie actuellement le traité de libre-échange avec le Mercosur. Mais, là aussi, nous allons probablement importer des produits dangereux, des viandes de très mauvaise qualité, nourries par des produits interdits dans l’Union européenne.

    Finalement, vous êtes face à vos contradictions. Il est temps de changer de politique.

     
       

     

      Francesco Torselli (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi l’Unione europea sta subendo un vero e proprio attacco da parte di certe nazioni straniere a colpi di prodotti non conformi, di bassissima qualità, spesso anche pericolosi per il consumatore finale.

    Un attacco che sfrutta due falle esistenti nel nostro sistema di difesa: la prima, la possibilità di aggirare facilmente le regole da parte di certe piattaforme online; e la seconda, il fatto che l’Europa negli ultimi anni ha promulgato una serie di regolamenti autolesionisti, che spesso sembravano più favorire chi stava fuori dall’Europa piuttosto che le nostre imprese.

    È essenziale che oggi l’Unione europea intensifichi i controlli alle frontiere, protegga i consumatori, contrasti la concorrenza sleale. Dobbiamo migliorare la cooperazione, responsabilizzare le piattaforme online. Cooperazione e responsabilità: queste sono le ricette per un’Europa più forte che contrasti il commercio illegale.

     
       

     

      Nikola Minchev (Renew). – Mr President, the European Union is a global leader in setting high standards with the aim of ensuring quality and protecting our consumers. ‘Made in the EU’ is not just a label; it’s an unmatched guarantee of quality and safety. Yet we allow unreasonably cheap, low-quality, sometimes even dangerous, products to flood our markets, undercutting our industries. This must change.

    We need stronger enforcement of anti-dumping measures to defend the integrity of our single market. The European Commission has made recent strides, improving trade defence instruments by over 40 % to allow faster investigations and duties on unfair imports. But more action and especially enforcement of the existing rules is needed.

    Take my own country, Bulgaria. As the EU’s sixth largest exporter of electric bikes, our manufacturers face competition from cheap, lower quality imports from non-EU countries. These imports threaten to destabilise the growing sector. Robust enforcement, like recent EU actions against Chinese e-bikes, is essential to protect jobs, innovation and fair competition across Europe.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Teddybär auf der Onlineplattform Temu, der sieht süß und flauschig aus und kostet auch nur zwölf Euro. Aber wenn die Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher diesen Teddy bestellen, besteht die 95-prozentige Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass er den europäischen Vorgaben für Produktsicherheit nicht entspricht. In anderen Worten: Das Kuscheltier ist gefährlich: Seine Augen können verschluckt werden, oder das Fell ist vielleicht giftig.

    Dem immer schneller wachsenden Anteil des Onlinehandels, besonders mit Billigprodukten aus China, stehen Zoll und Marktüberwachung hier in Europa hilflos gegenüber. Dieses Jahr gehen Schätzungen zufolge vier Milliarden Pakete in die Europäische Union ein, die unter der Zollgrenze von 150 Euro liegen, und sie landen direkt bei den Verbraucherinnen und Verbrauchern.

    Es ist allerhöchste Zeit, unseren hohen europäischen Verbraucherschutz auch im Onlinehandel durchzusetzen. Die Kommission muss das Gesetz über digitale Dienste konsequent umsetzen und Online-Marktplätze mehr in die Verantwortung nehmen. Die EU-Zollreform ist der Schlüssel, um Kontrollen an unseren Grenzen zu verbessern. Das Parlament hat seine Hausaufgaben gemacht; der Rat schleicht und blockiert, und wir verlieren kostbare Zeit.

    Wir brauchen endlich mehr rechtliche und finanzielle Verantwortung für die Onlineplattformen. Den großen Wurf hat leider die konservative Seite dieses Parlaments in der letzten Legislatur blockiert; jetzt erkennen alle, glaube ich, dass es ein Fehler war.

     
       

     

      Christian Doleschal (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein T-Shirt für drei Euro, eine Jacke für sieben oder ein Kinder-Plüschtier für wenige Cents: E-Commerce-Händler wie Temu oder Shein überfluten mit aggressiven Vermarktungsstrategien und Dumpingpreisen unsere Märkte. Allein 2023 exportierten Shein und Temu zusammen täglich 9000 Tonnen Fracht nach Europa. Mit ihren unlauteren Praktiken setzen sie unsere Onlinehändler, aber auch unsere Geschäfte in unseren schönen Innenstädten unter enormen Druck. Während diese sich an strenge europäische Vorschriften halten, verstoßen Temu und Shein gegen Vorgaben zur Produktsicherheit, Arbeitsbedingungen, Nachhaltigkeit, Urheberrecht und Datenschutz – ohne spürbare Konsequenzen.

    Doch eigentlich mangelt es nicht an Regeln, sondern an deren konsequenter Durchsetzung. E-Commerce-Plattformen wie Temu oder Shein nutzen geschickt Lücken in der Marktüberwachung und bei der Wareneinfuhr zu ihrem Vorteil. Fehlende innereuropäische Vernetzung beim Datenaustausch, unzureichende Zollkontrollen und die aktuell noch gültigen Zollbestimmungen begünstigen die oftmals ungeprüfte Einfuhr von Waren aus dem Ausland in massenhaften Paketen mit geringem Warenwert.

    Ja, es ist wichtig, die Aufhebung der Zollbefreiung von Waren unter 150 Euro im Rahmen der EU-Zollreform anzuregen, und dafür danke ich der Kommission. Wir müssen sehen, dass diese neuen Regeln so schnell wie möglich in Kraft treten und durchgesetzt werden. Es geht nicht darum, Protektionismus zu fördern, vielmehr geht es um fairen Wettbewerb – wenn unsere Innenstädte leer gefegt und unsere europäischen Onlinehändler zerstört sind, ist es zu spät.

     
       

     

      Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Temu-Schlagzeile „Shoppen wie ein Millionär“ müsste man wahrscheinlich umdichten in „Verkaufen wie ein Milliardär“. Wir haben gehört, vier Milliarden Päckchen kommen dieses Jahr von den Onlineplattformen Temu, Shein und AliExpress, und da frage ich mich schon, Herr Kommissar: Warum haben wir da nicht eine Gleichbehandlung mit Verkäufen innerhalb der Europäischen Union?

    Ich möchte ja nicht den Markt zumachen, überhaupt nicht. Aber es kann doch nicht sein, wenn wir innerhalb der Europäischen Union RAPEX haben, andere Möglichkeiten haben und wenn da ein Laden Produkte verkauft, die nicht akzeptabel sind, wird der Laden zugemacht, und hier fragen wir immer nur nach Informationen und machen im Grunde nicht klar, wenn ein Produkt auf der Plattform ist, und das ist mehrmals passiert, dass diese Plattform eben nicht mehr liefern kann.

    Oder auch – Sie sagen, die 150 Euro müssen fallen. Fallen die 2028, wie die Kommission vorschlägt, oder eben früher? Und was ist mit dem Rat und der Zollreform? Auch hier passiert zu wenig. Nicht nur klagen, sondern auch handeln für einen fairen Wettbewerb.

     
       

     

      Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, quand on entend parler de contrefaçons, on ne pense pas tout de suite à la nourriture. Pourtant, rien qu’en 2023, ce sont 1 150 000 produits alimentaires contrefaits qui ont été saisis en France. Yaourts, pâtes, fromages, mais aussi vin, cognac, huîtres et petits pots pour bébé: tout y passe. Ces produits sont faits pour ressembler à s’y méprendre aux originaux, mais ils ne répondent pas à nos normes et peuvent causer des risques pour notre santé. Pis: ces contrefaçons sont souvent 20 % à 70 % moins chères que les originaux. Nombreux sont les consommateurs qui les achètent, pensant profiter d’offres attrayantes sur des lots de déstockage.

    Cette situation est aussi dangereuse qu’intolérable. Elle signifie que nos agriculteurs et nos transformateurs ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec les pays étrangers qui inondent notre marché à cause d’accords de libre-échange irresponsables, ils sont aussi en concurrence avec ces fraudes, qui ternissent l’image des filières et véhiculent une image négative des produits.

    Après les manifestations de l’an dernier, vous avez dit entendre la colère du monde agricole. Vous prétendez vouloir rétablir la réputation des agriculteurs et défendre les filières européennes: voici une bonne occasion de le faire. Traquez ces produits, contrôlez l’entrée des marchandises de mauvaise qualité ou qui ne répondent pas à nos normes et rendez au consommateur l’assurance qu’en achetant des produits européens ils achèteront de la qualité. La colère des agriculteurs, elle, est toujours là. À vous maintenant de prouver que vous pouvez vraiment agir.

     
       

     

      Nicolas Bay (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, à quoi bon avoir les normes les plus strictes et les plus exigeantes du monde si c’est pour laisser notre marché être inondé par des importations qui ne les respectent pas? À quoi bon étouffer nos producteurs par la paperasse, les taxes, les règles, si c’est pour laisser leurs concurrents tricher?

    Face à la concurrence déloyale, l’Union doit autant protéger ses consommateurs que défendre ses entreprises et ses producteurs. La réciprocité et des conditions équitables de concurrence sont nécessaires pour que le commerce soit bénéfique à tous. Il est impératif de multiplier les contrôles sur les importations et il est surtout impératif de ne pas nouer des accords commerciaux déséquilibrés. Le traité avec le Mercosur, en particulier, que la Commission cherche à conclure dans la précipitation, sacrifiera comme toujours nos agriculteurs. C’est une telle certitude, d’ailleurs, qu’un fonds est déjà prévu pour les indemniser.

    Nos producteurs sont les plus respectueux à la fois des consommateurs, de leurs animaux et de l’environnement. Leurs produits sont les meilleurs au monde. Ils ne veulent pas vivre de la charité. Ils veulent vivre du plus vieux et du plus noble des métiers: le travail de la terre, le travail de nos pères. Libérons-les et laissons-les se battre à armes égales en cessant d’organiser la concurrence déloyale, qui les condamne à la disparition.

     
       

     

      Anna Stürgkh (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Ja, bei fast jeder Diskussion zur EU fällt ein Wort wie das Amen im Gebet: Regulierung. Die EU als Regulierungsweltmeister und die Regulierung als quasi Endgegner der Innovation, ganz nach dem Motto „Du, glückliches Europa, reguliere“. Dabei steckt ja hinter den Regulierungen eigentlich ein wichtiges Ziel: nämlich Menschen und Unternehmen zu schützen und sie zu unterstützen, sicherzugehen, dass sie nicht Produzentinnen und Produzenten ausgeliefert werden, die Gesetze mit Füßen treten und Profit am Ende sogar noch mit dem Leben ihrer Konsumentinnen und Konsumenten machen.

    Dafür müssen wir aber die richtige Regulierung machen, und dafür müssen wir uns auch trauen, manchmal hinderliche Regulierungen wegzulassen. Wir müssen Menschen die Sicherheit geben, dass die Produkte, die sie in Europa auch online kaufen, nicht ihre Gesundheit oder ihr Leben gefährden. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass die Regeln, die für europäische Produzentinnen und Produzenten gelten, auch für Produkte gelten, die in unserem Land aus Drittstaaten in unsere Haushalte kommen. Wir müssen sichergehen, dass europäische Regeln auch europäisch gelten und nicht 27-mal unterschiedlich ausgelegt werden.

    Die Ziele sind richtig, der Weg noch holprig. Aber ja, „Du glückliches Europa – reguliere“.

     
       


     

      Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες σε πολλές περιπτώσεις νιώθουν απροστάτευτοι από αθέμιτες πρακτικές, αλλά και από τον τρόπο με τον οποίο γίνονται πολλές συναλλαγές, ιδιαίτερα στο νέο ψηφιακό περιβάλλον.

    Στο ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο πολλές φορές οι καταναλωτές δεν αισθάνονται ότι έχουν τον πλήρη έλεγχο των συναλλαγών τους λόγω των πολύπλοκων κανόνων και των ρητρών που περιλαμβάνονται στα περιβόητα ψιλά γράμματα. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις υπάρχουν συγκαλυμμένες χρεώσεις, ενώ ο σχεδιασμός πολλών ψηφιακών υπηρεσιών δημιουργεί εθισμό στα παιδιά και οδηγεί σε πρόσθετες χρεώσεις μέσω βιντεοπαιχνιδιών. Παράλληλα, κάθε χρόνο, καταναλωτές στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αγοράζουν, χωρίς να το γνωρίζουν, προϊόντα τα οποία δεν πληρούν τα ευρωπαϊκά πρότυπα ποιότητας και ασφάλειας.

    Ένα άλλο σημαντικό θέμα είναι ότι μεγάλες πολυεθνικές εταιρείες εκμεταλλεύονται τη δεσπόζουσα θέση τους στην αγορά για να επιβάλουν γεωγραφικούς εφοδιαστικούς περιορισμούς, επιβάλλοντας αδικαιολόγητα υψηλές τιμές. Ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης έχει στείλει στην Επιτροπή μια σχετική επιστολή και πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να επιληφθεί του θέματος. Είναι αναγκαία η αυστηρή τήρηση των κανόνων και, όπου χρειάζεται, περαιτέρω αυστηροποίηση της νομοθεσίας και συνεργασία των αρχών, προκειμένου οι Ευρωπαίοι καταναλωτές να αισθάνονται ότι προστατεύονται.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, potrošačke organizacije čak 17 država prijavile se Europskoj komisiji najnoviji kineski div Temu. Propituje se sigurnost proizvoda, štetnost za zdravlje, pa čak i prodajni lanac u smislu prodaje ilegalnih proizvoda. Temu i dalje prodaje, ljudi i dalje kupuju.

    Prije nekoliko godina 18 potrošačkih organizacija prijavilo je Tik Tok europskim tijelima radi štetnog utjecaja na maloljetnike, koji čine 30 posto njihovih korisnika. Narušavanje mentalnog zdravlja, izazivanje ovisnosti, poticanje nezdravih navika i ponašanja kod djece gorući su problemi koji traže hitnu reakciju. Unatoč tome, promjene na platformi su minimalne.

    Kako prisiliti internetske divove da poštuju europska pravila? Treba dati veće ovlasti Europskoj komisiji u slučaju povrede potrošačkih prava. Pokažimo građanima da nisu sami, da je udar na naše ljude, udar i na naše institucije i da će one brzo i efikasno odgovoriti ondje gdje ih najviše boli. One koji rade greške – udarimo ih po džepu.

     
       

     

      Philippe Olivier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, la question de la sécurité des produits n’est pas toujours affaire de développement juridique ou de normes, mais de contrôles. Elle pose la question des portes d’entrée de l’Europe, et les portes d’entrée de l’Europe, ce sont les ports. Sur Le Havre, sur 6 000 conteneurs, seuls 5 sont contrôlés. D’une manière générale, tous les ports européens tendent à être pris en main par les mafias, soit par la peur et par la menace, soit par la corruption. Personne ne s’en préoccupe.

    Comment croire que le libre-échange puisse être vertueux quand même les règles les plus élémentaires de surveillance sont en pratique bafouées aux endroits où les contrôles devraient être implacables? Que dire des matières premières qui sont vendues en Europe par des pays qui ne les possèdent pas, mais qui les volent? La République démocratique du Congo est ainsi pillée par son voisin, le Rwanda, et l’Europe commet des actes de recel en achetant à Kigali de telles matières premières.

    Si vous souhaitez ramener un peu d’éthique dans le commerce sans limites et sans règles, rétablissez les contrôles nécessaires.

     
       


     

      Henrik Dahl (PPE). – Hr. Formand. Tak for ordet. Kinesiske online platforme som Temu og Sheen presser det europæiske marked med produkter, der for det første er lodret ulovlige og for det andet er farlige. Disse produkter er for det første en risiko for forbrugerne, men de er også en direkte trussel imod det indre marked. Temu undergraver systematisk de regler, vi har bygget op for at beskytte de europæiske borgere. De regler overholder de europæiske virksomheder i modsætning til Temu. Når Temu udnytter huller i lovgivningen, så får de en unfair konkurrencefordel, som de bruger til at udkonkurrere europæiske virksomheder. EU har skabt et robust regelsæt for forbrugersikkerhed, men uden en effektiv håndhævelse er de regler ikke noget værd. Vi skal ikke tolerere, at kinesiske platforme systematisk bryder reglerne og underminerer europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er det på tide at tage kampen op mod de aktører, der misbruger systemet, skader forbrugerne og fører en form for økonomisk krig imod Europa. Europa skal være stærkt, og derfor skal Europa sanktionere de kinesiske virksomheder, som bevidst bryder reglerne.

     
       

     

      Pierre Jouvet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour éviter un anniversaire ou un Noël sans cadeaux, des parents achètent à bas prix des jouets sur des sites chinois. Comment leur en vouloir, quand les fins de mois sont devenues si difficiles? C’est pourtant un cadeau empoisonné, parce que ces jouets sont certes peu chers, mais très probablement toxiques. D’après des tests menés en laboratoire, près de 80 % d’entre eux sont dangereux.

    En plus de ces jouets toxiques, combien de parfums irritants, de lunettes de soleil inefficaces, de jeans de contrefaçon seront vendus par ces plateformes chinoises qui inondent le marché? Temu, Shein, AliExpress importeront près de 4 milliards d’articles en Europe cette année. Ce chiffre a triplé en trois ans. Ces plateformes profitent du seuil douanier de 150 euros sur les colis internationaux pour échapper à tout contrôle. Ces entreprises violent les droits des consommateurs et nuisent aux fabricants européens, qui, eux, respectent les normes sociales et environnementales.

    L’Europe doit se réveiller et faire respecter un principe simple: «Notre marché, nos règles.»

     
       

     

      Zala Tomašič (PPE). – Gospod predsednik. V skladu s Temujevo politiko zasebnosti se osebni podatki, kot so ime, priimek, naslov, zgodovina nakupov in lokacija, lahko delijo s tretjimi oglaševalci, ponudniki storitev in poslovnimi partnerji. Temu včasih ponuja storitve, Temu včasih ponuja izdelke celo brezplačno. Ampak potrebno se je zavedati, da nič ni brezplačno.

    V zameno platforma pridobiva osebne podatke in spremlja obnašanje potrošnikov na spletu. Obstajajo pa tudi skrbi, da se ti podatki potem prodajajo tudi naprej. Le malokateri potrošnik pa se tega tudi zaveda.

    Poleg tega je kvaliteta teh izdelkov vprašljiva. Slišali smo že, kako otroške igrače takoj razpadejo na majhne dele, kako detektorji dima dima ne zaznajo. Ampak problem so tudi kozmetični izdelki, ki lahko pustijo nepopravljive poškodbe sluznice in kože.

    Močno podpiram prosti trg in konkurenčnost na trgu, vendar pa moramo zaščititi tako potrošnike pred zlorabo osebnih podatkov in škodljivimi izdelki kot tudi naše podjetnike pred nelojalno konkurenco.

     
       

     

      Maria Guzenina (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, komission edustajat, EU:n pitäisi olla maailman turvallisin alue ostaa tavaraa. Meillä on tiukat standardit sille, millaisia tuotteita täällä saa myydä, joten miten ihmeessä on mahdollista, että tuoreissa testeissä jopa 80 prosenttia leluista, joita myydään muun muassa kiinalaisissa verkkokaupoissa, eivät täyttäneet lelujen turvallisuusvaatimuksia. Kyse on kuluttajien, erityisesti lasten terveydestä. Kyse on ympäristömme suojelemisesta. Kyse on turvallisuudesta ja kyse on eurooppalaisten yritysten mahdollisuudesta pärjätä.

    Kiinalaiset säännöistä piittaamattomat jättimäiset verkkokaupat toimittavat kiihtyvällä vauhdilla tavaroita Eurooppaan. Suomen tullin mukaan kiinalaisten pakettien valtava määrä vaarantaa jo tullinkin toimintakyvyn.

    Tuoteturvallisuusdirektiivi, se on hyvä alku, mutta on tärkeää, että me emme lisää vastuullisten eurooppalaisten yritysten sääntelyä, vaan meidän pitää varmistaa, että kiinalaiset kaupat noudattavat eurooppalaisia sääntöjä.

    Tämän asian ratkaisemisella on kiire. Komission on tehtävä tässä tehtävänsä. Euroopan on oltava yhtenäinen tässä asiassa. Kyse on eurooppalaisten terveydestä.

     
       

     

      Niels Flemming Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, honourable colleagues, e-commerce has rapidly expanded, offering consumers access to products from around the globe. A recent study found that 30 out of 38 products from the Temu platform failed to meet European safety standards, posing a serious risk to consumers. Some 30 out of 38, my dear friends: that’s 78 %.

    This is not about protectionism. It’s about ensuring fairness and safety. Non-compliance puts the consumers at risk and creates an uneven playing field, especially for European SMEs that follow EU rules. SMEs, which are the backbone of our economy, will suffer the most.

    The scale of e-commerce makes it impossible for national customs to manage alone. In Germany, it’s estimated that there are around 400 000 packages a day from China; 78 % of that is 320 000 packages.

    Finally, this is a test of the EU’s ability to address the challenges of a globalised marketplace. We must be decisive, not only to protect our consumers, but to prove that Europe can enforce its own rules and uphold fairness in the single market.

     
       

     

      Pierfrancesco Maran (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, caro Commissario, come ha ben sottolineato, è necessario sistemare alcuni aspetti del mercato online e questo va fatto rapidamente.

    Oggi il 70% dei cittadini europei compra beni e servizi online. Eppure esistono due mercati: uno per chi rispetta le regole e uno per chi non le rispetta e le aggira. In molti abbiamo sottolineato come alcuni soggetti sono certamente protagonisti delle violazioni.

    Operatori come Temu, Shein, AliExpress – che insieme contano 300 milioni di utenti in Europa – immettono sul mercato migliaia di prodotti non sicuri a prezzi stracciati. Loro lo sanno bene e sanno che possono farlo, perché non mettiamo ancora in campo azioni strutturali che li rendano corresponsabili.

    Questo è il punto di lavoro principale, perché non possiamo pensare di andare ad inseguire ogni consegna alle dogane. È necessario agire alla fonte nei loro confronti, perché si adoperino per una svolta nei loro comportamenti commerciali.

    Lo dobbiamo ai cittadini europei, che devono sapere che i prodotti che comprano sono sempre sicuri e non essere tentati dalla convenienza del low cost senza regole. E lo dobbiamo alle aziende che invece rispettano le regole e che meritano di non avere questa concorrenza.

     
       


     

      Elisabeth Grossmann (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Die Digitalisierung und der wachsende E-Commerce haben unsere Märkte grundlegend verändert, und es ist unerlässlich, dass wir als EU entschlossen handeln, um Sicherheit und Fairness zu gewährleisten. Der europäische Handel gerät durch das Onlineangebot aus dem EU-Ausland zunehmend unter Druck, und große Plattformen, vorwiegend aus China, überschwemmen gerade den europäischen Markt mit Billigangeboten und nutzen die bestehenden Schlupflöcher aus, was den Wettbewerb verzerrt und europäische Unternehmen stark benachteiligt und auch europäische Arbeitsplätze kostet und natürlich auch europäische Wertschöpfung.

    Und ich sage Ihnen: Es ist nicht fünf vor zwölf, es ist fünf nach zwölf, weil es hat sich bereits das Kaufverhalten der Menschen erheblich verändert, und es sind bereits zahlreiche Unternehmen im Produktionsbereich und auch im Handelsbereich insolvent. Und hier haben wir in Zukunft mitunter auch ein Problem mit der Versorgungssicherheit.

    Deshalb ist dringendes Handeln, rasches Handeln geboten. Es ist mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte einiges gelungen – aber diese Gesetze gehören auch konsequent umgesetzt, und zwar sofort.

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ESTEBAN GONZÁLEZ PONS
    Vice-President

     
       

     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, EU consumer rights are worth absolutely nothing unless they are effectively enforced. We have made some progress with the General Product Safety Regulation, which is going to come into effect later on this year, and we are working on ambitious reforms, but it’s not just about laws.

    The EU’s many market surveillance authorities have to work together in order to take risk-based market surveillance seriously, because when it comes to illegal products coming into EU countries, we should be really, really vigilant. According to the Commission, last year, 2.3 billion items worth less than EUR 150 entered the EU last year. And we’re facing what could only be described as a flood of cheap products. Member State authorities are frequently overwhelmed and sometimes just to verify whether something meets a product safety standard is next to impossible. So we need to support these authorities and make sure that they have the resources they need to do their work online markets such as China’s Temu must meet the standards that we uphold every single European company to in order to have the right to operate in the EU market.

    We don’t want protectionism, we don’t want to reduce global trade. We just want to make sure that the level playing field is level and that the people who are consuming the goods are safe from them.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questi mesi ricorre insistentemente il tema della competitività, soprattutto in quest’Aula. Però leggiamo dalla recente relazione Letta che il 75% dei prodotti pericolosi in circolazione in Europa deriva da Paesi terzi ed è un dato in crescita preoccupante.

    Potete ben capire che questo non solo mette a rischio la competitività delle nostre imprese ma anche la salute dei nostri consumatori, ai quali invece dobbiamo garantire prodotti sicuri con controlli rigorosi, in particolare quelli acquistati sull’e-commerce, piattaforme esplose durante il periodo del COVID.

    Dobbiamo intervenire con urgenza per contrastare l’eccessiva presenza di prodotti dei Paesi terzi, che attraverso le piattaforme riescono a raggiungere con comodità milioni di utenti in tempi rapidissimi. Questa situazione crea una concorrenza sleale che penalizza le nostre imprese, che invece sono obbligate a rispettare norme sempre più stringenti, mentre molti prodotti sono importati senza i dovuti controlli.

    E allora particolare attenzione va rivolta soprattutto ai giocattoli, oppure ai farmaci, perché rivolti ai bambini e alle persone che hanno bisogno di cure. Dobbiamo garantire standard di sicurezza.

    In questo contesto, l’unione doganale può fare ovviamente molto di più e auspichiamo che, ovviamente, la riforma che è stata avviata possa essere portata a termine per garantire una vigilanza più stringente sulle importazioni, proteggendo il nostro mercato e soprattutto i nostri cittadini.

    Solo così potremo assicurare una concorrenza equa e un futuro di crescita e sicurezza per tutti.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       



     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Menschen Europas, Hohes Haus! Wir haben heute bereits über die Wichtigkeit des europäischen Binnenmarkts gesprochen. Umso glücklicher bin ich über diese Debatte, denn wir müssen unseren Binnenmarkt auch schützen. Wir können es nicht akzeptieren, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unter Missachtung der Menschenrechte, teilweise sogar von uigurischen Zwangsarbeitern in Konzentrationslagern hergestellt werden. Wir können es nicht hinnehmen, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unseren Sicherheitsstandards nicht gerecht werden. Wir können es nicht tatenlos geschehen lassen, wenn diese Produkte von autoritären Staaten gezielt subventioniert werden.

    Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn diese Produkte von internationalen Großkonzernen unter bewusstem Ausnutzen verschiedener Steuersysteme innerhalb der EU vertrieben werden. Schließlich: Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn der Binnenmarkt zerstört wird, indem er von ausländischer Konkurrenz ausgespielt wird.

    Die Menschen wollen einen starken Binnenmarkt, nicht einen auf Wish bestellt; und das fängt, wie viele meiner Kollegen zu Recht betont haben, beim Zollsystem an.

     
       


       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

     
       

     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je voudrais d’abord vous remercier pour ce débat sur le marché intérieur et la manière dont des produits arrivent sur ce marché intérieur. Les plateformes jouent un rôle de plus en plus important en la matière. J’entends bien l’ensemble des remarques sur les règles – qui, pour une grande part, existent, même s’il y a encore du travail à faire – et sur le besoin d’un contrôle renforcé.

    Je dirais tout d’abord que nous devons mieux utiliser les outils qui arrivent et qui sont parfois déjà à notre disposition. Je voudrais féliciter les autorités chargées de la protection des consommateurs dans les États membres, que nous avons organisées en réseau. Ce réseau d’acteurs, le réseau CPC, fait déjà aujourd’hui, en relation avec les associations de consommateurs, un travail sur le terrain remarquable pour détecter et retirer des produits régulièrement, non seulement des magasins, mais aussi des plateformes en ligne. Nous avons d’ailleurs développé au sein de la Commission un outil numérique qui permet de vérifier que ces produits ne reviennent pas sur les plateformes.

    Je ne dis pas que nous détectons l’ensemble des produits ou que nous retirons l’ensemble des produits dangereux, que ce soit pour la sécurité proprement dite ou pour la santé des consommateurs, mais je voudrais saluer ce travail, sur lequel il faudra d’ailleurs à nouveau se pencher. Beaucoup ont évoqué le rôle particulier des douanes. Je voudrais confirmer que la Commission souhaite avancer en la matière. Le dossier est entre les mains des colégislateurs pour l’instant. Plusieurs ont évoqué la limite des 150 euros: nous souhaitons l’abolir. J’espère que nous pourrons aboutir prochainement à un accord entre les colégislateurs sur ce sujet. Le travail des douanes est un travail important dans le cadre de la protection des consommateurs.

    Le règlement sur les services numériques est en vigueur. Des pouvoirs ont été octroyés à la Commission, des pouvoirs que nous avons commencé à utiliser, y compris dans les domaines que vous avez évoqués et en particulier dans le cadre de plateformes qui inondent l’Union européenne de produits à bas prix. Le règlement général sur la sécurité des produits, que j’ai évoqué tout à l’heure, entrera en vigueur le 13 décembre. À travers ce règlement, comme plusieurs d’entre vous l’ont évoqué, la responsabilité personnelle des plateformes pourra être mise en cause, non seulement celle des grandes plateformes, mais aussi celle des plus petites, puisque nous avons prévu qu’une personne responsable devait être désignée dans l’Union européenne lorsque des produits sont effectivement importés sur le marché. Mais, je le répète, ce règlement général, que nous avons souhaité mettre en place pour remplacer une directive, entre en vigueur le 13 décembre prochain. Je vous invite donc à utiliser, pour le moment, les outils à disposition ou dont disposeront bientôt les différents acteurs chargés de la protection des consommateurs.

    Pour ce qui est de la poursuite du dialogue avec nos partenaires, j’ai mis en place au cours de la législature écoulée un dialogue avec les autorités américaines, notamment en matière de protection des produits. En ce qui concerne la politique des consommateurs, il y a aux États-Unis trois agences différentes, et la commission américaine chargée de la sécurité des produits est en dialogue constant avec la Commission européenne. Nous développons un dialogue similaire avec le Royaume-Uni, le Canada, le Japon, ou la Corée du Sud.

    Pour la première fois, nous avons tenu, à Paris, au sein de l’OCDE, une réunion ministérielle concernant la politique des consommateurs. Et l’OCDE, pour une fois, s’est penchée non plus seulement sur la production, mais aussi sur la consommation, et donc, réellement, sur la sécurité des produits pour les consommateurs. On voit que ce thème progresse. Nous avons d’ailleurs tenu à Bruxelles, très récemment, une semaine consacrée à la sécurité des produits, avec l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux.

    Il est vrai que nous devons aussi poursuivre le travail entamé avec la Chine. Nous le faisons par un dialogue direct, nous le faisons aussi, parfois, en collaboration avec des partenaires internationaux – nous avons mené une action trilatérale avec nos collègues américains. Je ne suis pas naïf, mais on doit continuer à tenter de convaincre nos partenaires chinois qu’il s’agit aussi d’un enjeu de réputation pour leurs produits et pour leurs entreprises, et probablement pour un nombre croissant de consommateurs chinois, qui souhaitent eux-mêmes une plus grande sécurité de leurs produits. C’est un travail qui a aussi été entamé au cours de ces dernières années.

    Enfin, vous avez évoqué des cas concrets de sécurité des produits sur des plateformes, mais aussi de produits à bas prix – je pense à Temu ou à Shein. Je l’ai dit, des actions sont en cours. Nous avons saisi le réseau des agences chargées de la protection des consommateurs sur ce sujet. Le réseau CPC y travaille. Le règlement sur les services numériques est lui aussi à l’œuvre dans le cadre de procédures visant ces plateformes, lesquelles ne posent pas seulement un problème de sécurité de produits ou de santé des consommateurs, mais aussi, vous l’avez rappelé, de concurrence déloyale, en raison de prix très faibles, de prix particulièrement bas. Elles ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec la production de nouveaux produits en Europe, elles le sont aussi avec le marché de seconde main.

    Nous avons, avec certains d’entre vous, beaucoup travaillé au développement du droit à la réparation, qui concerne chaque consommateur et qui permet par ailleurs de renforcer le marché de seconde main. Il est clair que nous devons la protéger contre l’évolution de la concurrence déloyale, tout en demandant bien entendu au secteur de la seconde main de garantir la sécurité de ses produits au même titre que le respect d’un certain nombre de règles européennes.

    Alors, bien entendu, je ne voudrais pas conclure sans évoquer un ou deux aspects, notamment une remarque plus personnelle. La Commission a vu ses compétences directes renforcées: aussi bien celles qu’elle détient, depuis longtemps, dans le domaine de la concurrence que celles acquises plus récemment dans celui des plateformes – à travers le règlement sur les services numériques.

    Pour ce qui est des consommateurs, il est peut-être temps aussi de se poser la question, au-delà du réseau des acteurs nationaux, d’une action possible et plus directe de la Commission pour des cas qui le méritent – des cas manifestement transfrontaliers et qui concernent l’ensemble des consommateurs européens. Cela nécessite des moyens, bien entendu. C’est donc un débat qui reviendra, je l’espère, dans les prochaines années: le travail en la matière ne doit plus se limiter aux agences nationales, il doit aussi advenir à l’échelon de la Commission.

    Je terminerai en vous disant que plusieurs ont évoqué la nécessité d’agir vite. J’ai notamment entendu des remarques sur la manière dont on produit un certain nombre de biens vendus sur le marché européen, parfois en violation des règles environnementales ou des droits de l’homme. Nous avons mis cinq ans à faire adopter une directive sur le devoir de vigilance. Maintenant, il faut en entamer la mise en œuvre.

    J’espère donc que la détermination de l’ensemble des acteurs – des colégislateurs comme des États membres – sera très grande pour agir: pas uniquement quand un produit arrive sur le marché européen, mais aussi sur les chaînes d’approvisionnement, en réfléchissant à la manière de faire respecter les règles environnementales aussi bien que celles en matière de droits de l’homme, tant par les entreprises européennes que par les entreprises de pays tiers qui viennent sur le marché intérieur – y compris à travers des plateformes.

    Beaucoup reste à faire, mais je crois que des règles sont en place. Il faut maintenant les rendre effectives et, surtout, renforcer le contrôle, pour une part à l’échelon européen – lorsque c’est nécessaire.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

     

    16. One-minute speeches on matters of political importance


     

      Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, θα ήθελα να μοιραστώ μαζί σας μια όμορφη πρωτοβουλία στην Ελλάδα και συγκεκριμένα στη Φουρνά Ευρυτανίας, ένα ελληνικό χωριό όπου Δήμος, Περιφέρεια και Εκκλησία συνεργάζονται αρμονικά, προσφέροντας μια καλύτερη ζωή σε μέλη νέων οικογενειών με στόχο να τους πείσουν να εγκατασταθούν στον τόπο τους. Θέλω να σας πω ότι αυτές ακριβώς τις μικρές νίκες πρέπει να αναζητούμε απέναντι στη δημογραφική κρίση· τις μάχες, δηλαδή, που δίνονται μεμονωμένα, ώστε η ευρωπαϊκή ύπαιθρος να μη «σβήσει».

    Ας δούμε όμως και τη μεγάλη εικόνα. Είναι αναγκαία η άμεση επανεκκίνηση της ευρωπαϊκής περιφέρειας. Αυτό θα το πετύχουμε με την αξιοποίηση επιτυχημένων πολιτικών και σωστή αναδιάρθρωση του ευρωπαϊκού προϋπολογισμού. Η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει να επανέλθει στις διαφορετικές ταχύτητες με τις οποίες εξαπλώνεται το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα στα 27 κράτη μέλη, αλλά να χρηματοδοτήσει δράσεις με την ίδια ένταση και να δώσει ουσιαστικά κίνητρα.

    Κλείνοντας, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, οφείλουμε να φροντίσουμε ώστε να μη νιώθουν οι περιφέρειες και τα νησιά μας απομονωμένα. Κάθε κουκκίδα στον ευρωπαϊκό χάρτη που διασυνδέουμε με μια άλλη, είναι αυτομάτως μια μεγάλη κατάκτηση προς τον κοινό μας στόχο: να δώσουμε ξανά πνοή στην ήπειρό μας.

     
       

     

      Gabriela Firea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, vinerea trecută, tocmai a trecut, a marcat Ziua Europeană de Luptă împotriva Traficului de Persoane, o zi care ne amintește cât de fragilă este siguranța pentru multe femei și mulți copii din Europa. Din păcate, traficul de persoane, care este strâns legat de violența domestică, continuă să fie o problemă gravă. Observăm la nivelul Uniunii Europene că se fac pași importanți. A fost adoptată o versiune revizuită a directivei antitrafic, cu măsuri mai stricte pentru combaterea noilor forme de exploatare, inclusiv a celor din mediul online. Programe precum Fondul pentru azil, migrație și integrare și Programul „Cetățeni, egalitate, drepturi și valori” sprijină victimele și încearcă să prevină traficul de persoane.

    Totuși, nu este suficient și este clar că avem nevoie de o mai bună coordonare între statele membre și de o utilizare mai eficientă a fondurilor, inclusiv prin Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență. Este vital să investim mai mult în educație, în prevenție și mai ales în protecția reală a victimelor, iar cei care comit aceste crime să fie aduși în fața justiției, pentru că asta înseamnă să facem dreptate: să-i protejăm pe cei vulnerabili și să nu lăsăm nicio victimă fără voce.

     
       

     

      Julien Sanchez (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, le récent rapport de la Cour des comptes européenne sur le fonds fiduciaire d’urgence en faveur de la stabilité et de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière et du phénomène des personnes déplacées en Afrique, fonds doté rappelons-le de 5 milliards d’euros d’argent public de nos concitoyens, est édifiant et accablant.

    Si les besoins sont réels et la situation préoccupante, les exemples de gaspillage sans aucun contrôle sont hélas innombrables et choquants. Oui, la Commission européenne gère notre argent avec amateurisme et légèreté. Ainsi, en Gambie, des bénéficiaires ont reçu deux fois la même aide pour des projets agricoles qui, en plus, sont des projets fictifs. En Afrique subsaharienne, des mixeurs ont été distribués dans des écoles qui n’ont même pas accès à l’électricité. Il y a des dizaines d’exemples dans ce rapport, que j’invite chacun à lire.

    J’ai trois questions. Ce programme existe-t-il juste pour se donner bonne conscience? Comment peut-on balancer des milliards et se désintéresser à ce point de l’utilisation réelle et concrète de ces fonds? Enfin: n’avez-vous pas honte de voir l’argent des contribuables ainsi dilapidé? Comment tout cela est-il possible, et pourquoi les gens qui laissent faire cela ne sont-ils pas limogés?

     
       






     

      Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, we are broadly agreed across this House that nothing we do or say would reward Russia for its aggression and its contempt for human rights. Equally, we are broadly agreed that we would not do or say anything that would reward Iran for its aggression. Yet we are now slowly embarking on a policy to do just that, under the banner of so-called normalisation of relations with Assad’s Syria. This will send a clear message to Russia and Iran.

    Having stood by those who sought freedom, having passed countless resolutions condemning Assad’s prisons and gulags and executions, and his use of chemical warfare, and looking for an end to impunity, now we quietly return to restore normal relations at a time that can only send one clear message: the EU will stand by those who seek freedom, but if autocrats have the patience and seek the protection of Iran and Russia, they might just succeed.

     
       

     

      Vicent Marzà Ibáñez (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, mientras en este Parlamento, hace unos años, y en el Consejo, justo este mes, se ha aprobado una normativa, la nueva Directiva de calidad del aire ambiente, mucho más restrictiva de acuerdo con los criterios científicos, en la ciudad de Elx, en nuestra tercera ciudad valenciana, el Gobierno da rienda suelta a la contaminación y lo que hace es destruir carriles bici, pervertir la zona de bajas emisiones promoviendo el uso del coche y, además, poner en peligro doce millones de euros de fondos europeos que no va a ejecutar con el fin para el que fueron asignados.

    Por eso, desde aquí queremos lanzar esta denuncia, en relación con todas las denuncias ciudadanas que están luchando contra esta situación en Elx, en la tercera ciudad valenciana, y pedimos a la Comisión Europea que tome cartas en el asunto. Le queremos preguntar si va a seguir permitiendo que se destinen fondos europeos contra la salud de los ilicitanos y las ilicitanas.

     
       



     

      Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, v týchto dňoch si pripomíname osemdesiate výročie Slovenského národného povstania, ktoré vypuklo 29. augusta 1944, a osemdesiate výročie karpatsko-duklianskej operácie, ktorá bola najväčšou horskou bitkou druhej svetovej vojny a najväčšou bitkou v Československu. Bohužiaľ, dnes nás opustil jeden z posledných žijúcich partizánov na Slovensku, pán Karol Kuna, ktorý sa dožil 96 rokov, a tých pamätníkov Slovenského národného povstania máme stále menej a menej. Rada by som citovala pána Kunu, ktorý povedal: Keby nebolo toľkých, ktorí pretrhli putá zotročenia, dnes by sme nežili v slobodnej krajine. Slovenskí partizáni bojovali za hodnoty odboja proti fašizmu, ako bola sloboda, spravodlivosť a rovnosť, a len vďaka nim bolo nakoniec Československo a Slovenská republika slobodnou krajinou, ktorá stála na strane víťazov. Rada by som dnes vzdala česť týmto ľuďom, ktorí padli za našu slobodu. V Slovenskom národnom povstaní padlo približne desaťtisíc ľudí, ktorí boli nielen vojaci, nielen partizáni, ale takisto civilisti, ktorí pomáhali týmto ľuďom prežiť v horách. A takisto pri duklianskej operácii padlo asi 150 tisíc ľudí. Buď stratili svoj život, svoje zdravie, alebo boli zajatí. Česť ich pamiatke.

     
       



     

      Michele Picaro (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il turismo dentale nei paesi extra-UE è un fenomeno in crescita che solleva importanti preoccupazioni per la salute pubblica.

    Negli ultimi anni molti pazienti europei, in particolare italiani, si sono rivolti a destinazioni come Albania e Turchia per trattamenti odontoiatrici a prezzi competitivi. Tuttavia, un’indagine della British Dental Association ha evidenziato che il 70% dei pazienti che hanno cercato cure all’estero ha sperimentato eventi avversi gravi, come infezioni e ascessi o difficoltà masticatoria, condizioni che hanno compromesso non solo la loro salute, ma anche la durata di protesi e impianti, vanificando così il vantaggio economico iniziale.

    Le norme sanitarie in questi Paesi spesso mancano di una regolamentazione rigorosa. Per questo è necessario promuovere campagne informative che forniscano ai cittadini dati chiari e affidabili sui rischi e i benefici delle cure odontoiatriche all’estero. Informare i pazienti riguardo alle normative sanitarie dei Paesi di destinazione, alla formazione del personale medico, agli standard di qualità delle strutture è cruciale per consentire scelte consapevoli.

    Per tale ragione è imperativo che il Parlamento europeo consideri queste problematiche e promuova iniziative per garantire la sicurezza e la qualità delle cure odontoiatriche. Al contrario, si tratta di garantire ad ogni paziente scelte informate, sicure e supportate da normative adeguate. Solo così potremo garantire e proteggere la salute dei cittadini e mantenere la fiducia nel sistema sanitario.

     
       

     

      Ciaran Mullooly (Renew). – Mr President, reports along the corridors of this building say a trade deal with the Mercosur countries has all but been agreed by our Commission, and talk of compensation for Irish farmers and others is widespread. But I come here this evening to give you one message, and a message back to those who send those briefs. No way! No way will we accept this.

    A study by the Irish Government Department of Enterprise in 2021 indicated that Ireland’s beef sector would lose between EUR 44 million and EUR 55 million if the EU-Mercosur deal goes ahead.

    We are the fifth largest beef exporter in the world and the biggest EU exporter, with more than 90 % traded internationally on an annual basis.

    It is not acceptable that Ireland and key other European Member States incur high environmental food-safety traceability charges, while third countries just sail in here and are simply allowed to avoid such costs and undercut our beef in prime EU markets.

    This Parliament has and must insist on one rule for everyone equally applied to the Mercosur countries, and until this equality rule applies, Ireland says no deal and no sell-out!

     
       




     

      Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, jeudi matin, j’étais dans ma ville de Nantes, aux côtés des salariés de General Electric, qui s’apprête à supprimer près de 400 emplois dans son usine et son centre de recherche-développement consacrés à la production d’éoliennes maritimes.

    Il y a plus de dix ans, alors que j’étais vice-président de ma région, j’avais œuvré à la naissance de cette filière et montré aux citoyens que l’écologie pouvait créer des centaines d’emplois: d’ouvriers, de techniciens et d’ingénieurs. Aujourd’hui, je vois ces emplois disparaître parce que l’Europe et la France sont incapables de développer des projets éoliens en mer à un tarif qui permettrait de rémunérer une chaîne de valeur et des emplois européens, incapables d’imposer un contenu européen là où il y a pourtant un soutien public important.

    Nos usines risquent de fermer alors que nous en aurons besoin pour équiper les nouveaux parcs éoliens en mer. Pendant ce temps, les Chinois construisent des usines en Écosse et en Italie pour assembler des éoliennes essentiellement fabriquées en Chine. Nous parlons de politique industrielle et de compétitivité, mais, dans la vie réelle, nous laissons s’effondrer les filières des industries vertes et nous sacrifions les emplois.

    L’Europe va-t-elle enfin se réveiller, ou va-t-elle s’enferrer dans ce lent suicide collectif? Il est temps de réagir et de lutter.

     
       

     

      Mélanie Disdier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, si je m’adresse à vous aujourd’hui, c’est pour vous parler d’une filière en danger: celle du bois.

    En 2020, toutes les grandes centrales syndicales et patronales du secteur de l’industrie de transformation du bois ont pris l’initiative d’une déclaration commune pour dire stop à l’exportation massive de grumes en Asie, et particulièrement en Chine. L’exportation du bois non transformé prend des proportions inquiétantes, et pas uniquement pour le chêne – comme c’est le cas dans la forêt de Mormal, qui m’est chère. Toutes les essences sont concernées ou le seront à court terme. Les menuisiers, artisans, constructeurs, fabricants de parquets sont très nombreux à s’alarmer, car ils sont inquiets pour leur avenir. Si les scieries sont privées d’approvisionnement, c’est toute la filière qui va être touchée à court terme.

    Dans un contexte de pénurie de matériaux, il est donc suicidaire de laisser perdurer la situation sans réagir. Le bois est devenu une ressource stratégique, qui fait partie intégrante de notre souveraineté, et une clé de la neutralité carbone. Il est grand temps que l’Union européenne s’empare de ce dossier. Des milliers d’emplois sont en jeu en France et en Europe.

     
       

     

      Dick Erixon (ECR). – Herr talman! Efter polisrazzior i Öst- och Sydeuropa tidigare i år beslagtogs Rolexklockor, guld, diamanter, smycken, lägenheter, villor, kryptovaluta, Lamborghini, Porsche och en Audi Q8.

    Ett enda kriminellt gäng misstänks ha stulit över sex miljarder kronor från coronafonden Next Generation, med hjälp av experter på bidragsansökningar, AI-verktyg och bluffbolag. När socialdemokrater och moderater släppte igenom coronafonden lovades rigorösa kontroller. Så blev det inte. Den överdimensionerade EU-budgeten göder korruption och slöseri, men hjälper även kriminella som hittat en ny kassako att mjölka genom ekobrottslighet.

    Bidragen är så stora och mottagarna så många att rigorösa kontroller inte är möjliga. Detta måste få ett slut.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, o inquérito pós‑eleitoral feito pelo Parlamento Europeu mostrou que a principal preocupação dos povos é o custo de vida. Este Parlamento deveria estar a discutir as soluções para esse problema, mas nenhum outro grupo político aceitou fazer esse debate. Nenhum outro grupo político quis discutir as opções para combater o aumento do custo de vida, as medidas de controlo e fixação dos preços dos bens essenciais, medidas de combate aos preços especulativos que garantem lucros milionários dos grupos da distribuição da energia e dos combustíveis, das telecomunicações ou da banca.

    Deveríamos também estar a discutir as consequências das novas regras da governação económica. Em Portugal, o Governo acabou de apresentar uma proposta de Orçamento do Estado que mostra bem os impactos dessas novas regras, que mostra os condicionamentos e restrições orçamentais, as limitações nos serviços públicos e nas funções sociais do Estado, as restrições ao investimento; tudo isso em contraste com as políticas de privilégio aos grupos económicos e às multinacionais. Também este debate foi travado, porque, para grande parte deste Parlamento, verdadeiramente as condições de vida dos povos pouco interessam.

     
       

     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la solidaridad y la cohesión son el modelo social europeo y si hay una amenaza que pende sobre ese modelo es la dificultad de acceso a la vivienda que recorre toda Europa.

    Este último fin de semana en Canarias, de nuevo, miles de personas han vuelto a salir a la calle para protestar contra lo que consideran que es un exceso de presión turística, porque en Canarias se ha producido un incremento de población de un 30 % en los últimos veinte años y porque, además, se han declarado en los últimos años 60 000 ofertas alojativas extrahoteleras, lo que equivale a doce hoteles con 250 camas cada uno. Pero no se han realizado las inversiones correspondientes ni en hospitales, ni en residencias, ni en redes eléctricas, ni en aeropuertos, ni en conexiones marítimas, ni tampoco en el ciclo del agua y en relación con los vertidos al mar.

    Y tenemos puestas nuestras esperanzas en la próxima Comisión Von der Leyen, en la que va a haber por fin un comisario encargado de vivienda, el danés Dan Jørgensen, que podrá movilizar fondos europeos contra los fondos de inversión, contra los fondos buitre, para generar, por fin, oferta de vivienda en alquiler o en venta que permita la emancipación de la gente joven y el acceso a la vivienda de la clase trabajadora. Eso significará una oportunidad de restaurar el modelo social europeo con una política de vivienda europea.

     
       

     

      Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A legutóbbi uniós csúcson a felek arra jutottak, hogy fokozni kell az erőfeszítéseket az uniós versenyképesség növelésére. Ezzel egyet is értünk, de azt is szomorúan állapíthatjuk meg, hogy hiányzik a szókimondó párbeszéd arról, hogy mi is okozza Európa egyre nagyobb leszakadását a versenyképességi versenyben. Sok okot azonosíthatunk, de a legfontosabb mégiscsak az, hogy elszálltak az energiaárak.

    Azért szálltak el, mert Európa a brüsszeli intézmények nyomására ideológiai okokból hátat fordított a vezetékes gáznak. A helyette beszerzett cseppfolyós gáz jóval drágább. A zöld energia a legtöbb esetben sajnos szintén drágább, és ez drasztikus terhet ró az európai vállalatokra, kicsikre és nagyokra is. Nem véletlen, hogy egyre több vállalat helyezi át a termelését máshová. A Draghi-jelentés szerint Európában ma kétszer-háromszor magasabbak az áramárak az Egyesült Államokhoz képest, a gázárak pedig négyszer-ötször. Ha ez tartósan így marad, akkor Európa maradék versenyképessége is megy a levesbe. Nem kell beletörődnünk, hogy ez így legyen, újratervezésre van szükség.

     
       

     

      Thierry Mariani (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, le Liban est en danger de mort. Ni l’Union européenne ni la France ne sont à la hauteur du drame humain qui s’y joue. Face à cette guerre impitoyable, l’Union européenne s’entête dans ses certitudes et refuse de venir en aide à Damas, qui est pourtant en première ligne pour gérer l’accueil des réfugiés dans cette crise.

    Chaque jour, des milliers de personnes traversent la frontière pour chercher refuge et protection en Syrie. Aujourd’hui, ce sont déjà près de 240 000 personnes qui ont fait le choix de passer en Syrie, considérant que ce pays est un territoire sûr. Mais l’Europe et la France restent immobiles, tandis que l’Italie, elle, plaide pour renouer le dialogue avec la République arabe syrienne. La situation au Liban ne fait qu’empirer, et avec elle, si rien n’est fait, plane la menace d’une nouvelle vague migratoire de réfugiés vers l’Europe.

    Les Syriens, derrière Bachar el-Assad, ont résisté vaillamment aux islamistes qu’une partie d’entre vous, dans cet hémicycle, avait soutenus. Il est urgent de renouer les liens avec la Syrie. C’est l’intérêt des réfugiés qu’elle accueille, mais également des pays de la région, et c’est aussi l’intérêt de l’Europe.

     
       



     

      Marko Vešligaj (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, uvažene kolege, ruralna područja čine 83 posto teritorija Europske unije, a u njima živi 137 milijuna ljudi.

    Ova područja su ključna za proizvodnju temeljnih resursa poput hrane i energije. Ipak, unatoč njihovoj važnosti, ruralne zajednice sustavno se marginaliziraju konkretnim politikama i programima financiranja. Da, postoje dokumenti poput Ruralnog pakta i dugoročne vizije za ruralna područja, koje su dobre smjernice, ali njihova implementacija je spora, a problemi se gomilaju.

    Iseljavanje, manjak javnih usluga, neadekvatna infrastruktura svakodnevica su lokalnih zajednica u ruralnim prostorima, a nedostatak podrške viših razina vlasti stvara neodrživu situaciju. Danas je dodatno ruralna Europa uslijed klimatskih promjena suočena i s prirodnim katastrofama, od klizanja tla, suša, poplava do potresa i požara.

    I za takve situacije trebamo brže i jednostavnije financijske mehanizme. Zato je nužno osigurati izravna i lako dostupna europska sredstva kao garanciju razvoja i održivosti ruralnih područja i ostanka ljudi u njima.

     
       



     

      Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, sous couvert d’un humanisme totalement dévoyé et de faux bons sentiments, des politiciens traîtres aux peuples européens promeuvent une idéologie fanatique qu’ils ont érigée en dogme: l’immigrationnisme.

    Malheureusement, cette volonté de suicide altruiste imposée aux Européens a des conséquences concrètes au quotidien. La ville du Mans, en France, en est un triste exemple. L’immigration y a plus que doublé en quinze ans et, avec elle, les délits et les crimes. Augmentation des vols de plus de 300 %, augmentation des viols de plus de 500 % et augmentation des attaques au couteau, elle, de 1 000 %, carrément. Oui, dix fois plus qu’avant l’arrivée sur notre sol de ces étrangers délinquants, de ces criminels importés aux frais des Européens que vous appelez les «migrants».

    Le sang des victimes de cette abomination est sur les mains des membres de la Commission européenne qui ont ordonné cette submersion et sur les mains des députés qui l’ont votée.

     
       


     

      President. – That concludes this item.

     

    17. Agenda of the next sitting

     

      President. – The next sitting is tomorrow, Tuesday, 22 October 2024 at 09:00. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament website.

     

    18. Approval of the minutes of the sitting

     

      President. – The minutes of the sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval tomorrow, at the beginning of the afternoon.

     

    19. Closure of the sitting

       

    (The sitting closed at 22:02)

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Small business group advances work programme, focuses on business support organizations

    Source: World Trade Organization

    Thematic discussions: Business support organizations

    The meeting shed light on the work of business support organizations, such as the Enterprise Europe Network (EEN) and the International Trade Centre, in connecting small businesses with partners to help them export to international markets and utilise opportunities provided by free trade agreements.

    It was noted that business support organizations play an important role in facilitating the information flow between the public and private sectors, particularly small business, in addition to gathering feedback and providing advisory services to MSMEs to help them access financing opportunities.

    The session was in response to a proposal by the United States (INF/MSME/W/51), which suggested exploring how small businesses are linked to the mechanisms that shape trade policy through local chambers of commerce, trade associations, and/or other local business support organizations.

    Success stories

    As part of its efforts to strengthen engagement with the private sector, the Group invited Mr Aziz Ndiaye, Founder and Owner of ANEP Company, a small business headquartered in Switzerland, to present his enterprise. ANEP Company specializes in the import and export of exotic fruits and vegetables from Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Togo and  Benin and seeks to deliver positive social impact for the communities benefiting from these trade opportunities.  

    The two winners of the Small Business Champions initiative (CLAC – Coordinadora Latino americana de Comercio Justo and O’KANATA) presented their winning projects to the Group. Their projects are aimed at helping indigenous people trade internationally through needs assessment surveys, technical assistance and online platforms.

    Dr Ayman El Tarabishy, President and CEO of the International Council for Small Business (ICSB), spoke to the Group about the ICSB’s efforts to advance small business research and good practice.

    Future work

    The Group’s next meeting on 10 December will focus on good regulatory practices for MSMEs and trade digitalization in response to a proposal put forward by the United Kingdom (INF/MSME/W/52).

    The UK will explain how MSMEs’ interests are considered in regulatory development, referencing Annex 4 of the December 2020 MSME package. The UK will also discuss various processes and tools used in domestic regulatory procedures that may benefit MSMEs. Various speakers will be invited to talk about the importance of trade digitalization for small businesses and how trade digitalization efforts can be accelerated.

    Work is underway to build on the compendium of special provisions on the integration of MSMEs into Authorised Economic Operators programmes published earlier this year. A joint study by the World Customs Organization and the International Chamber of Commerce is being prepared on this issue, using a recent survey as a basis for the report.

    New proposal

    The Russian Federation presented a proposal (INF/MSME/W/58 – INF/TGE/COM/10) to have a compendium of educational programmes aimed at empowering women entrepreneurs in finance and marketing. The compendium’s objective is to help women-owned businesses participate in international trade and assist governments in drafting supporting policies.

    Updates

    Members shared updates on their implementation of the December 2020 MSME package of recommendations aimed at helping small businesses trade globally. China reported on its ninth Trade Policy Review (TPR), where measures taken to integrate small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in its policies were included in its report. Such measures include the provision of policy support documents, tax extensions and the establishment of funds.  

    China also highlighted its efforts to create a business-friendly environment, such as addressing financing challenges and supporting research and development.

    The ITC provided updates on the Global Trade Helpdesk, an online platform intended to bring together trade and business information for companies, especially MSMEs. The ITC noted an increase in the usage of the platform in the United States, India, China and Indonesia, and highlighted recent events including the launch of Bahasa and Chinese versions of the HelpDesk.

    MSME-related discussions in the Technical Barriers to Trade Committee and Government Procurement Committee were also shared with the Group. This included a new good practice guide on how to comment on members’ notifications, focusing on the ability of the private sector to provide feedback and track such notifications and on the adoption of a best practice report on measures facilitating the participation of SMEs in government procurement.

    Share

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Indian art offers a model of inclusivity in a divided world: Vice-President Shri Jagdeep Dhankhar

    Source: Government of India

    Indian art offers a model of inclusivity in a divided world: Vice-President Shri Jagdeep Dhankhar

    Bharat is a gold mine of fine arts, says Vice-President at the Concluding Ceremony of International Festival on Indian Dance

    Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi India achieved global acceptance in the area of Dance, Culture, Yoga, Ayush and Indian Music: Shri Gajendra Singh Shekhawat

    Posted On: 21 OCT 2024 9:30PM by PIB Delhi

    Indian art, particularly dance, offers a model of inclusivity in a world increasingly divided by conflicts and discord, said Vice-President of India Shri Jagdeep Dhankhar. He emphasized the power of India’s rich cultural heritage to unite people across boundaries, stating, “In a world grappling with conflicts, transgressions, and discord, Indian art offers a ray of light. When the tunnel is filled with challenges and divisiveness, it is culture, dance, and music that unite us across barriers. Howsoever divisive the world may be, the unity brought about by our culture is impregnable, soothing, and lasting.”

    Addressing the gathering at the International Festival on Indian Dance, organized by the Sangeet Natak Akademi in collaboration with the Ministry of Culture and the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), the Vice-President said, “Performing arts have the power to unite, heal, inspire, and motivate. Dance artists are cultural and peace ambassadors, promoting dialogue and laying the groundwork for soothing diplomatic maneuvers. Dance is a great facet of cultural diplomacy, fostering understanding and connection across boundaries.”

    Shri Dhankhar hailed India’s cultural richness, noting, “Bharat is a gold mine of fine arts. Our cultural revival integrates ancient wisdom with contemporary practices, further cementing India’s image as a cultural powerhouse. The world witnessed this during our G20 Presidency, where our culture was showcased as a feast for the senses. Culture, dance, and music are the universal languages of mankind, understood and appreciated globally.”

    On this occasion, Union Minister of Culture and Tourism Shri Gajendra Singh Shekhawat expressed gratitude to Vice President Shri Jaideep Dhankhar for his esteemed presence, and also

    extended a warm welcome to Lok Sabha, MP, Smt. Hema Malini, Padma Vibhushan recipient  Ms. Padma Subrahmanyam, the Chairperson of Sangeet Natak Akademi, Dr. Sandhya Purecha and thanked them for their contribution towards India’s dance traditions.

    Speaking on the occasion, Union Minister of Culture and Tourism said that this ‘Maha Kumbh’ of our culture that lasted for 6 days is a symbol of India’s cultural diversity and prosperity. The event has paved the way for not only a beautiful display of art, but also narrations, lectures and discussions on various subjects related to art.

    Addressing the gathering, the Minister said, “You all have proposed 14 such topics and points of resolution which will serve as a guide for the Ministry of Culture of India in the coming times and will make a big contribution in re-establishing and showcasing India’s cultural importance on the global stage.”

    Further, he evoked Acharya Dhananjay and his great work ‘Dasharupakam’, and said, “He had talked about ‘Bhavaasrayam Nrityam’, meaning ‘dance is all about bhaava’. In this great tradition of ours, ‘bhaava’ was indeed the most prominent element in the history of humanity, which deeply embedded the sentiment of public welfare and global brotherhood.”

    He also said that under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, not only has India achieved global acceptance in the area of dance and culture, but also in the fields of Indian Yoga, our Ayush tradition and medical system, Indian music and Indian knowledge systems. The Minister added that dance, done with utmost sincerity, can definitely establish unity with the universal conscience and at the same time further enrich India’s role as a beacon for the world.

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    BY/SKT

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend Greece on Measures Taken for Unaccompanied Minors, Raise Questions on Domestic Violence and Allegations of Border Pushbacks

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the third periodic report of Greece on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  Committee Experts commended Greece for the measures taken for unaccompanied minors, while raising questions on domestic violence, and allegations of pushbacks at the border. 

    One Committee Expert said the Committee welcomed measures taken by the State party, including the establishment of the Special Secretariat for the Protection of Unaccompanied Minors, the Emergency Response Mechanism, and law 4960/2022 on the establishment of a National Guardianship System for unaccompanied minors.  The Committee also appreciated the national protection strategy (2021–2025) and the mechanism for unaccompanied children living in precarious conditions. 

    Another Expert asked how the State party addressed the root causes of gender-based violence? Was there a comprehensive strategy to prevent, raise awareness on, and respond to gender-based violence?  Was there mandatory and continuous capacity building for judges, prosecutors, and other law enforcement officials about gender-based violence? 

    A Committee Expert said numerous reports documented instances of pushbacks by the Hellenic police and Hellenic coast guards, including patterns of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, incommunicado detention, and unlawful destruction of personal belongings.  How would Greece ensure thorough, systematic, effective, and independent investigations into allegations of pushbacks and hold those responsible accountable?  Reports before the Committee indicated that from January 2020 to June 2024, there were 1,452 incidents at the borders affecting approximately 46,649 people. What measures were being taken to ensure that border control operations prioritised the protection of life and that rescue efforts were conducted in compliance with human rights?

    The delegation said violence against women had increased significantly during the pandemic. In April 2020, there was a significant increase of more than 200 per cent regarding phone calls to the hotline for reporting violence.  Psychosocial support was provided upon request, including both online and in-person. An awareness raising campaign was launched in 2024 and was displayed in the Athens urban rail network.  A panic button application was launched, enabling women in immediate danger to call for help in a safe manner by pressing a button on their phone which was linked to the police. 

    The delegation said pushbacks were not the policy of the Greek Government in any way, shape, or form; the Government policy was clear.  Actions taken by Hellenic authorities at the sea borders were carried out in full compliance with international obligations.  Allegations on so-called pushbacks were not compatible with the well-established operations of the Hellenic authorities.  However, any allegations of pushbacks or mistreatment of third country nationals were thoroughly investigated.  From 2015 to the present, the Hellenic coast guards had rescued more than 254,000 people.  Several mechanisms allowed complaints against pushbacks to be submitted to the Hellenic authorities, and the coast guards had a robust disciplinary mechanism.

    Introducing the report, Katerina Patsogianni, Secretary General for Equality and Human Rights, Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family of Greece and head of the delegation, said in recent years, Greece had confronted the combined effects of the economic crisis, the migration crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic.  The country was now on a path to long-term progress and sustainability, benefiting its human rights framework.  Greece had developed one of Europe’s most efficient asylum services and continued to improve its capacities and infrastructure.  The fight against human trafficking was a top priority for authorities, who worked closely with non-governmental organizations in a strategic alliance. 

    In concluding remarks, Ioannis Ghikas, Permanent Representative of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva, thanked the Committee for the frank and honest exchange.  Greece had worked hard to improve the situation, particularly on migration; the number of deaths in the Aegean Sea had fallen by 40 per cent. Greece had a vibrant society with few resources but was working to do better. 

    Tania María Abdo Rocholl, Committee Chairperson, thanked the delegation for the dialogue, which had covered a wide range of subjects under the Covenant.   The Committee aimed to ensure the highest level of implementation of the Covenant in Greece. 

    The delegation of Greece was made up of representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family; the Ministry of Justice; the Ministry of Citizen Protection; the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy; the Ministry of Migration and Asylum; the Ministry of National Defence; the Ministry of Interior; the Ministry of Education, Religious Affairs and Sports; the Ministry of Health; the Presidency of the Government; and the Permanent Mission of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-second session is being held from 14 October to 7 November 2024.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 22 October, to begin its consideration of the sixth periodic report of France (CCPR/C/FRA/6).

    Report

    The Committee has before it the third periodic report of Greece (CCPR/C/GRC/3).

    Presentation of Report

    IOANNIS GHIKAS, Permanent Representative of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said since the last review, Greece had made significant progress in key areas, including the protection of vulnerable groups, ensuring gender equality, and promoting human rights safeguards.  Despite unprecedented challenges, Greece had remained committed to protecting and promoting human rights and looked forward to the Committee’s recommendations. 

    KATERINA PATSOGIANNI, Secretary General for Equality and Human Rights, Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family of Greece and head of the delegation, said in recent years, Greece had confronted the combined effects of the economic crisis, the migration crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic.  The country was now on a path to long-term progress and sustainability, benefiting its human rights framework.  Faced with the COVID-19 pandemic, Greece implemented restrictive measures to curb the spread of the disease, which were proportionate, non-discriminatory, and scientifically evaluated.  At the same time, the authorities enacted policies to protect public health and mitigate the social and economic effects of the pandemic. The National Vaccination Programme ran smoothly and efficiently, targeting specific and vulnerable groups. Following recommendations to improve policy coordination, Greece launched national human rights action plans with input from independent bodies and civil society. 

    Significant progress had been made on gender equality, including ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on Violence against Women and the International Labour Organization Convention on Sexual Harassment in the Workplace.  The Labour Inspection Body was now an independent authority, and the Greek Ombudsperson’s role in equal treatment had been strengthened. In 2019, Greece introduced a comprehensive legal framework to promote gender equality.  The new national action plan 2026-2030 would guide future policies with civil society input. 

    This year marked a significant milestone for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons, with the enactment of marriage equality for all, without gender discrimination.  On the rights of the child, key policy actions were focused on strengthening foster care and adoption, preventing child abuse, and setting rules for child protection units and childcare centres. 

    Greece was actively implementing the Roma National Strategy 2021–2030, guided by the principle “for the Roma, with the Roma.”  Key committees, including the Roma Forum, were fully operational. All available European Union funding was being used to enhance Roma’s employment, education, healthcare, and housing participation.  Harsher penalties now applied to crimes with racist characteristics. The National Council against Racism and Intolerance, an inter-ministerial body with the participation of independent bodies, adopted the first national action plan in December 2020. 

    For persons with disabilities, Greece established a National Accessibility Authority and was developing a national strategy for 2024-2030.  Key policies included deinstitutionalisation and a personal assistant programme for independent living.  A 2023 law improved access to justice for persons with disabilities and removed derogatory language from the legislation.  Additionally, the Ministry of Health had enacted legislation for psychiatric reform, shifting from institutional to community-based care.

    Greece had developed one of Europe’s most efficient asylum services and continued to improve its capacities and infrastructure.  Since 2021, the National Emergency Response Mechanism had supported thousands of unaccompanied minors in precarious conditions.  This year, Greece launched the new national guardianship system to serve vulnerable asylum applicants better at the first reception stage. In 2023, the General Secretariat of Vulnerable People and Institutional Protection was established in the Ministry of Migration and Asylum to address challenges faced by vulnerable refugees and migrants. 

    Greek law enforcement authorities fulfilled their border protection responsibilities in compliance with domestic, European and international law.  Allegations regarding violations of the principle of non-refoulement at land or sea borders did not correspond to the operational activities of law enforcement agencies.  Greece applied a firm policy for the effective monitoring of fundamental rights and the assessment of complaints of ill treatment at the border, comprised of internal disciplinary procedures; prosecutorial supervision under criminal law; and independent monitoring by the Greek Ombudsman and the National Transparency Authority.  In addition, a Special Committee for Compliance with Fundamental Rights and the position of the Fundamental Rights Officer were established in the Ministry of Migration and Asylum in 2022. 

    The fight against human trafficking was a top priority for authorities, who worked closely with non-governmental organizations in a strategic alliance.  In 2019, the National Referral Mechanism for trafficking victims was launched, which trained staff on standard operating procedures for victim protection, including in reception and identification centres.  A key development in the field of justice was the recent reform of the judicial map for civil and criminal courts, which aimed to reorganise courts geographically, streamline procedures, and speed up case resolution.  Greece had also undertaken several key initiatives to further develop a resilient and pluralistic media ecosystem, focusing on protecting, ensuring safety, and empowering journalists.  Ms. Patsogianni expressed gratitude for being able to engage in a constructive and frank dialogue with the Committee.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Committee noted that awareness raising on the Covenant was part of training activities for judges, lawyers and law enforcement officials. What were the channels used by the State party, the number of beneficiaries of these training courses, and the number of cases in which the provisions of the Covenant were invoked by the national courts?  What measures were taken by Greece to ensure the full implementation of the Committee’s views, including by providing victims with an effective remedy for the violation of their rights in several cases in the courts? 

    According to the information received, the measures taken by the State party during the COVID-19 pandemic had particularly wider implications for the human rights of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants, who were subject to mandatory quarantine, late vaccinations, lack of access to vaccination for certain groups, and policing people’s movements.  To what extent and how long were asylum procedures suspended due to restrictions imposed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic?  Could figures be provided on the number criminal investigations opened, and prosecutions and convictions of the perpetrators of domestic violence and femicide committed during the prolonged COVID-19 quarantine?  What measures had been taken by the State party to ensure effective reparation for the damage suffered by the victims?

    The Committee welcomed the decision taken by the Court of Appeal of Athens in a landmark judgment handed down on 7 October 2020 against the neo-Nazi party “Golden Dawn”, which was described as a criminal organization.  The report also provided figures on the number of alleged racist incidents.  However, information received indicated that there was not enough prosecution to punish the perpetrators of the wrongdoings.  What measures were being taken to encourage victims of discrimination to report the situation to authorities?  How was it ensured that victims of hate crimes had access to support services? 

    Another Expert said the Committee appreciated the adoption of several laws, including amendments to the whistleblower protection law, increasing the fines for foreign bribery offenses, as well as the creation of new anti-corruption institutions, including the National Transparency Authority in 2019.  However, the Committee was concerned about the limited practical impact of these reforms.  Could statistics on corruption efforts be provided, including the number of investigations, prosecutions and convictions in corruption cases?  How did the State party ensure thorough and impartial investigations into all allegations of corruption, regardless of the officials or institutions involved?  Could more information on technical initiatives be provided?  How were whistleblower protection mechanisms being implemented? 

    The Committee remained concerned about the use of excessive force during pushbacks of migrants and asylum seekers, including instances of pointing guns, hitting with batons, slapping, and pushing asylum seekers.  Could the State party comment on these reports?  Could the State party also comment on allegations that no investigations had been conducted into police violence against Roma communities nearly five years after the incidents?

    The Committee commended Greece for adopting the 10-year national action plan for mental health in 2023, and for adopting law 5129/2024 for the completion of the psychiatric reform.  What steps were being taken to reduce overcrowding and improve the overall quality and supervision of psychiatric care?  How was the State party working to improve the capacity of the Committee for the Protection of the Rights of People with Psychosocial Disability and the Health Quality Assurance Body?

    While the Committee commended Greece for making the reduction of involuntary hospitalisations a priority, how did the State party ensure that patients being evaluated for involuntary commitment were provided with appropriate legal safeguards.  How was the State party working to reduce the total number of involuntary commitments to psychiatric care?  The Committee was concerned by the use of physical and chemical restraints in psychiatric care; what was being done to ensure that the use of restraints was properly regulated and minimised. 

    One Committee Expert said the Committee welcomed measures taken by the State party, including the establishment of the Special Secretariat for the Protection of Unaccompanied Minors, the Emergency Response Mechanism, and law 4960/2022 on the establishment of a National Guardianship System for unaccompanied minors.  The Committee also appreciated the national protection strategy (2021–2025) and the mechanism for unaccompanied children living in precarious conditions.  It was hoped these measures were robust and effective. 

    However, the Committee had been informed that unaccompanied minors were still sometimes detained in police stations and subjected to heavy restrictions of movement. How did the State party ensure that short-term detention and restrictions did not amount to a disproportionate limitation of the rights to liberty, security, and freedom of movement of unaccompanied minors?  The Committee was aware of the National Guardianship System for unaccompanied minors and of the Hippocrates project on medical and psychosocial services.  How would the State party ensure that the system and project had sufficient resources to be effective, that available guardians were appointed, and that services would be provided in practice? How did Greece ensure that the age determination procedure was multidisciplinary, scientifically based, harmonised across the country, and used only in cases of serious doubts about the claimed age?

    The Committee understood that law 4800/2021 allowed perpetrators of domestic violence or sexual offences to retain child custody and unrestricted contact with their children until they were convicted by a first instance court.  What measures had Greece taken to protect the safety of women and children who were forced into contact with alleged abusers under shared custody arrangements?  It was understood that in cases of imminent danger to a child’s mental or physical health, a prosecutor could take immediate protection measures for up to 90 days and renewable.  How often was this measure taken?  How well-known was this option to prosecutors and lawyers, as well as to women and children involved?  Why did Greece decide not to include femicide as a crime within the law?  What other measures had it taken to protect women against femicide?  What measures had been taken to increase the availability of shelters across the country?

    Could the State party inform the Committee on how it addressed the root causes of gender-based violence?  Was there a comprehensive strategy to prevent, raise awareness on, and respond to gender-based violence?  Was there mandatory and continuous capacity building for judges, prosecutors, and other law enforcement officials about gender-based violence?  The Committee had received information that Greek coast guards were involved in incidents where women, including pregnant women, were beaten and sexually assaulted.  What concrete measures had the State party taken to protect women from assaults and to prosecute and punish perpetrators?

    Another Expert welcomed information from the State party regarding measures taken to improve conditions in reception and detention centres.  However, reports indicated that migrants and asylum seekers continued to be held in poor and prison-like conditions of detention, and that their living conditions may be considered as amounting to inhuman and degrading treatment. What measures did Greece plan to take to address inadequate conditions of detention in reception and detention centres?  Did the State party have any policies in place to ensure adequate resources were available for migrants and asylum seekers at times of increased arrivals? What steps would Greece take to prevent the detention of third country nationals and asylum seekers and ensure that measures of detention were only used as a last resort? 

    Would Greece consider abolishing the administrative detention of asylum seekers on the grounds of illegal entry, particularly those belonging to vulnerable groups?  Would Greece consider putting in place a proper procedure for individualised risk assessment before imposing a detention order for an asylum seeker or a third party national?  What steps would be taken to ensure that all persons deprived of their liberty enjoyed fundamental legal safeguards against ill treatment from the outset of their detention, including the rights to be assisted by a lawyer without delay?  How was it ensured that all foreign nationals deprived of their liberty were granted access to a lawyer and doctor? 

    Another Expert asked what steps were being taken to develop a comprehensive statistical system on trafficking and improve early identification and referral systems? Could disaggregated data be provided on the number of trafficking cases investigated, convictions secured, and sentences imposed?  What steps was the State party taking to adopt a new national action plan and ensure sufficient resources for its implementation?  The situation on support and redress for victims was concerning, as there was a lack of adequately funded and inclusive shelters for trafficking victims and no victims had successfully obtained compensation.  What measures were being taken to increase the capacity of shelters and ensure that they were accessible to all victims?  How did Greece ensure the quality of services provided in shelters, and what long-term reintegration programmes were available?  What steps were being taken to facilitate access to compensation for victims, ensuring they received legal assistance? 

    It was reported that in 2023, of the 10,973 asylum appeals submitted to the Appeals Committees, only 5,915 cases, around 53 per cent, received legal aid.

    What steps were being taken to streamline the legal aid application process and court fee waivers for vulnerable populations?  What measures were being considered to increase the capacity and resources of the legal aid system to ensure timely and effective representation?  How was the State party addressing delays in providing legal aid, especially during critical stages such as police investigations and initial detention?  How did Greece plan to resolve ongoing delays in compensating legal aid lawyers? 

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said that once ratified, international conventions formed part of domestic law. The national school of the judiciary provided training to judges and prosecutors.  Initial training was mandatory since 2022 and covered topics including human rights, gender law, and the treatment of victims.  Thirteen seminars were held online and in-person for judges in 2023, while 15 seminars were planned for 2024.  Greece did not have specific legislation to receive Views from the Committee. 

    During the COVID-19 pandemic, Greek authorities resorted to a wide array of restrictive measures to protect public health.  All these measures were necessary and applied in a non-discriminatory manner.  The Greek Ministry of Justice recently amended the Criminal Code concerning the fight against corruption with a new law in 2024.  Greece had an increased number of ongoing corruption investigations and cases and looked forward to final judgments in the immediate future. 

    In 2021, Greece significantly amended the provisions relating to family law.  The law had since triggered widespread concerns regarding its impact on custody in situations of domestic violence.  The Greek legal system offered certain possibilities to suspend or regulate the parental rights of parents who had been abusive to their spouses or children. 

    The National Council against Racism, through strengthened collaboration, would focus on enhancing victims’ access to services, improving the skills of public officials to draft the second national action plan against racism and intolerance, and raising public awareness through a national campaign which reached over 100,000 people. 

    Violence against women had increased significantly during the pandemic.  In April 2020, there was a significant increase of more than 200 per cent regarding phone calls to the hotline for reporting violence. Psychosocial support was provided upon request, including both online and in-person.  A social media campaign had succeeded in raising awareness on the gender-based violence issue.  Since 2010, a comprehensive strategy had been implemented to combat gender-based violence, comprised of prevention measures.  An awareness raising campaign was launched in 2024 and was displayed in the Athens urban rail network.  A panic button application was launched, enabling women in immediate danger to call for help in a safe manner by pressing a button on their phone which was linked to the police. 

    The National Centre for Social Solidarity operated two support centres in Athens for families that faced psychosocial crises, with an emphasis on victims of violence and trafficking.  Short-term accommodation was provided. 

    One thousand and one hundred persons with disabilities had received personal assistance to enhance their independent living.  A protection officer was stationed at each institution to report any cases of abuse. The Transparent Authority was the intendent mechanism responsible for conducting inspections in institutions where there were allegations or suspicions of abuse. 

    From 2019 to 2023, incidents of domestic violence had increased from 5,221 victims to 11,589. There had been 10 homicides of female victims by male perpetrators last year and six so far this year.  Five offices for the protection of minors had been established and a special hotline was operational, enabling citizens to call and make complaints. 

    Foreigners in prison who did not have sufficient knowledge of the Greek language had the right to appear before courts with an interpreter.  Alternative detention measures were applied under certain conditions. Detainees were immediately informed of their rights upon arrival at the prisons.  Information, lawyer representation, and linguistic assistance were provided to any foreign prisoners.  There were plans to recruit interpreters for implementing linguistic projects.

    Sixty-eight offices had been established in the country to combat violence which arose due to racist motives.  A special hotline was put into operation for reporting hate motivated crimes.  The cybercrime division had developed a series of actions aimed at informing the public on hate speech.  Police personnel were trained in the use of weapons and carried appropriate weapons when performing their duties.  The promotion of ethical standards and the code of conduct of police officers was received through training. 

    For people who tried to illegally cross the maritime borders of Greece, Hellenic officers undertook all legal and necessary measures.  There were clear legal rules that governed the use of force during law enforcement and border control activities.  When Hellenic officers used firearms, it was mandatory to inform the local prosecutor.  Detailed instructions had been disseminated to coast guard officers, and it was ensured that vulnerable groups were immediately provided with appropriate medical care.  It was important to recognise the humanitarian efforts of the coast guard officers; hundreds of thousands of migrants had been rescued by the Hellenic coast guard officers throughout the migrant crisis. 

    Since 2002, the Hellenic police had been dealing with the issue of human trafficking.  There were 12 human trafficking teams and officers had received specialised training in identifying victims and providing support. The fight against trafficking remained a top priority for the Greek authorities.  The establishment of the Office of a National Rapporteur on Trafficking was followed by the National Referral Mechanism.  The Office of the National Rapporteur was responsible for a national strategy to combat trafficking, and was mandated to cooperate closely with all national authorities.  The National Referral Mechanism was in its fifth year of operation; it specialised in victim protection and facilitated training sessions. 

    The national crisis management plan for refugees had been activated during the COVID-19 pandemic and consisted of allocating specific areas for medical care and a temporary restriction on movement for foreign nationals.  This did not constitute a detour from the rights in the Covenant.  Regardless of their legal status, migrants and asylum seekers were offered vaccinations free of charge.  Free transport was provided to asylum seekers to reach the local markets and health centres. Restriction on freedom of movement procedures for third country nationals was temporary and was done to verify a person’s identity.  This did not apply to people who urgently required medical support. 

    The work of the Special Secretariat for Unaccompanied Minors had been remarkable.  The National Guardianship System aimed to ensure that every unaccompanied minor had a guardian.  It was a new system that was implemented in January 2024.  There was a system for submitting complaints and a national registry for unaccompanied minors.  There were 137 guardians active in Greece, with more than 500 minors under the programme.  Greece was following an established procedure regarding age assessment. 

    Current penitentiary legislation provided for the protection of prisoners, including the right to appeal their sentence in an appeals court.  A total of 226 appeals had been launched, of which 15 had been awarded a compensation amount, a favourable sentence, or transfer to another penitentiary.  A working group had been set up to develop a short, easy to use guide for prisoners, informing them of their rights.   

    A training programme had been implemented for mental health service professionals, related to the de-escalation of violence and issues of chemical restraints, to ensure the protection of the rights of those with mental disabilities.   

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said femicide was more than murder; it had specific gender motives and was driven by wider issues.  Could the delegation respond to this?  How were women made aware of the panic/warning application on the phone? What happened if men checked the phones? Did the police have sufficient capacity to respond?  Was it also available in rural areas? 

    Another Expert asked if all detention centres had good conditions?  Previously, the alterative to detention was determined by the asylum office, but now it was done by police officers.  Were individual assessments made before detention? 

    An Expert asked what concrete successes had been achieved in corruption cases, and what had been the challenges?  Could information about timely investigations into excessive use of force be provided? 

    One Expert said domestic violence was a real issue facing Greece.  Could information be provided on the sentences handed down and financial types of reparations to victims during the COVID-19 pandemic? 

    A Committee Expert asked for clarification on services available for trafficking victims. 

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said more medical staff were joining the reception centres every day. Referrals were also made to local public hospitals for serious cases.  Two reception centres had been established on the mainland, which accepted many applicants from the islands and helped to decongest the islands’ reception centres.  There were centres for women victims of violence and accommodation to child victims was also guaranteed.  Access to compensation was provided by Hellenic authorities.  There had been a strong campaign for raising awareness of domestic violence, including a campaign on the nightly news.  The legal framework would not be changed. 

    The delegation said that at the borders, persons were obliged to remain within the premises to be registered for a minimum of five days, up to a maximum of 25.  Usually, registration was completed before the five days and then the restriction on movement was lifted.  Work was done to promote alternative measures to imprisonment, including electronic monitoring and community services. 

    The root causes of violence against women were identified as persistent gender stereotypes. The national action ban to combat violence against women addressed many areas to combat this scourge.  The panic button had specific features to ensure it remained undetectable by the abuser.  Only the victim was aware of its presence on the phone. 

    In Greece, persons with low income could apply for free legal aid.  Victims of trafficking and domestic violence could receive free legal aid regardless of their income.  The new legislation of the Penal Code made sanctions for violence against women more severe, with a victim-centred approach.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Committee was concerned about the system for the appointment of the most senior judges and prosecutors, including the President and Vice-President of the Council of State, the Supreme Court, and the Court of Audit. 

    Did the State party have any plans to revise the current system for appointing the highest positions of the judiciary and ensure the involvement of the judiciary in the process?  Were there any other measures in place to ensure that the highest positions of the judiciary were not subject to a strong influence from the executive and to safeguard the independence of the judiciary? 

    Greece had yet to establish a statelessness determination procedure; could the State party clarify its plans to finalise and implement a Presidential Decree establishing a statelessness determination procedure?  Would the State party consider ratifying the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness?

    The Committee was concerned about reports that unregistered Roma people faced lengthy and costly judicial procedures to acquire Greek citizenship, and that children born to stateless parents faced substantial barriers to obtaining Greek nationality.  Did Greece have any plans to amend the list of documents required to apply for Greek nationality on the basis of birth and non-acquisition of a foreign nationality at birth, especially for children born to stateless parents?  What concrete steps were in place to eliminate the barriers that stateless Roma faced to acquiring Greek nationality and to address the risk of statelessness within this community? 

    Concerns persisted about the application of the “safe third country” concept, particularly with the designation of Türkiye as a safe third country for asylum seekers from Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Somalia.  Despite the lack of readmissions to Türkiye since March 2020, Greece continued to reject numerous applications as inadmissible under this concept, leaving many individuals in prolonged legal limbo without access to international protection.  What measures had been taken to reconsider the extensive use of the safe third country concept given the non-implementation of returns to Türkiye?  How was the State party addressing the protracted legal limbo experienced by asylum seekers, and what protections and support were available for their rights?  What had been done to 

    ensure the implementation of law 4939/2022, which mandated an in-merit examination when a third country did not permit entry?  What support mechanisms were in place for those whose applications had been deemed inadmissible? 

    Another Expert said the State party had asserted that pushbacks had never been practiced as a de facto border policy of the State party and that the Hellenic police and Hellenic coast guard consistently followed the established legal and procedural frameworks.  Yet numerous reports documented instances of pushbacks, including patterns of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, incommunicado detention, and unlawful destruction of personal belongings.  Reports before the Committee indicated that from January 2020 to June 2024, there were 1,452 incidents at the borders affecting approximately 46,649 people.  Could the State party comment on such allegations and provide information on measures in place to prevent such practices and to safeguard the principle of non-refoulement? 

    Could information be provided on the outcome of investigations undertaken by the National Transparency Authority and other monitoring mechanisms on pushback allegations, and whether there was any follow-up or redress measures taken on allegations of pushbacks?  How would Greece ensure thorough, systematic, effective, and independent investigations into allegations of pushbacks and hold those responsible accountable?  What was the outcome of the 200 documented complaints of pushback cases?  What measures were being taken to ensure that border control operations prioritised the protection of life and that rescue efforts were conducted in compliance with human rights?

    Another Expert said according to the information received, conscientious objectors who performed civilian service would receive either food and accommodation without any salary, or €223.53, which was well below the legal minimum wage.  In addition, the law provided for the possibility for persons over the age of 33 to perform only part of their service and to buy back the rest, at a significantly higher rate than that for military service.  Could the State party comment on this information?  What measures did the State party intend to take to avoid imposing repeated sanctions on conscientious objectors?  What measures did the State party intend to take to ensure non-punitive alternative civilian service?

    It was evident that Roma were considered as a vulnerable social group, and could exercise all civil and political rights.  What measures were being taken to prevent, combat and eliminate all forms of discrimination against Roma children in the education system?  What measures were being taken to limit the use of forced evictions by adopting viable alternatives to eviction, including alternative housing for evicted families?

    The Committee was concerned that stricter registration and financial regulations could compromise civil society’s capacity to monitor human rights, particularly those of asylum seekers, refugees and displaced people.  How did the State party ensure that registration and financial requirements were necessary and proportionate?  How was it guaranteed that these requirements did not indirectly discriminate? 

    The Committee continued to receive information that human rights defenders, especially those working with migrants, asylum seekers and refugees, and on pushbacks, were regularly subjected to smear campaigns, harassment, threats and criminal prosecution. In one case, a human rights defender faced restrictions, including a travel ban.  How were these measures considered proportionate?  How were human rights defenders protected in order to ensure that they could carry out their work safely?

    The Committee had received reports linking blanket bans on assemblies to political events. Could the State party confirm that authorities limited their discretion to prohibit assemblies to those strictly necessary and not merely due to their political content?  Now that the COVID-19 emergency measures had ended, what steps had the State party taken to prevent the imposition of blanket bans on all demonstrations?

    One Expert said credible reports indicated that police officers had used excessive force against, and caused serious injuries to, protestors and journalists participating in demonstrations.  What measures were being taken to ensure that police officers used the minimum force necessary in response to high-tension demonstrations?  Could updates be provided about the installation and use of surveillance systems in public demonstrations, including any efforts to establish clear criteria for identifying the persons and places subjected to surveillance, to limit the time period of data retention, and to make information about the systems publicly accessible? 

    What specific reform measures had been adopted to strengthen internal oversight and accountability within the Hellenic Police, especially regarding protest management? How was it ensured that all police officers consistently complied with the requirement to wear visible identification during public assemblies?

    Greece’s Ethics Committee had the authority to exclude media from state advertising and funds for up to two years, raising concerns that government control could have a chilling effect on press freedom.  How was it ensured that the Ethics Committee operated independently from government influence and respected journalistic integrity?  Would the State party revise the legal framework to protect journalists against the use of retaliatory lawsuits?  How were journalists informed about their rights and responsibilities during public demonstrations? 

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said the Supreme Judicial Council decided on the placements, postings and promotion of judicial officers. The principle of non-refoulment was a cornerstone of the framework for the protection of refugees. Strict adherence to this principle applied, and the Hellenic police had circulated clear guidelines for Hellenic police staff regarding the protection of those arriving in the country, particularly women and children.  It was clarified that no third country national who applied for international protection should be returned until their application had been reviewed. 

    The Hellenic police conducted border surveillance duties with full respect of the human rights of third country nationals.  Particular emphasis was given in the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights.  Land border activities conducted by the Hellenic police aimed at detecting all illegal crossings.  Greece’s legislative framework did not have a specific framework for protecting human rights defenders.  However, an article within the Penal Code set out a special aggravating condition for crimes or misdemeanours committed out of hatred. 

    Actions taken by Hellenic authorities at the sea borders were carried out in full compliance with international obligations. Allegations of so-called pushbacks were not compatible with the well-established operations of the Hellenic authorities.  However, any allegations of pushbacks or mistreatment of third country nationals were thoroughly investigated.  Hellenic coast guards demonstrated a high level of professionalism and were trained to respect the rights of all who were crossing the borders.  From 2015 to the present, the Hellenic coast guards had rescued more than 254,000 people. 

    Several mechanisms allowed complaints against pushbacks to be submitted to the Hellenic authorities, and the coast guards had a robust disciplinary mechanism. Upon receiving a complaint on human rights violations, an administration investigation was launched, and depending on findings, disciplinary sanctions were carried out.  An independent investigation had been launched by the Greek Ombudsman, the results of which were pending.  The law aimed to ensure people in distress at sea and migrants received the highest level of assistance. 

    Greece enacted a law in 2020, followed by a presidential decree, pertaining to public assembly.  This law clearly defined the power of police authorities while ensuring protection, fully protecting the right to freedom of assembly. The Greek police had imposed assembly bans during COVID-19 based on exceptional public health concerns. Greece’s primary aim was to promote the right to assembly, not to restrict it.  In 2023, only three rallies had been banned.  The Hellenic police prioritised de-escalation and the use of “soft measures”, with force being used as a last resort.  Around 34 cases of excessive use of force had been recorded against journalists in 2021, and were sent to the Ombudsman for review. 

    The use of the surveillance system in the context of public open-air assemblies was limited to the assemblies only, without focusing on particular people and without recording sound.  Police officers were obliged to wear a badge of identity on their uniforms during the assemblies. 

    The Greek asylum service had significantly expanded its operational capacity, now operating in 26 different locations across the country, including islands such as Lesbos; these islands were the frontlines of migratory flows.  The number of employees had tripled after 2019 to manage the high volume of cases. By implementing reforms, the Greek asylum service managed to reduce the large number of pending asylum cases to around 18,000 in 2024, down from over 200,000.  Asylum seekers whose appeal had been rejected had the right to file for the annulment of the decision within 30 days.  During 2023, refugee and protection status had been granted to 873 applicants.  This number was around 400 so far in 2024. 

    Greece had designated Türkiye as a safe third country concerning asylum seekers from certain countries.  Based on this information, it could safely be assumed that Türkiye respected the principle of non-refoulment.  Since March 2020, Türkiye had not been responding to requests from nationals from countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, Syria and other countries and was therefore not implementing its obligations. 

    Free legal aid was provided to asylum applicants.  Appeals committees were instructed to rule that the applicants were stateless if asylum applicants could not prove which country they came from.  Acquisition of Greek citizenship did not discriminate, and children born to Greek Roma parents were awarded Greek citizenship from birth.  The Greek Citizenship Code aimed to prevent statelessness.  Stateless children enjoyed a right to Greek citizenship if they resided permanently in Greece and had between six to nine years of Greek schooling, even if they had not been born in Greece.   

    Several laws referred to the requirements of registration for non-governmental organizations.  The new registration process aimed to set the same rules for all non-governmental organizations and was free of charge.  This year, 10 registrations had been accepted and only one was rejected. 

    In July 2022, the revision of the school curriculum for primary and secondary education was completed, seeking to foster a more equitable educational environment.  In this framework, the teaching of religious education in Greece was viewed as an essential component.  Like other subjects, religious education was intended to foster critical thinking and respect for diverse beliefs and values.  This course would be provided with alternative educational opportunities for students who did not participate in religious education due to their beliefs or backgrounds.

    Military service was a universal obligation in Greece.  Those who identified as conscientious objectors could fulfil this duty through another service, other than within the armed forces.  In the case of the person banned from leaving the country, this ban had been lifted. 

    The Greek authorities had gone the extra mile regarding the adoption of a law in 2022 to strengthen the transparency of print and electronic media. The conditions which had been set out for print and electronic media enhanced the protection of journalists. Regarding the two-year penalty of exclusion from media, this only occurred following a careful examination. This two-year penalty had been approved by the federal journalistic organizations of Greece. 

    More than 200 print media and 400 electronic media had been approved in Greece.  In July 2022, a taskforce was created to focus on issues including gender-based challenges in the media area.  Most recently, a training was conducted in collaboration with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization for law enforcement operators and media professionals to foster better cooperation between the two groups. From this taskforce, a law was developed to protect journalists covering sports events from violence. 

    A new programme was being designed to help Roma people with no documents acquire them.  There was no specific legislation on minority associations or organizations.  Over 200 associations had been formed by members of the Muslim minority. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert asked how often demonstrations were completely prohibited?  How were associations informed about procedural rights? 

    Another Expert asked for more information regarding the income of conscientious objectors? 

    An Expert said there were overwhelming reports that had documented instances of forced returns.  How was it possible to follow the principle of non-refoulment in these instances?   

    Another Expert thanked the delegation for their thorough answers.  Could further clarification be provided about the State party’s plan to develop a statelessness determination procedure? 

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said each case of public assembly was evaluated directly, taking into account proportionality and necessity.  The police aimed to facilitate the legal rights to assembly without incident.  The new Penitentiary Code introduced a remedy, enabling those serving in pretrial detention to lodge complaints about the conditions of their living conditions and medical care. 

    Pushbacks were not the policy of the Greek Government in any way, shape, or form; the Government policy was clear.  Greece had significantly approved the asylum system for migration and was now the fourth most productive in the European Union. The State had made all the progress it could considering the difficult region.  Legislation protected everyone, including human rights defenders. Alleged “smear campaigns” needed to be examined by the courts; they could not always be presumed. 

    Closing Remarks

    IOANNIS GHIKAS, Permanent Representative of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva, thanked the Committee for the frank and honest exchange.  Although progress had been made, there was still work which needed to be done. Greece had worked hard to improve the situation, particularly on migration; the number of deaths in the Aegean Sea had fallen by 40 per cent.  Greece had a vibrant society with few resources but was working to do better. 

    TANIA MARÍA ABDO ROCHOLL, Committee Chairperson, thanked the delegation for the dialogue, which had covered a wide range of subjects under the Covenant.   The Committee aimed to ensure the highest level of implementation of the Covenant in Greece. 

    ____

    CCPR.24.023E

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    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Two South Carolina Men Plead Guilty to Hate Crimes, Conspiracy and Other Charges for Bias-Motivated Armed Robberies Targeting Hispanic Victims

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    Two South Carolina men pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Columbia, South Carolina, to federal hate crime and other charges in connection with a string of racially-motivated armed robberies targeting Hispanic victims.

    According to court documents, beginning in January 2021 and continuing through February 2021, Charles Antonio Clippard, 27, and Michael Joseph Knox, 29, both of Columbia, conspired to target people the defendants identified as Mexican or Hispanic at places of public accommodation, including gas stations and grocery stores. After identifying these targets, the defendants would rob their victims at gunpoint. The defendants targeted their victims because of their victims’ race and national origin.

    Both defendants admitted their involvement in a Jan. 22, 2021, armed robbery in which the defendants followed their victims from a grocery store and restaurant to their home and then robbed the victims at gunpoint, stealing cash and a cellphone. They also admitted their involvement in a Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery and carjacking targeting a Hispanic victim after following him from a gas station to his home. The defendants admitted their involvement in another Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery in which they targeted a Hispanic victim, followed him from a gas station to his home and then robbed him and others at gunpoint after following him into his home. In total, the defendants pleaded to three hate crime charges, one count of carjacking, one count of conspiracy and two firearms charges. Two other co-conspirators, Gabriel Brunson, 21, and Sierra Fletcher, 34, both of Columbia, previously pleaded guilty to hate crime, conspiracy and firearm offenses.

    “These defendants targeted Hispanic victims for violent acts of armed robbery because of their race, national origin and perceived vulnerability,” said Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division. “Every person, regardless of their race or national origin, is entitled to the full protection of the law, and no person should have to fear for their lives or property because of their race or ethnicity.  The Justice Department will continue to protect all Americans and will vigorously prosecute those who commit bias-motivated crimes.”

    “While these defendants sparked fear for an entire community by targeting members of our Hispanic community, today’s hearing sends a louder message: we will not tolerate bias-based crimes in South Carolina,” said U.S. Attorney Adair Ford Boroughs for the District of South Carolina. “The Justice Department will continue to relentlessly protect and enforce the civil rights of everyone in South Carolina.”

    “These defendants used violent acts of armed robbery to purposely target Hispanic victims simply because of their race,” said Assistant Director Chad Yarbrough of the FBI Criminal Investigative Division. “We hope the guilty plea by these two defendants serves notice that violence borne from hate will never be tolerated in our communities. The FBI remains steadfast in its mission to uphold the Constitution and protect the civil rights of everyone, fairly and equally.”

    “Clippard and Knox egregiously sought to exploit and intimidate their victims based on their Hispanic ethnicity,” said Special Agent in Charge Steve Jensen of the FBI Columbia Field Office. “Their violent robberies instilled fear in their victims and innocent working people within the Hispanic community. These criminal acts have no place in our society, and we are committed to ensuring the safety of all individuals, regardless of their background.”

    The defendants face a mandatory minimum penalty of 14 years in prison for the firearms offenses, a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison on each hate crime count and a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the carjacking count. The plea agreements require both defendants to pay restitution to all victims. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    The FBI Columbia Field Office investigated the case, with assistance from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Columbia Police Department, Town of Lexington Police Department and Richland County Sheriff’s Department.

    Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ben Garner and E. Elizabeth Major for the District of South Carolina and Trial Attorneys Katherine McCallister and Andrew Manns of the Civil Rights Division’s Criminal Section are prosecuting the case.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Benicia Man Pleads Guilty to Possessing a Firearm in His Second Federal Felon in Possession Case

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Jeremiah Malik Jefferson, 27, of Benicia, pleaded guilty today to being a felon in possession of a firearm, U.S. Attorney Phillip A. Talbert announced.

    According to court documents, during a November 2023 search of his residence, Jefferson was found to be in possession of a firearm that was loaded with a high-capacity magazine that had previously been reported stolen. Jefferson is prohibited from possessing a firearm due to multiple prior felony convictions, including for burglary and a previous conviction for being a felon in possession of a firearm.

    Jefferson is scheduled to be sentenced on Feb. 11, 2025, by U.S. District Judge John A. Mendez. Jefferson faces a maximum statutory penalty of 15 years in prison and a $250,000 fine. The actual sentence, however, will be determined at the discretion of the court after consideration of any applicable statutory factors and the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, which take into account a number of variables.

    This case is the product of an investigation by the U.S. Probation Office, the Benicia Police Department, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, and the FBI’s Solano County Violent Crimes Task Force. Assistant U.S. Attorney Adrian T. Kinsella is prosecuting the case.

    This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. On May 26, 2021, the U.S. Department of Justice launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of World Economic Outlook October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:
    Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, Director, Research Department, IMF
    Petya Koeva Brooks, Deputy Director, Research Department, IMF
    Jean‑Marc Natal, Division Chief, Research Department, IMF

    Moderator:
    Jose Luis De Haro, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I think we can start. First of all, welcome, everyone. Good morning for those who are joining, as online. I am Jose Luis De Haro with the Communications Department here at the IMF. And once again, we are gathered here today for the release of our new World Economic Outlook, titled Policy Pivot Raising Threats. I hope that by this time, all of you have had access to a copy of the flagship. If not, I would encourage you to go to IMF.org. There, you’re going to find the document, but also, you’re going to find Pierre‑Olivier’s blog, the underlying data for the charts, videos, and other assets that I think are going to be very, very helpful for your reporting. And what’s best, that to discuss all the details of the World Economic Outlook that, to be joined here today by Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the Economic Counsellor Chief Economist and the Director of the Research Department. Next to him are Petya Koeva Brooks. She is the Deputy Director of the Research Department. And also with us, Jean‑Marc Natal, the Division Chief at the Research Department. We are going to start with some opening remarks from Pierre‑Olivier, and then we will proceed to take your questions. I want to remind everyone that this press conference is on the record and that we will also be taking questions online.

    With no further ado, Pierre‑Olivier, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you, Jose, and good morning, everyone. Let me start with the good news. The battle against inflation is almost won. After peaking at 9.4 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2022, we now project headline inflation will fall to 3.5 percent by the end of next year, and in most countries, inflation is now hovering close to central bank targets.

    Now, inflation came down while the global economy remained resilient. Growth is projected to hold steady at 3.2 percent in 2024 and 2025. The United States is expected to cool down, while other advanced economies will rebound. Performance in emerging Asia remains robust, despite the slight downward revision for China to 4.8 percent in 2024. Low‑income countries have seen their growth revised downwards, some of it because of conflicts and climate shocks.

    Now, the decline in inflation without a global recession is a major achievement. Much of that disinflation can be attributed to the unwinding of the unique combination of supply and demand shocks that caused the inflation in the first place, together with improvements in labor supply due to immigration in many advanced countries. But monetary policy played a decisive role, keeping inflation expectations anchored.

    Now, despite the good news, on inflation, risks are now tilted to the downside. This downside risks include an escalation in regional conflicts, especially in the Middle East, which could cause serious risks for commodity markets. Policy shifts toward undesirable trade and industrial policies could also significantly lower output, a sharp reduction in migration into advanced economies, which can unwind some of the supply gains that helped ease inflation in recent quarters. This could trigger an abrupt tightening of global financial conditions that would further depress output. And together, these represent about a 1.6 percent of global output in 2026.

    Now, to mitigate these downside risks and to strengthen growth, policymakers now need to shift gears and implement a policy triple pivot.

    The first pivot on monetary policy is already underway. The decline in inflation paved the way for monetary easing across major central banks. This will support activity at a time when labor markets are showing signs of cooling, with rising unemployment rates. So far, however, this rise has been gradual and does not point to an imminent slowdown. Lower interest rates in major economies will also ease the pressure on emerging market economies. However, vigilance remains key. Inflation in services remains too elevated, almost double prepandemic levels, and a few emerging market economies are seeing rising price pressures, calling for higher policy rates. Furthermore, we have now entered a world dominated by supply shocks, from climate, health, and geopolitical tensions. And this makes the job of central banks harder.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy. It is urgent to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much‑needed fiscal buffers. For the United States and China, current fiscal plans do not stabilize debt dynamics. For other countries, despite early improvements, there are increasing signs of slippage. The path is narrow. Delaying consolidation increases the risk of disorderly adjustments, while an excessively abrupt turn toward fiscal tightening could hurt economic activity. Success requires implementing, where necessary, and without delay, a sustained and credible multi‑year fiscal adjustment.

    The third pivot and the hardest is toward growth‑enhancing reform. This is the only way we can address many of the challenges we face. Many countries are implementing industrial and trade policy measures to protect domestic workers and industries. These measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, but they often lead to retaliation and ultimately fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living. They should be avoided when not carefully addressing well‑identified market failures or narrowly defined national security concerns.

    Economic growth must come, instead, from ambitious domestic reforms that boost innovation, increase human capital, improve competition and resource allocation. Growth‑enhancing reforms often face significant social resistance. Our report shows that information strategies can help improve support, but they only go so far. Building trust between governments and citizens and inclusion of proper compensation measures are essential features.

    Building trust is an important lesson that should also resonate when thinking about ways to further improve international cooperation to address common challenges in the year that we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Bretton Woods Institutions. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Thank you, Pierre‑Olivier. Before we open the floor for your questions, let’s remind some ground rules. First of all, if you have any question that it is related to a country program or a country negotiation, I would recommend not to formulate that question here. Basically, those questions can be formulated in the different regional press briefings that are going to happen later this week.

    Also, if you want to ask a question, just raise your hand, wait until I call you. Identify yourself and the outlet that you represent. And let’s try to keep it to just one question. I know that there are going to be many, many questions. We might not be able to take all of you. So please be patient. There are going to be many other opportunities to ask questions throughout the week.

    Let me start—how I am going to start. I am going to start in the center. A couple of questions here. Then I am going to go to my right, and then I am going to go there. I am going to start in the first row, the lady with the white jacket, thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you, Jose, for taking my question. I am Moaling Xiong from Xinhua News Agency. I want to ask about the geopolitical tensions that was mentioned in the report. It says there are rising geopolitical tensions. So far, the impact has been limited. But further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment, and beyond. I wonder whether Pierre‑Olivier, could you talk a little bit about what are the economic impacts of growing geopolitical tensions? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. This is, of course, a very important question. This is something that we are very concerned about, the rising geoeconomic fragmentation, trade tensions between countries, measures that are disrupting trade, disrupting cross‑border investment. This is something that we have looked at in our World Economic Outlook report. In Chapter 1, we have a box that evaluates the impact of various adverse measures, measures that could be taken by policymakers or various of shocks that would impact output. And when we look at the impact that rising trade tensions could have, there are two dimensions of this. One is, of course, you are increasing tariffs, for instance, between different blocs. That would disrupt trade. That will misallocate resources. That will weigh down on economic activity. But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy. And that will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption. When we put these two together, what we find is, we find an impact on world output that is on the order of about 0.5 percent of output levels in 2026. So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to continue here in the center. We’re going to go to the gentleman on the third row. Yep. There. There, third row, there. Third row. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. Thanks very much for taking my question. I just want to ask about the inflation side of the WEO. You mentioned just now inflation, you know, the battle is almost won. I am just wondering, there’s sort of a divergence between the advanced economies and emerging markets and developing economies. When do you expect inflation to sort of fall toward that 2 percent target in emerging markets and developing economies? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So inflation, the progress on inflation has been more pronounced for advanced economies, and now we expect advanced economies to be back to their target sometime in 2025 for most of them. For emerging markets and developing economies, there is more variation, and we see an increase in dispersion of inflation, so a lot of countries have made a lot of progress. You look, for instance, at emerging Asia. There are inflation levels very similar to advanced economies for a number of them. You look at other regions—in the Middle East, for instance, or sub‑Saharan Africa—and you have countries that still have double‑digital inflation rates and will maybe take more time to converge back. So we see an increased divergence that reflects some of the shocks that are specific to some of these regions. Of course, conflict or climate‑related shocks can have an impact on inflation, and that’s what we’re seeing in these two regions I mentioned.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I’m going to move to my right. The first row here, the lady with the red suit.

    QUESTION: Hello. This is Norah from Asharq Business with Bloomberg from Dubai.

    Pierre, you mentioned that the geopolitical tensions could account for 0.5 percent of output if things kind of get out of hand. To what extent is this a very optimistic number here? Because we’re talking about tensions not only in the Middle East. You have things going down in the Taiwan Strait. We have the Russian‑Ukraine war still ongoing. And there is a very big risk that shipping lines, straits might get disrupted. And this would affect very substantially the price of oil and other commodities. To what extent this would affect output—again, global output and inflation levels? Would inflation be a big risk again if major commodities prices increased substantially?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So you are absolutely right. The scenario I was referring to earlier is a scenario where we have increased trade disruptions, tariffs, and trade policy uncertainty. But one can think also about geopolitical tensions impacting commodity market or shipping. Now, this is not something that we looked at in this report. That’s something that we had looked at in our April report. And in April, when we looked at the potential for escalation in conflicts in the Middle East, the impact it could have on oil prices or on shipping costs, we found that this would very much be in the nature of adverse supply shock. It would negatively impact output, and it would increase inflation pressures. Now, the numbers we had when we did that exercise back in April, they’re still very relevant for the environment we’re in now. And that was one of the layers I showed today, is that it would reduce output by another about 0.4 percent by 2026 and would increase inflation by something on the order of 0.7 percent higher inflation in 2025. So this is something that is very much on top of the other tensions that I mentioned. This is why we are living in this world where there are multiple layers of risk that could be compounding each other.

    Mr. De Haro: I’m going to stay here. First row, here. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. My name is Simon Ateba. I am with Today News Africa Washington, D.C. I would like you to talk a little bit more about the situation in Africa. I know two years ago it was about COVID and then Ukraine. What do you see now? And what are some of the recommendations for sub‑Saharan Africa? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So sub‑Saharan African region is one that is seeing growth rates that are fairly steady this year, compared to last year, at about 3.6 percent, and then expected to increase to about 4.2 percent next year. So we’re seeing some pickup in growth from this year to next year. But now, this is certainly a region that’s been adversely impacted by weather shocks and, in some cases, conflict. So the growth remains subdued and somewhat uneven, and that’s certainly something that we are concerned about.

    Let me turn it over to my colleague Jean‑Marc Natal to add some color.

    Mr. Natal: I would be happy to. Do you hear me? OK.

    So yes, so there has been over the last year, year and a half, there has been some progress in the region. You saw, you know, inflation stabilizing in some countries going down even. And reaching close—level close to the target. But half of them is still at distance, large distance from the target. And a third of them are still having double‑digital inflation.

    In terms of growth, as Pierre‑Olivier mentioned, it’s quite uneven, but it remains too low. The other issue is debt in the region. Obviously, it is still high. It has not increased. It has stopped increasing, and in some countries already starting to consolidate. But it’s still too high. And the debt service is correspondingly still high in the region. So the challenges are still there. There has been some progress. So in terms of the recommendation, in countries where inflation is very high, you would recommend, you know, tight monetary policy and in some cases, when possible, helped by consolidation on the fiscal side.

    It’s complicated. In many countries, you know, there are trade‑offs, and, you know, consolidating fiscal is difficult when you also have to provide for relief, like in Nigeria, for example, due to the flooding. So targeting the support to the poor and the vulnerable is part of the package when you consolidate. I will stop here.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I am moving to my left. I am going to go to the gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. Joel Hills from ITV News. We know that the chancellor in the United Kingdom is planning on changing the fiscal rule on debt to allow for—to borrow more for investment. Pierre‑Olivier, do you support this idea? And what, in your view, are the risks? And should the U.K. government continue to target a fall in debt of some description or a rise in public sector net worth?

    Mr. De Haro: Pierre‑Olivier, before you answer, are there any other questions on the U.K. in the room? I am going to take just two more from this group of U.K. reporters on my right that they are very eager. Just two questions more. We do not want to overwhelm—

    QUESTION: Alex Brummer from the Daily Mail in London. Again, around the chancellor’s upcoming budget. In your opening remarks, you referred to the possibility of abrupt changes in fiscal policy, disrupting what might happen to economies. U.K., according to your forecast, is in a quite good place in terms of growth heading upward. Do you fear that too strong a change in direction in fiscal policy in the U.K. could affect future growth?

    Mr. De Haro: Just one more question.

    QUESTION: Mehreen Khan from The Times. You mentioned that there are some countries at risk of fiscal slippage because governments have promised to do their consolidation have struggled to execute. Is the U.K. in that group? Also, the IMF has previously recommended that countries are under fiscal strain should—can keep sort of investment flowing if they do shift to measures like public sector net worth. Is that still a recommendation that you stand by in particular relevance for the U.K.?

    Mr. De Haro: And to give Pierre‑Olivier a little bit of time, I just want to remind everyone that we will have regional press briefings later this week, and some of these questions can be brought to all heads of departments that are going to be talking later on in the week. Pierre‑Olivier?

    Mr. Gourinchas: First, I will make three quick remarks. We are going to wait and see at the end of this month, on October 30, the details of the budget that will be announced by the U.K. government. And at that point, we’ll be able to evaluate and see the detail of the measures and how they will impact the U.K. economy.

    The broader question, I think, is relevant for many countries, not just the U.K. And it goes to the second pivot I mentioned, this narrow path in terms of fiscal consolidation. I think when countries have elevated debt levels, when interest rates are high, when growth is OK but not great, there is a risk that things could escalate or get out of control quickly. And so there is a need to bring debt levels down, stabilize them when they are not stabilized and rebuild fiscal buffers. That is true for many countries around the world. And if you are not doing that—and that is getting to the question that was asked by the gentleman on the right here—if you’re not doing that, that’s when you find yourself potentially later on at the mercy of market pressures that will force an adjustment that is uncontrolled to a large extent. At which point you have very few degrees of freedom, so you do not want to get in that position. And I think the effort to stabilize public debt has to be seen in that context.

    Now, the other side of the narrow path is, of course, if you try to do too much too quickly, you might have an adverse impact on growth. And you have to be careful there because we do have important—most countries have important needs when it comes to spending, whether it’s about central services, what we think about healthcare, or if we think about public investment and climate transition. So we need to protect also the type of spending that can be good for growth. So finding ways—and this is something that our colleagues in the Fiscal Monitor report emphasize, finding ways to consolidate by reducing expenditures where it’s needed. Maybe raising revenues. Often, it’s a combination of both but doing so in a way that is least impactful on growth. It’s country by country. There is no general formula. But that’s kind of the nature of the exercise.

    That pivot, that second pivot is absolutely essential. At the point we’re at again precisely because we’re in a world in which there will be more shocks and countries need to be prepared and need to have some room on the fiscal side to be able to build that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Last question on this side. Then I will go online, and then I will go around the room again. The gentleman in the second row.

    QUESTION: Thanks, Jose. Pierre‑Olivier, a question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for the country for next year, improving GDP and inflation, 45 percent at the end of the year. Oh, yes. Sorry. Alam Md Hasanul from International.

    A question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for next year, but I wanted to see if you could give us a little bit more detail on, where do you see the economy going. And if it’s accurate to say at this point that the worst of the crisis is in the past? Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: We have received other questions regarding Argentina online from Lilliana Franco. Basically, she wants to know what’s behind our expectations for inflation for 2025. And I think that there are other Argentine reporters in the room. I see them in the back. Please, if somebody can get them the mic and we can get all the questions on Argentina and then move on to other regions. There. There. Those two, please. Try to keep it short.

    QUESTION: Hi. Patricia Valli from El Cronista. You mentioned the need to keep going with the reforms. And the government in Argentina is implementing a series of reforms. What’s the take of the IMF in terms of these? And if they are perhaps hurting the most vulnerable due to the increase of poverty numbers in Argentina in the past report?

    QUESTION: Hello. Juan Manuel Barca from Clarín Newspaper. I want to know if you raised your employment projection compared to the April—compared to the July forecast.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So let me first state at the outset that our projections for Argentina have not been updated since July, and the reason for this is because there are ongoing program discussions between the authorities and the Fund. And so while that process is going on, we did not update the projections for the October round.

    Now, to come to the question that was asked on the left. There are two things that are relevant for Argentina, two main things. One is what’s happening on the inflation side. Here, I think the progress has been very substantial. We are now seeing month‑on‑month inflation in Argentina close to 3.5 percent, and this is down from about 25 percent month on month back in December of last year. So very, very significant decline in the inflation rate. So that’s something to acknowledge. And the hope is, of course, that the measures in place will continue to improve the situation on that front.

    On the growth front, what we are saying is that activity has contracted substantially in the first half of the year, but there are signs that it’s starting to gradually recover. Now how much again, I cannot give you an update because we do not have it as of now. But there are signs that there is a recovery in real wages and in private credit and activity.

    Now, of course, this has been difficult for the Argentine economy, the decline in growth of that nature. And that’s something that, again, we are engaged in discussions with the authorities on the best way forward. I cannot comment more than that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I am going to get a question from our colleagues on WebEx. I think that Weier is there.

    QUESTION: I have a question on China. Given China’s recent implementation of various stimulus measures, such as support for the real estate—real sector and interest rate reductions and other economic incentives, we’ve already seen a major boost in its capital market. So how do you assess the potential impact of these developments on China’s economic recovery and growth perspective?

    Also, how the external effects, such as the Federal Reserve’s easing monetary path, will play a role here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Before you answer on the Federal Reserve, there’s other questions on China of a similar nature. Recent stimulus announced by the Governor and its effects.

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So China, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, we have a slight downward revision for its 2024 growth, compared to our July projections to 4.8 percent. And that’s a revision that’s coming largely due to a weaker second quarter of the year. And that weaker second quarter of the year is reflecting continued decline in confidence in the household and corporate sector and also the continued problems in the property sector in China.

    Now, this is something that, of course, is a top priority to address for the Chinese authorities. And we’ve seen a number of measures that have been announced since the end of last month. First measures, monetary and financial measures announced by the People’s Bank of China, and then some fiscal measures that were announced a few weeks ago.

    These measures in general go in the right direction, from our perspective. They are trying to improve the situation in the property sector. They’re trying to, for instance, lowering borrowing rates or trying to improve the balance sheet of the property developers.

    In our view, in our assessment, the measures announced at the end of last month by the PBOC, although they go in the right direction, are not sufficient to lift growth in a substantially material way. And that’s why our forecast is still at about 4.8 percent for 2024 and is unchanged for next year, at 4.5 percent.

    The new, more recent measures announced a few weeks ago by the Ministry of Finance are not incorporated in our forecast. We are waiting to see the details. I should mention, however, that since then, there has also been a release of the Q3 growth for China, and this has also been a little bit on the disappointing side. So I would say that what we’re seeing in terms of where the Chinese economy might be going is a little bit of a downward revision coming from the Q3 forecast and then potentially some measures that will help lift the economy going forward.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. So we have an additional question online. Basically, it comes from a reporter in Israel who wants to know how the current conflict is affecting the region and the global economy. Also, if there’s any other questions regarding the ongoing conflict, we can go here in the first row, please.

    QUESTION: Hi. Amir Goumma from Asharq with Bloomberg. With the GCC countries increasingly focusing and diversifying their economies away from oil now, how the IMF sees the progress and how you assess that with geopolitical tensions that may affect the attraction of the investment?

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So on the impact of the conflict in the Middle East on the countries in the region, and more broadly, let me ask my colleague Petya Koeva Brooks to come in.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Sure. Indeed, the conflict has inflicted a heavy toll on the region, and our hearts go to all who have been affected by it. We are monitoring the situation very closely. And what we could say at this stage is apart from the enormous uncertainty that we see is that the fallout has been the hardest in the countries in the region, at the epicenter of the conflict. We’ve seen significant declines in output in West Bank, in Gaza. Lebanon has also been hard hit. Now, we’ve also seen impact in the—on the economy in Israel, although there, I think the—so far at least, the impact has been smaller.

    Now, beyond that, there has also been an impact on commodity prices, on oil prices. We’ve seen quite a lot of volatility, though, as other factors have also come in, such as the concerns about global demand kind of have pushed prices in the opposite direction.

    Now, beyond that, when it comes to specific countries in the GCC region, when it comes to, for instance, Saudi Arabia, we’ve seen there, actually the non‑oil output has done very well, and we do have a small downward revision in the overall growth rate, but that is pretty much because of the voluntary oil cuts that have now been extended through November. Let me stop here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We are coming here to the center of the room. I’m going to go way back. The gentleman in the blue shirt that I think is the third row from the back. Yep. There. He has—there, there, there. A little bit. Can you stand up? Yep. Perfect. And then I will go with you, with the lady.

    QUESTION: Thank you for doing this. Your alternative scenario about the trade war does not seem so far from reality. Indeed, especially if Trump wins the elections. So could you augment about that? Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: We have a couple of questions similar to that nature.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, of course, I will first preface by saying we are not commenting on elections or potential platforms here at the IMF. What we are seeing and when we’re looking at the world economy goes beyond what might be happening in a single country. This is why the scenario that we are looking at in Box 1.2 of our World Economic Outlook is one that focuses on, if you want, an escalation of trade tensions between different regions—whether the U.S., the European Union, or China. And the numbers I quoted earlier are reflecting our model estimates of the cumulative impact of this increase in tensions. So I think that this is something that we are very concerned about. We’ve seen a very sharp increase in a number of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries since 2019, roughly. They’ve gone from 1,000 to 3,000, so tripling of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries, and 2019 was not a low point. That was already something that was above what we were seeing in the 2010s. So there is definitely, you know, a direction of travel here that we are very concerned about because a lot of these trade‑distorting measures could reflect decisions by countries that are self‑centered but could be ultimately harmful not just to the global economy, but this is the benefits of doing a scenario analysis like the one we did. They are also hurtful for the countries that want to implement them, as well, because the impact on global trade also makes the residents of a country poorer.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to take a question from WebEx and then I’m going to go to you. I think that we have a question on the U.S. Please go ahead.

    QUESTION: My question would be regarding the U.S. resilience toward inflation shock. I remember talks about this during the April meetings and the April report. And I wanted to ask you whether you’re still committed to this forecast of the U.S. resiliency, and whether we can still see the risk of recession in the U.S. since recent talks about the unemployment data, it has not always come to the expectations of what the bond market or the stock exchange thinks.

    So is the U.S. still as resilient as you saw it in April this year?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, the news on the U.S. is good in a sense. We have had an upgrade in growth forecasts for 2024 and 2025. The historical numbers have also been revised, so even upgraded 2023, that is already sort of behind us. But the numbers came in, and they were stronger than what was realized. And that strong growth performance has been happening in a context of a continued disinflation. There have been some bumps in the road. The disinflation may not have been proceeding, especially earlier in the year, as quickly as was projected, but lately it has been quite substantial.

    So what accounts for this is two things that are really important there. One is, there is strong productivity growth that we see when we look at the U.S. That’s somewhat unlike other advanced economies, in fact. When we look around the world. And the second is also a very significant role that immigration has played, the increase in foreign‑born workers in the U.S. that have been integrated fairly quickly into the labor force. Now, the increase in unemployment that we’ve seen recently—I just showed it in my opening remarks—reflects to a large extent the fact that you have this increase in foreign‑born workers. And it takes—they have been integrated quickly in the labor force, but still there was an influx of them or there was an influx of them, and it’s taken a little bit of time to absorb them. And that’s what is reflected in the increased unemployment rate. So the labor market picture remains one that is fairly, fairly robust, even though it has cooled off but from very, very tight levels. Growth is solid. So I think the answer to the question that was posed, I think a risk of a recession in the U.S. in the absence of a very sharp shock would be somewhat diminished.

    Now, that is really what paved the way when you think about what the Federal Reserve is doing, seeing this inflation coming down a lot but noticing the increase in unemployment, pivoting away from just fighting inflation, that fight is almost done, and now being more concerned about, maybe what might be happening going forward with the labor market and wanting to make sure that that cooling off of the labor market does not turn into something that is more negative.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. The clock here says that I have seven minutes that I can push a little bit, but we go there. Then we will go to this side. And come back here and maybe end around here.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Hope Moses‑Ashike from Business Day Nigeria. So I am right here in this room, in April, you projected the Nigeria economy to grow by 3.3 percent, and you cited improved oil sector, security, and then agriculture. So I want to understand, what has changed since then in terms of Nigeria’s growth and the factors you mentioned? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. Jean‑Marc, do you want to comment on Nigeria?

    Mr. Natal: Yes. Rightly so. We revised growth for Nigeria in 2024 by .2 down. And, you know, things are volatile, I suppose, because the reason for the revision is precisely issues in agriculture related to flooding. And also issues in the production of oil related to security issues, and also maintenance issues that have pushed down the production of oil. So these two factors have played a role.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We go to this side. I’m going to go to the front row, the lady with the white jacket. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. So this is still a follow‑up question since you just answered on Nigeria. What’s the IMF’s projection for the social impacts on full subsidy removal, especially when you—full subsidy removal and forex unification in terms of poverty, inequality, and food insecurity? And also, can give us your medium‑term projections for Nigeria’s growth? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So I am afraid on this one I will have to go back and check because I do not have the number ready on the impact of the removal of the fuel subsidies specifically that you asked about. I do not know if my colleagues—

    Mr. De Haro: And I would encourage you to formulate this question in the press briefing for the regional outlook for the African Department. Probably there, you will get your answer, but reach out to us bilaterally and then we will get you the question.

    We are going to stay—we’re going to go to the gentleman in the back. Yep.

    QUESTION: Thanks very much. Andy Robinson of La Vanguardia, Barcelona, Spain. There seems to be a strange sort of divergence in the euro zone economy in which Spain—you have revised upwards Spain’s GDP growth forecast a whole point, percentage point, whilst Germany is languishing. Could I ask you, is Spain’s performance sustainable? And Germany’s in a recession?

    Also, one other question. You seem in your box on inflation and wage share and profit share, wage share you seem to be suggesting if there’s any danger of increasing inflation in the future, it’s more an excessive profit share than exactly wage? Could you tell me if that’s a correct interpretation? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So just a few words on the euro area in general. And then I will let my colleague Petya come in on Spain. We do see some divergence across the different countries of the euro area. And one of the drivers is how reliant they are on manufacturing, as one of the key sectors in domestic production. And what you are seeing is, there is a general weakness in manufacturing and that’s heating countries like Germany. While countries that are maybe a bit more reliant on services, including tourism—and Spain is one of them—are seeing a better performance.

    Now, on the second part of your question, and I will turn it over to Petya, on the profit share and wages. We’re seeing now wage growth that is in excess of inflation. And sometimes people say, well, that’s a problem because that means, you know, maybe that cannot be sustained and therefore there will be more inflation. Well, not quite. That’s not the view we have here at the Fund. A lot of the increase in wages in excess of inflation right now—so that’s an improvement in real wages in standards of living—is reflecting a catchup phenomenon. It’s after years during which inflation was higher than wage inflation, wage increase. So real wages are catching up. They are covering lost ground.

    Now, during those years when inflation was higher than wages, profit margins somewhere were higher in the economy. And that is the profit margin that is being eroded back. So it’s not that we’re squeezing profits inordinately right now. It’s just they’re coming back more toward their historical level as real wages are catching up, and that’s not necessarily a concern in terms of inflation dynamics going forward. With this, let me turn it over to Petya.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Thank you. Indeed Spain does stand out as one of the countries with a substantial upward revision for this year. We’re now projecting growth to be 2.9, after last year, when it was 2.7. So what’s behind this revision is the positive surprises that we’ve already seen, especially in the second quarter, as well as some of the revisions to the back data.

    And then when we look at the composition of these surprises, again, it was net exports and the receipts from tourism that were a substantial contributor. But also, private consumption and investment also played a role, which may imply that some of the impact of the national recovery plan and the EU funds that are being used could—we could already be seeing the impact of that. And then when we move forward, we are expecting a slowdown in growth next year, but, again, if these—if this investment continues, of course, that would be a very positive factor behind the recovery. Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I have time for just one question because literally, we have 15 seconds. So I’m going to go with the gentleman here.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Barry Wood, Hong Kong Radio. Mr. Gourinchas, in April you said likely we will see one rate cut in the United States. We’ve seen it. The data, as you just said, is very good. Would further rate cuts be counterproductive?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Well, in our projections, of course, we need to make some assumptions about what central banks, and this round of projection is no exception. So in our projections just released today, we’re assuming that there will be two more rate cuts by the Fed in 2024 and then four additional rate cuts in 2025. And that would bring the policy rate towards the terminal rate that is around 2.75, 3. Why do we see the additional rate cuts? Well, in part it’s the progress on inflation. And then as I mentioned earlier, as an answer to an earlier question, the fact that we’re seeing the labor markets cooling and therefore the concern for the Fed is now to make sure that that last part of the disinflation process is not one that is going to hit activity. In the Chapter 2 of our report, we describe how that last mile could be somewhat more costly because, as the supply constraints have eased and moved away, it becomes harder to bring down inflation in that last mile without hurting economic activity, so it’s important to also adjust the policy rate path in a direction of a little bit more easing, as the economy is smooth landing.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. As in life, all good things have to come to an end. But before that, I want to thank you all, on behalf of Pierre‑Olivier, Petya, and Jean‑Marc. Also, on behalf of the Communications Department and a couple of reminders for all of you, the Global Financial Stability Report press briefing is going to happen in this same room at around 10:15 a.m. Tomorrow morning, you have the press briefing for the Fiscal Monitor, and later on in the week, you will have the Managing Director’s press briefing and all the regional press briefings that we’ve been talking about. I want to encourage you to go to IMF.org, download the flagships, the World Economic Outlook, and if you have any questions, comments, feedback, everything to media at IMF.org. So have a great day.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI: Weatherford Third Quarter 2024 Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • Revenues of $1,409 million increased 7% year-over-year
    • Operating income of $243 million increased 11% year-over-year
    • Net income of $157 million increased 28% year-over-year; net income margin of 11.1%
    • Adjusted EBITDA* of $355 million increased 16% year-over-year; adjusted EBITDA margin* of 25.2% increased by 197 basis points year-over-year
    • Cash provided by operating activities of $262 million, an increase of $112 million sequentially and $90 million year-over-year; adjusted free cash flow* of $184 million, an increase of $88 million sequentially and $47 million year-over-year
    • Received credit rating upgrade from S&P Global Ratings to ‘BB-’ with positive outlook, and from Fitch to ‘BB-’ with stable outlook
    • Shareholder returns of $68 million for the quarter, which includes dividends payment of $18 million and share repurchases of $50 million
    • Board approved quarterly cash dividend of $0.25 per share payable on December 5, 2024 to shareholders of record as of November 6, 2024
    • Deployment of Victus™ Managed Pressure Drilling (MPD) systems in the first two deep geothermal exploration wells that have been drilled for a major operator in the Middle East
    • Aramco awarded Weatherford a three-year Corporate Procurement Agreement (CPA) including Cementation Products, Completions, Liner Hangers, and Whipstocks, as well as associated service agreements, to enhance its operational efficiency and strategic goals
    • Hosted 20th annual FWRD conference focused on digitalization and next-generation life-of-well solutions to boost efficiency, sustainability, and performance

    *Non-GAAP – refer to the section titled Non-GAAP Financial Measures Defined and GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures Reconciled

    HOUSTON, Oct. 22, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Weatherford International plc (NASDAQ: WFRD) (“Weatherford” or the “Company”) announced today its results for the third quarter of 2024.

    Revenues for the third quarter of 2024 were $1,409 million, an increase of 0.3% sequentially and an increase of 7% year-over-year. Operating income was $243 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $264 million in the second quarter of 2024 and $218 million in the third quarter of 2023. Net income in the third quarter of 2024 was $157 million, with an 11.1% margin, an increase of 26% or 225 basis points sequentially, and an increase of 28% or 177 basis points year-over-year. Adjusted EBITDA* was $355 million, a 25.2% margin, a decrease of 3% or 78 basis points sequentially, and an increase of 16% or 197 basis points year-over-year. Basic income per share in the third quarter of 2024 was $2.14 compared to $1.71 in the second quarter of 2024 and $1.70 in the third quarter of 2023. Diluted income per share in the third quarter of 2024 was $2.06 compared to $1.66 in the second quarter of 2024 and $1.66 in the third quarter of 2023.

    Third quarter 2024 cash flows provided by operating activities were $262 million, compared to $150 million in the second quarter of 2024 and $172 million in the third quarter of 2023. Adjusted free cash flow* was $184 million, an increase of $88 million sequentially and $47 million year-over-year. Capital expenditures were $78 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $62 million in the second quarter of 2024 and $42 million in the third quarter of 2023.

    Girish Saligram, President and Chief Executive Officer, commented, “I want to thank the Weatherford team for once again delivering strong margins and adjusted free cash flow despite a volatile macro environment and short cycle activity reductions. The margin performance underscores our ability to deliver strong returns in a softer market environment. Despite continued North America weakness, customer scheduling delays in Latin America and a reduced activity outlook in certain other geographies, we still expect strong revenue growth and adjusted EBITDA margins of greater than 25% for the full year.

    In the third quarter, Weatherford acquired Datagration, enhancing our position with one of the industry’s most advanced digital offerings for production and asset optimization. The acquisition demonstrates our commitment to driving innovation across our technology portfolio and accelerating our growth in the digital transformation of the energy industry. Following our announcement in the third quarter regarding Weatherford’s first-ever shareholder return program, we paid our first quarterly dividend of $0.25 per share on September 12, 2024, to shareholders on record as of August 13, 2024, and as of September 30, 2024, we have bought back $50 million of ordinary shares.

    While the macroeconomic environment is volatile and there is heightened risk of geopolitical events creating sector challenges, Weatherford remains focused on fulfillment initiatives, acquisition integrations, and technology commercialization, which should drive further financial performance.”

    *Non-GAAP – refer to the section titled Non-GAAP Financial Measures Defined and GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures Reconciled

    Operational Highlights

    • Aramco awarded Weatherford a three-year CPA, including Cementation Products, Completions, Liner Hangers, and Whipstocks, as well as associated service agreements, to enhance its operational efficiency and strategic goals.
    • A major operator in the Gulf of Mexico awarded Weatherford a three-year services contract to deliver Plug & Abandonment activities utilizing our Heavy Duty Pulling & Jacking Unit and multiple service lines.
    • A National Oil Company (NOC) in the Middle East awarded Weatherford a three-year contract for Drilling Services in unconventional resources fields.
    • PTTEP awarded Weatherford a multi-year contract for Wireline services in Thailand.
    • An NOC in the Middle East awarded Weatherford a two-year contract for Liner Hanger and associated services for deep drilling.
    • A major operator awarded Weatherford a three-year contract to provide MPD services in the Middle East, marking the first time it will utilize this technology.
    • An NOC in the Middle East awarded Weatherford a three-year contract for Fishing and Milling services.
    • An NOC awarded Weatherford a five-year contract extension for the supply of Downhole Completion Equipment for deployment in the Middle East.
    • Shell awarded Weatherford a three-year contract for Dual Stage Cementing technology to be deployed in onshore Australia.
    • Kuwait Energy awarded Weatherford a two-year contract for Cased Hole Wireline Services in onshore Iraq.
    • bp awarded Weatherford a two-year contract for multilateral installations and associated services for offshore operations in Azerbaijan.
    • JVGAS in Algeria awarded Weatherford a three-year contract for velocity string accessories and associated services and awarded a two-year contract for the supply of Fishing and Casing exiting.

    Technology Highlights

    • Drilling & Evaluation (“DRE”)
      • An NOC deployed Weatherford MPD solutions in its first two deep geothermal exploration wells in the Middle East. This innovative use of MPD technology mitigates risks from elevated geothermal gradients during exploration drilling.
      • Weatherford celebrates 25 years of Compact Memory Logging technology, with over 10,000 deployments, consistently delivering value and reliability to our customers.
    • Well Construction and Completions (“WCC”)
      • In Norway, Weatherford successfully integrated the Vero™ system into an offshore rig control system, enabling further efficiency while maintaining well integrity. This integration allows existing rig crews to operate the Vero system autonomously.
      • Perenco deployed Weatherford’s digital ForeSite® Sense optical monitoring system to oversee injectivity testing performance for the Poseidon carbon capture and storage project, the UK’s first well to inject CO2 underground.
      • Weatherford launched its new Remote-Opening Barrier Valve that decreases risk and time associated with conventional well barriers.
    • Production and Intervention (“PRI”)
      • The acquisition of Datagration Solutions Inc. added the PetroVisor and EcoVisor platforms to Weatherford’s Digital Solutions portfolio, enhancing the integration of customer data with ForeSite and Cygnet® for improved real-time analysis and decision-making.
      • Weatherford deployed its AlphaV system for a major operator in Norway in a complex application that significantly reduced time by eliminating wellbore preparation.

    Shareholder Return

    During the third quarter of 2024, Weatherford repurchased shares for approximately $50 million and paid dividends of $18 million, resulting in total shareholder returns of $68 million.

    On October 17, 2024, our Board declared a cash dividend of $0.25 per share of the Company’s ordinary shares, payable on December 5, 2024, to shareholders of record as of November 6, 2024.

    Results by Reportable Segment

    Drilling and Evaluation (“DRE”)

        Three Months Ended   Variance
    ($ in Millions)   September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      Seq.   YoY
    Revenue   $ 435     $ 427     $ 388     2  %   12  %
    Segment Adjusted EBITDA   $ 111     $ 130     $ 111     (15 )%    %
    Segment Adj EBITDA Margin     25.5 %     30.4 %     28.6 %   (493 )bps   (309 )bps
     

    Third quarter 2024 DRE revenue of $435 million increased by $8 million, or 2% sequentially, primarily from higher Drilling-related Services activity partly offset by lower MPD asset sales and lower international Wireline activity. Year-over-year DRE revenues increased by $47 million, or 12%, primarily from higher Wireline activity and Drilling-related Services activity in Middle East/North Africa/Asia.

    Third quarter 2024 DRE segment adjusted EBITDA of $111 million decreased by $19 million, or 15% sequentially, primarily driven by lower MPD asset sales and lower international Wireline activity partly offset by higher fall-through in Drilling-related Services. Year-over-year DRE segment adjusted EBITDA remained flat as higher Drilling-related services were offset by lower margin fall through in MPD and Wireline.

    Well Construction and Completions (“WCC”)

        Three Months Ended   Variance
    ($ in Millions)   September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      Seq.   YoY
    Revenue   $ 509     $ 504     $ 459     1 %   11 %
    Segment Adjusted EBITDA   $ 151     $ 145     $ 119     4 %   27 %
    Segment Adj EBITDA Margin     29.7 %     28.8 %     25.9 %   90 bps   374 bps
     

    Third quarter 2024 WCC revenue of $509 million increased by $5 million, or 1% sequentially, primarily due to higher international Well Services and Liner Hangers activity partly offset by lower Cementation Products in North America and Middle East/North Africa/Asia. Year-over-year WCC revenues increased by $50 million, or 11%, primarily due to higher international Completions and Liner Hangers activity, partly offset by a decrease in activity in North America.

    Third quarter 2024 WCC segment adjusted EBITDA of $151 million increased by $6 million, or 4% sequentially, primarily due to higher international Well Services and Liner Hangers activity and product and service mix partly offset by lower Tubular Running Services activity. Year-over-year WCC segment adjusted EBITDA increased by $32 million, or 27%, primarily due to higher activity and fall-through in Tubular Running Services, Completions and Well Services.

    Production and Intervention (“PRI”)

        Three Months Ended   Variance
    ($ in Millions)   September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      Seq.   YoY
    Revenue   $ 371     $ 369     $ 371     1  %    %
    Segment Adjusted EBITDA   $ 83     $ 85     $ 86     (2 )%   (3 )%
    Segment Adj EBITDA Margin     22.4 %     23.0 %     23.2 %   (66 )bps   (81 )bps
     

    Third quarter 2024 PRI revenue of $371 million increased by $2 million, or 1% sequentially, mainly due to increased Digital Solutions and Pressure Pumping activity partly offset by lower Subsea Intervention activity in Latin America. Year-over-year PRI revenue was flat, as higher international Intervention Services & Drilling Tools activity was offset by a decline in Pressure Pumping activity.

    Third quarter 2024 PRI segment adjusted EBITDA of $83 million, decreased by $2 million, or 2% sequentially, primarily from lower Artificial Lift product mix and lower Subsea Intervention fall-through. Year-over-year PRI segment adjusted EBITDA decreased by $3 million, or 3% year-over-year, primarily due to lower Pressure Pumping activity.

    Revenue by Geography

        Three Months Ended   Variance
    ($ in Millions)   September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      Seq.   YoY
    North America   $ 266   $ 252   $ 269   6 %   (1 )%
                         
    International   $ 1,143   $ 1,153   $ 1,044   (1 )%   9  %
    Latin America     358     353     357   1  %    %
    Middle East/North Africa/Asia     542     542     471    %   15  %
    Europe/Sub-Sahara Africa/Russia     243     258     216   (6 )%   13  %
    Total Revenue   $ 1,409   $ 1,405   $ 1,313   0.3  %   7  %


    North America

    Third quarter 2024 North America revenue of $266 million increased by $14 million, or 6% sequentially, primarily due to activity increase in Canada due to favorable seasonality and activity increase offshore in the Gulf of Mexico. Year-over-year, North America decreased by $3 million, or 1%, primarily from lower Tubular Running Services and Cementation Products activity offshore in the Gulf of Mexico, partly offset by an increase in Wireline activity.

    International

    Third quarter 2024 international revenue of $1,143 million decreased 1% sequentially and increased 9% year-over-year.

    Third quarter 2024 Latin America revenue of $358 million increased by $5 million, or 1% sequentially, primarily due to higher Well Services in Brazil and Drilling-related Services in Mexico. Year-over-year, Latin America revenue increased by $1 million.

    Third quarter 2024 Middle East/North Africa/Asia revenue of $542 million was flat sequentially, mainly due to increased activity in United Arab Emirates partly offset by a decrease in Integrated Services & Projects activity in Oman and a decrease of activity in Kuwait. Year-over-year, the Middle East/North Africa/Asia revenue increased by $71 million, or 15%, due to an increase in activity across all product lines within the DRE and WCC segments, primarily in United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Asia and Kuwait.

    Third quarter 2024 Europe/Sub-Sahara Africa/Russia revenue of $243 million decreased by $15 million or 6% sequentially, mainly driven by lower MPD asset sales. Year-over-year Europe/Sub-Sahara Africa/Russia revenue increased by $27 million, or 13%, due to increased activity across all segments.

    About Weatherford
    Weatherford delivers innovative energy services that integrate proven technologies with advanced digitalization to create sustainable offerings for maximized value and return on investment. Our world-class experts partner with customers to optimize their resources and realize the full potential of their assets. Operators choose us for strategic solutions that add efficiency, flexibility, and responsibility to any energy operation. The Company conducts business in approximately 75 countries and has approximately 19,000 team members representing more than 110 nationalities and 330 operating locations. Visit weatherford.com for more information and connect with us on social media.

    Conference Call Details

    Weatherford will host a conference call on Wednesday, October 23, 2024, to discuss the Company’s results for the third quarter ended September 30, 2024. The conference call will begin at 8:30 a.m. Eastern Time (7:30 a.m. Central Time).

    Listeners are encouraged to download the accompanying presentation slides which will be available in the investor relations section of the Company’s website.

    Listeners can participate in the conference call via a live webcast at https://www.weatherford.com/investor-relations/investor-news-and-events/events/ or by dialing +1 877-328-5344 (within the U.S.) or +1 412-902-6762 (outside of the U.S.) and asking for the Weatherford conference call. Participants should log in or dial in approximately 10 minutes prior to the start of the call.

    A telephonic replay of the conference call will be available until November 6, 2024, at 5:00 p.m. Eastern Time. To access the replay, please dial +1 877-344-7529 (within the U.S.) or +1 412-317-0088 (outside of the U.S.) and reference conference number 6410466. A replay and transcript of the earnings call will also be available in the investor relations section of the Company’s website.

    Contacts

    For Investors:
    Luke Lemoine
    Senior Vice President, Corporate Development and Investor Relations
    +1 713-836-7777
    investor.relations@weatherford.com

    For Media:
    Kelley Hughes
    Senior Director, Communications & Employee Engagement
    +1 713-836-4193
    media@weatherford.com

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This news release contains projections and forward-looking statements concerning, among other things, the Company’s quarterly and full-year revenues, adjusted EBITDA*, adjusted EBITDA margin*, adjusted free cash flow*, net leverage*, shareholder return program, forecasts or expectations regarding business outlook, prospects for its operations, capital expenditures, expectations regarding future financial results, and are also generally identified by the words “believe,” “project,” “expect,” “anticipate,” “estimate,” “outlook,” “budget,” “intend,” “strategy,” “plan,” “guidance,” “may,” “should,” “could,” “will,” “would,” “will be,” “will continue,” “will likely result,” and similar expressions, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. Such statements are based upon the current beliefs of Weatherford’s management and are subject to significant risks, assumptions, and uncertainties. Should one or more of these risks or uncertainties materialize, or underlying assumptions prove incorrect, actual results may vary materially from those indicated in our forward-looking statements. Readers are cautioned that forward-looking statements are only predictions and may differ materially from actual future events or results, based on factors including but not limited to: global political disturbances, war, terrorist attacks, changes in global trade policies, weak local economic conditions and international currency fluctuations; general global economic repercussions related to U.S. and global inflationary pressures and potential recessionary concerns; various effects from conflicts in the Middle East and the Russia Ukraine conflict, including, but not limited to, nationalization of assets, extended business interruptions, sanctions, treaties and regulations imposed by various countries, associated operational and logistical challenges, and impacts to the overall global energy supply; cybersecurity issues; our ability to comply with, and respond to, climate change, environmental, social and governance and other sustainability initiatives and future legislative and regulatory measures both globally and in specific geographic regions; the potential for a resurgence of a pandemic in a given geographic area and related disruptions to our business, employees, customers, suppliers and other partners; the price and price volatility of, and demand for, oil and natural gas; the macroeconomic outlook for the oil and gas industry; our ability to generate cash flow from operations to fund our operations; our ability to effectively and timely adapt our technology portfolio, products and services to address and participate in changes to the market demands for the transition to alternate sources of energy such as geothermal, carbon capture and responsible abandonment, including our digitalization efforts; our ability to return capital to shareholders, including those related to the timing and amounts (including any plans or commitments in respect thereof) of any dividends and share repurchases; and the realization of additional cost savings and operational efficiencies.

    These risks and uncertainties are more fully described in Weatherford’s reports and registration statements filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”), including the risk factors described in the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K and Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q. Accordingly, you should not place undue reliance on any of the Company’s forward-looking statements. Any forward-looking statement speaks only as of the date on which such statement is made, and the Company undertakes no obligation to correct or update any forward-looking statement, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as required by applicable law, and we caution you not to rely on them unduly.

    *Non-GAAP – refer to the section titled Non-GAAP Financial Measures Defined and GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures Reconciled

     
    Weatherford International plc
    Selected Statements of Operations (Unaudited)
                         
        Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
    ($ in Millions, Except Per Share Amounts)   September
    30, 2024
      June
    30, 2024
      September
    30, 2023
      September
    30, 2024
      September
    30, 2023
    Revenues:                    
    DRE Revenues   $ 435     $ 427     $ 388     $ 1,284     $ 1,154  
    WCC Revenues     509       504       459       1,471       1,320  
    PRI Revenues     371       369       371       1,088       1,086  
    All Other     94       105       95       329       213  
    Total Revenues     1,409       1,405       1,313       4,172       3,773  
                         
    Operating Income:                    
    DRE Segment Adjusted EBITDA[1]   $ 111     $ 130     $ 111     $ 371     $ 325  
    WCC Segment Adjusted EBITDA[1]     151       145       119       416       324  
    PRI Segment Adjusted EBITDA[1]     83       85       86       241       235  
    All Other[2]     23       23       7       73       25  
    Corporate[2]     (13 )     (18 )     (18 )     (45 )     (44 )
    Depreciation and Amortization     (89 )     (86 )     (83 )     (260 )     (244 )
    Share-based Compensation     (10 )     (12 )     (9 )     (35 )     (26 )
    Other (Charges) Credits     (13 )     (3 )     5       (21 )     9  
    Operating Income     243       264       218       740       604  
                         
    Other Expense:                    
    Interest Expense, Net of Interest Income of $13, $17, $15, $44 and $47     (24 )     (24 )     (30 )     (77 )     (92 )
    Loss on Blue Chip Swap Securities           (10 )           (10 )     (57 )
    Other Expense, Net     (41 )     (20 )     (24 )     (83 )   (98 )
    Income Before Income Taxes     178       210       164       570       357  
    Income Tax Provision     (12 )     (73 )     (33 )     (144 )     (55 )
    Net Income     166       137       131       426       302  
    Net Income Attributable to Noncontrolling Interests     9       12       8       32       25  
    Net Income Attributable to Weatherford   $ 157     $ 125     $ 123     $ 394     $ 277  
                         
    Basic Income Per Share   $ 2.14     $ 1.71     $ 1.70     $ 5.39     $ 3.85  
    Basic Weighted Average Shares Outstanding     73.2       73.2       72.1       73.1       71.9  
                         
    Diluted Income Per Share[3]   $ 2.06     $ 1.66     $ 1.66     $ 5.25     $ 3.76  
    Diluted Weighted Average Shares Outstanding     75.2       75.3       73.7       75.0       73.6  
     
    [1]  Segment adjusted EBITDA is our primary measure of segment profitability under U.S. GAAP ASC 280 “Segment Reporting” and represents segment earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, amortization, share-based compensation expense and other adjustments. Research and development expenses are included in segment adjusted EBITDA.
    [2] All Other results were from non-core business activities related to all other segments (profit and loss) and Corporate includes overhead support and centrally managed or shared facility costs. All Other and Corporate do not individually meet the criteria for segment reporting.
    [3] Included the maximum potentially dilutive shares contingently issuable for an acquisition consideration during the three months ended September 30, 2024, the value of which was adjusted out of Net Income Attributable to Weatherford in calculating diluted income per share.
       
     
    Weatherford International plc
    Selected Balance Sheet Data (Unaudited)
           
    ($ in Millions) September 30, 2024   December 31, 2023
    Assets:      
    Cash and Cash Equivalents $ 920   $ 958
    Restricted Cash   58     105
    Accounts Receivable, Net   1,231     1,216
    Inventories, Net   919     788
    Property, Plant and Equipment, Net   1,050     957
    Intangibles, Net   356     370
           
    Liabilities:      
    Accounts Payable   723     679
    Accrued Salaries and Benefits   328     387
    Current Portion of Long-term Debt   21     168
    Long-term Debt   1,627     1,715
           
    Shareholders’ Equity:      
    Total Shareholders’ Equity   1,356     922
     
    Weatherford International plc
    Selected Cash Flows Information (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
    ($ in Millions)   September
    30, 2024
        June
    30, 2024
        September
    30, 2023
        September
    30, 2024
        September
    30, 2023
     
    Cash Flows From Operating Activities:                              
    Net Income   $ 166     $ 137     $ 131     $ 426     $ 302  
    Adjustments to Reconcile Net Income to Net Cash Provided By Operating Activities:                              
    Depreciation and Amortization   89     86     83     260     244  
    Foreign Exchange Losses   35     8     15     58     73  
    Loss on Blue Chip Swap Securities       10         10     57  
    Gain on Disposition of Assets   (1 )   (25 )   (4 )   (33 )   (11 )
    Deferred Income Tax Provision (Benefit)   (19 )   13     (14 )   8     (67 )
    Share-Based Compensation   10     12     9     35     26  
    Changes in Accounts Receivable, Inventory, Accounts Payable and Accrued Salaries and Benefits   30     (22 )   (73 )   (144 )   (235 )
    Other Changes, Net   (48 )   (69 )   25     (77 )   68  
    Net Cash Provided By Operating Activities   262     150     172     543     457  
                                   
    Cash Flows From Investing Activities:                              
    Capital Expenditures for Property, Plant and Equipment   (78 )   (62 )   (42 )   (199 )   (142 )
    Proceeds from Disposition of Assets       8     7     18     21  
    Purchases of Blue Chip Swap Securities       (50 )       (50 )   (110 )
    Proceeds from Sales of Blue Chip Swap Securities       40         40     53  
    Business Acquisitions, Net of Cash Acquired   (15 )           (51 )   (4 )
    Proceeds from Sale of Investments               41     33  
    Other Investing Activities   1     3     (1 )   (6 )   (9 )
    Net Cash Used In Investing Activities   (92 )   (61 )   (36 )   (207 )   (158 )
                                   
    Cash Flows From Financing Activities:                              
    Repayments of Long-term Debt   (5 )   (87 )   (76 )   (264 )   (306 )
    Distributions to Noncontrolling Interests   (10 )   (9 )   (15 )   (19 )   (21 )
    Tax Remittance on Equity Awards Vested       (1 )       (9 )   (54 )
    Share Repurchases   (50 )           (50 )    
    Dividends Paid   (18 )           (18 )    
    Other Financing Activities   (6 )   (5 )       (18 )   (7 )
    Net Cash Used In Financing Activities   $ (89 )   $ (102 )   $ (91 )   $ (378 )   $ (388 )
    Weatherford International plc
    Non-GAAP Financial Measures Defined (Unaudited)

    We report our financial results in accordance with U.S. generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP). However, Weatherford’s management believes that certain non-GAAP financial measures (as defined under the SEC’s Regulation G and Item 10(e) of Regulation S-K) may provide users of this financial information additional meaningful comparisons between current results and results of prior periods and comparisons with peer companies. The non-GAAP amounts shown in the following tables should not be considered as substitutes for results reported in accordance with GAAP but should be viewed in addition to the Company’s reported results prepared in accordance with GAAP.

    Adjusted EBITDA* – Adjusted EBITDA* is a non-GAAP measure and represents consolidated income before interest expense, net, income taxes, depreciation and amortization expense, and excludes, among other items, restructuring charges, share-based compensation expense, as well as other charges and credits. Management believes adjusted EBITDA* is useful to assess and understand normalized operating performance and trends. Adjusted EBITDA* should be considered in addition to, but not as a substitute for consolidated net income and should be viewed in addition to the Company’s reported results prepared in accordance with GAAP.

    Adjusted EBITDA margin* – Adjusted EBITDA margin* is a non-GAAP measure which is calculated by dividing consolidated adjusted EBITDA* by consolidated revenues. Management believes adjusted EBITDA margin* is useful to assess and understand normalized operating performance and trends. Adjusted EBITDA margin* should be considered in addition to, but not as a substitute for consolidated net income margin and should be viewed in addition to the Company’s reported results prepared in accordance with GAAP.

    Adjusted Free Cash Flow* – Adjusted Free Cash Flow* is a non-GAAP measure and represents cash flows provided by (used in) operating activities, less capital expenditures plus proceeds from the disposition of assets. Management believes adjusted free cash flow* is useful to understand our performance at generating cash and demonstrates our discipline around the use of cash. Adjusted free cash flow* should be considered in addition to, but not as a substitute for cash flows provided by operating activities and should be viewed in addition to the Company’s reported results prepared in accordance with GAAP.

    Net Debt* – Net Debt* is a non-GAAP measure that is calculated taking short and long-term debt less cash and cash equivalents and restricted cash. Management believes the net debt* is useful to assess the level of debt in excess of cash and cash and equivalents as we monitor our ability to repay and service our debt. Net debt* should be considered in addition to, but not as a substitute for overall debt and total cash and should be viewed in addition to the Company’s results prepared in accordance with GAAP.​

    Net Leverage* – Net Leverage* is a non-GAAP measure which is calculated by dividing by taking net debt* divided by adjusted EBITDA* for the trailing 12 months. Management believes the net leverage* is useful to understand our ability to repay and service our debt. Net leverage* should be considered in addition to, but not as a substitute for the individual components of above defined net debt* divided by consolidated net income attributable to Weatherford and should be viewed in addition to the Company’s reported results prepared in accordance with GAAP.

    *Non-GAAP – as defined above and reconciled to the GAAP measures in the section titled GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures Reconciled

     
    Weatherford International plc
    GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures Reconciled (Unaudited)
     
                         
        Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
    ($ in Millions, Except Margin in Percentages)   September
    30, 2024
      June
    30, 2024
      September
    30, 2023
      September
    30, 2024
      September
    30, 2023
    Revenues   $ 1,409     $ 1,405     $ 1,313     $ 4,172     $ 3,773  
    Net Income Attributable to Weatherford   $ 157     $ 125     $ 123     $ 394     $ 277  
    Net Income Margin     11.1 %     8.9 %     9.4 %     9.4 %     7.3 %
    Adjusted EBITDA*   $ 355     $ 365     $ 305     $ 1,056     $ 865  
    Adjusted EBITDA Margin*     25.2 %     26.0 %     23.2 %     25.3 %     22.9 %
                         
    Net Income Attributable to Weatherford   $ 157     $ 125     $ 123     $ 394     $ 277  
    Net Income Attributable to Noncontrolling Interests     9       12       8       32       25  
    Income Tax Provision     12       73       33       144       55  
    Interest Expense, Net of Interest Income of $13, $17, $15, $44 and $47     24       24       30       77       92  
    Loss on Blue Chip Swap Securities           10             10       57  
    Other Expense, Net     41       20       24       83       98  
    Operating Income     243       264       218       740       604  
    Depreciation and Amortization     89       86       83       260       244  
    Other Charges (Credits)[1]     13       3       (5 )     21       (9 )
    Share-Based Compensation     10       12       9       35       26  
    Adjusted EBITDA*   $ 355     $ 365     $ 305     $ 1,056     $ 865  
                         
    Net Cash Provided By Operating Activities   $ 262     $ 150     $ 172     $ 543     $ 457  
    Capital Expenditures for Property, Plant and Equipment     (78 )     (62 )     (42 )     (199 )     (142 )
    Proceeds from Disposition of Assets           8       7       18       21  
    Adjusted Free Cash Flow*   $ 184     $ 96     $ 137     $ 362     $ 336  
    [1]  Other charges (credits) in the three and nine months ended September 30, 2024, primarily includes fees to third-party financial institutions to facilitate loans between those financial institutions and our largest customer in Mexico, who in turn paid certain of our outstanding receivables.

    *Non-GAAP – as reconciled to the GAAP measures above and defined in the section titled Non-GAAP Financial Measures Defined

     
    Weatherford International plc
    GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures Reconciled Continued (Unaudited)
     
                   
         
    ($ in Millions)   September
    30, 2024
      June
    30, 2024
      September
    30, 2023
     
    Current Portion of Long-term Debt   $ 21   $ 20   $ 91  
    Long-term Debt     1,627     1,628     1,864  
    Total Debt   $ 1,648   $ 1,648   $ 1,955  
                   
    Cash and Cash Equivalents   $ 920   $ 862   $ 839  
    Restricted Cash     58     58     107  
    Total Cash   $ 978   $ 920   $ 946  
                   
    Components of Net Debt              
    Current Portion of Long-term Debt   $ 21   $ 20   $ 91  
    Long-term Debt     1,627     1,628     1,864  
    Less: Cash and Cash Equivalents     920     862     839  
    Less: Restricted Cash     58     58     107  
    Net Debt*   $ 670   $ 728   $ 1,009  
                   
    Net Income for trailing 12 months   $ 534   $ 500   $ 359  
    Adjusted EBITDA* for trailing 12 months   $ 1,377   $ 1,327   $ 1,131  
                   
    Net Leverage* (Net Debt*/Adjusted EBITDA*)     0.5 x   0.5 x   0.9 x
     

    *Non-GAAP – as reconciled to the GAAP measures above and defined in the section titled Non-GAAP Financial Measures Defined

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Baker Hughes Company Announces Third-Quarter 2024 Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

     Third-quarter highlights

    • Orders of $6.7 billion, including $2.9 billion of IET orders.
    • RPO of $33.4 billion, including record IET RPO of $30.2 billion.
    • Revenue of $6.9 billion, up 4% year-over-year.
    • Attributable net income of $766 million.
    • GAAP diluted EPS of $0.77 and adjusted diluted EPS* of $0.67.
    • Adjusted EBITDA* of $1,208 million, up 23% year-over-year.
    • Cash flows from operating activities of $1,010 million and free cash flow* of $754 million.
    • Returns to shareholders of $361 million, including $152 million of share repurchases.

    HOUSTON and LONDON, Oct. 22, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Baker Hughes Company (Nasdaq: BKR) (“Baker Hughes” or the “Company”) announced results today for the third quarter of 2024.

    “We delivered another quarter of record EBITDA, highlighted by exceptional operational performance across both segments. Our margins continue to improve at an accelerated pace, with total company EBITDA margins increasing to 17.5%. This marks the highest margin quarter since the company was formed. On the back of our solid third-quarter results and stable outlook, we remain confident in achieving our full-year EBITDA guidance midpoint,” said Lorenzo Simonelli, Baker Hughes Chairman and Chief Executive Officer.

    “Orders remain at solid levels, with IET orders of $2.9 billion marking the eighth consecutive quarter at or above these levels. IET continued to demonstrate strong order momentum for gas infrastructure and FPSOs, booking the largest ever ICL compressor award from Dubai Petroleum Establishment for the Margham Gas storage facility and two FPSO awards with separate offshore operators.”

    “Overall, our segments continue to make strong progress on their journey toward 20% EBITDA margins, with both segments achieving high-teen margins during the quarter. Our operational discipline and rigor continue to gain traction.”

    “We are also benefiting from the life-cycle attributes of our service offerings and the breadth of our portfolio. With significant recurring IET service revenue, strong production-levered businesses, untapped market opportunities, and improved cost structure, we are becoming less cyclical and capable of generating more durable earnings and free cash flow across cycles.”

    “We are successfully executing our strategy, and this is a testament to the strength of our people and the culture we are building,” concluded Simonelli.

    * Non-GAAP measure. See reconciliations in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.”

      Three Months Ended   Variance
    (in millions except per share amounts) September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Orders $ 6,676 $ 7,526 $ 8,512   (11%)   (22%)  
    Revenue   6,908   7,139   6,641   (3%)   4%  
    Net income attributable to Baker Hughes   766   579   518   32%   48%  
    Adjusted net income attributable to Baker Hughes*   666   568   427   17%   56%  
    Operating income   930   833   714   12%   30%  
    Adjusted operating income*   930   847   716   10%   30%  
    Adjusted EBITDA*   1,208   1,130   983   7%   23%  
    Diluted earnings per share (EPS)   0.77   0.58   0.51   33%   51%  
    Adjusted diluted EPS*   0.67   0.57   0.42   18%   59%  
    Cash flow from operating activities   1,010   348   811   F   25%  
    Free cash flow*   754   106   592   F   27%  

    * Non-GAAP measure. See reconciliations in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.”

    “F” is used when variance is above 100%. Additionally, “U” is used when variance is below (100)%.

    Certain columns and rows in our tables and financial statements may not sum up due to the use of rounded numbers.

    Quarter Highlights

    Industrial & Energy Technology (“IET”) experienced a strong quarter for its Integrated Compressor Line (“ICL”) technology. In its largest ICL award to-date, and booked under Climate Technology Solutions (“CTS”), Baker Hughes will supply 10 units to Dubai Petroleum Establishment for the Margham Gas storage facility. These ICL units will support gas infrastructure, providing stability to Dubai’s energy supply by strengthening the system’s ability to switch between natural gas and solar power.

    IET’s Gas Technology Equipment (“GTE”) was also awarded a significant contract to supply advanced compression solutions to Saipem for TotalEnergies’ all-electric Kaminho Floating Production Storage and Offloading (“FPSO”) project in Angola. Baker Hughes’ centrifugal BCL compressor and ICL technology were selected because of the capability to minimize greenhouse emissions and eliminate routine flaring by reinjecting associated gas into the reservoir for storage. Separately, IET was selected to provide electric motor-driven process compressors for an FPSO project in Latin America.

    IET’s Gas Technology Services (“GTS”) secured a multi-decade agreement for an LNG facility in the Middle East. The scope encompasses extensive maintenance services and digital solutions, leveraging Baker Hughes’ iCenter™ Remote Monitoring and Diagnostics capabilities.

    Oilfield Services & Equipment (“OFSE”) strengthened the Company’s relationship with Petrobras, receiving contracts to supply 43 miles of flexible pipe systems in Brazil’s Santos Basin. A significant portion of these risers and flowlines will be manufactured in-country at Baker Hughes’ Niteroi plant. The contracts, awarded through an open tender, include multi-year service agreements to support maintenance activities through the life of the project and demonstrate Baker Hughes’ dedication to providing equipment and services critical to help Petrobras achieve its strategic plan to expand operations.

    In OFSE, mature assets solutions (“MAS”) delivered a strong order quarter, illustrating confidence in the Company’s full range of workflows and solutions to accelerate production and total recovery. OFSE won a MAS award to supply Santos Energy’s strategic and historic Cooper Basin Development in Australia with drilling fluids and wireline services, marking Baker Hughes’ return to the basin. Additionally, OFSE signed a multi-year contract extension with a customer in the Middle East for completions and well intervention.

    Baker Hughes saw increased adoption of Leucipa™, the Company’s intelligent automated field production digital solution. A major global operator expanded the use of Leucipa across multiple fields in the Permian Basin, enabling the customer to optimize production through real-time field orchestration to generate lower-carbon, short-cycle barrels. Additionally, a new strategic collaboration was established early in the fourth quarter with Repsol, a major customer of Leucipa, to develop and deploy next-generation artificial intelligence capabilities for this digital solution. The companies will share knowledge and expertise to optimize and enhance production across Repsol’s global portfolio while creating new commercial opportunities for Baker Hughes.

    Baker Hughes continues to innovate new digital technologies to support customers on their decarbonization journey. The Company launched CarbonEdge™, powered by Cordant™, an end-to-end, risk-based digital solution that delivers precise, real-time data and alerts on carbon dioxide (CO2) flows across CCUS infrastructure from subsurface to surface. This solution enables operators to mitigate risk, improve decision-making, enhance operational efficiency, and simplify regulatory reporting across the entire project lifecycle.

    Consolidated Revenue and Operating Income by Reporting Segment

    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
      September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Oilfield Services & Equipment $ 3,963   $ 4,011   $ 3,951     (1%)   —%  
    Industrial & Energy Technology   2,945     3,128     2,691     (6%)   9%  
    Segment revenue   6,908     7,139     6,641     (3%)   4%  
                 
    Oilfield Services & Equipment   547     493     465     11%   18%  
    Industrial & Energy Technology   474     442     346     7%   37%  
    Corporate(1)   (91 )   (88 )   (95 )   (3%)   4%  
    Restructuring, impairment & other       (14 )   (2 )   F   F  
    Operating income   930     833     714     12%   30%  
    Adjusted operating income*   930     847     716     10%   30%  
    Depreciation & amortization   278     283     267     (2%)   4%  
    Adjusted EBITDA* $ 1,208   $ 1,130   $ 983     7%   23%  

    * Non-GAAP measure. See reconciliations in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.”

    “F” is used when variance is above 100%. Additionally, “U” is used when variance is below (100)%.

    (1)   Corporate costs are primarily reported in “Selling, general and administrative” in the condensed consolidated statements of income (loss).

    Revenue for the quarter was $6,908 million, a decrease of 3% sequentially and an increase of 4% year-over-year. The increase in revenue year-over-year was driven by IET.

    The Company’s total book-to-bill ratio in the quarter was 1.0; the IET book-to-bill ratio in the quarter was also 1.0.

    Operating income as determined in accordance with accounting principles generally accepted in the United States of America (“GAAP”), for the third quarter of 2024 was $930 million. Operating income increased $97 million sequentially and increased $216 million year-over-year.

    Adjusted operating income (a non-GAAP financial measure) for the third quarter of 2024 was $930 million. There were no adjustments to operating income in the third quarter. A list of the adjusting items and associated reconciliation from GAAP has been provided in Table 1a in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.” Adjusted operating income for the third quarter of 2024 was up 10% sequentially and up 30% year-over-year.

    Depreciation and amortization for the third quarter of 2024 was $278 million.

    Adjusted EBITDA (a non-GAAP financial measure) for the third quarter of 2024 was $1,208 million. There were no adjustments to EBITDA in the third quarter. See Table 1b in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.” Adjusted EBITDA for the third quarter was up 7% sequentially and up 23% year-over-year.

    The sequential increase in adjusted operating income and adjusted EBITDA was driven by higher pricing in both segments and structural cost-out initiatives, partially offset by lower volume in both segments. The year-over-year increase in adjusted operating income and adjusted EBITDA was driven by higher pricing in both segments, higher volume in IET, and structural cost-out initiatives, partially offset by cost inflation in IET and unfavorable business mix in both segments.

    Other Financial Items

    Remaining Performance Obligations (“RPO”) in the third quarter ended at $33.4 billion, a decrease of $0.1 billion from the second quarter of 2024. OFSE RPO was $3.2 billion, down 5% sequentially, while IET RPO was $30.2 billion, up $44 million sequentially. Within IET RPO, GTE RPO was $11.9 billion and GTS RPO was $14.8 billion.

    Income tax expense in the third quarter of 2024 was $235 million.

    Other non-operating income in the third quarter of 2024 was $134 million. Included in other non-operating income were net mark-to-market gains in fair value for certain equity investments of $99 million.

    GAAP diluted earnings per share was $0.77. Adjusted diluted earnings per share (a non-GAAP financial measure) was $0.67. Excluded from adjusted diluted earnings per share were all items listed in Table 1c in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.”

    Cash flow from operating activities was $1,010 million for the third quarter of 2024. Free cash flow (a non-GAAP financial measure) for the quarter was $754 million. A reconciliation from GAAP has been provided in Table 1d in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.”

    Capital expenditures, net of proceeds from disposal of assets, were $256 million for the third quarter of 2024, of which $182 million for OFSE and $62 million for IET.

    Results by Reporting Segment
     

    The following segment discussions and variance explanations are intended to reflect management’s view of the relevant comparisons of financial results on a sequential or year-over-year basis, depending on the business dynamics of the reporting segments.

    Oilfield Services & Equipment

    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
    Segment results September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Orders $ 3,807   $ 4,068   $ 4,178     (6%)   (9%)  
    Revenue $ 3,963   $ 4,011   $ 3,951     (1%)   —%  
    Operating income $ 547   $ 493   $ 465     11%   18%  
    Operating margin   13.8 %   12.3 %   11.8 %   1.5pts   2pts  
    Depreciation & amortization $ 218   $ 223   $ 206     (2%)   6%  
    EBITDA* $ 765   $ 716   $ 670     7%   14%  
    EBITDA margin*   19.3 %   17.8 %   17.0 %   1.5pts   2.3pts  
    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
    Revenue by Product Line September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Well Construction $ 1,050 $ 1,090 $ 1,128   (4%)   (7%)  
    Completions, Intervention & Measurements   1,009   1,118   1,085   (10%)   (7%)  
    Production Solutions   983   958   967   3%   2%  
    Subsea & Surface Pressure Systems   921   845   770   9%   20%  
    Total Revenue $ 3,963 $ 4,011 $ 3,951   (1%)   —%  
    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
    Revenue by Geographic Region September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    North America $ 971 $ 1,023 $ 1,064   (5%)   (9%)  
    Latin America   648   663   695   (2%)   (7%)  
    Europe/CIS/Sub-Saharan Africa   933   827   695   13%   34%  
    Middle East/Asia   1,411   1,498   1,497   (6%)   (6%)  
    Total Revenue $ 3,963 $ 4,011 $ 3,951   (1%)   —%  
                 
    North America $ 971 $ 1,023 $ 1,064   (5%)   (9%)  
    International   2,992   2,988   2,887   —%   4%  

    * Non-GAAP measure. See reconciliations in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.” EBITDA margin is defined as EBITDA divided by revenue.

    OFSE orders of $3,807 million for the third quarter decreased by $261 million sequentially. Subsea and Surface Pressure Systems orders were $776 million, down 13% sequentially, and down 23% year-over-year.

    OFSE revenue of $3,963 million for the third quarter was down 1% sequentially, and up $12 million year-over-year.

    North America revenue was $971 million, down 5% sequentially. International revenue was $2,992 million, an increase of $4 million sequentially, driven by growth in Europe/CIS/Sub-Saharan Africa regions partially offset by decline in Middle East/Asia.

    Segment operating income for the third quarter was $547 million, an increase of $54 million, or 11%, sequentially. Segment EBITDA for the third quarter was $765 million, an increase of $49 million, or 7% sequentially. The sequential increase in segment operating income and EBITDA was driven by positive price and productivity, partially offset by pressure from negative business mix and lower volume.

    Industrial & Energy Technology

    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
    Segment results September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Orders $ 2,868   $ 3,458   $ 4,334     (17%)   (34%)  
    Revenue $ 2,945   $ 3,128   $ 2,691     (6%)   9%  
    Operating income $ 474   $ 442   $ 346     7%   37%  
    Operating margin   16.1 %   14.1 %   12.9 %   2pts   3.2pts  
    Depreciation & amortization $ 54   $ 55   $ 57     (2%)   (6%)  
    EBITDA* $ 528   $ 497   $ 403     6%   31%  
    EBITDA margin*   17.9 %   15.9 %   15.0 %   2pts   2.9pts  
    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
    Orders by Product Line September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Gas Technology Equipment $ 1,088 $ 1,493 $ 2,813   (27%)   (61%)  
    Gas Technology Services   778   769   724   1%   7%  
    Total Gas Technology   1,866   2,261   3,537   (17%)   (47%)  
    Industrial Products   494   524   477   (6%)   4%  
    Industrial Solutions   293   281   271   4%   8%  
    Total Industrial Technology   787   805   748   (2%)   5%  
    Climate Technology Solutions   215   392   49   (45%)   F  
    Total Orders $ 2,868 $ 3,458 $ 4,334   (17%)   (34%)  
    (in millions) Three Months Ended   Variance
    Revenue by Product Line September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
      Sequential Year-over-year
    Gas Technology Equipment $ 1,281 $ 1,539 $ 1,227   (17%)   4%  
    Gas Technology Services   697   691   637   1%   9%  
    Total Gas Technology   1,978   2,230   1,865   (11%)   6%  
    Industrial Products   520   509   520   2%   —%  
    Industrial Solutions   257   262   243   (2%)   6%  
    Total Industrial Technology   777   770   763   1%   2%  
    Climate Technology Solutions   191   128   63   49%   F  
    Total Revenue $ 2,945 $ 3,128 $ 2,691   (6%)   9%  

    * Non-GAAP measure. See reconciliations in the section titled “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures.” EBITDA margin is defined as EBITDA divided by revenue.

    “F” is used when variance is above 100%. Additionally, “U” is used when variance is below (100)%.

    IET orders of $2,868 million for the third quarter decreased by $1,465 million, or 34% year-over-year. The decrease was driven primarily by GTE orders which were down $1,725 million or 61% year-over-year.

    IET revenue of $2,945 million for the quarter increased $254 million, or 9% year-over-year. The increase was driven primarily by Climate Technology Solutions, up favorably year-over-year, and by Gas Technology, up 6% year-over-year.

    Segment operating income for the quarter was $474 million, up 37% year-over-year. Segment EBITDA for the quarter was $528 million, up $125 million, or 31% year-over-year. The year-over-year increase in segment operating income and EBITDA was primarily driven by higher volume, pricing and productivity, partially offset by cost inflation.

    Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Financial Measures
     

    Management provides non-GAAP financial measures because it believes such measures are widely accepted financial indicators used by investors and analysts to analyze and compare companies on the basis of operating performance (including adjusted operating income; EBITDA; EBITDA margin; adjusted EBITDA; adjusted net income attributable to Baker Hughes; and adjusted diluted earnings per share) and liquidity (free cash flow) and that these measures may be used by investors to make informed investment decisions. Management believes that the exclusion of certain identified items from several key operating performance measures enables us to evaluate our operations more effectively, to identify underlying trends in the business, and to establish operational goals for certain management compensation purposes. Management also believes that free cash flow is an important supplemental measure of our cash performance but should not be considered as a measure of residual cash flow available for discretionary purposes, or as an alternative to cash flow from operating activities presented in accordance with GAAP.

    Table 1a. Reconciliation of GAAP and Adjusted Operating Income

      Three Months Ended
    (in millions) September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
    Operating income (GAAP) $ 930 $ 833 $ 714
    Restructuring, impairment & other     14   2
    Total operating income adjustments     14   2
    Adjusted operating income (non-GAAP) $ 930 $ 847 $ 716

    Table 1a reconciles operating income, which is the directly comparable financial result determined in accordance with GAAP, to adjusted operating income. Adjusted operating income excludes the impact of certain identified items.

    Table 1b. Reconciliation of Net Income Attributable to Baker Hughes to EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA

      Three Months Ended
    (in millions) September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
    Net income attributable to Baker Hughes (GAAP) $ 766   $ 579   $ 518  
    Net income attributable to noncontrolling interests   8     2     6  
    Provision for income taxes   235     243     235  
    Interest expense, net   55     47     49  
    Other non-operating income, net   (134 )   (38 )   (94 )
    Operating income (GAAP)   930     833     714  
           
    Depreciation & amortization   278     283     267  
    EBITDA (non-GAAP)   1,208     1,116     981  
    Total operating income adjustments(1)       14     2  
    Adjusted EBITDA (non-GAAP) $ 1,208   $ 1,130   $ 983  

    (1)   See Table 1a for the identified adjustments to operating income.

    Table 1b reconciles net income attributable to Baker Hughes, which is the directly comparable financial result determined in accordance with GAAP, to EBITDA. Adjusted EBITDA excludes the impact of certain identified items.

    Table 1c. Reconciliation of Net Income Attributable to Baker Hughes to Adjusted Net Income Attributable to Baker Hughes

      Three Months Ended
    (in millions, except per share amounts) September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
    Net income attributable to Baker Hughes (GAAP) $ 766   $ 579   $ 518  
    Total operating income adjustments(1)       14     2  
    Other adjustments (non-operating)(2)   (99 )   (19 )   (95 )
    Tax adjustments(3)   (1 )   (6 )   2  
    Total adjustments, net of income tax   (100 )   (11 )   (91 )
    Less: adjustments attributable to noncontrolling interests            
    Adjustments attributable to Baker Hughes   (100 )   (11 )   (91 )
    Adjusted net income attributable to Baker Hughes (non-GAAP) $ 666   $ 568   $ 427  
           
           
    Denominator:      
    Weighted-average shares of Class A common stock outstanding diluted   999     1,001     1,017  
    Adjusted earnings per share – diluted (non-GAAP) $ 0.67   $ 0.57   $ 0.42  

    (1)   See Table 1a for the identified adjustments to operating income.

    (2)   All periods primarily reflect the net gain or loss on changes in fair value for certain equity investments.

    (3)   All periods reflect the tax associated with the other operating and non-operating adjustments.

    Table 1c reconciles net income attributable to Baker Hughes, which is the directly comparable financial result determined in accordance with GAAP, to adjusted net income attributable to Baker Hughes. Adjusted net income attributable to Baker Hughes excludes the impact of certain identified items.

    Table 1d. Reconciliation of Net Cash Flows From Operating Activities to Free Cash Flow

      Three Months Ended
    (in millions) September 30,
    2024
    June 30,
    2024
    September 30,
    2023
    Net cash flows from operating activities (GAAP) $ 1,010   $ 348   $ 811  
    Add: cash used for capital expenditures, net of proceeds from disposal of assets   (256 )   (242 )   (219 )
    Free cash flow (non-GAAP) $ 754   $ 106   $ 592  

    Table 1d reconciles net cash flows from operating activities, which is the directly comparable financial result determined in accordance with GAAP, to free cash flow. Free cash flow is defined as net cash flows from operating activities less expenditures for capital assets plus proceeds from disposal of assets.

    Financial Tables (GAAP)
     
    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Income (Loss)
     
    (Unaudited)
      Three Months Ended
    September 30,
    Nine Months Ended
    September 30,
    (In millions, except per share amounts)   2024     2023     2024     2023  
    Revenue $ 6,908   $ 6,641   $ 20,465   $ 18,671  
    Costs and expenses:        
    Cost of revenue   5,366     5,298     16,155     14,867  
    Selling, general and administrative   612     627     1,873     1,977  
    Restructuring, impairment and other       2     21     161  
    Total costs and expenses   5,978     5,927     18,049     17,005  
    Operating income   930     714     2,416     1,666  
    Other non-operating income, net   134     94     200     638  
    Interest expense, net   (55 )   (49 )   (143 )   (171 )
    Income before income taxes   1,009     759     2,473     2,133  
    Provision for income taxes   (235 )   (235 )   (656 )   (614 )
    Net income   774     524     1,817     1,519  
    Less: Net income attributable to noncontrolling interests   8     6     17     16  
    Net income attributable to Baker Hughes Company $ 766   $ 518   $ 1,800   $ 1,503  
             
    Per share amounts:      
    Basic income per Class A common stock $ 0.77   $ 0.51   $ 1.81   $ 1.49  
    Diluted income per Class A common stock $ 0.77   $ 0.51   $ 1.80   $ 1.48  
             
    Weighted average shares:        
    Class A basic   993     1,009     996     1,010  
    Class A diluted   999     1,017     1,001     1,016  
             
    Cash dividend per Class A common stock $ 0.21   $ 0.20   $ 0.63   $ 0.58  
             
    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Financial Position
     
    (Unaudited)
    (In millions) September 30,
    2024
    December 31,
    2023
    ASSETS
    Current Assets:    
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 2,664 $ 2,646
    Current receivables, net   6,920   7,075
    Inventories, net   5,254   5,094
    All other current assets   1,730   1,486
    Total current assets   16,568   16,301
    Property, plant and equipment, less accumulated depreciation   5,150   4,893
    Goodwill   6,167   6,137
    Other intangible assets, net   3,995   4,093
    Contract and other deferred assets   1,904   1,756
    All other assets   3,746   3,765
    Total assets $ 37,530 $ 36,945
    LIABILITIES AND EQUITY
    Current Liabilities:    
    Accounts payable $ 4,431 $ 4,471
    Short-term and current portion of long-term debt   52   148
    Progress collections and deferred income   5,685   5,542
    All other current liabilities   2,622   2,830
    Total current liabilities   12,790   12,991
    Long-term debt   5,984   5,872
    Liabilities for pensions and other postretirement benefits   991   978
    All other liabilities   1,422   1,585
    Equity   16,343   15,519
    Total liabilities and equity $ 37,530 $ 36,945
         
    Outstanding Baker Hughes Company shares:    
    Class A common stock   989   998
             
    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Cash Flows
     
    (Unaudited)
      Three Months
    Ended
    September 30,
    Nine Months Ended
    September 30,
    (In millions)   2024     2024     2023  
    Cash flows from operating activities:      
    Net income $ 774   $ 1,817   $ 1,519  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income to net cash flows from operating activities:      
    Depreciation and amortization   278     844     813  
    Stock-based compensation cost   53     154     148  
    Gain on equity securities   (99 )   (171 )   (639 )
    Provision for deferred income taxes   2     35     68  
    Other asset impairments           43  
    Working capital   (21 )   (57 )   19  
    Other operating items, net   23     (480 )   159  
    Net cash flows provided by operating activities   1,010     2,142     2,130  
    Cash flows from investing activities:      
    Expenditures for capital assets   (300 )   (925 )   (868 )
    Proceeds from disposal of assets   44     145     150  
    Proceeds from sale of equity securities       21     372  
    Proceeds from business dispositions           293  
    Net cash paid for acquisitions           (301 )
    Other investing items, net   (13 )   (40 )   (149 )
    Net cash flows used in investing activities   (269 )   (799 )   (503 )
    Cash flows from financing activities:      
    Repayment of long-term debt   (9 )   (134 )    
    Dividends paid   (209 )   (628 )   (586 )
    Repurchase of Class A common stock   (152 )   (476 )   (219 )
    Other financing items, net   6     (55 )   (56 )
    Net cash flows used in financing activities   (364 )   (1,293 )   (861 )
    Effect of currency exchange rate changes on cash and cash equivalents   3     (32 )   (53 )
    Increase in cash and cash equivalents   380     18     713  
    Cash and cash equivalents, beginning of period   2,284     2,646     2,488  
    Cash and cash equivalents, end of period $ 2,664   $ 2,664   $ 3,201  
    Supplemental cash flows disclosures:      
    Income taxes paid, net of refunds $ 397   $ 733   $ 463  
    Interest paid $ 49   $ 199   $ 205  
                       

    Supplemental Financial Information

    Supplemental financial information can be found on the Company’s website at: investors.bakerhughes.com in the Financial Information section under Quarterly Results.

    Conference Call and Webcast

    The Company has scheduled an investor conference call to discuss management’s outlook and the results reported in today’s earnings announcement. The call will begin at 9:30 a.m. Eastern time, 8:30 a.m. Central time on Wednesday, October 23, 2024, the content of which is not part of this earnings release. The conference call will be broadcast live via a webcast and can be accessed by visiting the Events and Presentations page on the Company’s website at: investors.bakerhughes.com. An archived version of the webcast will be available on the website for one month following the webcast.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This news release (and oral statements made regarding the subjects of this release) may contain forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, (each a “forward-looking statement”). Forward-looking statements concern future circumstances and results and other statements that are not historical facts and are sometimes identified by the words “may,” “will,” “should,” “potential,” “intend,” “expect,” “would,” “seek,” “anticipate,” “estimate,” “overestimate,” “underestimate,” “believe,” “could,” “project,” “predict,” “continue,” “target”, “goal” or other similar words or expressions. There are many risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results to differ materially from our forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements are also affected by the risk factors described in the Company’s annual report on Form 10-K for the annual period ended December 31, 2023 and those set forth from time to time in other filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”). The documents are available through the Company’s website at: http://www.investors.bakerhughes.com or through the SEC’s Electronic Data Gathering and Analysis Retrieval system at: http://www.sec.gov. We undertake no obligation to publicly update or revise any forward-looking statement, except as required by law. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on any of these forward-looking statements.

    Our expectations regarding our business outlook and business plans; the business plans of our customers; oil and natural gas market conditions; cost and availability of resources; economic, legal and regulatory conditions, and other matters are only our forecasts regarding these matters.

    These forward-looking statements, including forecasts, may be substantially different from actual results, which are affected by many risks, along with the following risk factors and the timing of any of these risk factors:

    • Economic and political conditions – the impact of worldwide economic conditions and rising inflation; the effect that declines in credit availability may have on worldwide economic growth and demand for hydrocarbons; foreign currency exchange fluctuations and changes in the capital markets in locations where we operate; and the impact of government disruptions and sanctions.
    • Orders and RPO – our ability to execute on orders and RPO in accordance with agreed specifications, terms and conditions and convert those orders and RPO to revenue and cash.
    • Oil and gas market conditions – the level of petroleum industry exploration, development and production expenditures; the price of, volatility in pricing of, and the demand for crude oil and natural gas; drilling activity; drilling permits for and regulation of the shelf and the deepwater drilling; excess productive capacity; crude and product inventories; liquefied natural gas supply and demand; seasonal and other adverse weather conditions that affect the demand for energy; severe weather conditions, such as tornadoes and hurricanes, that affect exploration and production activities; Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (“OPEC”) policy and the adherence by OPEC nations to their OPEC production quotas.
    • Terrorism and geopolitical risks – war, military action, terrorist activities or extended periods of international conflict, particularly involving any petroleum-producing or consuming regions, including Russia and Ukraine; and the recent conflict in the Middle East; labor disruptions, civil unrest or security conditions where we operate; potentially burdensome taxation, expropriation of assets by governmental action; cybersecurity risks and cyber incidents or attacks; epidemic outbreaks.

    About Baker Hughes:

    Baker Hughes (Nasdaq: BKR) is an energy technology company that provides solutions for energy and industrial customers worldwide. Built on a century of experience and conducting business in over 120 countries, our innovative technologies and services are taking energy forward – making it safer, cleaner and more efficient for people and the planet. Visit us at bakerhughes.com

    For more information, please contact:

    Investor Relations

    Chase Mulvehill
    +1 346-297-2561
    investor.relations@bakerhughes.com

    Media Relations

    Adrienne Lynch
    +1 713-906-8407
    adrienne.lynch@bakerhughes.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Note to Correspondents: Joint communiqué of the 8th AU-UN Annual Conference

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    1. On 21 October 2024, the African Union Commission Chairperson, Moussa Faki Mahamat and the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres convened the Eighth African Union-United Nations Annual Conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. They noted with deep concern the current state of peace and security globally, including armed conflicts and humanitarian crises, and in some cases profound disregard for international law and the shared principles of the two organizations.

    2. The Chairperson and the Secretary-General reviewed progress in the implementation of the “Joint UN-AU Framework for Enhanced Partnership in Peace and Security,” the “AU-UN Framework for the Implementation of Agenda 2063 and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development,” and the “AU-UN Joint Framework on Human Rights.” They welcomed the progress made in the implementation of the three joint frameworks.

    3. The Chairperson and the Secretary-General welcomed the convening of the HighLevel Strategic Dialogue on Sustainable Development co-chaired by the Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Deputy Chairperson of the African Union Commission, which seeks to advance strategic coordination and alignment within the context of the African Union-United Nations Framework for the Implementation of Agenda 2063 and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. They reiterated their commitment to deliver socio-economic development and prosperity in line with the AU Agenda 2063 and UN 2030 Agenda. They welcomed the formulation of the Second Ten-Year Implementation Plan of Agenda 2063 and emphasized the need for the timely and effective implementation of the Plan, as well as a stronger working relationship between the AU and the UN at the continental, regional and national level in its realization towards Africa’s accelerated socio-economic transformation and development. In this regard, they saluted the decision of the AU-UN High-level Strategic Dialogue to engage the African Women Leaders Network to support the mainstreaming of gender throughout the AU-UN strategic coordination process. The Chairperson and the Secretary-General welcomed the progress made, and called for the full operationalization of mechanisms of the five thematic ‘college–to–college’ formations.

    4. The Chairperson and the Secretary-General noted their concern that the absence of fiscal space in African countries to invest in sustainable development continues to undermine progress in the implementation of Agenda 2063 and the 2030 Agenda and called on Member States to approach the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development with the level of ambition needed to achieve transformative results. They reaffirmed the commitment of the African Union and the United Nations to jointly advocate for urgent measures to generate fiscal space, such as the SDG Stimulus and the reform of the international financial architecture. They reaffirmed the readiness of the two organizations to jointly support African Member States in strengthening their domestic resource mobilization systems to ensure the long-term sustainability of financing for development, including the Global Africa Business Initiative (GABI) convened by the UN Global Compact in collaboration with UN partner agencies.

    5. The Annual Conference welcomed the African Union’s membership of the G20 and the commitment of the United Nations to work with and support the African Union in ensuring that Africa’s needs, interests and priorities are well articulated and take the center-stage in the processes, agenda, deliberations and outcomes of the G20 meetings.

    6. The Chairperson and the Secretary-General welcomed the adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of the Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations on 22 September, noting that they open pathways to new possibilities and opportunities towards a more effective, inclusive, networked multilateral system that is better equipped to effectively respond to today’s and tomorrow’s political, economic, environmental and technological challenges. They called for urgent and concerted action to implement all agreed commitments.

    7. The Annual Conference underscored the primacy of political solutions and the need to strengthen the capacities of both organizations in preventive diplomacy and mediation. The Annual Conference emphasized the imperative to prioritize good offices missions, and further strengthen collaboration between Africa Union and United Nations Special Representatives and Envoys deployed in various parts of the continent.

    8. The Annual Conference welcomed the ongoing initiatives in promoting the Women Peace and Security and the Youth Peace and Security agendas, as well as protection of children in conflict situations. They reiterated the importance of consolidating and building on the gains made in promoting inclusive political processes through effective engagement and participation of women and the youth in peace processes at the technical, operational, decision-making and policymaking levels.

    9. The Chairperson and the Secretary-General welcomed the ongoing elaboration of the Common African Position on Climate, Peace and Security, which would represent not only a global precedent, but also an important step for mitigation and adaptation strategies on the continent. They underscored the importance of the Common African Position both as a means of underscoring the effects of climate change on Africa’s peace, security, and development efforts, and as a means to strengthen Africa’s calls for support in its sustainable development and for equity in the name of climate justice. In particular, the Annual Conference highlighted the risks posed by the aggravating water crisis across the continent, and called for greater collaboration between the AU and the UN to overcome the crisis. The Annual Conference also looked forward to the outcome of the Ninth Session of the Africa Regional Platform and the High-Level Meeting on Disaster Risk Reduction, scheduled for the 21-24 October in Namibia, and in this context called for the accelerated development of early warning systems, to attain the goal of universal coverage by 2027.

    10.The Chairperson and the Secretary-General welcomed the adoption of United Nations Security Council resolution 2719 (2023) which represents a significant milestone toward ensuring adequate, predictable and sustainable funding for African Union-led peace support operations. They further recognized that the resolution provides opportunities to strengthen the partnership between the two organizations in peace and security under Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, whilst ensuring that peace operations in general adapt to present day realities. The Annual Conference endorsed the joint AU-UN roadmap on the operationalization of resolution 2719 (2023). The Annual Conference reaffirmed the preservation of the comparative advantages and complementarity of the African Union and the United Nations, based on their respective mandates, principles and shared objectives. It underscored the importance of the implementation of the resolution, whilst maintaining an integrated approach in addressing conflict situations comprehensively, by ensuring that capacities, systems, procedures and processes, as well as joint accountability and institutional readiness continue to be strengthened for the delivery and sustainment of African Union-led peace support operations deployed under resolution 2719 (2023).

    11.The Annual Conference expressed grave concern about the stalled political transition processes in Burkina Faso, Gabon, Guinea, Mali, Niger and Sudan, and called for the timely and peaceful return to constitutional order in these countries. The Annual Conference also noted with concern the heightened instability and insecurity, as well as the shrinking civic space in the affected States. The Annual Conference recognized the importance of dialogue and collaboration between affected States and sub-regional, continental, and global organizations in addressing the political, peace, security, development and human rights challenges.

    12.The Chairperson and the Secretary-General considered the final report of the High-Level Independent Panel on Security and Development in the Sahel presented by the Chair of the Panel, former President of the Republic of Niger Mahamadou Issoufou, and agreed to jointly take forward key recommendations through their respective organs and institutional mechanisms. The Annual Conference reaffirmed the commitment of the African Union and the United Nations to enhance their support in advancing democratic transitions in West Africa and the Sahel, working closely with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

    13.On Libya, the Annual Conference welcomed efforts by the United Nations to foster inclusive political dialogue, including recent progress on the governance of the Central Bank. It took note of the persistent political stalemate and entrenched divisions in Libya, which continue to pose challenges for efforts to reunite the country and organize credible presidential and parliamentary elections to put in place unified, representative and legitimate Libyan institutions. The Annual Conference stressed that Libya’s sustainable peace and stability will only be realized through inclusive processes that will bring about legitimate governance and institutions; and in that regard, collective efforts, including of neighbors and international partners, must focus on supporting and encouraging the main Libyan leaders to take ownership of the political process, set aside personal interests and strive to reach political consensus in support for national reconciliation and the conduct of elections without further delays. The Conference expresses full support for the continued engagement of the African Union to promote national reconciliation through the adoption of the Charter on National Reconciliation.

    14.The Annual Conference observed that geopolitical dynamics in the Horn of Africa are becoming increasingly fragile and therefore noted the need for ever more coordinated preventive action and messaging by both organizations and partners on de-escalation and constructive engagement. On Somalia, the Annual Conference reiterated their close collaboration, including on the implementation of Security Council resolution 2748 (2024) to finalize the mission implementation plan for the PSC endorsed African Union Stabilization and Support Mission in Somalia. It also reaffirmed the importance of sustained and full implementation of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in Tigray, Ethiopia. On South Sudan, the Annual Conference agreed to enhance coordination of regional and international support for the process led by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and called on the Transitional Government to sustain momentum in discussions on an agreed updated roadmap and timeline and advance the implementation of the Revitalized Agreement. On Sudan, the Annual Conference expressed grave concerned about the further escalation of fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. They urged the parties to immediately engage in genuine dialogue to reach a permanent ceasefire, while stressing that the protection of civilians should be guaranteed at all times and unhindered and sustained humanitarian access should be ensured. The African Union and the United Nations strongly condemned external interference in Sudan and urged these actors to stop the flow of arms in Sudan, which continues to fuel the conflict. They welcomed the efforts spearheaded by the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development to support the transition to a fully democratic government that fulfils the aspirations of the Sudanese people. The Annual Conference also encouraged the good offices of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General on Sudan and AU High-Level Panel on Sudan and called for strengthened diplomatic push underpinned by the coordination and complementarity of initiatives. They welcomed the establishment of the PSC Presidential Ad Hoc Committee on Sudan, and reaffirmed their commitment to support the Committee in executing its mandate.

    15.On the Great Lakes region, the Annual Conference welcomed the 4 August ceasefire between the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda, which has contributed to a reduction in hostilities in the North Kivu province of the DRC, while expressing concern about the humanitarian situation in North Kivu and Ituri, where armed groups activities continue to affect civilians and impede activities of humanitarian workers. The Annual Conference commended African Union mediator President João Lourenço of Angola for his steadfast efforts through the Luanda process, and the efforts deployed under the auspices of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), including the deployment of the SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (SAMIDRC), aimed at restoring peace and security in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Annual Conference stressed that attaining sustainable peace calls for addressing the root causes, including through full implementation of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region, and in that regard, called for enhanced coordination of regional peace initiatives, including through the Quadripartite Process facilitated by the African Union.

    16.The Annual Conference took note of the expiry of the terms of office of the African Union Commission Chairperson, Deputy Chairperson and Commissioners in early 2025. The Secretary-General took the opportunity to commend the African Union Commission leadership for the commitment and support to the partnership during their terms of office. He paid special tribute to Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat for his leadership of the African Union Commission over the last eight years.

    17.The Chairperson and Secretary-General agreed to convene the Ninth African Union – United Nations Annual Conference in 2025 in New York at a mutually convenient date.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Maryland Man Charged with Attempting to Provide Material Support to ISIS

    Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) State Crime News

    BaltimoreMaryland – Michael Sam Teekaye, Jr., age 21, of Hanover, Maryland has been charged by criminal complaint with attempting to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 2339B.  The defendant has been detained since his arrest on October 14, 2024, and had an initial appearance before Magistrate Judge Erin Aslan on October 15, 2024.

    The charges were announced by Erek L. Barron, U.S. Attorney for the District of Maryland and Special Agent in Charge William J. DelBagno of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Baltimore Field Office.

    According to the affidavit in support of the complaint, between March and April 2023, Teekaye had multiple conversations with an Undercover Officer (“UCO”) in which he told the UCO that he wanted to travel to Africa to join and fight for ISIS.  Teekaye also told the UCO that his “plan B” was to carry out an attack in the United States against people who support Israel.  On three occasions in May and June 2024, Teekaye purchased ammunition and range time at a shooting range in Severn, Maryland, which he later told the UCO was partly in order to “train.”  In July 2024, Teekaye attempted to purchase a Kalashnikov K-9 9mm rifle, but the purchase was denied because Teekaye was on probation in a state criminal case.

    In conversations with the UCO between August and October 2024, Teekaye told the UCO that he was in contact with a Somali ISIS fighter regarding his plans to travel to Somalia to join ISIS.  Teekaye explained that he would fly first to Turkey, then travel to Ethiopia and cross the border into Somalia.  Teekaye sent the UCO screenshots of an Ethiopian e-Visa he had obtained from the ISIS fighter. On October 4, 2024, Teekaye told the UCO that he received airline tickets from the ISIS fighter.  He also sent the UCO screenshots of his travel itinerary showing that he would depart from Baltimore Washington International Airport (BWI) on October 14, 2024 and fly to Istanbul, Turkey with a layover in London.

    On October 10, 2024, Teekaye sent the UCO a photo of himself wearing a black mask and holding a large machete, along with the caption “Abdullah the islamophobe slayer.”  On October 11, 2024, the UCO asked whether Teekaye was “sure” he wanted to join ISIS.  Teekaye responded, “I am sure I did a lot of research and had to accept something’s [sic] that they are the only group that has the most true and sincere intentions.”

    On October 14, 2024, FBI agents arrested Teekaye at BWI after he had checked in for his flight and proceeded through security. Following his arrest, Teekaye made the following unprovoked statements, among others: “I’ll just get out in 20 years and do something here.  Okay? Okay?  It will never stop.  Jihad will never stop. . . . I’ll be like 40 when I get out, then I’ll just do it.  I don’t care.  It will never stop.  Jihad will never stop.  I’ll come and I’ll kill your soldiers.  I’ll kill you, and I’ll kill . . . .”  While making these statements, Teekaye began kicking one of the arresting agents.

    A complaint is not a finding of guilt.  All defendants charged by complaint are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty at some later criminal proceeding.  If convicted, Teekaye faces a maximum sentence of 20 years in federal prison for attempting to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization.  A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after taking into account the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors. 

    U.S. Attorney Barron commended the FBI’s Baltimore Field Office for its outstanding work in the investigation and praised the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force along with the FBI’s Newark and Richmond Field Offices, and the New York City Police Department (NYPD), for their valuable assistance.  Mr. Barron would like to thank the NYPD’s Intelligence Division under the leadership of Deputy Commissioner Rebecca Weiner, Assistant Chief John Hart, and Deputy Chief Fernando Guimaraes.  Mr. Barron thanked Assistant U.S. Attorneys Christina Hoffman and P. Michael Cunningham, who are prosecuting this case. Mr. Barron also thanked the Department of Justice’s National Security Division for their assistance.  

    For more information on the Maryland U.S. Attorney’s Office, its priorities, and resources available to help the community, please visit http://www.justice.gov/usao-md and https://www.justice.gov/usao-md/community-outreach. To report a Maryland-based hate crime, contact the FBI Baltimore field office at (410) 265-8080 or http://www.tips.fbi.gov.

    # # #

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Prime Minister warns Russian threat to global stability is accelerating as Putin ramps up attacks on Black Sea

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    • Grain ships collateral damage in the Black Sea as Russian risk appetite increases, UK intelligence shows.
    • Prime Minister calls out Russia’s actions, saying the Black Sea strikes underscore that Putin is willing to risk anything in attempts to force Ukraine into submission.
    • UK and Norway at the forefront of protecting the corridor, funding cutting edge maritime capabilities for Ukraine to ensure grain can reach the global south.

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    The acceleration in attacks coincides with harvest season in Ukraine, a country which remains a major supplier of agricultural produce, crucial for global food security.

    Putin’s almost 1000-day conflict in Ukraine has reduced supplies for some of the world’s most in need and helped drive up food and fuel prices across the globe.

    Now, UK intelligence shows that there has been a noticeable increase in Russian risk appetite when conducting strikes on port infrastructure, with grain ships becoming collateral damage in Russia’s campaign. 

    Those strikes are believed to have delayed the MV SHUI SPIRIT from departing Ukraine while carrying vegetable oil destined for the World Food Programme in Palestine.

    It has also hit ships loaded with grain destined for Egypt, two vessels carrying corn – which Ukraine is the second biggest supplier to China of – and World Food Programme shipments bound for southern Africa. 

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer said:

    “Russia’s indiscriminate strikes on ports in the Black Sea underscore that Putin is willing to gamble on global food security in his attempts to force Ukraine into submission. 

    ‘’In doing so, he is harming millions of vulnerable people across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, to try and gain the upper hand in his barbaric war. 

    “In recent weeks, we have seen reporting that the Kremlin has been forced to turn to North Korea to provide troops to fuel its self-destructing war machine, an embarrassing and desperate act, and now they are intensifying attacks on areas of Ukraine that support the global south with much-needed food. 

    “Russia has no respect for the norms and laws that govern our international system. Not only was their illegal invasion a blatant attack on the principles of the UN Charter, but the way they have executed their war in Ukraine shows no respect for human life, or the consequences of their invasion across the world.” 

    According to Defence Intelligence, between 05 – 14 October 2024, at least four merchant vessels have been struck by Russian munitions. 

    These include: 

    1.       05 October 2024 – Yuzhny port – MV PARESA (St Kitts and Nevis flagged) was almost certainly the target of the strike that damaged it. Following the attack, the Russian MoD released a video of what they say shows the vessel unloading containerised cargo which they likely perceive to be weapons. 

    2.       07 October 2024 – Odesa port – MV  OPTIMA (Palau flagged). There is a realistic possibility that the vessel was collateral damage as a result of a strike on port infrastructure and was not the direct target of the attack. MV OPTIMA was also likely further damaged in a strike on port infrastructure on 15 October 2024. 

    3.       08 October 2024 – Chronomorsk port MV SHUI SPIRIT (Panama flagged).Ukraine’s Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food Vitalii Koval stated the MV SHUI SPIRIT was carrying sunflower oil as part of a UN shipment. However, the vessel was a containerised cargo carrier and noting the earlier strike on MV OPTIMA, there is a realistic possibility that this vessel was also the target of the strike as opposed to collateral damage. 

    4.       14 October 2024 – Odesa port – NS MOON (Belize flagged) was likely damaged in strikes on port infrastructure. The vessel was likely collateral damage in strikes on port infrastructure. 

    The announcement comes as this government announces a further £2.26 billion for Ukraine as part of the UK’s contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans to Ukraine scheme.  

    Through the scheme, $50 billion from G7 countries will be delivered to Ukraine for its military, budget and reconstruction needs. The loan will be repaid using the extraordinary profits on immobilised Russian sovereign assets. 

    The UK has been at the forefront of work to protect the maritime corridor in the Black Sea. The Maritime Capability Coalition – led by the UK and Norway – is focused on delivering a future naval fighting force for Ukraine and has been instrumental in helping to equip Ukraine’s navy with items such as uncrewed surface vessels, better known as maritime drones, which will protect the corridor. 

    The UK is donating an additional £120 million toward the Maritime Capability Coalition and is seeking partners to co-fund delivery of hundreds more maritime drones (aerial and uncrewed boats), as well as surveillance radars to protect the Grain Corridor. 

    And together, the UK and Norway are seeking a further £100 million to co-fund hundreds more. 

    Recent gifting packages have provided dozens of amphibious all-terrain vehicles and raiding craft, hundreds of anti-ship missiles for coastal defence and river operations, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition to accompany the machine guns we have provided. 

    Russia’s brutal and indiscriminate attacks have not been limited to the Black Sea, Putin’s forces have also been targeting civilian infrastructure in Ukraine throughout this year, aiming to make life intolerable for the Ukrainian people, especially as the country heads into winter. 

    They have attacked thousands of civilian targets, including hospitals and energy infrastructure. 

    Open-source intelligence shows there has been 1,522 attacks on Ukraine’s health care system since February 2022, 774 attacks damaged or destroyed hospitals and clinics, and 234 health workers have been killed.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Press release: Prime Minister warns Russian threat to global stability is accelerating as Putin ramps up attacks on Black Sea

    Source: United Kingdom – Prime Minister’s Office 10 Downing Street

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    • Grain ships collateral damage in the Black Sea as Russian risk appetite increases, UK intelligence shows.
    • Prime Minister calls out Russia’s actions, saying the Black Sea strikes underscore that Putin is willing to risk anything in attempts to force Ukraine into submission.
    • UK and Norway at the forefront of protecting the corridor, funding cutting edge maritime capabilities for Ukraine to ensure grain can reach the global south.

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    The acceleration in attacks coincides with harvest season in Ukraine, a country which remains a major supplier of agricultural produce, crucial for global food security.

    Putin’s almost 1000-day conflict in Ukraine has reduced supplies for some of the world’s most in need and helped drive up food and fuel prices across the globe.

    Now, UK intelligence shows that there has been a noticeable increase in Russian risk appetite when conducting strikes on port infrastructure, with grain ships becoming collateral damage in Russia’s campaign. 

    Those strikes are believed to have delayed the MV SHUI SPIRIT from departing Ukraine while carrying vegetable oil destined for the World Food Programme in Palestine.

    It has also hit ships loaded with grain destined for Egypt, two vessels carrying corn – which Ukraine is the second biggest supplier to China of – and World Food Programme shipments bound for southern Africa. 

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer said:

    “Russia’s indiscriminate strikes on ports in the Black Sea underscore that Putin is willing to gamble on global food security in his attempts to force Ukraine into submission. 

    ‘’In doing so, he is harming millions of vulnerable people across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, to try and gain the upper hand in his barbaric war. 

    “In recent weeks, we have seen reporting that the Kremlin has been forced to turn to North Korea to provide troops to fuel its self-destructing war machine, an embarrassing and desperate act, and now they are intensifying attacks on areas of Ukraine that support the global south with much-needed food. 

    “Russia has no respect for the norms and laws that govern our international system. Not only was their illegal invasion a blatant attack on the principles of the UN Charter, but the way they have executed their war in Ukraine shows no respect for human life, or the consequences of their invasion across the world.” 

    According to Defence Intelligence, between 05 – 14 October 2024, at least four merchant vessels have been struck by Russian munitions. 

    These include: 

    1.       05 October 2024 – Yuzhny port – MV PARESA (St Kitts and Nevis flagged) was almost certainly the target of the strike that damaged it. Following the attack, the Russian MoD released a video of what they say shows the vessel unloading containerised cargo which they likely perceive to be weapons. 

    2.       07 October 2024 – Odesa port – MV  OPTIMA (Palau flagged). There is a realistic possibility that the vessel was collateral damage as a result of a strike on port infrastructure and was not the direct target of the attack. MV OPTIMA was also likely further damaged in a strike on port infrastructure on 15 October 2024. 

    3.       08 October 2024 – Chronomorsk port MV SHUI SPIRIT (Panama flagged).Ukraine’s Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food Vitalii Koval stated the MV SHUI SPIRIT was carrying sunflower oil as part of a UN shipment. However, the vessel was a containerised cargo carrier and noting the earlier strike on MV OPTIMA, there is a realistic possibility that this vessel was also the target of the strike as opposed to collateral damage. 

    4.       14 October 2024 – Odesa port – NS MOON (Belize flagged) was likely damaged in strikes on port infrastructure. The vessel was likely collateral damage in strikes on port infrastructure. 

    The announcement comes as this government announces a further £2.26 billion for Ukraine as part of the UK’s contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans to Ukraine scheme.  

    Through the scheme, $50 billion from G7 countries will be delivered to Ukraine for its military, budget and reconstruction needs. The loan will be repaid using the extraordinary profits on immobilised Russian sovereign assets. 

    The UK has been at the forefront of work to protect the maritime corridor in the Black Sea. The Maritime Capability Coalition – led by the UK and Norway – is focused on delivering a future naval fighting force for Ukraine and has been instrumental in helping to equip Ukraine’s navy with items such as uncrewed surface vessels, better known as maritime drones, which will protect the corridor. 

    The UK is donating an additional £120 million toward the Maritime Capability Coalition and is seeking partners to co-fund delivery of hundreds more maritime drones (aerial and uncrewed boats), as well as surveillance radars to protect the Grain Corridor. 

    And together, the UK and Norway are seeking a further £100 million to co-fund hundreds more. 

    Recent gifting packages have provided dozens of amphibious all-terrain vehicles and raiding craft, hundreds of anti-ship missiles for coastal defence and river operations, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition to accompany the machine guns we have provided. 

    Russia’s brutal and indiscriminate attacks have not been limited to the Black Sea, Putin’s forces have also been targeting civilian infrastructure in Ukraine throughout this year, aiming to make life intolerable for the Ukrainian people, especially as the country heads into winter. 

    They have attacked thousands of civilian targets, including hospitals and energy infrastructure. 

    Open-source intelligence shows there has been 1,522 attacks on Ukraine’s health care system since February 2022, 774 attacks damaged or destroyed hospitals and clinics, and 234 health workers have been killed.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Two South Carolina Men Plead Guilty to Hate Crimes, Conspiracy and Other Charges for Bias-Motivated Armed Robberies Targeting Hispanic Victims

    Source: US State Government of Utah

    Two South Carolina men pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Columbia, South Carolina, to federal hate crime and other charges in connection with a string of racially-motivated armed robberies targeting Hispanic victims.

    According to court documents, beginning in January 2021 and continuing through February 2021, Charles Antonio Clippard, 27, and Michael Joseph Knox, 29, both of Columbia, conspired to target people the defendants identified as Mexican or Hispanic at places of public accommodation, including gas stations and grocery stores. After identifying these targets, the defendants would rob their victims at gunpoint. The defendants targeted their victims because of their victims’ race and national origin.

    Both defendants admitted their involvement in a Jan. 22, 2021, armed robbery in which the defendants followed their victims from a grocery store and restaurant to their home and then robbed the victims at gunpoint, stealing cash and a cellphone. They also admitted their involvement in a Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery and carjacking targeting a Hispanic victim after following him from a gas station to his home. The defendants admitted their involvement in another Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery in which they targeted a Hispanic victim, followed him from a gas station to his home and then robbed him and others at gunpoint after following him into his home. In total, the defendants pleaded to three hate crime charges, one count of carjacking, one count of conspiracy and two firearms charges. Two other co-conspirators, Gabriel Brunson, 21, and Sierra Fletcher, 34, both of Columbia, previously pleaded guilty to hate crime, conspiracy and firearm offenses.

    “These defendants targeted Hispanic victims for violent acts of armed robbery because of their race, national origin and perceived vulnerability,” said Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division. “Every person, regardless of their race or national origin, is entitled to the full protection of the law, and no person should have to fear for their lives or property because of their race or ethnicity.  The Justice Department will continue to protect all Americans and will vigorously prosecute those who commit bias-motivated crimes.”

    “While these defendants sparked fear for an entire community by targeting members of our Hispanic community, today’s hearing sends a louder message: we will not tolerate bias-based crimes in South Carolina,” said U.S. Attorney Adair Ford Boroughs for the District of South Carolina. “The Justice Department will continue to relentlessly protect and enforce the civil rights of everyone in South Carolina.”

    “These defendants used violent acts of armed robbery to purposely target Hispanic victims simply because of their race,” said Assistant Director Chad Yarbrough of the FBI Criminal Investigative Division. “We hope the guilty plea by these two defendants serves notice that violence borne from hate will never be tolerated in our communities. The FBI remains steadfast in its mission to uphold the Constitution and protect the civil rights of everyone, fairly and equally.”

    “Clippard and Knox egregiously sought to exploit and intimidate their victims based on their Hispanic ethnicity,” said Special Agent in Charge Steve Jensen of the FBI Columbia Field Office. “Their violent robberies instilled fear in their victims and innocent working people within the Hispanic community. These criminal acts have no place in our society, and we are committed to ensuring the safety of all individuals, regardless of their background.”

    The defendants face a mandatory minimum penalty of 14 years in prison for the firearms offenses, a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison on each hate crime count and a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the carjacking count. The plea agreements require both defendants to pay restitution to all victims. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    The FBI Columbia Field Office investigated the case, with assistance from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Columbia Police Department, Town of Lexington Police Department and Richland County Sheriff’s Department.

    Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ben Garner and E. Elizabeth Major for the District of South Carolina and Trial Attorneys Katherine McCallister and Andrew Manns of the Civil Rights Division’s Criminal Section are prosecuting the case.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of Global Financial Stability Report October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:

     

    Tobias Adrian, Financial Counselor and Director, Monetary and Capital Markets Department, IMF

    Caio Ferreira, Deputy Division Chief, Monetary and Capital Markets Department, IMF

    Jason Wu, Assistant Director, Monetary and Capital Markets Department, IMF

     

    Moderator: Alexander Müller, Communications Analyst, IMF

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: OK. Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, depending on where you are joining us from. Welcome to this press briefing on our latest Global Financial Stability Report, titled “Steadying the Course: Uncertainty, Artificial Intelligence, and Financial Stability.”

     

    I am Alex Müller with the Communications Department here at the IMF. I am joined today by Tobias Adrian, the IMF’s Financial Counsellor and Director of the Monetary and Capital Markets Department; to Tobias’s left, Jason Wu, assistant director at the Monetary and Capital Markets Department; and to his left, Caio Ferreira, deputy chief of the Global Markets Analysis Division.

     

    Our latest GFSR is out as of right now, so you can download the full text, our executive summary, and the latest blog on our website at IMF.org/GFSR.

     

    This press briefing is on the record. And we’ll start things off with some opening remarks just to set the stage before opening the floor to your questions. As a reminder we do have simultaneous interpretation into Arabic, French, and Spanish, both in the room and online.

     

    With that, I think we can get started.

     

    Tobias, when we released our last GFSR in April, optimism in financial markets was fueling asset valuations, credit spreads had compressed, and valuations in riskier asset markets had ratcheted up. At the time, you warned of some short‑term risks, like persistent inflation, as well as the tension between these narrowing credit spreads and the deteriorating underlying credit quality in some regions; but you also warned of some more medium‑term risks, like heightened vulnerabilities amidst elevated debt levels globally. So where are we now since then, six months later?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thanks so much. And let me welcome all of to you this launch of the Global Financial Stability Report.

     

    So the themes that you highlight, Alex, have broadly continued.

     

    Let me start with inflation. So global inflation has progressed toward target in most countries. So most central banks continue with a tight stance of policy but have started to cut rates. Now, with inflation heading towards target in many countries, the focus of the central banks has shifted from being primarily focused on inflation toward also considering real activity.

     

    So, concerning real activity, we have seen upward surprises relative to expectations. In financial markets, that has been particularly visible in earnings surprises that have been on the positive side. So as a result, the likelihood of a global recession has continued to recede. So the baseline forecast is one of a soft landing globally. And that is the optimism that we had flagged already in April. That has been reinforced in many ways. And that is fueling optimism in financial markets. So financial conditions globally continue to be accommodative. Credit spreads continue to be tight. Implied volatility, particularly in risky asset markets, such as equity markets, continues to be fairly low.

     

    Now, you know, our main theme in Chapter 1, which was released today, is a tension between this financial market assessment of volatility‑‑i.e. the implied volatility in the equity market is perhaps the best indicator here‑‑which is at fairly low levels by historical standards, relative to measures of global geopolitical uncertainty.

     

    So in the report, we’re showing two measures that are computed not at the Fund but by other institutions. One on geopolitical uncertainty. The other one on economic uncertainty. And those continue to be relatively elevated. So there’s a kind of wedge in between the financial market‑implied volatility and the assessment of political or economic uncertainty. So this tension worries us, as it gives rise to the potential for a sharp readjustment of financial conditions. So we saw a little bit of that in August in a sell‑off that was very brief. So it’s a blip, in retrospect; but it does raise the concern, whether there are some vulnerabilities in the financial system that could be triggered if adverse shocks hit.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you, Tobias. That sets the stage nicely for us, I think.

     

    We will turn to your questions now. We do have runners in the room with mics, so please do raise your hand. You can raise your hand both online or in the room, and we’ll come to you. Please do remember to state your name and affiliation. And keep it as brief as possible so we can get to as many questions as possible.

     

    Let’s start over here with the first question.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you so much. I am not asking you to comment on the presidential election in the U.S. But we have a presidential election here in 14 days, and President Trump or Vice President Harris may win the election. And that election will have ramifications not just in the U.S. but around the world.

     

    How does the IMF assess the outlook for the U.S. economy in the lead‑up to the presidential election? And what implications could a potential economic shift have for emerging markets in Africa, particularly regarding investment flows and debt sustainability? Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thank you so much.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Do you want to group some questions? Do we have similar questions on the election or the U.S.? Can we take the question over there, please?

     

    QUESTION: How do you explain the recent backup in U.S. yields? And are you concerned about financial stability in the United States, given the rising projections of federal debt, irrespective of the outcome of the election? Thank you.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: I think we can start with that for now.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: OK. Sounds good. Yes.

     

    You know, we don’t comment on specific election outcomes. Of course, this year is an unusual year, in that over half of the population globally either has elected already this year or will elect this year new governments. And so that is certainly part of the reason why this policy uncertainty globally is high. There’s some uncertainty as to, you know, what the policy path for economic policies and broader policies is going to be going forward.

     

    When we look at volatility, as I said, that uncertainty in equity markets is relatively contained. But in interest rates, volatility is somewhat more elevated than it was, say, in the decade after the global financial crisis. So we are back to levels that are more similar to pre‑financial crisis. So interest rate volatility is relatively high. And that answers to some degree the second question.

     

    We have seen volatile longer‑term yields throughout the year, but we don’t think that that volatility is excessive, relative to the fact that monetary policy has become more data dependent. You know, after the global financial crisis, there was this challenge of the zero lower bound for monetary policy; so forward guidance was a very important tool. And that had even been phase in prior to the financial crisis with, you know, forward guidance being a compressor of volatility for interest rates. And that is less the case today. So interest rate volatility has increased.

     

    When we look at the longer‑term yields, we do certainly see that term premia have decompressed to some extent. So after the global financial crisis, we had seen negative term premia at a 10‑year level in the U.S. and many other countries, and some of that has decompressed. And that is, as would be expected, as the interest rate wall is coming up, asset purchases are normalizing, and quantitative tightening is being phased in.

     

    Now turning to Africa. Of course, you know, financial markets are global. So the base level of interest rates is moving across the world in a common fashion. So you can think about sort of like the base level of interest rates and then the spreads in countries, relative to that. So what we see in sub‑Saharan Africa is that countries with market access‑‑so those are the frontier economies‑‑they have seen spreads being compressed, so financial conditions have eased. And you know, relative to, say, 12 months ago, interest rates have certainly declined as a base. And many frontier markets have reissued, sort of accessed international capital markets. So, of course, there are countries that do face debt challenges, that do face liquidity challenges; and we’re actively engaged with the membership to address those.

     

    Mr. WU: Just to quickly add to what Tobias said about Africa.

     

    As he pointed out, the backdrop heading into this year was one of improvement, both in terms of growth, as well as financing conditions and spreads. Inflation is still high in the region, but it is coming down and stabilizing. Debt is an issue, but we have seen several cases this year being resolved. So that is good news.

     

    I think to your broader point, you know, we don’t comment on election outcomes; but we do know that financial markets tend to see, you know, more uncertainty around those outcomes. And this may affect financing conditions around the world, including in Africa. Uncertainty can also bring, you know, some slowdown in investments in the near term or the medium term. And so those are all possible outcomes. I think the key thing is for the macroeconomic framework to remain stable to address domestic situations and for countries that may be facing debt issues to engage with their creditors early, including through the Common Framework and other international setups.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you. Can we take other questions? I think we have a question here in the middle, at the center.

     

    QUESTION: I was hoping you could talk about quantitative tightening. The Fed is still doing it. What are the risks now going forward? When do you think they might stop it? Thanks.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thanks so much.

     

    As I mentioned earlier, you know, during the global financial crisis and then in the decade after the global financial crisis and then again with the COVID crisis, central banks‑‑advanced economy central banks around the world engaged in a quantitative easing. So these are asset purchases, called large‑scale asset purchases, in the U.S. that led to an increase in the balance sheet size of the central banks. So in the U.S. case, it grew roughly by a factor of 10. And the Fed has started to move towards a normalization of the balance sheet size. So that is generally referred to as quantitative tightening. And that has proceeded in a very orderly fashion. So when we look at market functioning, we see orderly markets in money markets. We see ample liquidity in core funding markets, including Treasury markets. And that is generally the case in other advanced economies that are doing quantitative tightening, as well.

     

    Of course, there is the question of how far the balance sheet normalization is going to go. And policymakers in the U.S. and other advanced economies have indicated how far this normalization would be going. So what is notable here is that the operational framework of the Federal Reserve changed to a floor system, so having a sufficient amount of reserves in the system to operate that floor system is key. So, you know, looking at funding conditions in money markets and market functioning is absolutely key. Back in 2019, there were some dislocations, and that is certainly something that policymakers are watching out for. But I would say that this balance sheet normalization has proceeded in a satisfactory and very orderly manner.

     

    Mr. FERREIRA: Tobias, just a quick complement.

     

    I think that we have seen a quantitative tightening from all of the major central banks. And I think that from the peak in 2022, of about 28 trillion in terms of assets in their balance sheets, it has come down by about one‑quarter already and, as Tobias was saying, in a very orderly fashion.

     

    The main risk that I think is important to monitor going forward is the potential drain on reserves, as Tobias was saying, to avoid the kind of episodes that we have seen in 2019. But there is also a potential risk for a bounce of increasing volatility, in the sense that we are moving from central banks being one of the main buyers of Treasuries to more price‑sensitive buyers. And this might cause volatility coming from data releases.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: OK. Let’s take it back as well. We have a question in the front here, in the center, that we can take.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you for taking my question. I want to ask about the U.S. Federal Reserve’s policy and its impact, spillover impact. I think recently, it started to cut rates, and it’s going to cut rates further going forward. And it seems to be allowing other governments, other policymakers to have more room, including the People’s Bank of China. I want to ask Tobias whether he could comment on the latest action by China’s central bank and what’s the IMF’s suggestion going forward. Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. Absolutely.

     

    What we have seen in China is an easing of monetary policy. So the question is referring to the most recent action, which was a cut in interest rates. And, of course, we have seen PBoC engaging in asset purchases, which has supported the easing of financial conditions. So when we look at financial conditions‑‑so, you know, the cost of funding for households and corporations in China, those financial conditions have eased quite markedly. Equity markets have rallied. Longer‑term bond yields have declined. And we generally welcome that easing. We think that is the appropriate policy for monetary policy.

     

    There have been also some announcements on the fiscal side that are indicating support ‑‑ to the real estate sector, in particular. And, of course, authorities in China had already engaged for some time in terms of addressing the exposure of the banking system to the real estate sector. The real estate sector has cooled off in China, and that has created some risks in the banking sector. So authorities are working actively at addressing those by merging banks and using asset management corporations (AMCs) in an active manner. And we welcome that, as well.

     

    You know, we are watching closely how financial stability policies are going to evolve going forward, relative to the real sector but also the broader economy, and how fiscal policy is evolving going forward.

     

     

    Mr. FERREIRA: Maybe on this last point, Tobias, on financial stability.

     

    Of course, there’s some slowdown in economic activity, and the problems that we are seeing in the property sector are exerting some pressure on the financial system. The good news I think is that particularly the large banks seem to have strong capital buffers and liquidity buffers. The authorities also have the capacity to make target interventions, and this somewhat limits the risks of spillovers.

     

    There are some vulnerabilities that need to be monitored. Right? So one, of course, is this potential pressure on asset deterioration coming from this slowdown in the property market. So far, banks have been quite good in terms of being able to deal with this potential deterioration, particularly using asset management companies to dispose of some of the nonperforming assets. The capacity of these asset management companies to keep absorbing these assets needs to be monitored going forward. It’s also important to monitor the stability of the smaller banks that are not as strong as the larger banks.

     

    And the last point I think that’s important to mention is that the financial sector holds a lot of exposure to local government financing vehicles. And if there is‑‑and there are some pressures on these vehicles, and a potential restructuring of these debts might cause some losses to the banking sector, as well.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you, Caio. Do we have any other questions on China before we move to anything else?

     

    So we can turn over to the side.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you. My question will be for Tobias and Jason.

     

    Of course, reading your report, you talked about financial fragilities, so I would like to know what financial fragilities you see in developing economies and what policymakers should do to keep financial markets resilient and stable in the face of high interest rates as a result of high inflation in developing economies like Nigeria, too.

     

    The question I have for Jason would be around, what does vigilance really mean for policymakers? Because in your report, you said that the policymakers need to be vigilant. Because vigilance in European economies or advanced economies is also different vigilance for developing economies. Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thank you so much. Those are very pertinent questions. And thanks so much for taking a close look at the report.

     

    For developing economies broadly, I would say that there are three priorities. In terms of financial stability, we are engaging with many countries in terms of building capacity on regulatory issues, so making sure that banks are well capitalized, that monetary policy frameworks are sound. And Nigeria is a good example, where the central bank has been moving toward an inflation‑targeting regime, has liberalized the exchange rate. And we welcome that direction.

     

    Secondly‑‑and I think you alluded to that‑‑is, of course, the overall indebtedness. That is a challenge for some countries. As I mentioned earlier, frontier markets are developing economies with market access. And we have seen many frontier markets issue this year. The issuance levels are fairly high. And we think market access is there, though, of course, financing conditions have improved but are still more expensive than they were, say, in 2021, before the run‑up in inflation.

     

    So with inflation coming down and interest rates expected to further normalize, we would also expect that frontier market funding conditions will improve. And as I said, interest rate spreads are fairly tight.

     

    Now, of course, there are some countries a that do not have market access, and many of those countries are in programs with the IMF. And we are working actively with authorities on the debt issue. We do feel we have made good progress within the Common Framework, but there is certainly more to be done.

     

    Now, of course, it remains key to also work on structural issues to enhance the growth outlook. And that is really something that the regional economic briefings are going to address in detail.

     

    Mr. WU: Maybe just a quick word, to add to what Tobias said about Nigeria, in particular. We recognize that many citizens do face difficulty. The flood was quite devastating. Inflation is still very high, at some 30 percent. So in that regard, the central bank’s rate hikes so far this year have been appropriate.

     

    You asked a question about vigilance. I think importantly, macroeconomic conditions within the country should stabilize. Right? And that includes inflation that will provide room to guard against external shocks, which is less controllable, right, for the economy of Nigeria. So when appropriate, the various foreign exchange measures that were taken by authorities earlier this year are also appropriate in improving vigilance, as are the banking sector‑related measures that Tobias has mentioned.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: All right. Do we have any more questions on that side of the room before we turn it back over here?

     

    QUESTION: Thank you very much.

    So Ghana has just completed its debt restructuring. It’s good news for Ghanians. However, it appears the government is looking at the capital market. What advice do you have for the government at this point? And also because we have an election around the corner.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. As I noted earlier, we don’t really comment on elections in the countries of our membership. You know, these are democratic processes. And the people in each country are‑‑it’s their liberty to vote for the government, so we don’t comment on that.

     

    We are, of course, engaged very closely with Ghana. Ghana is in a program. Ghana did restructure its debt. And we are confident that the outlook is going to improve going forward. The regional economic press briefing on Africa is going to go further into detail on those issues.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you, Tobias.

     

    As a reminder these regional press briefings will be on Thursday and Friday. So they’re all going to be here, so you will have the opportunity to ask those specific questions then.

     

    Can we turn it over here to the middle for a question, please? Right in the center. Thank you.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you.

     

    A follow‑up question related to the yields going up for the Treasury. In simple words, do you see them going up as a source of a potential sell‑off in the financial markets?

     

    And a separate question, if possible. For the same token, yields are going up because of the fiscal trajectory in the U.S. that is worrisome for some, at least, although the candidates are not talking about it. For the same token, considering that the Italian debt is only going up, according to the latest estimates from the IMF, does that represent a source of financial instability for the euro zone?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. Thanks so much for this question.

     

    We have, indeed, done work on the interconnection or the nexus between fiscal‑‑or, you know, sovereign debt and financial market debt. So in the euro area, of course, we are watching closely the sovereign‑bank nexus, so the exposure of banks to the sovereign. And you know, in general, we have seen an amelioration there. So, you know, debt‑to‑GDP has been increasing. And that’s very broadly the case around the world. It’s really in the pandemic that we see a sharp upward move in debt‑to‑GDP in both advanced economies and emerging and developing economies. And you know, the fiscal outlook in many countries does imply that debt-to-GDP may continue to rise. So that could‑‑you know, that is certainly a backdrop for the financial system.

     

    Now having said that, governments in advanced economies and major emerging markets have ample room to adjust the fiscal situation going forward through spending measures, through revenue measures. So it is not an immediate financial stability concern in those advanced economies or major emerging markets.

     

    You know, in terms of the pricing of sovereign debt‑‑so, you know, Treasury yields and other benchmark yields around the world‑‑as I said earlier, volatility in those longer‑term yields has increased relative to the decade of the post‑crisis environment, where central banks were constrained at the zero lower bound or the effective lower bound, so had very low interest rates; so they deployed forward guidance and these quantitative asset purchases. So that really compressed longer‑term yields. And that has normalized to some degree, but we don’t think that it is an unusual move. So we are quite comfortable with the kind of levels that we are seeing.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you. Let’s bring it back over here. I think we have a few questions. Can we take the one in the middle right at the center? Thank you.

     

    QUESTION: A question for Tobias, if I may.

     

    There has been quite a lot of talk about fragmentation and geopolitical risk. Do you think that, as others have said, the momentum for financial regulation and for completing the job on a lot of areas of that is fading? Is there a risk of complacency there? Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. So let me note that we are working around the membership on the regulation of banks but also non‑banks, including security markets, insurance companies, pension funds, and other non‑bank financial institutions.

     

    Concerning banking regulation, of course, there was a major initiative after the global financial crisis to improve capital and liquidity in the banks and to improve the supervision of the banks, primarily of internationally active banks. So the members of the Basel Committee‑‑this is, you know, a group of countries that roughly maps into the G‑20‑‑have committed to phasing in Basel III as a standard for capital and liquidity requirements in those banks. And our understanding is that the membership is still committed to that phase‑in.

     

    I would note that it has taken longer than was initially anticipated, but we are very confident for now that, you know, the major advanced economies and major emerging markets that have signed onto this Basel III framework are going to phase that in.

     

    In the broader membership of the IMF, there’s also a substantial improvement in the regulation of banks. And I would note that there has also been quite a bit of progress in terms of regulations of non‑banks, including insurance companies but also security markets, though we do think that more needs to be done going forward.

     

    Mr. FERREIRA: We have seen important progress in the post‑crisis. Our baseline is still that all the internationally agreed standards will be implemented. Although, as Tobias was saying, there are some major jurisdictions that are facing some challenges implementing that.

     

    We see this with some concern because when you see a major jurisdiction not implementing any standard or implementing it with substantial deviations from what has been agreed, it kind of jeopardizes the international standard‑setting process. That seems to be working fine, but we still are concerned with the delays in the implementation of these regulations that are important for the banks but also to maintain trust in the international standard setting process.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you. We are coming close on time. So let’s take two or three last questions from this side. Then I think we still have one more question online. Can we do the three over here in the front, on the right?

     

    QUESTION: [Through interpreter]

     

    Good day. Jesus Antonio Vargas. Chucho Lo Sabe Newsletter.

     

    This is the ninth time I come to the Annual Meetings of the IMF and the World Bank. Six times in Washington. I come from Medellín, Colombia. I have also been in Lima, in Bali, last year in Marrakech. And it is a pleasure to see Tobias Adrian here. He has been year in, year out heading the endeavors. Congratulations.

     

    First, a surprise positively since there’s measures to come from the effort to the citizens. In Bogota, they’ve been talking about building a Metro system for 60 years, and they’re attempting it yet again now.

     

    Now, leaving that aside, we have spoken about, it is unlikely there will be a global recession, which is a relief.

     

    I was talking about the risk of a recession. You were talking about a positive surprise in terms of the gains. What do you mean exactly by that? Thank you.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: If we could take two more questions over here.

     

    QUESTION:

     

    You just mentioned there is a disconnect between market volatility and also market economic uncertainties. Could you please just elaborate a little bit more on these risks. And also, more importantly, how will it affect global financial stability if it persists? Thank you.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: One last question in the back there.

     

    QUESTION:

     

    I’ve got a question on liquidity mismatch, in the world of DC pensions. The report mentions the U.K.’s desire to shift toward unlisted assets as investments. And our current Chancellor has also expressed an interest in this. What are the risks in this? Should the shift toward these assets be limited? And how should we guard against them?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. Let me perhaps start with the question on macro uncertainty, which was the second question.

     

    So yeah, you know, what we’re seeing is that there is leverage and there are maturity mismatches in the financial sector in many different parts. You know, some of those are contained through prudential regulations, but not all institutions are subject to prudential regulations. So when there’s a sudden burst of uncertainty, some institutions may be forced to unwind their positions. So this includes, say, leveraged trades in fixed‑income markets or in equity markets.

     

    We saw some of that in August, when there was a sharp sell‑off in global equity markets but also in some fixed‑income markets, such as the carry trade across countries. And you know, volatility increased very quickly, leading to this forced deleveraging, and that can amplify downward moves in asset markets.

     

    In August, this episode was very short‑lived. So the sell‑off was followed by a buying of longer‑term investors, such as insurance companies and pension funds. But if such a sell‑off persists for more than‑‑or is more sharp, that could lead to financial stability problems or financial sector distress.

     

    Concerning the U.K. situation and the liquidity mismatches, let me just point out that the Bank of England and the FCA are very focused on those issues. And they do have, you know, broad authorities to regulate those mismatches. And I think they’re actively looking at how to model stress and how to make sure that these investments are sort of balancing risks and returns in an appropriate manner. I think Andrew Bailey made some remarks just this morning in that regard, and we’re fully aligned with his views there.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: I’ll take one last question we have from WebEx, online on the Mexican central bank lowering interest rates. For future adjustments and to maintain financial stability, what should it take into account more, the movements of the Federal Reserve, internal inflation, or the depreciation of the currency?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: OK. I don’t want to go too specifically into Mexico. Again, there is the Regional Economic Outlook that will speak more closely to specific country issues. So, you know, in general, in the major emerging markets, such as Mexico, that have open capital markets and have inflation targeting regimes, you know, inflation targeting and monetary policy credibility has proven to be very powerful in terms of generating macroeconomic stability, relative to both domestic and external shocks. And you know, in those frameworks, central banks look at both internal and external conditions and are targeting the medium‑term convergence of inflation back to target rates. That has proven very successful. And I would argue that in the major emerging markets, we really see a great deal of improvement in those monetary policy frameworks. So let me stop here.

     

    Mr. WU: Just to quickly complement.

     

    Hence, this is why we have seen major emerging markets come through this rate hike cycle with reasonable resilience across the board. This inflation‑targeting framework has obviously done work, to an extent. Having said that, we are now on the opposite side of the cycle, where interest rates are being cut. That, in theory, should be conducive to emerging markets. Financial conditions could ease. We just want to point out that, as we said in the report, expectations could change. Volatility could be introduced and suddenly surge. So this may have spillovers to emerging market economies, you know, sentiment, financial market sentiment, as well. So policymakers need to remain vigilant on monetary policy and on other aspects of financial sector policies in order to guard against those risks.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: All right. Great. Thank you.

     

    Unfortunately, that does bring us to a close because we do have to respect the next press briefing in this room.

     

    If you do have any questions that we weren’t able to address, please do send them over to me or someone from our team. We’ll make sure to get back to you as soon as we can.

     

    Meanwhile, the events here at the IMF do continue. We still have a host of press conferences this week, from our Fiscal Monitor tomorrow at 9 a.m. Eastern Time to the Managing Director’s Global Policy Agenda on Thursday to our five regional briefings that we talked about, on Thursday and Friday, not to mention the seminars. We have the Managing Director joining the debate on the global economy. That is on Thursday afternoon, which is always a hit that you won’t want to miss. On Friday, the First Deputy Managing Director Gita Gopinath will participate in a panel discussion on monetary policy in a shock‑prone world on Friday afternoon. And there’s a whole lot more, so do check the full schedule online at IMFConnect or at meetings.imf.org.

     

    With that, Tobias, Jason, Caio, thank you for your insights. And thank you all for joining us for this event. We look forward to seeing you at the next one. Thank you.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Alexander Muller

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of G24 October 22 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers
    Chair: Ralph Recto, Secretary of Finance, Philippines

    First Vice‑Chair: Candelaria Alvarez Moroni, Argentina, representing Ministry of Economy Luis Caputo
    Second Vice‑Chair: Olawale Edun, Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Nigeria
    Iyabo Masha, G‑24 Secretariat

    Mr. Recto (Philippines): Thank you, all. We had a productive exchange of views and experiences on some of the most pressing issues, confronting the global economy today. We are hard‑pressed on multiple fronts. The suffering costs by conflicts and humanitarian crisis around the world is vast and the affected region’s recovery, the construction, and long‑term development, cannot wait. They demand immediate forceful multilateral action.    

    While the global economy shows signs of stabilization, the outlook for many vulnerable nations, particularly in the global south, remains bleak. These weak economic prospects continue to haunt those already struggling to recover from the pandemic.      

    Inflation may be easing, but rising geopolitical tensions are keeping the threat of commodity price spikes and elevated interest rates alive. These risks impair capital flows, fiscal stability and the very survival of economies on the brink.          

    One thing is clear. Any slowdown in the global economy due to these new economic realities is bound to hit developing countries the hardest. While current circumstances have made it more difficult for us to achieve a sustainable and inclusive future by 2030, we believe that it remains possible with the right priorities and concerted international cooperation.         

    Thus, we continue to call for a more agile and strong will IMF and World Bank. We need heightened development cooperation, scale‑up support, and innovative solutions as we now begin the headwinds to foster peace, stability, and prosperity for all. And the key issue that underpins our discussions is the 80th Anniversary of the Bretton Woods System.         

    We acknowledge the significant evolution of the system over the decades. Yet, we must recognize that rapid transformations are occurring at an unprecedented base. We must therefore critically assess if the Bretton Woods System is adopting fast enough to the rapidly changing and increasingly volatile global environment.         

    To this end, the G‑24 has identified four key reforms that will enhance the system’s effectiveness and empower both the IMF and the World Bank Group to better serve their members.              

    First, the IMF must create a new mechanism to support countries with sound fundamentals during liquidity crisis.

    Second, the immediate submission of eradicating poverty on a livable planet, the World Bank needs more ambitious goals for its concessional and non‑concessional windows, commensurate with the challenges of achieving inclusive and sustainable development by 2030.    

    Third, the sovereign debt resolution framework must be reformed to deliver comprehensive, predictable, swift, and impactful debt relief, addressing the urgent needs of vulnerable economies.               

    Fourth, we must accelerate governance and institutional reforms of the Bretton Woods Institutions, to increase the voice and representation of developing nations. Without improvements and both actions, decades of individual and global efforts to eradicate poverty and inequality, combat climate change, and invest in growth‑enhancing projects will be put to a halt, if not reversed. Thus, we are counting on our recently concluded meeting to set an unprecedented multilateral cooperation and action. All of these points are comprehensively discussed in the communiqué and press release we have prepared for your perusal. With that, we are now ready to take your questions. Thank you.         

    MODERATOR: Thank you, Mr. Chair. So now moving on to the Q&A section, I would like to remind you that when you raise your hand, please identify yourself, your outlet, and please identify the Chair members that you would like to address the question to. Now moving on to the gentleman in the third row, please.       

    QUESTIONER: Thank you so much. I have a question actually for the three of you. Mr. Recto, you talked about the need for liquidity and buffers. The Philippines serves as a really good example. You are one of the fastest growing economies in the developing Asia region. Business process outsourcing, revenues have passed $35 billion. I wanted to find out, what is the Philippines doing so well? Is it a well‑educated workforce or is it constant electricity; what is the secret; and is AI going to disrupt that going forward?        

    For Candelaria Alvarez, reforms have been taking in Argentina. Javier Milei recently, I think it was in the last month, vetoed a bill that was going to increase financing for public universities, and students have been protesting. How patient do you expect the residents of Argentina to be with the reforms that are taking place?               

    And for Mr. Olawale Edun, the CBN Governor, Olayemi Cardoso, at the last monetary policy meeting in Nigeria mentioned that the FAAC allocations, the Federation Account Allocation Committee, are causing—he noted they are causing the naira to depreciate when those disbursements are made. What do you think need to be done to address that?

    Then, two, you recently, I think it was a month or two, you talked about the need for single‑digit interest rates in Nigeria. Do you think that is ever going to happen with inflation being in double digits and a hawkish monetary policy path in Nigeria? Thank you.              

    MODERATOR: Thank you. Let me remind you that I hope that your question will be under the purview of G‑24 discussions but let ask the Chair to respond to the questions.               

    Mr. Recto (Philippines): Thank you very much for your question. Thank you for noticing the Philippines. The Philippines at the second quarter grew by roughly 6.3 percent. For the first 2 years of this administration, we have grown about 6 percent. We are following our macro fiscal framework of reducing the deficit over time. We expect the good debt‑to‑GDP to be way below 60 percent by 2028. Today are roughly at 60 percent.               

    On the expenditure side, we are spending roughly 5 to 6 percent on infrastructure, maybe a similar amount also for human resource development, particularly in health and education.               

    You are correct that the BPO industry is growing by about—well, we collect roughly 35 billion in revenues a year. We also have a robust remittance of roughly the same amount, about $35 billion a year as well. That helps our consumption. 70 percent of the economy is household consumption. And public investments have also generated most of that growth as well.                 

    AI is a challenge, but in the Philippines the BPO industry is already adapting to AI. So thank you for your question. Thank you.               

    MODERATOR: Mr. Edun, would you like to address the question?              

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): Thank you very much. Let me answer it within the context of the discussions of the G‑24. Fundamentally, of course, foreign exchange and liquidity generally is very difficult. There are countries that are—they are reforming their economies domestically. They key into the rules‑based world trading system. And they do have debt sustainability in terms of debt‑to‑GDP. However, they have liquidity constraints, particularly foreign exchange with relation to debt servicing of the foreign debt but also their domestic debt. And I think to bring that—that is the context within which the questions of how to help. In fact, the IMF is specifically focusing on how to help is sort of a bridge financing that takes a question that does have its fundamentals right, but it gives it enough time for that adjustment and probably helps it with heightened debt servicing, which is just for a period.

    Clearly with regard to Nigeria, the key about the foreign exchange market really is supply. And, of course, as you know we have the—we are an oil‑producing country. We just need to get our oil production up, and that will deal with that issue of foreign exchange supply, and pressure on foreign exchange every time there are large flows.                  

    In terms of single‑digit inflation, of course, the western world, the rich countries, they have effectively defeated inflation. That is why the interest rates can come down. The Governor of the Central Bank in Nigeria, in the context of high inflation, is continuing with monetary tightening. That is the orthodoxy of the day. And it is one which is following. Thank you.               

    MODERATOR: Ms. Moroni on Argentina.          

    Ms. Moroni (Argentina): Thank you. Going back to the question on Argentina, just as an important framework, G‑24 has been working on the need for emerging market and developing economies to try to put their economies in the right place. The Minister mentioned the need for the international financial organizations to give liquidity or to provide access to liquidity for countries like Argentina and others to be able to get back on our feet. For the government of Argentina, it is really relevant. We do think there is a need for a fiscal anchor on that sense. What happened with the education law had to do with the idea to keep the budget where it has to be, and it has not to do with kind of cutting education. It has to do with evaluating costs and expenditure in the right way. I think that is it.          

    MODERATOR: Thank you so much. Going back to the floor. The gentleman in the fourth row, please.            

    QUESTION: Just turning to the U.S. election, obviously we have seen the U.S. follow suit on trade change to a more protectionist stance. We have seen more industrial policy. Regardless of who wins the election, how do you see the U.S. involvement with multilateral organizations represented here and the WTO; and what is the impact of maybe a lessen gauged, more transactional U.S. on the group of countries, the G‑24?           

    MODERATOR: Mr. Chairman, maybe the Secretariat would like to respond?               

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): We are concerned that there will be a setback on multilateralism, particularly on trade as well. And we know the driver of global growth is more trade. So that is a concern. In the Philippines, we count on our relationship with the United States to do maybe more out‑shoring to the Philippines, and hopefully that will be done also with other members of the G‑24.            

    Ms. Masha (Secretariat): If I can add, if you look at the communiqué, the last paragraph there actually addresses this issue. It is not just about the U.S. it is also about different countries all over the world implementing protectionist policies. And we have seen the impact of that in sectors that continue to build more to growth and development in many countries. So where do we go from here? What we are calling on is for the WTO to become the center of trade discussions, trade negotiations, and for the World Bank and the IMF to rise up to a much more multilaterally‑engaged organization that will be able to at least influence the kind of policies that countries take one way or the other. Thank you.            

    MODERATOR: Thank you. We are going to go online. The question that was just received from Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka as a member of G‑24 is currently making attempts to emerge out of a crisis. What can you tell us about a G‑24 position to support countries like Sri Lanka and also for the island nations to secure financial facilities at reasonable conditions. Mr. Chair, maybe Iyabo?            

    Ms. Masha (Secretariat): Yes. So I would say that Sri Lanka has come a long way from where it was 2 years ago. The last IMF Article IV Consultation assessment does show that growth is picking up, that fiscal buffers are coming up, and also import duties are rising, so that indicates that the countries are making some recovery.           

    As for the position that the G‑24 takes on this issue, the way it affects Sri Lanka most is on the debt sustainability issue. So what we are calling for is that countries, especially middle‑income countries, should also have a framework, a forum where they can negotiate with their debtors. As it is now, the Common Framework only works for low‑income countries. Only low‑income countries are part of the Common Framework, but middle‑income countries can be part of another forum called the Sovereign Debt Resolution Roundtable, which is not really an association—an organization that delivers any form of debt relief. It just fosters common understanding. So that is what we are calling for. We want very timely, very comprehensive reduction in debt for countries, and also for both middle and low‑income countries to qualify. So that is where I see it working out. If things work out and the discussion in that area picks up quite fastly, then we can see the likes of Sri Lanka and maybe Lebanon and a few other countries benefiting from that. Thank you.          

    MODERATOR: Thank you. Back to the floor. Maybe I will take one question from the side and come back to you. I’ve seen your hand, sir, in the third row. Sorry, the fourth row. Yes.               

    QUESTION: Hi, there. Mr. Recto, you said that developing countries would be hit by the hardest by any slowdown. I am going to ask an uncomfortable question, but the U.S. election has two very different results, one of which will likely be much more inflationary and lead to more trade tensions. Could each of you tell me a little bit about how your economies are preparing or thinking about the possibility of a Trump victory and associated trade tensions and inflationary pressures that could be a headwind to growth?              

    MODERATOR: Yes, please.             

    Mr. Recto (Philippines): Well, in the Philippines, we do have a relationship with the U.S. We have a mutual defense treaty. We are hoping to leverage that relationship so that we do not get much affected. We understand that many U.S. companies are also interested to invest in the Philippines. We do have a partnership also, the U.S.-Japan-and the Philippines, with regards to our security arrangements. We expect more investments to take place also in the Philippines.             

    MODERATOR: Anything to add from Mr. Edun or Ms. Moroni?             

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): Thank you. I think the issues that we are contending with in Africa, in many ways, we are bystanders to this all‑important election. Yes, we do have African Growth and Opportunity Act, which tries to open up the U.S. market to African‑manufactured products. I do not think that will be affected in any way by the results of this election. Generally, what we are finding is that at this particular time, the economies of trade generally, there is a reversal of globalization, of trade. There is a move to protectionism in these countries. There is on‑boarding of production. All these things tend to work against the developing world’s ability to benefit from expanding trade and thereby use that opportunity for investment, for growth, and for job creation and poverty reduction.            

    Overall, I think that we are not that affected specifically or that in general we continue to ask for an improved global financial architecture that provides us with more concessional funding, add skill, particularly for those countries that, as I said earlier, are undertaking the macroeconomic reforms that everybody agrees are sensible and will lead to better lives for their people. Thank you.             

    MODERATOR: Anything to add from the macro, broad perspective?             

    Ms. Moroni (Argentina): Very briefly. What was mentioned by both Ministers is the right sentimenting in the emerging markets. We do think, at least for Argentina, the U.S. is a strategic partner and whatever the elections go, we do think that we need to keep having that channel open. Trade is quite a relevant issue. Financial issues are quite relevant. Governance issues in institutions also will be something sensitive to work with the new administration. We do think it is going to be something quite interesting to see in the short‑term. Thank you.           

    MODERATOR: You, sir, in the second row right here.            

    Question: My question is meant for Mr. Wale. Like Mr. Recto said in his opening remarks, a lot of G‑24 countries are having challenges implementing structural reforms and adjustment programs. I would like you to speak specifically to the case of Nigeria. What are the key lessons to learn from the structural reforms being implemented in Nigeria today. And looking back, are there better ways these reforms would have been implemented to limit the level of disruptions? Also, you met with the IMF MD and the team yesterday. We would like to know some of the discussions on that meeting and how does that relate to debt sustainability for Nigeria. Thank you.           

    MODERATOR: Mr. Edun, would you like to respond?         

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): Thank you very much. When we talk about—I will take the last one—debt sustainability, and also reforms generally, the G‑24 I think is better to talk within the framework, to talk beyond Nigeria and more about developing countries as a whole. The requirement really for support from the international community, from the development partners, from the multilateral development banks is that you undertake reforms that lead to sustainability at the macro level.             

    The key lesson that I think I would focus on is that in devising these programs and carrying out the reforms, what is particularly important — because the benefits over the longer term and the costs are frontloaded, it is important that the social safety nets that will help the poor and the vulnerable cope with the up‑front costs with a spike in their cost‑of‑living is adequately planned for and dealt with. So, it should not be an issue of it is an afterthought that you decide now that there need to be certain poverty alleviation initiatives. And linked to that, focus on helping the poor and the most vulnerable, [what can] cope with the cost is communication. I think one of the critical things in carrying out these economy reforms that are so fundamental and clearly they are necessary, otherwise they would not be implemented, is that communicating what is being done, what was to be expected, and also the timing as much as possible, the timing of the various activities, and then communicating what actually has been done so if it is a program to give direct benefits, direct transfers of funds to a group of people, then it should be published. There should be a dashboard that people can follow, thereby engendering and building public trust. I think those are the two important things that I would say you need to have for all of us at the G‑24 and developing countries in general. Thank you.         

    MODERATOR: Thank you, Minister. I have time for two more questions. Let me go back to the far end of the room right there. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. A question on climate change. Do you think the development banks, MDBs, are doing enough to tackle climate change? And especially our shareholders of MDBs, are they doing enough to tackle this issue? Thank you.            

    MODERATOR: Thank you. Mr. Recto, you would like to comment?        

    Mr. Recto (Philippines): The short comment is, it is never enough.     

    MODERATOR: Minister, do you want to chime in or, Ms. Moroni, or Iyabo on climate change.        

    Ms. Masha (Secretariat): Yes, I will say that the ambition is there. They really want to do a lot. The finance is just not commensurate with the level of ambition, so that is also one area where we have called on them to demonstrate the ambition. Thank you.     

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): Sorry. If I may, since you asked me.     

    MODERATOR: Please.

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): The thing I would say on climate change, for a poor country such as Nigeria and others that are actually endowed with fossil fuels in particular, must take a realistic approach to climate change because it is the resources that we have that we must use to industrialize, to modernize our economies while being members of the global fight against climate change. We are signatories to the Paris Accord. We have our target for net zero, and while sticking to those, we must take a realistic view that we need to use our fossil fuels to develop our economies. Thank you.        

    Ms. Moroni (Argentina): The recent issue we had been discussing on G‑24, G‑20, and other forums, the need for development banks to keep in mind their core objective. Then as you mentioned, there is a need to kind of—we do have an ambition, a climate agenda, but we do need to respect the emerging markets’ right to develop first. So, there is a need to—for financing for other development issues that are not directly linked to this, thank you.      

    MODERATOR: Last question to the lady up‑front.       

    QUESTION: Thank you. My question will be to Ms. Director and Mr. Olawale. Earlier on the World Economic Outlook, we were told that inflation is almost won, so I would like to know how the Group of Twenty‑Four is actually interpreting that, especially with the fundamentals in the developed world getting a little bit better; and what are the risks that are posed to the Group of 24. Also, to you, Mr. Recto, you rolled out four key reforms that G‑24 is asking from the World Bank and the IMF. Are you looking at timelines for these reforms? Then over to Nigeria’s Finance Minister and the Second Vice Chair. One of the reforms is heightened development support. That reform, what does it mean for African economies? For example, so I would really like you to take a look at that and perhaps what are the timelines that you are expecting? Is there a Nigerian agenda within these four key reforms?         

    MODERATOR: Thank you so much. Also, I would like to invite Iyabo to address on the reforms of the Bretton Woods institutions as well, but first, the Director or Mr. Edun, would you like to respond on inflation?         

    Mr. Recto (Philippines): On inflation, I think for next year, the global inflation rate will still be relatively high, lower than this year, but something like 5.8 percent, thereabouts. I still think that will be high, and because of that, the interest rate, while it is going down, it remains high. That is why we are also calling for the World Bank to reduce cost of borrowing. This will be very beneficial to the developing economies. On the time frame, maybe Iyabo can elaborate more.              

    Ms. Masha (Secretariat): Yes. Yes, the Bretton Woods initiative itself, the reform, they just started, so now they are in the process of consultations, going around countries, going around regions, so I will say that at a minimum, maybe by next Spring Meeting, they will have an update on where they are in the process and maybe some final decision by the Annual Meetings. In any case, these things have to go through the boards of both the IMF and the World Bank for ratification.        

    MODERATOR: Thank you. Mr. Edun.

    Mr. Recto (Philippines): I think I think around this time last year, we were still dealing with heightened levels of inflation, particularly in the developed countries. That means elevated rates of interest as they put as their number one priority, the fight against inflation and tight monetary policy by the central banks. That has changed. And there is now as we are seeing monetary easing or at least easing of rates of interest by central banks, but that is in the developed world.

    In the developing world, rates are still high and that fight against inflation means that the interest rates also will remain high. But as far as the developed world is concerned, lower interest rates translate to more affordability. Nobody wants to borrow. Nobody likes to borrow. But when it becomes necessary. It is something that must be managed as well as possible. So the first port of call is concessional financing; IDA financing, for instance, from the World Bank. And what the developing world continues to call for is larger sums that can really make a difference, not just to be able to help a country cope with its immediate payment needs, but to have funds to grow the economies. That is what the fight against inflation translates to for the developing countries. Victory therefore or success therefore in the developed world means that they should be able to make more resources available. I must note here that the IMF has reduced their charges. 36 percent reduction in the rates and the excess charges is significant, and it is in the right direction to help developing countries get the resources they need to develop and grow.

    MODERATOR: Thank you so much, Minister and

    Secretariat. Thank you so much for the questions. Unfortunately, we are out of time. Thank you so much again for joining this press conference. The G‑24 communique is being posted on IMF.org and the transcript of this press briefing will be made available later. Have a good rest of your day. Thank you.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK Development Minister to push for gender equality at World Bank Annuals

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Anneliese Dodds to outline priorities for gender equality and announce funding to boost women’s economic and social empowerment during visit to Washington D.C.

    • World’s finance and development ministers gather in Washington D.C. to discuss pressing international development issues at Annual Meetings of the World Bank Group and IMF.
    • UK Development Minister to announce funding to boost women’s economic and social empowerment in speech on priorities for gender equality.
    • UK to send two female governors to the World Bank Group and IMF Annual Meetings for the first time.

    The UK’s Development Minister Anneliese Dodds will arrive at the World Bank Group and IMF Annual Meetings in Washington D.C. today [23 October] for a series of engagements focused on advancing gender equality.

    It will mark the Minister’s first time attending in her capacity as the UK’s Governor to the World Bank Group. Her visit coincides with Chancellor Reeves attending the IMF Annual Meetings, marking the first time for the UK to send two female governors to the Meetings.

    In a speech at the conference tomorrow [24 October], the Minister will outline her priorities for gender equality and announce a £7.5 million investment over the next two years, and continued support beyond that, in the World Bank’s Umbrella Facility for Gender Equality (UFGE). The facility supports the generation of high-quality data and evidence to address gender inequality and boost women’s economic and social empowerment.

    The UFGE, which has received funding from the UK since 2012, has, for example, benefitted half a million women in Rwanda who were found to be losing rights over land due to not having marriage certificates. In Nigeria, the programme funded research on the benefits of cash transfers, which the government used to inform the expansion of its national livelihoods programme, covering more than 4 million vulnerable households.

    The new funding will enable the UK’s support to the UFGE to expand beyond Africa into Asia and the Pacific and support the development of new methods to collect and use gender data, including through the adoption of AI technology.

    The UK’s Development Minister Anneliese Dodds said: 

    My mission is to help create a world free from poverty, on a livable planet, for all. Women and girls are at the heart of this.

    Britain is back with a voice on the world stage. We are playing a leading role with the World Bank to improve the lives of women and girls around the world.

    The funding announced today will deliver projects that will have an enormous impact on the lives and economic situations of women and girls across the globe and drive economic growth.

    This year’s Meetings come as the World Bank Group and IMF celebrate their 80th founding anniversary and will bring together finance and development ministers from all over the world to agree joint approaches to addressing pressing international development issues.

    Minister Dodds’ attendance follows a keynote speech at Chatham House, in which she outlined her vision for a modern approach to international development.

    Over the course of the Annual Meetings, the Minister will also host an event on conflict prevention, bringing together ministers from the Global South, international financial institutions, humanitarian actors, and academics, to discuss how the World Bank Group and IMF can work better in an increasingly fragile world.

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    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI China: Xi highlights BRICS’ role in driving multipolarity, globalization ahead of Kazan Summit

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Xi highlights BRICS’ role in driving multipolarity, globalization ahead of Kazan Summit

    Chinese President Xi Jinping meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Kazan, Russia, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]

    KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 22 — Chinese President Xi Jinping on Tuesday underscored the role of BRICS as “a pillar” in promoting a multipolar world and fostering an inclusive economic globalization ahead of leaders’ formal meetings at the 2024 BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia.

    The BRICS mechanism is the world’s most important platform for solidarity and cooperation between emerging markets and developing countries, Xi said during a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the summit.

    The Kazan Summit marks the first in-person BRICS gathering since the group expanded its membership last year in Johannesburg, South Africa. More than 30 countries attend this year’s summit which runs until Thursday.

    Xi told Putin, who chairs the summit, that he expected to have an in-depth discussion with Putin and other world leaders on the future development of the BRICS cooperation mechanism, so as to secure more opportunities for the Global South.

    One of the key priorities of Russia’s BRICS chairmanship is integrating the new members into the BRICS framework, according to the official website. Other areas of practical cooperation include boosting trade and direct investment, as well as fostering a balanced and equitable transition to a low-carbon economy.

    BRICS countries are expected to deepen consensus on strategic communication and practical cooperation for the group’s future development, said Wang Lei, director of the BRICS Cooperation Research Center at Beijing Normal University.

    Wang also expressed hope for productive engagement between BRICS and the broader Global South at the summit to promote shared global development and uphold the effectiveness of multilateral governance systems.

    Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan and the fifth-largest city in Russia, holds historical and cultural significance. During their meeting, Xi told Putin that around 400 years ago, the Great Tea Road that connected the two countries went past Kazan, through which tea leaves from China’s Wuyi Mountain region found their way into many Russian households.

    The city is also home to Kazan Federal University, where notable figures like the Russian writer Leo Tolstoy and Russian revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin studied.

    Around noon on Tuesday, Xi arrived at Kazan International Airport, greeted by Russian officials. Kazan Mayor Ilsur Metshin told Xinhua that the city is honored to host the Chinese leader.

    Guards of honor lined both sides of a red carpet to salute the Chinese leader, while Russian youths in traditional attire offered a warm welcome. Russian fighter jets escorted Xi’s plane before its landing.

    “It is very important that, at the moment, we have such a good leader who can introduce new initiatives,” said Timirkhan Alishev, vice rector for International Affairs, Kazan Federal University, speaking of Xi’s role in international affairs.

    Alishev told Xinhua that all initiatives introduced by China are rooted in multilateralism, fostering communication and dialogue on multiple levels.

    “We see China puts a lot of efforts to develop BRICS,” said Alishev. “There are no preconditions for BRICS cooperation … You can start dialogue on equal basis with everybody.”

    The term BRIC was initially coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, former chief economist at Goldman Sachs, as an investment concept referring to emerging market economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China. With South Africa’s inclusion in 2010, BRICS officially took shape.

    After last year’s expansion, BRICS grouping now accounts for about 30 percent of the global GDP, nearly half of the global population and one-fifth of global trade. “Measured by GDP, the BRICS countries have already surpassed the G7 in importance,” said Dilma Rousseff, president of the New Development Bank (NDB), in a recent interview with Xinhua.

    “I think this BRICS meeting is very important … At the moment, the countries of the Global South are in great need of funding. And the conditions for obtaining it are quite complicated,” Rousseff said during a meeting with Putin in Kazan on Tuesday.

    Observers see the BRICS Summit as an opportunity for Global South countries to voice their needs. Victoria Fedosova, deputy director of the Institute for Strategic Research and Forecasts of the Russian Peoples’ Friendship University, said the very dynamic development of BRICS and the growth in membership reflect a demand for a platform for addressing global issues.

    “The BRICS mechanism has enormous potential in adjusting the imbalances in global development accumulated over the last 80 years,” said Fedosova.

    Other than the countries that became new full members on Jan. 1, 2024, over 30 countries like Thailand, Malaysia, Türkiye and Azerbaijan have either formally applied for or expressed interest in its membership, while many other developing countries are seeking deeper cooperation with the group.

    As its influence expands, BRICS has gained appeal among many countries, particularly in the Global South, by offering them concrete advantages, said Zukiswa Roboji, a researcher at Walter Sisulu University in South Africa.

    “BRICS has undoubtedly made notable strides in recent years,” said Roboji. It offers emerging economies easier access to financial resources and better opportunities for trade, investment and development, the expert added.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Trade Secretary launches new fund to unlock multi-billion exports boost 

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Jonathan Reynolds will announce Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund on visit to Brazil including his first G20 meeting

    • New £2.3million Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund will help to unlock export opportunities worth nearly £5 billion for UK companies over five years   
    • Sectors like clean energy and life sciences set to benefit, as fund targets trade barriers worth £300m in its first year   
    • Announcement comes as Jonathan Reynolds visits Brazil for G20 trade talks  

    The UK’s pharmaceutical industry will find it easier to sell innovative medicines in huge markets like Brazil and around the world thanks to a new fund to cut red tape and boost exports.  

    Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds will announce the new £2.3 million Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund as part of a three-day visit to Brazil, which will include his first G20 meeting.  

    The fund builds on the Prime Minister’s call at the International Investment Summit last week for UK regulators to support the Government’s growth mission, keep pace with emerging industries and upgrade the regulatory regime to make it fit for the modern age.  

    The fund will help UK regulators work with international partners to remove trade barriers and shape markets in various growing sectors. This will see sectors benefit from a potential £5 billion of new export opportunities over five years, with trade barriers worth £300 million being targeted within the first 12 months – which would be equal to an average of £135 in exports per pound invested.   

    In an exciting project in the life sciences sector, this will see UK regulators and expert bodies work closely with Brazil’s Ministry of Health in sharing best practice around evaluating cancer drugs, supporting them to improve their nation’s health while making it easier for the industry to access Brazil’s pharmaceutical market. 

    Business and Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds said:   

    We are rolling up our sleeves and removing red tape where it is holding this country back from harnessing every opportunity available.  

    This multi-million-pound fund will unleash the potential of some of the most prominent sectors in the UK, and through our excellent regulators businesses will find it easier to sell their world class goods and services to Brazil and other partners around the world, as we continue to build momentum ahead of our new Industrial Strategy.

    The fund will also:  

    • enable the Offshore Renewable Energy (ORE) Catapult to partner with Brazil as it develops a comprehensive offshore wind regulatory framework, which could generate an additional £55 million of exports over five years for the UK supply chain.   
    • in the professional services sector, the Law Society will build closer relationships with other countries to reduce requirements for UK lawyers to practice overseas, including in some US states, where they have faced onerous requirements.    
    • support UK regulators who will aim to improve the process for accreditation of UK education programmes, such as university degrees, in countries all over the world, including Malaysia.  

    Dr Stephen Wyatt, Director – Strategy and Emerging Technology, ORE Catapult said:   

    The UK is a world leader in offshore wind and, in partnership with the Department for Business & Trade, we now have the opportunity to translate two decades of experience into new export opportunities for UK companies.    

    Our work will help other countries to accelerate their plans to develop offshore wind and pinpoint key areas, such as floating wind, project development, and operations and maintenance where the UK’s leading companies can also flourish overseas.

    Richard Atkinson, President of The Law Society England and Wales said:   

    The Law Society of England and Wales appreciates the government’s initiative to establish the Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund.  

    This funding will provide essential support to UK businesses by helping them move past regulatory barriers in various global markets.  

    By building closer relationships with countries overseas, this fund will contribute to the growth and progression of the legal profession globally.

    It comes as the Trade Secretary heads to São Paulo and Brasília to build on the UK’s strong and enduring relationship with Brazil, meeting investors including one of the world’s biggest aircraft manufacturers, Embraer, as well as some of the largest UK businesses in Brazil such as Astra Zeneca.   

    The Trade Secretary will then meet Brazil’s Vice President and Trade Minister Geraldo Alckmin in Brasília, where they will talk about how to build on the over £10bn of UK-Brazil trade last year and implementation of Brazil’s Industrial Strategy ahead of the UK publishing its own next year. He will then meet his G20 counterparts and call for pragmatic and meaningful reform to strengthen the World Trade Organization, as well as action to promote gender equality in trade.   

    The Trade Secretary will also use the visit to hold the first bilateral meeting on trade between the UK and Argentina since 2019 when he meets with his counterpart Diana Mondino, where he will commit to strengthening the UK’s trade and investment relationship in line with both governments’ goals to support economic growth.  

    He will also speak to the Vice-President of the European Commission Valdis Dombrovskis, where he will emphasise the importance on resetting the relationship between the UK and the EU.   

    The meetings are alongside wider G20 discussions under Brazil’s presidency on sustainable investment and how trade can drive greener and more sustainable development, ahead of South Africa taking on the G20 Presidency in 2025.   

    Notes to Editors

    • Not all the trade barriers that are part of the £2.3m fund can be made public due to commercial or diplomatic sensitivity.  
    • The data on trade barriers to be resolved by the £2.3m fund is extracted from the Digital Market Access Service (DMAS). DMAS is not a comprehensive repository of all market access issues facing UK exporters, and reporting rates vary widely across countries and regions  
    • The £2.3m fund will be used to aid the resolution of 36 barriers in scope – the aggregate valuation of these barriers is around £5bn over 5 years. The aggregate figure of around £300m over 5 years is for a sample of 6 barriers only. To calculate the aggregate figures, the mid-point for each valuation range is estimated over a five-year period and added to provide a central estimate. Further details on the methodology for the aggregate valuation figures are published in a DBT analytical working paper. In some cases, estimates may have been sourced externally from industry.  
    • The figure of around £135 in export value per pound over five years is calculated by dividing £300m by the cost of the fund (£2.3m). This is a potential export win and it should not be interpreted that every additional pound might get another £135 in return.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Ambassador to France

    Source: Australian Government – Minister of Foreign Affairs

    Today I announce the appointment of Ms Lynette Wood as Australia’s next Ambassador to France.

    Australia and France have a strong, enduring and forward-looking partnership underpinned by shared values and interests, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region.

    We are enhancing our cooperation through the ambitious Australia-France Roadmap and its three pillars – defence and security, resilience and climate action, and education and culture – which are delivering practical outcomes.

    The Ambassador to France is also accredited to the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and the Principality of Monaco.

    Ms Wood is a senior career officer with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. She was most recently First Assistant Secretary in the Strategic Planning and Coordination Group.

    She has previously served overseas as Ambassador to Germany and Acting High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. She has had earlier postings to Canada and Germany.

    I thank outgoing Ambassador Gillian Bird PSM for her contributions to advancing Australia’s interests in France since 2020.

    MIL OSI News