Category: Africa

  • MIL-OSI Security: Defense Contractor Berg Co. Agrees to Pay $3.3M to Resolve Allegations of Causing Fraudulent Bids

    Source: United States Attorneys General

    Berg Companies Inc. (Berg) has agreed to pay $3.3 million to resolve allegations that it violated the False Claims Act by submitting, or causing the submission of, false claims under prime vendor contracts with the Defense Logistics Agency (DLA), which the Department of Defense (DoD) uses to purchase goods and services.

    Berg, based in Spokane, Washington, manufactures rigid wall shelters and sells them to the federal government, including through various prime vendor programs. In September 2019, Berg was acquired by Hunter Defense Technologies, Inc., which is a defense contractor that is based in Solon, Ohio.

    Berg was a vendor to Noble Sales Co. Inc. doing business as Noble Supply & Logistics (Noble), which is a Boston-based prime contractor to DLA for Maintenance, Repair & Operations (MRO) contracts for the European Command. Under the MRO contracts, the DoD can place orders for goods and services through Noble. Noble is then required to solicit bids from two independently competing vendors for transactions below $25,000 and from three independently competing vendors for transactions at or above $25,000. According to DLA, MRO contracts are “a partnership aimed at achieving infrastructure savings, inventory cost reductions and favorable product pricing through leveraged buying.”

    Pursuant to the settlement agreement, Berg admitted that, from 2019 to 2021, Berg coordinated with Noble and two other Noble vendors to submit inflated quotes for Berg-made rigid wall shelters so that the other vendors would win the awards at inflated prices. In the first scheme, Berg admitted that it coordinated and submitted inflated quotes on two solicitations for the sale of 10 Berg-made rigid wall shelters that Noble awarded to a New Mexico-based vendor. In the second scheme, Berg admitted that it coordinated and submitted inflated quotes on 26 solicitations for the purchase of 29 Berg-made rigid wall shelters that Noble awarded to a Florida-based vendor. As a result of these schemes, the United States contends that the requirements were not competed as required by the prime vendor contract and the military customers were overcharged for the Berg-made rigid wall shelters.

    “Bid rigging of this type inhibits competition on the products and on prices, thereby creating the risk that the government is purchasing inferior products at exorbitant prices,” said Assistant Attorney General Brett Shumate of the Justice Department’s Civil Division. “This settlement reinforces the Department’s commitment in using the FCA to pursue anti-competitive fraud.”

    “As evidenced in this settlement agreement, these contractors manipulated and undermined the fair and open bidding process designed to save our military and taxpayers money,” said U.S. Attorney Leah B. Foley for the District of Massachusetts. “We commend Berg for cooperating with the government to resolve this matter and taking responsibility for this conduct. As this settlement demonstrates, not only will my Office continue to use the False Claims Act to help root out fraud, waste and abuse involving taxpayer funds, but it will reward those that accept responsibility and cooperate with the government.”

    “Collusion in government contracting erodes public trust, distorts fair competition, and drives up costs for taxpayers and service members,” said U.S. Attorney Ryan Ellison for the District of New Mexico. “Such conduct undermines the integrity of the procurement process and betrays the public’s expectation that government funds will be used responsibly. This resolution demonstrates our unwavering commitment to protecting taxpayer dollars, ensuring a level playing field for all businesses, and holding accountable those who seek to profit by manipulating federal contracting. We will continue to work closely with our law enforcement partners to defend the integrity of government procurement and safeguard the interests of the American people.”

    “Today’s settlement announcement demonstrates the commitment of the Defense Criminal Investigative Service (DCIS), along with our law enforcement partners, to aggressively pursue those who undermine the integrity of the DoD contracting process,” said Acting Special Agent in Charge Chad Gosch of the Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, DCIS Southwest Field Office. “DCIS will use all available resources to hold accountable those who betray the trust of the American taxpayer by corrupting the DoD procurement system for personal gain.”

    “GSA OIG will continue to work with its investigative partners to hold government contractors accountable for concealing relevant information that may affect the award or performance of government contracts,” said Special Agent in Charge Joseph Dattoria of the U.S. General Services Administration, Office of Inspector General, Northeast Division.

    Berg cooperated with the government in this matter. As part of the settlement, Berg acknowledged and accepted responsibility for the facts that form the basis of this settlement.

    This settlement resolves claims brought against Berg under the qui tam or whistleblower provisions of the FCA, which permit private parties to sue on behalf of the government when they believe that a defendant has submitted false claims for government funds and to receive a share of the recovery. The settlement in this case provides for the whistleblowers, Mark G. Davis and Andrew G. Gunn, to receive a $561,000 share of the recovery. Davis is a U.S. Army veteran and former salesperson for one of the sub-vendors involved in the conspiracy allegation. Gunn is the managing director of a United Kingdom company that manufacturers storage equipment for United States military customers and sold its equipment through this prime vendor’s MRO contracts. The remainder of the matter remains under seal.

    The resolution obtained in this matter was the result of a coordinated effort between the Justice Department’s Civil Division, Commercial Litigation Branch, Fraud Section, and the United States Attorney’s Offices for the District of New Mexico and District of Massachusetts, with assistance from the Defense Criminal Investigative Services, the Army Criminal Investigation Division, the Air Force Office of Special Investigations, and the General Services Administration Office of Inspector General.

    The matter was handled by Trial Attorney Samson Asiyanbi of the Justice Department’s Civil Division, Assistant U.S. Attorney Sean Cunniff of the District of New Mexico, and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Lindsey Ross and Brian LaMacchia of the District of Massachusetts.

    The claims resolved by the settlement are allegations only and there has been no determination of liability.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Africa: African Development Bank Approves $62 Million Emergency Grant to Restore Critical Services in Conflict-Affected Sudan

    Source: APO – Report:

    The Board of Directors of the African Development Bank Group (www.AfDB.org) has approved a $62.13 million emergency grant to support the Sudan Integrated Social Sector Infrastructure Rehabilitation Project (SISSIRP). This vital support aims to restore essential health, education, and water services that have been severely disrupted by the ongoing civil conflict in Sudan, which erupted in 2023.

    The funding package, approved on 11 July 2025, comprises $44.57 million from Pillar 1 of the Transition Support Facility and $17.56 million from the African Development Fund, the Bank’s concessional financing window for low-income countries.

    Sudan is currently facing one of the world’s gravest humanitarian crises. An estimated 30.6 million people are in urgent need of assistance, including 11.5 million internally displaced persons, 54% of whom are women. The conflict has devastated critical infrastructure and services across the country, leaving healthcare facilities, schools, and water systems destroyed. This breakdown has deepened poverty, widened inequalities, and significantly limited access to basic services, particularly in conflict-affected areas.

    Commenting on the project, Mary Monyau, the Bank’s Country Manager for Sudan, highlighted the initiative’s importance: “This project is a crucial step towards rebuilding lives and livelihoods. By restoring access to clean water, healthcare, and essential infrastructure, we are not only addressing immediate humanitarian needs but also laying the foundation for long-term resilience and development.”

    The two-year project (2025-2027) will focus on four Sudanese states– Aj Jazira, River Nile, Sennar, and White Nile – and is designed to improve the resilience and well-being of the population by rehabilitating and strengthening social sector services. The SISSIRP is structured around three core components:

    1. Strengthening Social Infrastructure and Systems: Rehabilitation of key education, health, and WASH (water, sanitation, and hygiene) facilities to ensure continued access to safe drinking water and essential public services.
    2. Capacity Development and Community Engagement: Strengthening the capacities of individuals, institutions, and communities to manage and sustain the delivery of social services and infrastructure.
    3. Governance and Implementation Support: Ensuring transparent, accountable, and effective project implementation with robust monitoring and mechanisms to guarantee equitable access for targeted beneficiaries.

    The initiative aligns with the Bank’s extended Country Brief for Sudan. It also supports the Bank’s Ten-Year Strategy (2024–2033) and contributes directly to one of its key “High 5” priorities, “Improve the Quality of Life for the People of Africa.” It further aligns with sub-themes including access to basic drinking water services, coverage of essential health services, and youth inclusion in employment, education, and training.

    – on behalf of African Development Bank Group (AfDB).

    Contact:
    Joyce Mulama
    Communication and External Relations Department 
    media@afdb.org

    Media files

    .

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Sudan: Life-saving aid must reach the people caught between the rains and conflict

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Following the start of the rainy season in Sudan’s North Darfur region, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa, Tigere Chagutah said:

    To stop this humanitarian emergency from spiraling further, parties to the armed conflict must facilitate rapid, unconditional and safe access to humanitarian aid, and end all attacks on humanitarian objects and personnel.

    Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa,

    “The rainy season is a terrifying prospect for many Sudanese who have fled fighting in North Darfur between armed groups. Internally displaced persons and refugees have told Amnesty International that they fear the coming rains will heighten the risk of diseases and make already dire conditions in their areas even worse. They are desperate for food, including seeds to plant ahead of the rains, water and medical services. Adequate shelter also remains a major concern. One 90-year-old woman told us that she didn’t have any proper shelter and was living under the trees. Others are in similar situations.

    “Sudan is the world’s largest displacement and humanitarian crisis, yet the humanitarian response for 2025 is grossly underfunded. This will go down in history as an abject failure unless Sudan’s international partners rise to the occasion and increase emergency funding for the humanitarian response in Sudan, as well as for Sudanese refugees.

    “To stop this humanitarian emergency from spiraling further, parties to the armed conflict must facilitate rapid, unconditional and safe access to humanitarian aid, and end all attacks on humanitarian objects and personnel.

    “Sudan is the world’s largest displacement and humanitarian crisis, yet the humanitarian response for 2025 is grossly underfunded. This will go down in history as an abject failure unless Sudan’s international partners rise to the occasion and increase emergency funding for the humanitarian response in Sudan, as well as for Sudanese refugees. More must be done to save lives. The international community cannot afford to look away.”

    Background

    Since the latest armed conflict broke out in Sudan in April 2023, over 11 million people have fled their homes. Displaced persons live in dire conditions in Sudan, including in Darfur, one of the regions most severely affected by fighting, as well as other countries. Cases of cholera outbreak are already being reported in North Darfur.

    Parties to the conflict continue to impede humanitarian access and attack humanitarian objects and personnel.Diplomatic efforts have so far failed to ensure sufficient humanitarian aid to a suffering population.

    The rainy season in Darfur typically lasts from June to September. In April, MSF already warned that the rainy season threatened to worsen the ongoing malnutrition crisis. In August 2024, the UN confirmed famine conditions in Zamzam camp and identified 13 other areas at risk of famine.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: GG Mothai: Aid cuts are putting LGBTIQ+ lives at risk in rural Botswana

    Source: Amnesty International –

    The Trump administration’s abrupt and sweeping suspension of US foreign aid is placing the lives and human rights of millions at risk. The cuts have ended critical programmes across the globe, including vital grassroots LGBTIQ+ organizations in Botswana which challenge entrenched homophobia and provide safety and support for LGBTIQ+ people.

    Gagotheko (GG/Gybian) Mothai is a non-binary human rights advocate based in Maun, Botswana, and director of the Pink Triangle LGBTQ Support Group.

    Below, GG shares the profound impact of grassroots organizations on LGBTIQ+ people’s lives and raises serious concerns about the welfare and safety of LGBTIQ+ people due to funding cuts.

    Maun is a deeply traditional and conservative place, more so than Gaborone, the capital of Botswana, where people are more aware. Maun is smaller and harmful cultural values still dominate.

    People here see LGBTIQ+ people as “un-African” or “possessed”. Homophobia is normalized, and being open about our identities puts us at constant risk of violence. We are rejected by our families, forced into unwanted marriages (especially LBQ women) and are cast out by our religious leaders. It feels harsher and more personal because it comes from people who are close to us: our families, chiefs and neighbours.

    I was disowned by my family in 2020, amid the pandemic.

    Activism here is survival work. It can feel powerful, we’ve seen real shifts: families starting to understand their queer children, churches slowly opening to dialogues on spirituality and sexuality, and queer people beginning to heal. But it’s also painful and emotionally draining. You may see progress on one side of town whilst violent incidents are increasing on the other.

    This is my hometown. I keep doing this work here because I hope one day to have a hometown that is kind, understanding and accepting.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Eswatini: Authorities must ensure access to justice for opposition MP Bacede Mabuza

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Reacting to the continued delay in the hearing of the appeal by the detained opposition Member of Parliament, Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, Vongai Chikwanda, said:

    “Eswatini’s authorities are failing to safeguard the independence and integrity of the country’s courts – a failure illustrated by the persistent delay to hear Bacede Mabuza’s appeal.  This undermines Mabuza’s right to access to justice and effective remedies including to an appeal to a higher tribunal.

    Authorities must end any interferences in judicial independence – whether direct or indirect, ensure respect for the human rights of everyone in the country and uphold the rule of law.

    Vongai Chikwanda, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East and Southern Africa

    “In recent years, the Eswatini courts have been unable to protect human rights, and advance access to justice in cases of persecution of opposition leaders, human rights defenders, activists, and journalists. Authorities must end any interferences in judicial independence – whether direct or indirect, ensure respect for the human rights of everyone in the country and uphold the rule of law.”  

    Background

    On 15 July 2024, MPs Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube were sentenced to 85 years and 58 years respectively, after being convicted under the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 2008 and the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act of 1938. They were found guilty of allegedly inciting unrest during pro-democracy protests in June 2021. On 1 June 2023, after almost two years of arbitrary detention, they were convicted of terrorism, sedition, and murder. Mabuza’s case has been omitted from the court roll on three consecutive occasions by the Registrar of the Supreme Court, despite all required documents, including the Notice of Appeal, Record of Proceedings, and supporting pleadings, being properly filed.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Consequences of the war in Sudan in North Africa – E-001636/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    As a key humanitarian and development aid donor, the Commission is acutely aware that conflicts — particularly the war in Sudan — have generated significant protection needs for displaced populations, many of whom have fled to neighbouring countries, notably Egypt and Libya.

    The North Africa region remains a destination and transit point for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, including unaccompanied children.

    As a result of their fragile legal status, displaced people are exposed to insecurity, threats, harassment, sexual and gender-based violence, and forced recruitment.

    The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) receives EU funding across the whole North Africa region, with a primary focus on protection and refugee status determination.

    However, the agency faces alarming levels of underfunding in the region. In 2024, the United States alone accounted for approximately 38% of its funding in the region, with contributions reaching as high as 47% in the case of Egypt.

    The Commission remains strongly committed to supporting UNHCR in North Africa to ensure the continued delivery of critical life-saving assistance, such as food and water, sanitation and hygiene, as well as to strengthen the protection and resilience of vulnerable people.

    This includes efforts to enhance access to basic education and health services. The Commission will continue to support people in need in Egypt and Libya, working through UNHCR and other mandated United Nations agencies.

    In parallel, the Commission will also support the reinforcement of national asylum systems by providing technical assistance, capacity-building, and targeted training to local stakeholders.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Consequences of the war in Sudan in North Africa – E-001636/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    As a key humanitarian and development aid donor, the Commission is acutely aware that conflicts — particularly the war in Sudan — have generated significant protection needs for displaced populations, many of whom have fled to neighbouring countries, notably Egypt and Libya.

    The North Africa region remains a destination and transit point for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, including unaccompanied children.

    As a result of their fragile legal status, displaced people are exposed to insecurity, threats, harassment, sexual and gender-based violence, and forced recruitment.

    The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) receives EU funding across the whole North Africa region, with a primary focus on protection and refugee status determination.

    However, the agency faces alarming levels of underfunding in the region. In 2024, the United States alone accounted for approximately 38% of its funding in the region, with contributions reaching as high as 47% in the case of Egypt.

    The Commission remains strongly committed to supporting UNHCR in North Africa to ensure the continued delivery of critical life-saving assistance, such as food and water, sanitation and hygiene, as well as to strengthen the protection and resilience of vulnerable people.

    This includes efforts to enhance access to basic education and health services. The Commission will continue to support people in need in Egypt and Libya, working through UNHCR and other mandated United Nations agencies.

    In parallel, the Commission will also support the reinforcement of national asylum systems by providing technical assistance, capacity-building, and targeted training to local stakeholders.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Need for immediate EU response to the humiliating end of the diplomatic mission to Libya on 8 July 2025 – E-002804/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002804/2025
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Konstantinos Arvanitis (The Left), Nikolas Farantouris (The Left), Elena Kountoura (The Left), Nikos Pappas (The Left)

    Yesterday’s humiliating end to the diplomatic mission to Libya led by Commissioner Brunner and involving ministers from three EU Member States constitutes diplomatic humiliation and an international downgrading of the EU’s prestige, with potentially serious implications for EU foreign policy. The focus is on the extremely sensitive area of ​​refugees/migration, in which EU-Libya relations remain tense and troubled due to the operations of actors such as the so-called ‘Libyan Coast Guard’. In addition, the European mission was characterised by Benghazi as ‘unwanted’, while its presence was considered a ‘blatant violation’,[1] in an extremely provocative move to instrumentalise the refugee/migration issue.

    In view of the above:

    • 1.To what does the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy attribute the disastrous failure of the mission?
    • 2.Is the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy considering readjusting the EU’s stance and the subsequent measures it will put in place, such as changing the funding and aid regime for Libya?
    • 3.What specific actions has the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy taken to protect against the possibility that first country Member States will be further burdened by the refugee/migration issue, as a result of the diplomatic actions of the EU leadership, as well as the humanitarian crisis that may arise from the entrapment of refugees and migrants in these Member States as a result of the new Migration Pact?

    Submitted: 9.7.2025

    • [1] https://www.ertnews.gr/eidiseis/ellada/politiki/emploki-me-xaftar-sti-veggazi-anepithymiti-i-eyropaiki-antiprosopeia/
    Last updated: 14 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Secretary-General’s press conference on the launch of the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2025 [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    Dear members of the media.

    Today, we launch the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2025. 

    Under-Secretary-General Li will go through the details. 

    But allow me to kick things off.

    We are now ten years into our collective journey toward the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

    The report is a snapshot of where we stand today.

    Since 2015, millions more people have gained access to electricity, clean cooking, and the internet.

    Social protection now reaches over half the world’s population — a significant increase from just a decade ago.

    Access to education has continued to increase and more girls are staying in school.

    Child marriage is declining.

    Renewable energy capacity is growing, with developing countries leading the way.

    And women’s representation is rising — across governments, businesses and societies.

    These gains show that investments in development and inclusion yield results.
    But let’s be clear: we are not where we need to be.

    Only 35 percent of SDG targets are on track or making moderate progress.

    Nearly half are moving too slowly.

    And 18 percent are going in reverse.

    We are in a global development emergency.

    An emergency measured in the over 800 million people still living in extreme poverty.

    In intensifying climate impacts.

    And in relentless debt service, draining the resources that countries need to invest in their people.

    We must also recognize the deep linkages between under-development and conflicts.

    That’s why we must keep working for peace in the Middle East.

    We need an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the immediate release of all hostages, and unimpeded humanitarian access as a first step to achieve the two-State solution.

    We need the ceasefire between Iran and Israel to hold.

    We need a just and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the UN Charter, international law and UN resolutions. 

    We need an end to the horror and bloodshed in Sudan.

    From the DRC to Somalia, from the Sahel to Myanmar, we know that sustainable peace requires sustainable development.

    In the face of these challenges, the report we are launching today points the way to progress.
    Transformational pathways — in food, energy, digital access, education, jobs, and climate — are our roadmap.

    Progress in one area can multiply progress across all of them.

    But we must move faster, and we must move together.

    That means advancing affordable, quality healthcare for all.

    Investing in women and girls as a central driver of progress.

    Focusing on quality education and creating decent jobs and economic opportunities that leave no one behind.

    Closing the digital divide and ensuring that technologies like artificial intelligence are used responsibly and inclusively.

    And it means recognizing a fundamental fact.

    Progress is impossible without unlocking financing at scale.

    The recent Sevilla Commitment reflected a commitment to get the engine of development revving again.

    Through reform of the international financial architecture, real action on debt relief, and tripling the lending capacity of multilateral development banks so countries can better access capital at scale and at a reasonable cost.

    We have more opportunities to drive these priorities forward — from the High-Level Political Forum, to the Second Food Systems Stocktake Summit, to the World Social Summit, and more.

    We must maximize these moments for real commitments — and real delivery.

    Today’s report shows that the Sustainable Development Goals are still within reach.

    But only if we act — with urgency, unity, and unwavering resolve.

    It’s a pleasure to be with you again and I will give the floor to my dear colleague Li.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: 14 July 2025 News release WHO recommends injectable lenacapavir for HIV prevention

    Source: World Health Organisation

    The World Health Organization (WHO) released today new guidelines recommending the use of injectable lenacapavir (LEN) twice a year as an additional pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) option for HIV prevention, in a landmark policy action that could help reshape the global HIV response. The guidelines are being issued at the 13th International AIDS Society Conference (IAS 2025) on HIV Science, in Kigali, Rwanda.

    LEN, the first twice-yearly injectable PrEP product, offers a highly effective, long-acting alternative to daily oral pills and other shorter-acting options. With just two doses per year, LEN is a transformative step forward in protecting people at risk of HIV – particularly those who face challenges with daily adherence, stigma, or access to health care.

    “While an HIV vaccine remains elusive, lenacapavir is the next best thing: a long-acting antiretroviral shown in trials to prevent almost all HIV infections among those at risk,” said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General. “The launch of WHO’s new guidelines, alongside the FDA’s recent approval, marks a critical step forward in expanding access to this powerful tool. WHO is committed to working with countries and partners to ensure this innovation reaches communities as quickly and safely as possible.”

    The new guidelines come at a critical moment as HIV prevention efforts stagnate with 1.3 million new HIV infections occurring in 2024 – with disproportionate impact among key and priority populations, including sex workers, men who have sex with men, transgender people, people who inject drugs, people in prisons, and children and adolescents. WHO’s recommendation on LEN signals a decisive move to expand and diversify HIV prevention, giving people more options to take control over their health with choices that fit their lives.

    Simplified testing: a major barrier removed

    As part of these guidelines, WHO has recommended a public health approach to HIV testing using HIV rapid tests to support delivery of long-acting injectable PrEP, including LEN and cabotegravir (CAB-LA). The simplified testing recommendation removes a major access barrier by eliminating complex, costly procedures and enabling community-based delivery of long-acting PrEP through pharmacies, clinics, and tele-health.

    Next steps: call for implementation

    LEN joins other WHO-recommended PrEP options, including daily oral PrEP, injectable cabotegravir and the dapivirine vaginal ring, as part of a growing arsenal of tools to end the HIV epidemic. While access to LEN outside clinical trials remains limited at the moment, WHO urges governments, donors and global health partners to begin rolling out LEN immediately within national combination HIV prevention programmes – while collecting essential data on uptake, adherence and real-world impact.

    Additional WHO recommendations at IAS 2025

    For the first time, WHO’s treatment guidelines include a clear recommendation for the use of long-acting injectable cabotegravir and rilpivirine (CAB/RPV) as an alternative switching option for antiretroviral therapy (ART) for adults and adolescents who have achieved full viral suppression on oral ART and do not have active hepatitis B infection. This approach is designed to support people living with HIV facing adherence challenges to oral regimens.

    Updated guidelines on service delivery integration include recommendations to integrate HIV services with noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) such as hypertension and diabetes, as well as mental health care for depression, anxiety and alcohol use disorders into HIV services, alongside interventions to support ART adherence. Additionally, new guidelines on management of asymptomatic STIs recommend screening of gonorrhoea and/or chlamydia in key and priority populations.

    For people living with HIV who have mpox and are either ART naive or have experienced prolonged ART interruption, rapid initiation of ART is strongly recommended. Additionally, early HIV testing is advised for individuals presenting with suspected or confirmed mpox infection. WHO’s standard operating procedures further emphasize HIV and syphilis testing for all individuals with suspected or confirmed mpox.

    In response to the broader challenges facing HIV programmes, WHO has also issued new operational guidance on sustaining priority HIV services in a changing funding landscape. The guidance aims to provide a stepwise framework to help countries prioritize services, assess risks, monitor disruptions, and adapt systems to protect health outcomes and preserve progress.

    “We have the tools and the knowledge to end AIDS as a public health problem,” said Dr Meg Doherty, Director of WHO’s Department of Global HIV, Hepatitis and STI Programmes and incoming Director of Science, Research, Evidence and Quality for Health. “What we need now is bold implementation of these recommendations, grounded in equity and powered by communities.”

    HIV remains a major global public health issue. By the end of 2024, an estimated 40.8 million people were living with HIV with an estimated 65% in the WHO African Region. Approximately 630 000 people died from HIV-related causes globally, and an estimated 1.3 million people acquired HIV, including 120 000 children. Access to ART continues to expand, with 31.6 million people receiving treatment in 2024, up from 30.3 million in 2023.

    At a time of reduced funding for HIV and health, WHO’s new and updated guidelines offer practical, evidence-based strategies to sustain momentum. By expanding prevention and treatment options, simplifying service delivery and promoting integration with broader health services, they support more efficient, equitable, and resilient HIV responses. Now is the moment for bold implementation to ensure these gains translate into real-world impact.
     

    Note to the editor

    WHO at the 13th IAS Conference on HIV Science

    The IAS 2025, the13th IAS Conference on HIV Science is being held in Kigali from 13 to 17 July 2025. It is the world’s most influential meeting on HIV research and its applications. This biennial conference presents the critical advances in basic, clinical and operational HIV research that move science into policy and practice. Through its programme, the meeting sets the gold standard of HIV science, featuring highly diverse and cutting-edge research.

    At IAS 2025, WHO will present new normative guidance through key satellite sessions and engage at the highest level to highlight innovations and promote health equity, while sounding the alarm on the risks posed by declining global health funding. Detailed information on WHO at the conference is here

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Zambia facing a democratic crossroads as it enters a fresh constitutional crisis

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham

    The election of Zambia’s president, Hakainde Hichilema, in 2021 was widely interpreted as a victory for democracy. Zambia had suffered rising repression under former leader Edgar Lungu, but Hichilema promised democratic accountability. However, there are now concerns that his government is promoting constitutional changes that would entrench ruling-party dominance.

    Hichilema has proposed a bill that would increase the number of MPs by over 60%. It would also introduce elements of proportional representation to create a “mixed” electoral system, and create reserved seats for women, young people and those with disabilities.

    Zambia’s ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) claims the amendments are needed to correct historical exclusion. But many civil society groups believe this is “gender washing” – using inclusive rhetoric to mask an authoritarian agenda.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    This scepticism is rooted in recent political developments and the text itself. The bill has emerged alongside other legislation that would tighten state control over civic and political space, at a time when infringements on fundamental freedoms in Zambia are growing.

    Many of the bill’s provisions are also vague and some undermine democratic checks and balances, while the progressive aspects are ill-conceived. This makes the proposed reforms, in the words of well-known Zambian constitutional expert O’Brien Kaaba: “deeply problematic and counterproductive”.

    I take no pleasure in saying this. The last time I wrote such an article about Zambia, it was to condemn the persecution of Hichilema after he was arrested in 2017 on trumped up treason charges. I was honoured to receive a letter of thanks upon his release.

    Like many Zambians and international observers, I was hopeful for the new administration. Yet, while the government has kept some campaign promises and negotiated a difficult deal on the country’s debt burden, efforts to restore democracy are now going backwards.

    Weakening a fragile system

    As prominent Zambian civil society leaders like Laura Miti and Linda Kasonde have warned, a number of the proposed changes could enable the government to all-but-guarantee itself a majority in the next elections scheduled for 2026.

    First, the bill would add 55 new constituency-based MPs – more than the total number to be elected through proportional representation. There are concerns that most of these new constituencies will be created in UPND strongholds, helping the party retain a majority even if it loses support.

    These fears have been magnified by the government’s failure to release the Boundary Delimitation Report, which sets out the redrawing of electoral boundaries. This has prevented independent scrutiny of the process and its motivations.

    Second, the rule that parliament must be dissolved 90 days before elections is also being revoked on the basis that this unfairly shortens office terms for MPs. Although MPs would not be supposed to conduct parliamentary business after this point, such a change would exacerbate existing problems. These include the use of government resources and vehicles in the ruling party’s campaign.

    And third, the constitutional amendment increases the number of MPs the president can appoint from eight to ten. In a system already adding reserved seats for underrepresented groups, this lacks justification. Taken together, these changes threaten to further empower the government and explain why a collective of civil society groups recently demanded “an immediate halt” to the process.

    At the same time, the government has not taken the opportunity to remove problematic clauses from Zambia’s constitution. These include the right of the president to dissolve the National Assembly if it fails to “reasonably” perform its duties.

    The government has justified the bill by emphasising the historical underrepresentation of women and marginalised groups in Zambian politics. This is a serious problem, but the bill will not fix it.

    The amendments only create 20 seats for women, 12 for young people, and three for those with disabilities. In a 256-seat chamber, this will do little to address the imbalance and falls well short of the Southern African Development Community’s target of 30% female representation.

    Poorly designed quotas can also reinforce marginalisation. Parties may push women toward quota seats, limiting their participation in regular constituency races. The amendment may thus create a new ceiling: if women only run in reserved seats, female representation would almost halve from 15% now to just 8% in the next parliament.

    A similar issue arises with the proportional representation system more broadly. When only a small proportion of seats are allocated this way, it fails to deliver the benefits of fairness that are associated with true proportionality.

    In other words, the constitutional amendment bill gives the appearance of inclusivity while carefully preserving the government’s incumbency advantage.

    A constitutional rush-job

    Perhaps the most striking flaw in the bill has been the process itself. The amendments have seen such scant public consultation that, in June, the Law Association of Zambia called for them to be withdrawn.

    This concern is shared by the constitutional court, which recently found the government had failed to meet constitutional requirements for public participation. The court recommended restarting a more inclusive process.

    Hichilema, perhaps aware of the likely verdict, preempted the ruling by announcing shortly before the court’s decision that he would pause the process to allow for wider consultation. This is a welcome, but insufficient, development. As the Law Association has argued, the amendments are so badly designed that they do not represent a viable foundation for constitutional review.

    Compounding its other flaws, the legislation is poorly written and vague. In many cases, it also fails to explain how new provisions would actually work in practice. The bill therefore needs to be withdrawn, not revised or deferred.

    Zambia needs a new constitution, but it deserves one that is rooted in evidence, consultation and democratic principles. Anything less threatens to undermine the country’s hard-won democratic gains and Hichilema’s own legacy.

    Nic Cheeseman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Zambia facing a democratic crossroads as it enters a fresh constitutional crisis – https://theconversation.com/zambia-facing-a-democratic-crossroads-as-it-enters-a-fresh-constitutional-crisis-260595

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Russian Imperial Movement: how a far-right group outlawed by the UK is spreading terror across Europe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dale Pankhurst, PhD candidate and Tutor in the School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen’s University Belfast

    The British government announced in early July that a far-right group called the Russian Imperial Movement (RIM) will be banned under terrorism legislation. This will make it a criminal offence in the UK to be a member of the group or to express support for it.

    The RIM was at the centre of a string of letter bomb attacks targeting high-profile people and institutions in Spain in 2022. These included a bomb addressed to the official residence of Spanish prime minister Pedro Sánchez, which was intercepted by his security detail.

    Six more letter bombs were mailed to targets including the American and Ukrainian embassies in Madrid, military installations, and weapons manufacturing companies that supply arms to Ukraine. No one was killed in the attacks, which US officials considered to be acts of terrorism.

    Investigators soon announced that they suspected the RIM of being involved. US and European officials alleged that the group was directed to carry out the attacks by Russian intelligence officers.

    What is the RIM?

    The RIM is an ultra-nationalist, neo-nazi and white supremacist organisation based in Russia. It was created in 2002 by Stanislav Anatolyevich Vorobyev, a Russian national who is designated a terrorist by the US government.

    The group seeks to create a new Russian empire, and uses the Russian imperial flag as its sign. The previous Russian empire (1721-1917) encompassed all of modern-day Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Poland, Finland, Georgia, Armenia and the Baltic states, as well as parts of China.

    The movement does not recognise Ukrainian sovereignty. It sees Ukraine as part of what it calls a global Zionist conspiracy designed to undermine Russia and promote Jewish interests. The RIM has engaged in Holocaust denial and is formally outlawed in the US, Canada and now the UK.

    It also has a paramilitary wing called the Imperial Legions, which operates at least two training facilities in the Russian city of St. Petersburg. The US State Department believes these facilities are being used to train RIM members in woodland and urban assault, tactical weapons and hand-to-hand combat.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    Denis Valliullovich Gariyev, the Imperial Legions’ leader, has in the past called on “young orthodox men” to join the Legions and defend Novorossiya – a term used to describe Russia’s claim over Ukraine. As of 2020, the Imperial Legions was estimated to have several thousand members.

    The RIM and its paramilitary wing have engaged in a wide range of activities and operations. These range from passive alliances with other far-right groups in Europe to providing paramilitary training for terrorist organisations. They have also participated directly in bomb attacks.

    Since 2014, when the conflict in eastern Ukraine began, the movement has trained and sent members as mercenaries to bolster the pro-Russian separatist groups fighting there. Its members have also actively supported the Russian armed forces in Ukraine after the full-scale invasion in 2022.

    After the invasion, posts related to the RIM on various social media platforms such as Vkontakte and Telegram revealed a ramping up of recruitment to join operations in Ukraine. Its fighters have posted videos of themselves in Ukraine armed with weaponry from sniper rifles to anti-tank missiles.

    According to analysts, the movement also maintains strong ties with the Russian private military company, the Wagner Group. Imperial Legions fighters are believed to have operated alongside Wagner mercenaries in Syria, Libya and possibly the Central African Republic.

    Outside of these activities, the movement has been active in supporting far-right organisations in Europe. These include the Nordic Resistance Movement in Sweden and similar groups in Germany, Spain and elsewhere.

    It provides training to these groups through its so-called “Partizan” (Russian for guerrilla) programme. The training includes bombmaking, marksmanship, medical and survival skills, military topography and other tactics. According to the UK government, the Partizan programme aims to increase the capacity of attendees to conduct terrorist attacks.

    Two Swedish nationals who took part in the programme later committed a series of bombings against refugee centres in Gothenburg, a city on Sweden’s west coast, in late 2016 and early 2017. The men were convicted in Sweden, with the prosecutor crediting RIM for their terrorist radicalisation and training.

    The RIM has also provided specific paramilitary training to far-right groups in Finland. Some members of these groups have fought on Russia’s side in Ukraine, while others have attempted to establish a Finnish cell of the international neo-nazi Atomwaffen Division. Police raids in 2023 also unveiled plans to assassinate the then Finnish prime minister, Sanna Marin.

    Links with the Russian state

    The movement has previously been critical of the Russian government. It initially believed the approach of Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, to Ukraine was too soft, while the group’s promotion of white supremacy and neo-nazism is at odds with Putin’s pragmatic nationalism within Russia.

    In 2012, the RIM even took part in discussions with other far-right groups in Russia to form an opposition movement called New Force to challenge Putin’s rule. However, the crisis in Ukraine that erupted in 2014 after pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych was ousted from power has caused the Kremlin and RIM’s political objectives to converge.

    Indeed, the group can now be viewed as one of the core Russian proxy paramilitaries operating in Ukraine at a time when Putin needs more recruits to continue the war. Western intelligence agencies now believe it has a relationship with officials from Russian state intelligence.

    It is difficult to pinpoint the total number of RIM fighters operating in Ukraine as the involvement of mercenary groups there is a closely guarded secret. However, based on previous intelligence reports on the group’s activities, it is reasonable to assume the number is in the hundreds to low thousands.

    The decision by the British government to proscribe the RIM indicates concern that the far-right group is increasing its operational capacity both in Ukraine and throughout Europe. With its extensive network, the movement will become an increasing threat to security if it is allowed to continue acting as a proxy for Putin’s foreign policy objectives.

    Dale Pankhurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Russian Imperial Movement: how a far-right group outlawed by the UK is spreading terror across Europe – https://theconversation.com/russian-imperial-movement-how-a-far-right-group-outlawed-by-the-uk-is-spreading-terror-across-europe-260825

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Zambia facing a democratic crossroads as it enters a fresh constitutional crisis

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham

    The election of Zambia’s president, Hakainde Hichilema, in 2021 was widely interpreted as a victory for democracy. Zambia had suffered rising repression under former leader Edgar Lungu, but Hichilema promised democratic accountability. However, there are now concerns that his government is promoting constitutional changes that would entrench ruling-party dominance.

    Hichilema has proposed a bill that would increase the number of MPs by over 60%. It would also introduce elements of proportional representation to create a “mixed” electoral system, and create reserved seats for women, young people and those with disabilities.

    Zambia’s ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) claims the amendments are needed to correct historical exclusion. But many civil society groups believe this is “gender washing” – using inclusive rhetoric to mask an authoritarian agenda.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    This scepticism is rooted in recent political developments and the text itself. The bill has emerged alongside other legislation that would tighten state control over civic and political space, at a time when infringements on fundamental freedoms in Zambia are growing.

    Many of the bill’s provisions are also vague and some undermine democratic checks and balances, while the progressive aspects are ill-conceived. This makes the proposed reforms, in the words of well-known Zambian constitutional expert O’Brien Kaaba: “deeply problematic and counterproductive”.

    I take no pleasure in saying this. The last time I wrote such an article about Zambia, it was to condemn the persecution of Hichilema after he was arrested in 2017 on trumped up treason charges. I was honoured to receive a letter of thanks upon his release.

    Like many Zambians and international observers, I was hopeful for the new administration. Yet, while the government has kept some campaign promises and negotiated a difficult deal on the country’s debt burden, efforts to restore democracy are now going backwards.

    Weakening a fragile system

    As prominent Zambian civil society leaders like Laura Miti and Linda Kasonde have warned, a number of the proposed changes could enable the government to all-but-guarantee itself a majority in the next elections scheduled for 2026.

    First, the bill would add 55 new constituency-based MPs – more than the total number to be elected through proportional representation. There are concerns that most of these new constituencies will be created in UPND strongholds, helping the party retain a majority even if it loses support.

    These fears have been magnified by the government’s failure to release the Boundary Delimitation Report, which sets out the redrawing of electoral boundaries. This has prevented independent scrutiny of the process and its motivations.

    Second, the rule that parliament must be dissolved 90 days before elections is also being revoked on the basis that this unfairly shortens office terms for MPs. Although MPs would not be supposed to conduct parliamentary business after this point, such a change would exacerbate existing problems. These include the use of government resources and vehicles in the ruling party’s campaign.

    And third, the constitutional amendment increases the number of MPs the president can appoint from eight to ten. In a system already adding reserved seats for underrepresented groups, this lacks justification. Taken together, these changes threaten to further empower the government and explain why a collective of civil society groups recently demanded “an immediate halt” to the process.

    At the same time, the government has not taken the opportunity to remove problematic clauses from Zambia’s constitution. These include the right of the president to dissolve the National Assembly if it fails to “reasonably” perform its duties.

    The government has justified the bill by emphasising the historical underrepresentation of women and marginalised groups in Zambian politics. This is a serious problem, but the bill will not fix it.

    The amendments only create 20 seats for women, 12 for young people, and three for those with disabilities. In a 256-seat chamber, this will do little to address the imbalance and falls well short of the Southern African Development Community’s target of 30% female representation.

    Poorly designed quotas can also reinforce marginalisation. Parties may push women toward quota seats, limiting their participation in regular constituency races. The amendment may thus create a new ceiling: if women only run in reserved seats, female representation would almost halve from 15% now to just 8% in the next parliament.

    A similar issue arises with the proportional representation system more broadly. When only a small proportion of seats are allocated this way, it fails to deliver the benefits of fairness that are associated with true proportionality.

    In other words, the constitutional amendment bill gives the appearance of inclusivity while carefully preserving the government’s incumbency advantage.

    A constitutional rush-job

    Perhaps the most striking flaw in the bill has been the process itself. The amendments have seen such scant public consultation that, in June, the Law Association of Zambia called for them to be withdrawn.

    This concern is shared by the constitutional court, which recently found the government had failed to meet constitutional requirements for public participation. The court recommended restarting a more inclusive process.

    Hichilema, perhaps aware of the likely verdict, preempted the ruling by announcing shortly before the court’s decision that he would pause the process to allow for wider consultation. This is a welcome, but insufficient, development. As the Law Association has argued, the amendments are so badly designed that they do not represent a viable foundation for constitutional review.

    Compounding its other flaws, the legislation is poorly written and vague. In many cases, it also fails to explain how new provisions would actually work in practice. The bill therefore needs to be withdrawn, not revised or deferred.

    Zambia needs a new constitution, but it deserves one that is rooted in evidence, consultation and democratic principles. Anything less threatens to undermine the country’s hard-won democratic gains and Hichilema’s own legacy.

    Nic Cheeseman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Zambia facing a democratic crossroads as it enters a fresh constitutional crisis – https://theconversation.com/zambia-facing-a-democratic-crossroads-as-it-enters-a-fresh-constitutional-crisis-260595

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Russian Imperial Movement: how a far-right group outlawed by the UK is spreading terror across Europe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dale Pankhurst, PhD candidate and Tutor in the School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen’s University Belfast

    The British government announced in early July that a far-right group called the Russian Imperial Movement (RIM) will be banned under terrorism legislation. This will make it a criminal offence in the UK to be a member of the group or to express support for it.

    The RIM was at the centre of a string of letter bomb attacks targeting high-profile people and institutions in Spain in 2022. These included a bomb addressed to the official residence of Spanish prime minister Pedro Sánchez, which was intercepted by his security detail.

    Six more letter bombs were mailed to targets including the American and Ukrainian embassies in Madrid, military installations, and weapons manufacturing companies that supply arms to Ukraine. No one was killed in the attacks, which US officials considered to be acts of terrorism.

    Investigators soon announced that they suspected the RIM of being involved. US and European officials alleged that the group was directed to carry out the attacks by Russian intelligence officers.

    What is the RIM?

    The RIM is an ultra-nationalist, neo-nazi and white supremacist organisation based in Russia. It was created in 2002 by Stanislav Anatolyevich Vorobyev, a Russian national who is designated a terrorist by the US government.

    The group seeks to create a new Russian empire, and uses the Russian imperial flag as its sign. The previous Russian empire (1721-1917) encompassed all of modern-day Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Poland, Finland, Georgia, Armenia and the Baltic states, as well as parts of China.

    The movement does not recognise Ukrainian sovereignty. It sees Ukraine as part of what it calls a global Zionist conspiracy designed to undermine Russia and promote Jewish interests. The RIM has engaged in Holocaust denial and is formally outlawed in the US, Canada and now the UK.

    It also has a paramilitary wing called the Imperial Legions, which operates at least two training facilities in the Russian city of St. Petersburg. The US State Department believes these facilities are being used to train RIM members in woodland and urban assault, tactical weapons and hand-to-hand combat.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    Denis Valliullovich Gariyev, the Imperial Legions’ leader, has in the past called on “young orthodox men” to join the Legions and defend Novorossiya – a term used to describe Russia’s claim over Ukraine. As of 2020, the Imperial Legions was estimated to have several thousand members.

    The RIM and its paramilitary wing have engaged in a wide range of activities and operations. These range from passive alliances with other far-right groups in Europe to providing paramilitary training for terrorist organisations. They have also participated directly in bomb attacks.

    Since 2014, when the conflict in eastern Ukraine began, the movement has trained and sent members as mercenaries to bolster the pro-Russian separatist groups fighting there. Its members have also actively supported the Russian armed forces in Ukraine after the full-scale invasion in 2022.

    After the invasion, posts related to the RIM on various social media platforms such as Vkontakte and Telegram revealed a ramping up of recruitment to join operations in Ukraine. Its fighters have posted videos of themselves in Ukraine armed with weaponry from sniper rifles to anti-tank missiles.

    According to analysts, the movement also maintains strong ties with the Russian private military company, the Wagner Group. Imperial Legions fighters are believed to have operated alongside Wagner mercenaries in Syria, Libya and possibly the Central African Republic.

    Outside of these activities, the movement has been active in supporting far-right organisations in Europe. These include the Nordic Resistance Movement in Sweden and similar groups in Germany, Spain and elsewhere.

    It provides training to these groups through its so-called “Partizan” (Russian for guerrilla) programme. The training includes bombmaking, marksmanship, medical and survival skills, military topography and other tactics. According to the UK government, the Partizan programme aims to increase the capacity of attendees to conduct terrorist attacks.

    Two Swedish nationals who took part in the programme later committed a series of bombings against refugee centres in Gothenburg, a city on Sweden’s west coast, in late 2016 and early 2017. The men were convicted in Sweden, with the prosecutor crediting RIM for their terrorist radicalisation and training.

    The RIM has also provided specific paramilitary training to far-right groups in Finland. Some members of these groups have fought on Russia’s side in Ukraine, while others have attempted to establish a Finnish cell of the international neo-nazi Atomwaffen Division. Police raids in 2023 also unveiled plans to assassinate the then Finnish prime minister, Sanna Marin.

    Links with the Russian state

    The movement has previously been critical of the Russian government. It initially believed the approach of Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, to Ukraine was too soft, while the group’s promotion of white supremacy and neo-nazism is at odds with Putin’s pragmatic nationalism within Russia.

    In 2012, the RIM even took part in discussions with other far-right groups in Russia to form an opposition movement called New Force to challenge Putin’s rule. However, the crisis in Ukraine that erupted in 2014 after pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych was ousted from power has caused the Kremlin and RIM’s political objectives to converge.

    Indeed, the group can now be viewed as one of the core Russian proxy paramilitaries operating in Ukraine at a time when Putin needs more recruits to continue the war. Western intelligence agencies now believe it has a relationship with officials from Russian state intelligence.

    It is difficult to pinpoint the total number of RIM fighters operating in Ukraine as the involvement of mercenary groups there is a closely guarded secret. However, based on previous intelligence reports on the group’s activities, it is reasonable to assume the number is in the hundreds to low thousands.

    The decision by the British government to proscribe the RIM indicates concern that the far-right group is increasing its operational capacity both in Ukraine and throughout Europe. With its extensive network, the movement will become an increasing threat to security if it is allowed to continue acting as a proxy for Putin’s foreign policy objectives.

    Dale Pankhurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Russian Imperial Movement: how a far-right group outlawed by the UK is spreading terror across Europe – https://theconversation.com/russian-imperial-movement-how-a-far-right-group-outlawed-by-the-uk-is-spreading-terror-across-europe-260825

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Senate Appropriations Committee Advances Agriculture, Rural Development and FDA Spending Bill With Illinois Priorities Secured by Duckworth, Durbin

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth

    July 11, 2025

    [WASHINGTON, D.C.] —  U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL) and U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL), a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, announced that the Senate Appropriations Committee advanced a funding bill for Agriculture, Rural Development, and FDA for Fiscal Year 2026 (FY26).  Durbin and Duckworth worked to secure various priorities for Illinois in this appropriations bill, both through Congressionally Directed Spending requests and through the programmatic appropriations process. 

    “Our state and our nation are stronger when we invest in our communities and families—and that’s what these bipartisan funding bills do,” Duckworth said. “Appropriating federal funding is the primary role of Congress, and it’s critical this responsibility remains in the legislative branch. I’m proud I was able to help secure critical support for projects throughout Illinois that support our rural communities.”

    “Congress is tasked with the critical responsibility to fund our government programs and agencies.  While Congress has fulfilled this responsibility by routinely passing continuing resolutions, I hope that we can have a true bipartisan effort to pass appropriations bills in a timely, thoughtful process,” said Durbin.  “And as the Trump Administration aims to gut our government, I will continue to push for the funding and resources for Illinoisans to thrive.”

    The Agriculture, Rural Development and FDA funding bill includes the following Illinois priorities secured by Congressionally Directed Spending requests:

          

    • Health Clinic, LaHarpe: $1.38 million to Memorial Hospital Association to help construct an additional health clinic to expand access to health care in the Western Illinois community.
    • Hospital Infrastructure Improvements, Watseka, Illinois: $645,000 to the Iroquois Memorial Hospital and Resident Home to update aged and outdated facilities, including HVAC systems and flooring.
    • Intergenerational Center, Fairbury, Illinois: $1 million to the Boys and Girls Club of Livingston County to construct an intergenerational community center to provide programming and services to youth and seniors at the same site.
    • Laboratory Renovation, Pittsfield, Illinois: $1 million to the Blessing Care Corporation to update the laboratory department at Illini Community Hospital in order to modernize facilities that are more than 80 years old.
    • Medical Technology Upgrades, Lawrenceville, Illinois:  $450,000 to provide essential technological upgrades at Lawrence County Memorial Hospital, including improvements in diagnostic imaging, patient monitoring systems, and life-saving equipment. 
    • Pre-K Expansion, Herrin: $263,000 to Herrin Community Unit School District No. 4 to help expand capacity at the district’s pre-K center.
    • Rural Health Clinic Expansion, West Frankfort, Illinois: $1 million to Southern Illinois Hospital Services to expand the Miners Memorial Rural Health Clinic to provide improvements in both patient rooms and provider workspace.
    • Teledentistry Initiative, Mattoon, Illinois:  $110,000 to Sarah Bush Lincoln Health Center to expand rural telehealth efforts to include teledentistry with an emphasis on underserved children.

    The Agriculture, Rural Development, and FDA funding bill includes additional Illinois priorities secured through the programmatic appropriations process:

    USDA

    • Bee Genome: $3 million, an increase of $750,000 from FY25, to continue sequencing the genome of more than 4,000 domestic bee species, including activities underway at the Peoria USDA National Center for Agricultural Utilization Research and the University of Illinois.
    • Midwest Soybean Germplasm Lab: The President’s Budget Request proposes closing research labs in three states, including two operations at the University of Illinois—the National Soybean Germplasm Collection and the Maize Genetics Cooperation Stock Center.  The bill includes language to prohibit USDA laboratory and facility closures without USDA providing Congressional notification and approval. 
    • Agricultural Research: $3.2 billion for basic food and agricultural research nationwide, including activities underway at the Peoria USDA National Center for Agricultural Utilization Research and the University of Illinois.
    • Tracking Farm Exports by State: Includes report language requiring USDA to track and publish the top five farm commodities exported, or imported, by State, and the country of destination, or origin.
    • Plant Health, Tree and Wood Pests: $59 million to help identify and contain wood-boring pests threatening tree health across the country, 19 of which have been detected in the past decade, including the Emerald Ash Borer.  This funding will allow for the identification and containment of Emerald Ash Borer infestations and increase public awareness of the threat posed by EAB in the 15 states that are battling this invasive species.    
    • Animal Welfare: $27 million to implement and enforce provisions of the Animal Welfare Act (AWA), including those governing facilities that previously have fallen out of compliance with the AWA. 
    • Rural e-Connectivity Pilot Program (ReConnect Program): $35 million to support loans and grants that facilitate broadband deployment in rural areas without sufficient broadband access.
    • Agricultural Extension – Food Safety Outreach Program: $10 million to provide food safety training and tech assistance to owners and operators of small farms, small food processors, and small fruit and vegetable vendors affected by the Food Safety Modernization Act of 2011.
    • Food for Peace: $1.5 billion to meet emergency food needs around the world, including due to the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan, and conflict, displacement, poverty, and climate change exacerbating needs around the world, despite Trump’s efforts to eliminate the program.   
    • McGovern-Dole International Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program: $240 million to support school feeding and maternal and child nutrition projects around the world, particularly for girls, despite Trump’s efforts to eliminate the program.
    • Local and Regional Procurement: Continues support for the promotion of locally sourced agricultural products, which remain less costly and more accessible when compared to commodities sourced from the United States and shipped overseas.

    FDA

    • Tobacco: Includes substantial bill language pertaining to FDA’s Tobacco Center to eliminate harmful provisions and ensure alignment with public health needs.  The statutory language specifies $200 million for e-cigarette enforcement activities, out of the $712 million total for the FDA’s Tobacco Center—which will increase resources to investigate and stop illegally sold products.  The language also enhances reporting to Congress, dedicates $2 million to the interagency task force between FDA, DOJ, and DHS, and provides statutory authority requested by FDA Commissioner Makary to enable FDA to detain and destroy seized illegal e-cigarettes at ports of entry.  There also is report language ensuring that the FDA’s regulatory focus is on kid-friendly and flavored products, and balanced between unauthorized Chinese vapes and also-illegal, unauthorized domestic vapes (made by Altria, RJ Reynolds, JUUL).
    • ALS: Provides no less than $2.5 million for FDA to continue implementation of the ACT for ALS law to enable FDA to fund early stage clinical trials for new ALS therapies. 
    • Food Safety: $1.17 billion for FDA’s Human Foods Program to oversee food and nutrition in the United States.  Includes report language encouraging coordination between FDA, USDA, and CDC in better ensuring the safety of our nation’s foods.
    • Dietary Supplements: Includes report language calling on FDA to strengthen its enforcement actions against adulterated and misbranded dietary supplements. 

    -30-



    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Senate Appropriations Committee Advances Agriculture, Rural Development and FDA Spending Bill With Illinois Priorities Secured by Duckworth, Durbin

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth

    July 11, 2025

    [WASHINGTON, D.C.] —  U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL) and U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL), a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, announced that the Senate Appropriations Committee advanced a funding bill for Agriculture, Rural Development, and FDA for Fiscal Year 2026 (FY26).  Durbin and Duckworth worked to secure various priorities for Illinois in this appropriations bill, both through Congressionally Directed Spending requests and through the programmatic appropriations process. 

    “Our state and our nation are stronger when we invest in our communities and families—and that’s what these bipartisan funding bills do,” Duckworth said. “Appropriating federal funding is the primary role of Congress, and it’s critical this responsibility remains in the legislative branch. I’m proud I was able to help secure critical support for projects throughout Illinois that support our rural communities.”

    “Congress is tasked with the critical responsibility to fund our government programs and agencies.  While Congress has fulfilled this responsibility by routinely passing continuing resolutions, I hope that we can have a true bipartisan effort to pass appropriations bills in a timely, thoughtful process,” said Durbin.  “And as the Trump Administration aims to gut our government, I will continue to push for the funding and resources for Illinoisans to thrive.”

    The Agriculture, Rural Development and FDA funding bill includes the following Illinois priorities secured by Congressionally Directed Spending requests:

          

    • Health Clinic, LaHarpe: $1.38 million to Memorial Hospital Association to help construct an additional health clinic to expand access to health care in the Western Illinois community.
    • Hospital Infrastructure Improvements, Watseka, Illinois: $645,000 to the Iroquois Memorial Hospital and Resident Home to update aged and outdated facilities, including HVAC systems and flooring.
    • Intergenerational Center, Fairbury, Illinois: $1 million to the Boys and Girls Club of Livingston County to construct an intergenerational community center to provide programming and services to youth and seniors at the same site.
    • Laboratory Renovation, Pittsfield, Illinois: $1 million to the Blessing Care Corporation to update the laboratory department at Illini Community Hospital in order to modernize facilities that are more than 80 years old.
    • Medical Technology Upgrades, Lawrenceville, Illinois:  $450,000 to provide essential technological upgrades at Lawrence County Memorial Hospital, including improvements in diagnostic imaging, patient monitoring systems, and life-saving equipment. 
    • Pre-K Expansion, Herrin: $263,000 to Herrin Community Unit School District No. 4 to help expand capacity at the district’s pre-K center.
    • Rural Health Clinic Expansion, West Frankfort, Illinois: $1 million to Southern Illinois Hospital Services to expand the Miners Memorial Rural Health Clinic to provide improvements in both patient rooms and provider workspace.
    • Teledentistry Initiative, Mattoon, Illinois:  $110,000 to Sarah Bush Lincoln Health Center to expand rural telehealth efforts to include teledentistry with an emphasis on underserved children.

    The Agriculture, Rural Development, and FDA funding bill includes additional Illinois priorities secured through the programmatic appropriations process:

    USDA

    • Bee Genome: $3 million, an increase of $750,000 from FY25, to continue sequencing the genome of more than 4,000 domestic bee species, including activities underway at the Peoria USDA National Center for Agricultural Utilization Research and the University of Illinois.
    • Midwest Soybean Germplasm Lab: The President’s Budget Request proposes closing research labs in three states, including two operations at the University of Illinois—the National Soybean Germplasm Collection and the Maize Genetics Cooperation Stock Center.  The bill includes language to prohibit USDA laboratory and facility closures without USDA providing Congressional notification and approval. 
    • Agricultural Research: $3.2 billion for basic food and agricultural research nationwide, including activities underway at the Peoria USDA National Center for Agricultural Utilization Research and the University of Illinois.
    • Tracking Farm Exports by State: Includes report language requiring USDA to track and publish the top five farm commodities exported, or imported, by State, and the country of destination, or origin.
    • Plant Health, Tree and Wood Pests: $59 million to help identify and contain wood-boring pests threatening tree health across the country, 19 of which have been detected in the past decade, including the Emerald Ash Borer.  This funding will allow for the identification and containment of Emerald Ash Borer infestations and increase public awareness of the threat posed by EAB in the 15 states that are battling this invasive species.    
    • Animal Welfare: $27 million to implement and enforce provisions of the Animal Welfare Act (AWA), including those governing facilities that previously have fallen out of compliance with the AWA. 
    • Rural e-Connectivity Pilot Program (ReConnect Program): $35 million to support loans and grants that facilitate broadband deployment in rural areas without sufficient broadband access.
    • Agricultural Extension – Food Safety Outreach Program: $10 million to provide food safety training and tech assistance to owners and operators of small farms, small food processors, and small fruit and vegetable vendors affected by the Food Safety Modernization Act of 2011.
    • Food for Peace: $1.5 billion to meet emergency food needs around the world, including due to the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan, and conflict, displacement, poverty, and climate change exacerbating needs around the world, despite Trump’s efforts to eliminate the program.   
    • McGovern-Dole International Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program: $240 million to support school feeding and maternal and child nutrition projects around the world, particularly for girls, despite Trump’s efforts to eliminate the program.
    • Local and Regional Procurement: Continues support for the promotion of locally sourced agricultural products, which remain less costly and more accessible when compared to commodities sourced from the United States and shipped overseas.

    FDA

    • Tobacco: Includes substantial bill language pertaining to FDA’s Tobacco Center to eliminate harmful provisions and ensure alignment with public health needs.  The statutory language specifies $200 million for e-cigarette enforcement activities, out of the $712 million total for the FDA’s Tobacco Center—which will increase resources to investigate and stop illegally sold products.  The language also enhances reporting to Congress, dedicates $2 million to the interagency task force between FDA, DOJ, and DHS, and provides statutory authority requested by FDA Commissioner Makary to enable FDA to detain and destroy seized illegal e-cigarettes at ports of entry.  There also is report language ensuring that the FDA’s regulatory focus is on kid-friendly and flavored products, and balanced between unauthorized Chinese vapes and also-illegal, unauthorized domestic vapes (made by Altria, RJ Reynolds, JUUL).
    • ALS: Provides no less than $2.5 million for FDA to continue implementation of the ACT for ALS law to enable FDA to fund early stage clinical trials for new ALS therapies. 
    • Food Safety: $1.17 billion for FDA’s Human Foods Program to oversee food and nutrition in the United States.  Includes report language encouraging coordination between FDA, USDA, and CDC in better ensuring the safety of our nation’s foods.
    • Dietary Supplements: Includes report language calling on FDA to strengthen its enforcement actions against adulterated and misbranded dietary supplements. 

    -30-



    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) Signs Landmark US$513 Million Syndicated Murabaha Financing with the Government of Pakistan to Support Energy Imports

    Source: APO

    The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) (www.ITFC-IDB.org), a member of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group, signed a US$513 million Syndicated Murabaha Financing Facility with the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, represented by the Ministry of Economic Affairs, to support the country’s critical energy sector needs.

    The signing ceremony was witnessed by H.E. Dr. Muhammad Al-Jasser, President of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), and the agreement was signed by Eng. Adeeb Yousuf Al-Aama, CEO of ITFC, and Hon. Dr. Kazim Niaz, Federal Secretary for Economic Affairs, on behalf of the Government of Pakistan.

    This milestone facility marks the largest syndicated financing arranged by ITFC for Pakistan over the last three years, reaching US$513 million, which was significantly oversubscribed, with the final amount raised being more than double the initial target, reflecting strong interest and confidence from investors. The proceeds of the financing will be used for the import of crude oil, petroleum products, and liquefied natural gas (LNG) to meet Pakistan’s energy needs.

    This milestone facility stands as the largest syndicated operation led by ITFC for Pakistan in recent years, with the final amount raised being more than double the initial target, underscoring the strong confidence and demand from the market.

    On this occasion, Eng. Adeeb Y. Al-Aama, CEO of ITFC, stated: “This syndicated financing is a clear vote of confidence by the market in both the ITFC capabilities and Pakistan’s economic trajectory. It demonstrates the growing trust of our financing partners and ITFC’s steadfast commitment to supporting energy security in Pakistan. Since 2008, our strategic partnership with the Government of Pakistan has resulted in the approval of more than US$8.1 billion in trade finance, reflecting our longstanding commitment to the country’s economic growth. This agreement represents a continuation in that partnership, as we remain dedicated to mobilizing Shari’ah-compliant resources that support Pakistan’s development priorities and strengthen its trade resilience.”

    Commenting on the signing, Hon. Dr. Kazim Niaz, Federal Secretary for Economic Affairs, added that “This significant financing from the International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) underscores the growing confidence of international capital markets and development partners in Pakistan’s economic trajectory. We are witnessing positive trends in our macroeconomic indicators, reflecting the resilient efforts towards economic recovery and stability. This facility will further bolster our trade capabilities and contribute to sustained growth. Pakistan remains committed to fostering an environment conducive to robust partnerships and enhanced economic cooperation. The Government of Pakistan is grateful for the continuous support extended by the ITFC”.

    This latest financing reflects ITFC’s continued efforts to provide impactful, Shari’ah-compliant trade solutions that address the urgent needs of member countries. By supporting Pakistan’s energy sector, the facility contributes to broader goals of economic stability, sustainable development, and enhanced trade integration across the OIC region.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC).

    Contact us:
    Tel: +966 12 646 8337
    Fax: +966 12 637 1064
    E-mail: ITFC@itfc-idb.org

    Social media:
    Twitter: http://apo-opa.co/4lYYqfn
    Facebook: http://apo-opa.co/4635dzQ
    LinkedIn: International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) (http://apo-opa.co/44QOv4B)

    About the International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC):
    The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) is the trade finance arm of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group. It was established with the primary objective of advancing trade among OIC member countries, which would ultimately contribute to the overarching goal of improving the socio-economic conditions of the people across the world. Commencing operations in January 2008, ITFC has provided more than US$83 billion of financing to OIC member countries, making it the leading provider of trade solutions for these member countries’ needs. With a mission to become a catalyst for trade development for OIC member countries and beyond, the Corporation helps entities in member countries gain better access to trade finance and provides them with the necessary trade-related capacity-building tools, which would enable them to successfully compete in the global market.

    Media files

    .

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: President of the Republic of Zambia Receives Shakhboot bin Nahyan

    Source: APO


    .

    His Excellency Hakainde Hichilema, President of the Republic of Zambia, received His Excellency Sheikh Shakhboot bin Nahyan Al Nahyan, Minister of State, during an official visit to the capital, Lusaka. 

    H.E. Sheikh Shakhboot bin Nahyan conveyed the greetings of His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, UAE President, His Highness Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice President, Prime Minister and Ruler of Dubai, and His Highness Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Vice President, Deputy Prime Minister and Chairman of the Presidential Court, to H.E. President Hichilema, along with their wishes for further development and prosperity for the government and people of Zambia.

    For his part, H.E. President Hichilema, conveyed his greetings to His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, UAE President, His Highness Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice President, Prime Minister and Ruler of Dubai, and His Highness Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Vice President, Deputy Prime Minister and Chairman of the Presidential Court, along with his wishes for further growth and development for the government and people of the UAE.

    H.E. President Hichilema welcomed the visit by H.E. Shakhboot bin Nahyan, where they discussed bilateral relations and ways to enhance them. Furthermore, the two sides explored mutual efforts to expand and develop cooperation across various fields, for the benefit of both countries.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Arab Emirates, Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: East African Community (EAC) Champions Harmonised Africa Resource Mobilisation Strategy as it assumes EAC-Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)-Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) Leadership

    Source: APO


    .

    As the African continent continues to grapple with limited resources to finance its development agenda and ambitions, the East African Community (EAC) Secretary General, Hon. Veronica M. Nduva, has called for a unified, continent-wide resource mobilization strategy to replace fragmented and duplicative efforts and to strengthen Africa’s resource coalition.

    The Secretary General observed that while the region has held various forums deliberating on strategies to pool resources for the continent, there is need for a harmonized and streamlined approach to deliver a common strategy. She emphasized the importance of coordinated action to unlock large-scale financing capable of advancing the goals of the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

    Hon. Nduva was speaking at a high-level roundtable convened by the African Union Development Agency-NEPAD, in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, on the sidelines of the 7th Mid-Year Coordination Meeting of the African Union, Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and Regional Mechanisms.

    The meeting brought together the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, heads of African Union institutions, Regional Economic Communities, African Union Member States’ representatives, development partners, and other key stakeholders to deliberate on how to fast-track the realization of Agenda 2063 through more effective and African-led resource mobilization.

    The Secretary General advocated for blended financing that leverages public, private, and philanthropic capital. She urged greater involvement of African philanthropists and the private sector in defining and deepening their contributions.

    “It is also critical that we consider the adoption of austerity measures to ensure that resources allocated for projects deliver the intended outcomes,” she stated.

    Hon. Nduva further underscored the importance of integrating technology into all efforts to strengthen planning, coordination, and implementation.

    Echoing this call for transformation, the AU Commission Chairperson,H.E. Youssouf stressed the urgency of moving away from donor dependency towards a model anchored in African ownership and alignment with the continent’s priorities.

    “As we prepare for the official launch of the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) Agreement during the 4th Tripartite Summit, it is essential that the key instruments critical to the operationalization of the TFTA are adopted by the next Meeting of the Tripartite Council of Ministers,” he emphasized.

    At the same Summit, the EAC took over the Chairmanship of the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Task Force (TTF) from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) , for the next one year.The Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) Agreement officially entered into force on 25 July 2024, having reached the required 14 ratifications by Member and Partner States. Preparations are now underway for its formal launch during the forthcoming 4th Tripartite Summit.

    As a key building block of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the TFTA seeks to integrate the economies of the three regional blocs, eliminate trade barriers, ease the movement of goods, services and people and stimulate industrial growth across the region.

    Hon. Nduva noted that the EAC will focus on advancing the finalization and exchange of tariff offers, completion and adoption of the rules of origin, ratification of the TFTA Agreement by the remaining Member/Partner States and ratification of the Tripartite Agreement on the movement of business and persons.

    “We are committed to prioritizing the operationalization of the agreements made and the revival of the Industrial Development Pillar,” she stated.

    Hon. Nduva also underscored the importance of strengthening the institutional framework around the TFTA, including the need for a dedicated Tripartite Secretariat to drive coordination and implementation.

    “We see the Tripartite FTA as a strategic lever to deepen integration, enhance competitiveness, unlock intra-African trade and advance inclusive industrialization,” she added.

    The meeting also explored options for mobilizing resources to support the TFTA’s operations and activities.

    The COMESA-EAC-SADC TFTA was first launched in June 2015 in Egypt by Heads of State and Government from the three blocs. It is anchored on three core pillars: market integration, infrastructure development and industrial development.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of East African Community (EAC).

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: AMCEN 20: Ministers must deliver bold action on plastics, climate justice and forest protection

    Source: Greenpeace Statement –

    Greenpeace Africa calls on African ministers to uphold commitments and resist industry pressure at crucial continental meeting.

    NAIROBI, KENYA — As the African Ministerial Conference on the Environment (AMCEN)  convenes in Nairobi, Greenpeace Africa calls on the continent’s environmental ministers to demonstrate bold leadership on critical environmental challenges facing the continent and the world.

    The 20th session of AMCEN marks a defining moment for Africa’s unified voice on environmental policy, bringing together ministers from all 54 African countries at a time when decisive action on plastic pollution, climate justice, and biodiversity loss is more urgent than ever.

    Greenpeace Africa urges ministers to prioritize three critical areas:

    1. Uphold Strong Plastics Treaty Commitment

    African ministers must reaffirm the visionary leadership demonstrated at AMCEN 19/2 Decision, which called for a legally binding Global Plastics Treaty addressing pollution across its entire lifecycle. With negotiations entering a critical phase at INC-5.2 in Geneva this August, any retreat from Africa’s strong position would undermine the continent’s unified voice and environmental goals.

    Hellen Dena, Project Lead, Pan African Plastic Project, said:

    “The plastic pollution crisis is disproportionately affecting African communities. From open burning and illegal waste dumping in low-income communities, to the health threats of microplastics and toxic chemicals, it is often the most vulnerable that bear the brunt of this crisis. AMCEN must resist industry pressure and maintain its call for plastics  production caps in the Global Plastics Treaty.”

    2. Make Polluters Pay

    New polling data reveals overwhelming public support for making oil and gas corporations pay for climate damage. A Greenpeace-Oxfam study shows 81% of respondents across 13 African countries support taxes on fossil fuel companies to fund climate recovery, including 85% in Kenya and 80% in South Africa.

    Sherelee Odayar, Oil and Gas Campaigner said:

    “AMCEN must champion reparations for climate damages and ensure that those who profited most from environmental destruction contribute to addressing the damage. This is not just environmental policy but a matter of justice for communities suffering the worst climate impacts.”

    3. Protect Forests Through Direct Community Finance and rights recognition

    As deforestation accelerates across the continent, AMCEN must commit to the implementation of deforestation action plans that center Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities with direct access to finance and recognition of their rights. 

    Dr Lamfu Yengong, Greenpeace Africa’s Lead Forest Campaigner, said:

    “African forests are being decimated while those who have protected them for generations are sidelined. AMCEN must ensure direct finance and recognition of the rights of the Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities who are the most effective guardians of our biodiversity.”

    AMCEN’s outcomes will directly shape Africa’s positions at major international forums, including INC 5.2, COP 30, and UNEA 7. Unity across the continent is essential to ensure that African priorities are not compromised in global negotiations.

    “Africa’s strength lies in its unity,” added Koaile Monaheng, Greenpeace Africa’s Pan African Political Strategist. “Our leaders must act with courage, not caution—with conviction, not compromise. The people of Africa are demanding action, and AMCEN must deliver.”

    ENDS

    Media Contact:

    Ferdinand Omondi, Communication and Story Manager, Greenpeace Africa, Email: [email protected], Cell: +254 722 505 233. 

    Greenpeace Africa Press Desk: [email protected]

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: University graduates in Ghana must serve society for a year – study suggests it’s good for national unity

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Arnim Langer, Professor, KU Leuven

    Almost 70 years after independence was gained across the continent, many African countries continue to face the complex task of managing ethnic diversity and building national cohesion. National cohesion is a broad and often abstract concept. It refers to the extent to which people within a country share a sense of common purpose and belonging. It is often reflected in the strength of national identities and the degree of pride individuals feel in being part of the nation.

    The fact that borders in colonial Africa were drawn in the late 19th century to the early 20th century by European powers without regard for ethnic and cultural realities and histories meant that post-colonial African governments had to develop a sense of national consciousness and belonging.

    To address this task, many African countries have made efforts to promote a shared national identity which could bridge ethnic and regional divides. Governments have experimented with a diverse range of policies: promoting national languages, establishing civic education, celebrating national holidays, and reforming state institutions. Other measures have included abolishing traditional kingdoms, redistributing land, renaming capital cities, compulsory military service, and national youth service programmes.

    Research into the effectiveness of these African initiatives has been limited and inconclusive. In recently published research, researchers at the Centre for Research on Peace and Development at KU Leuven addressed this gap by analysing the impact of Ghana’s National Service Scheme. Our research shows that, under certain conditions, participation in this programme can meaningfully enhance feelings of national belonging.

    Ghana’s experience with national service

    Established in 1973, Ghana’s National Service Scheme requires university graduates to spend one year serving in diverse roles throughout the country. This sometimes takes them to regions far from their homes.

    While Ghana is widely regarded as a model for the peaceful management of ethnic diversity, the establishment of the National Service Scheme in 1973 was necessary. It was partly a response to the deep regional and ethnic divisions that marked the country’s early postcolonial period. Notably, in the years leading up to the scheme’s introduction, political rivalry between Ashanti and Ewe elites played a significant role in the country’s political instability.

    Initially designed to counteract such ethnic divisions, the scheme continues to engage very large numbers of graduates each year. Over 100,000 were deployed in 2025. The programme aims not only to strengthen national cohesion, but also to promote manpower development and address key social challenges. These include unemployment, illiteracy and poverty.

    Participants are deployed across a range of sectors, including education, healthcare, agriculture and public administration. While the vast majority of participants are assigned to teaching roles in primary or secondary schools or to positions in healthcare institutions, others take on administrative roles within government agencies or the private sector. These deployments are meant to expose them to different communities and foster intergroup contact under conditions that promote social bonding and reduce prejudice.

    But can national service also contribute towards fostering stronger feelings of national belonging?

    To answer this question, we conducted a large-scale panel survey among almost 3,000 service personnel. They had participated in the scheme between August 2014 and September 2016. The participants were surveyed three times: before their deployment and again within weeks after completing their national service.

    The survey was aimed at examining their feelings of national pride before, during, and after their year of national service. Our study provides compelling evidence that national service significantly boosts participants’ feelings of national pride and belonging.

    We found that the mechanism behind this impact lies in intergroup contact. This is described as positive, meaningful interactions between individuals from diverse ethnic and regional backgrounds. Participants who reported frequent and meaningful interactions, including developing new friendships and gaining deeper knowledge of other cultural groups, showed the most significant increases in their sense of national pride.

    Importantly, the greatest improvements were observed among participants who initially identified less strongly with the nation.

    We further found that the positive effects of participation were not short-lived. It persisted well beyond the year of service.

    Key takeaways for policymakers

    Governments aiming to strengthen national identity through youth service programmes should consider four key lessons from Ghana’s experience.

    Mandatory participation is crucial. Voluntary schemes tend to attract individuals who are already inclined towards inter-ethnic harmony. This limits their broader societal impact. Ghana’s mandatory approach ensures that a wide and diverse range of participants are included. This enhances the programme’s reach and effectiveness.

    Structured interactions must be actively promoted. Simply placing people from different backgrounds together is not enough. Successful programmes, such as Ghana’s, intentionally create opportunities for meaningful engagement. These structured interactions help participants develop lasting relationships and deepen their understanding of other cultures.

    Youth should be engaged during formative years. Recent graduates are at a stage in life when attitudes and identities are still forming. National service programmes that target this age group can have a lasting influence. Especially on how young people perceive national unity and their role within it.

    Diverse placements are essential. National service programmes should deploy participants in settings that are diverse. The geographical location is of secondary importance. Exposure to diverse settings will challenge assumptions and broaden perspectives. It will also foster stronger national bonds across ethnic and regional lines.

    Why national service pays off in the long run

    National youth service programmes, when well-designed and properly managed, are a promising yet underused tool for promoting national unity in Africa’s ethnically diverse societies. These initiatives can create meaningful opportunities for young people to engage across regional and ethnic lines. This helps to build trust, civic responsibility, and a shared sense of national identity.

    Yet, in recent decades, many of these programmes have been scaled back or discontinued across the continent. Examples are Botswana, Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Zambia. The main reason? Cost. Governments have often viewed the logistical and financial demands of deploying tens of thousands of graduates each year as unsustainable. But this short-term budget logic misses the bigger picture.

    Ghana’s scheme shows what’s possible. In recent years, the scheme’s deployment figures have reached record highs. It is now common for around 100,000 national service personnel to be mobilised in a single service year. The positive outcomes observed in Ghana offer clear, evidence-based lessons for policymakers across the continent. Investing in national service is not just a cost – it’s a commitment to a more united future.

    Arnim Langer receives funding from Research Foundation Flanders (FWO).

    Bart Meuleman receives funding from Research Foundation Flanders (FWO)

    Lucas Leopold receives funding from Research Foundation Flanders (FWO).

    ref. University graduates in Ghana must serve society for a year – study suggests it’s good for national unity – https://theconversation.com/university-graduates-in-ghana-must-serve-society-for-a-year-study-suggests-its-good-for-national-unity-258743

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Africa: University graduates in Ghana must serve society for a year – study suggests it’s good for national unity

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Arnim Langer, Professor, KU Leuven

    Almost 70 years after independence was gained across the continent, many African countries continue to face the complex task of managing ethnic diversity and building national cohesion. National cohesion is a broad and often abstract concept. It refers to the extent to which people within a country share a sense of common purpose and belonging. It is often reflected in the strength of national identities and the degree of pride individuals feel in being part of the nation.

    The fact that borders in colonial Africa were drawn in the late 19th century to the early 20th century by European powers without regard for ethnic and cultural realities and histories meant that post-colonial African governments had to develop a sense of national consciousness and belonging.

    To address this task, many African countries have made efforts to promote a shared national identity which could bridge ethnic and regional divides. Governments have experimented with a diverse range of policies: promoting national languages, establishing civic education, celebrating national holidays, and reforming state institutions. Other measures have included abolishing traditional kingdoms, redistributing land, renaming capital cities, compulsory military service, and national youth service programmes.

    Research into the effectiveness of these African initiatives has been limited and inconclusive. In recently published research, researchers at the Centre for Research on Peace and Development at KU Leuven addressed this gap by analysing the impact of Ghana’s National Service Scheme. Our research shows that, under certain conditions, participation in this programme can meaningfully enhance feelings of national belonging.

    Ghana’s experience with national service

    Established in 1973, Ghana’s National Service Scheme requires university graduates to spend one year serving in diverse roles throughout the country. This sometimes takes them to regions far from their homes.

    While Ghana is widely regarded as a model for the peaceful management of ethnic diversity, the establishment of the National Service Scheme in 1973 was necessary. It was partly a response to the deep regional and ethnic divisions that marked the country’s early postcolonial period. Notably, in the years leading up to the scheme’s introduction, political rivalry between Ashanti and Ewe elites played a significant role in the country’s political instability.

    Initially designed to counteract such ethnic divisions, the scheme continues to engage very large numbers of graduates each year. Over 100,000 were deployed in 2025. The programme aims not only to strengthen national cohesion, but also to promote manpower development and address key social challenges. These include unemployment, illiteracy and poverty.

    Participants are deployed across a range of sectors, including education, healthcare, agriculture and public administration. While the vast majority of participants are assigned to teaching roles in primary or secondary schools or to positions in healthcare institutions, others take on administrative roles within government agencies or the private sector. These deployments are meant to expose them to different communities and foster intergroup contact under conditions that promote social bonding and reduce prejudice.

    But can national service also contribute towards fostering stronger feelings of national belonging?

    To answer this question, we conducted a large-scale panel survey among almost 3,000 service personnel. They had participated in the scheme between August 2014 and September 2016. The participants were surveyed three times: before their deployment and again within weeks after completing their national service.

    The survey was aimed at examining their feelings of national pride before, during, and after their year of national service. Our study provides compelling evidence that national service significantly boosts participants’ feelings of national pride and belonging.

    Change in national pride items over time – per cohort. This graph displays the average national pride per cohort and time point (with 95% confidence bars). Authors

    We found that the mechanism behind this impact lies in intergroup contact. This is described as positive, meaningful interactions between individuals from diverse ethnic and regional backgrounds. Participants who reported frequent and meaningful interactions, including developing new friendships and gaining deeper knowledge of other cultural groups, showed the most significant increases in their sense of national pride.

    Importantly, the greatest improvements were observed among participants who initially identified less strongly with the nation.

    We further found that the positive effects of participation were not short-lived. It persisted well beyond the year of service.

    Key takeaways for policymakers

    Governments aiming to strengthen national identity through youth service programmes should consider four key lessons from Ghana’s experience.

    Mandatory participation is crucial. Voluntary schemes tend to attract individuals who are already inclined towards inter-ethnic harmony. This limits their broader societal impact. Ghana’s mandatory approach ensures that a wide and diverse range of participants are included. This enhances the programme’s reach and effectiveness.

    Structured interactions must be actively promoted. Simply placing people from different backgrounds together is not enough. Successful programmes, such as Ghana’s, intentionally create opportunities for meaningful engagement. These structured interactions help participants develop lasting relationships and deepen their understanding of other cultures.

    Youth should be engaged during formative years. Recent graduates are at a stage in life when attitudes and identities are still forming. National service programmes that target this age group can have a lasting influence. Especially on how young people perceive national unity and their role within it.

    Diverse placements are essential. National service programmes should deploy participants in settings that are diverse. The geographical location is of secondary importance. Exposure to diverse settings will challenge assumptions and broaden perspectives. It will also foster stronger national bonds across ethnic and regional lines.

    Why national service pays off in the long run

    National youth service programmes, when well-designed and properly managed, are a promising yet underused tool for promoting national unity in Africa’s ethnically diverse societies. These initiatives can create meaningful opportunities for young people to engage across regional and ethnic lines. This helps to build trust, civic responsibility, and a shared sense of national identity.

    Yet, in recent decades, many of these programmes have been scaled back or discontinued across the continent. Examples are Botswana, Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Zambia. The main reason? Cost. Governments have often viewed the logistical and financial demands of deploying tens of thousands of graduates each year as unsustainable. But this short-term budget logic misses the bigger picture.

    Ghana’s scheme shows what’s possible. In recent years, the scheme’s deployment figures have reached record highs. It is now common for around 100,000 national service personnel to be mobilised in a single service year. The positive outcomes observed in Ghana offer clear, evidence-based lessons for policymakers across the continent. Investing in national service is not just a cost – it’s a commitment to a more united future.

    – University graduates in Ghana must serve society for a year – study suggests it’s good for national unity
    – https://theconversation.com/university-graduates-in-ghana-must-serve-society-for-a-year-study-suggests-its-good-for-national-unity-258743

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: 4 things every peace agreement needs – and how the DRC-Rwanda deal measures up

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Philipp Kastner, Senior Lecturer in International Law, The University of Western Australia

    The governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda concluded a peace treaty in June 2025, aimed at ending a decades-long war in eastern DRC. The United Nations welcomed the agreement as “a significant step towards de-escalation, peace and stability” in the region.

    I have analysed several different peace negotiations and agreements. It’s important to distinguish between what’s needed to get warring parties to the table, and what’s eventually agreed on. In this article, I examine whether the DRC-Rwanda deal has got the four essential components that usually signal that an agreement will hold.

    Two broad points about peace agreements, first – and one particular complication in the DRC-Rwanda case.

    Firstly, one agreement is rarely enough to resolve a complex conflict. Most deals are part of a series of agreements, sometimes between different actors. They often mention previously concluded ones, and will be referred to by subsequent ones.

    Secondly, peace is a process, and requires broad and sustained commitment. It is essential that other actors, like armed groups, are brought on board. Importantly, this also includes civil society actors. An agreement will be more legitimate and effective if different voices are heard during negotiations.

    One major complication in relation to the DRC-Rwanda deal is that the United States has been the prime broker. But rather than acting as a neutral mediator trying to bring about peace, Washington seems to be pursuing its own economic interests. This does not bode well.

    There is no simple recipe for a good peace agreement, but research shows that four elements are important: a serious commitment from the parties, precise wording, clear timelines and strong implementation provisions.

    What underpins a good agreement

    First, the parties need to be serious about the agreement and able to commit to its terms. It must not be used as a cover to buy time, re-arm or pursue fighting. Moreover, lasting peace cannot be made exclusively at the highest political level. Agreements that are the result of more inclusive processes, with input by and support from the communities concerned, have a higher success rate.

    Second, the agreement must address the issues it aims to resolve, and its provisions must be drafted carefully and unambiguously. When agreements are vague or silent on key aspects, they are often short-lived. Previous experiences can guide peace negotiators and mediators in the drafting process. Peace agreement databases established by the United Nations and academic institutions are a useful tool for this.

    Third, clear and realistic timelines are essential. These can concern the withdrawal of armed forces from specified territories, the return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and the establishment of mechanisms providing reparations or other forms of transitional justice.

    Fourth, an agreement should include provisions on its implementation. External support is usually helpful here. Third states or international organisations, liked the United Nations and the African Union, can be mandated to oversee this phase. They can also provide security guarantees or even deploy a peacekeeping operation. What is crucial is that these actors are committed to the process and don’t pursue their own interests.




    Read more:
    DRC and Rwanda sign a US-brokered peace deal: what are the chances of its success?


    To know what to realistically expect from a specific peace agreement, it’s important to understand that such agreements can take very different forms. These range from pre-negotiation arrangements and ceasefires to comprehensive peace accords and implementation agreements.

    A lasting resolution of the conflict should not be expected when only a few conflict parties have concluded a temporary ceasefire.

    The DRC-Rwanda agreement: an important step with lots of shortcomings

    It’s difficult to tell at this point how serious the DRC and Rwanda are about peace, and if their commitment will be enough.

    Their assertion that they will respect each other’s territory and refrain from acts of aggression is certainly important.

    But Rwanda has a history of direct military activities in the DRC since the 1990s. And the treaty only includes rather vague references to the “disengagement of forces/lifting of defensive measures by Rwanda”. It doesn’t specifically mention the withdrawal of the reportedly thousands of Rwandan troops deployed to eastern DRC.

    The Paul Kagame-led Rwandan government has also supported Tutsi-dominated armed groups in the DRC since the Rwandan genocide in 1994. The Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) is the current primary military actor in eastern DRC. But the agreement between the governments of DRC and Rwanda didn’t include the M23 or other groups. The two governments only commit themselves to supporting the ongoing negotiations between the DRC and the M23 facilitated by Qatar.

    The agreement also foresees the “neutralisation” of another armed group, the Hutu-dominated Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR). This group claims to protect Rwandan Hutu refugees in the DRC, but is considered “genocidal” by the Rwandan government. The group has reacted to this plan by calling for a political solution and a more inclusive peace process.

    What’s needed

    The DRC-Rwanda agreement includes provisions that are vital to the people most affected by the conflict, such as the return of the millions of people displaced because of the fighting in eastern DRC. But it does not address other key issues.

    For instance, aside from a general commitment to promote human rights and international humanitarian law, there is no reference to the widespread violations of human rights and war crimes reportedly committed by all sides. These include summary executions, and sexual and gender-based violence, including violence against children.

    Some form of justice and reconciliation mechanism to deal with such large-scale violence should be considered in this situation, as for instance in the fairly successful 2016 agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC). This could contribute to preventing further violations as it sends a clear signal that committing crimes will not be rewarded. It also helps the population heal and gives peace a better chance.

    There is no single model for this, and so-called transitional justice (defined as the “range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempts to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation”) remains highly controversial. For instance, insisting on war crimes trials can be seen as endangering a fragile peace process.

    But peace agreements across the world, from Libya to the Central African Republic, have over past decades moved away from blanket amnesties. They have increasingly included provisions to ensure accountability, especially for serious crimes. The DRC-Rwanda deal is silent on these questions.

    A twist in the tale

    The DRC-Rwanda deal is complicated by Washington’s role and pursuit of economic interests.

    The two states agreed to establish a joint oversight committee, with members of the African Union, Qatar and the United States. It foresees a “regional economic integration framework”, which has been criticised as opening the door for foreign influence in the DRC’s rich mineral resources. The country is the world’s largest producer of cobalt, for instance, which is essential for the renewable energy sector.

    Such a neocolonial “peace for exploitation bargain” does not send a positive signal. And it will probably not contribute to ending an armed conflict that has been fuelled by the exploitation of natural resources.

    Philipp Kastner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. 4 things every peace agreement needs – and how the DRC-Rwanda deal measures up – https://theconversation.com/4-things-every-peace-agreement-needs-and-how-the-drc-rwanda-deal-measures-up-260944

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Bullying, violence and vandalism in primary school: study explores a growing crisis in South Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julie Shantone Rubbi Nunan, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Early Childhood Education and Development, University of South Africa

    South African primary schools are facing a crisis. Every day, learners fight, bully, destroy property, and intimidate other learners and teachers, turning what should be safe spaces into places of fear and mistrust.

    Research shows that learner behaviour frequently involves violence, bullying and vandalism (damage to school property) that threatens the safety of both learners and staff.

    The media usually report only serious cases of violence, but schools and teachers face challenging and dangerous behaviour every day that often goes unreported. This underreporting is not unique to South Africa; it’s a challenge seen in other countries too.

    Research shows that this kind of behaviour disrupts teaching and learning, leading to poor learner performance and school dropouts.

    Teachers frequently face aggression and intimidation from learners, which undermines their ability to teach effectively. They feel unsafe and frustrated when learners act aggressively, and this problem worsens when parents protect their children’s bad behaviour instead of addressing it.

    Violence, bullying, and damage to school property don’t just cause harm to learners and teachers. They also cost schools money to repair the damage and cause emotional trauma and suffering for victims and their families.

    Given these realities, it is important to carefully explore the lived experiences of teachers, school leaders and caretakers to fully understand the severity and complexity of challenging learner behaviour. This understanding is essential for developing effective policies and interventions aimed at restoring safety and improving learning environments in South African primary schools.

    As part of a wider study of challenging learner behaviour, I interviewed 21 participants from three primary schools in Durban, South Africa. It was a qualitative case study, in which the small sample size was well-suited and provided relevant and credible information on challenging learner behaviour. Thematic analysis was appropriate for identifying patterns and themes for further exploration.

    The aim was to probe the participants’ perspectives to understand how learners’ challenging behaviour is experienced in primary schools. I wanted to know more about how behaviour stemming from children’s homes and environments, playing out at school, was affecting teachers and the overall school climate.

    The interviews indicated that teachers were unhappy and wanting to quit the profession, learner victims faced constant fear and distress, and caretakers felt degraded. If this is a sign of how teachers, children and caretakers are feeling around South Africa, it points to the need for ways to reduce their stress.

    Voices from schools

    The schools in my study are located in semi-urban areas within the same district and serve learners from grade R (about age 5) to grade 7 (about age 12). The surrounding communities face high levels of unemployment, domestic violence, and various social challenges.

    Fifteen teachers, three governors, and three caretakers shared their experiences through interviews, enabling open discussion and deeper insights. Consistency across school sites supported the trustworthiness of the findings. Ethical guidelines were followed throughout.

    Across the three schools, participants described an environment where serious learner misconduct was a common, everyday problem.

    Teachers, governors, and caretakers reported daily disruptions that affected teaching, learning and emotional wellbeing. Aggression and violence were constant. Learners engaged in physical fights – punching, kicking, and using sharp objects like pencils and knives. These were not minor scuffles but incidents that caused serious injuries. Teachers were also threatened, shouted at, and occasionally physically harmed.

    Bullying was widespread, both verbal and physical. Learners harassed peers through name-calling, exclusion, extortion and intimidation, often in unsupervised spaces like toilets and tuckshops. Victims lived in fear, while teachers struggled to maintain discipline and protect vulnerable learners.

    Vandalism and property damage were routine. Learners tore up textbooks, damaged desks and windows, defaced walls with vulgar graffiti, and clogged toilets with rubbish. Caretakers faced degrading tasks like cleaning and scrubbing faeces and graffiti off the walls. The costs of repairing damage strained already limited school budgets.

    Adding to the tension, gang-like behaviour emerged. Small groups banded together to provoke fights, intimidate others, and sometimes fuel unrest rooted in xenophobia or local politics, creating fear, uncertainty and division among learners.

    Some incidents had gendered and criminal implications, including the reporting of boys violating the privacy and rights of other boys in the school toilets, and girls being inappropriately touched and harassed. This contributed to emotional trauma and, in some cases, learner dropout – especially among girls. The United Nations Children’s Fund posits that school violence contributes to girls dropping out of school. The dropout rate is a concern in South Africa.

    Stealing and lying were common. Learners stole from classmates, teachers, and school offices, often without remorse, and frequently lied or blamed others when confronted, further eroding trust and accountability.




    Read more:
    Dealing with unruly behaviour among schoolchildren in a tumultuous world


    Many participants believed learners expressed unspoken pain or mirrored violence and instability seen at home and in their communities. According to social cognitive theory, such behaviours are learned. Children exposed to violence, neglect, or chaos often replicate these actions in school. Without consistent guidance, role models, or consequences, the cycle intensifies.

    Moving forward

    In short, these schools are no longer safe havens for learning – they are in crisis. Without urgent and effective intervention, the very mission of basic education – and the wellbeing of children – is at risk.

    Primary schools depend on governing authorities and communities for their safety and success. Stakeholders must take collective action to reclaim schools as safe learning spaces.

    Governing authorities should address the issues raised by reviewing policies and implementing support programmes, including counselling, family-school partnerships, and teacher training to handle challenging behaviour in positive and sustainable ways.

    Julie Shantone Rubbi Nunan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Bullying, violence and vandalism in primary school: study explores a growing crisis in South Africa – https://theconversation.com/bullying-violence-and-vandalism-in-primary-school-study-explores-a-growing-crisis-in-south-africa-260111

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Africa: 4 things every peace agreement needs – and how the DRC-Rwanda deal measures up

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Philipp Kastner, Senior Lecturer in International Law, The University of Western Australia

    The governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda concluded a peace treaty in June 2025, aimed at ending a decades-long war in eastern DRC. The United Nations welcomed the agreement as “a significant step towards de-escalation, peace and stability” in the region.

    I have analysed several different peace negotiations and agreements. It’s important to distinguish between what’s needed to get warring parties to the table, and what’s eventually agreed on. In this article, I examine whether the DRC-Rwanda deal has got the four essential components that usually signal that an agreement will hold.

    Two broad points about peace agreements, first – and one particular complication in the DRC-Rwanda case.

    Firstly, one agreement is rarely enough to resolve a complex conflict. Most deals are part of a series of agreements, sometimes between different actors. They often mention previously concluded ones, and will be referred to by subsequent ones.

    Secondly, peace is a process, and requires broad and sustained commitment. It is essential that other actors, like armed groups, are brought on board. Importantly, this also includes civil society actors. An agreement will be more legitimate and effective if different voices are heard during negotiations.

    One major complication in relation to the DRC-Rwanda deal is that the United States has been the prime broker. But rather than acting as a neutral mediator trying to bring about peace, Washington seems to be pursuing its own economic interests. This does not bode well.

    There is no simple recipe for a good peace agreement, but research shows that four elements are important: a serious commitment from the parties, precise wording, clear timelines and strong implementation provisions.

    What underpins a good agreement

    First, the parties need to be serious about the agreement and able to commit to its terms. It must not be used as a cover to buy time, re-arm or pursue fighting. Moreover, lasting peace cannot be made exclusively at the highest political level. Agreements that are the result of more inclusive processes, with input by and support from the communities concerned, have a higher success rate.

    Second, the agreement must address the issues it aims to resolve, and its provisions must be drafted carefully and unambiguously. When agreements are vague or silent on key aspects, they are often short-lived. Previous experiences can guide peace negotiators and mediators in the drafting process. Peace agreement databases established by the United Nations and academic institutions are a useful tool for this.

    Third, clear and realistic timelines are essential. These can concern the withdrawal of armed forces from specified territories, the return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and the establishment of mechanisms providing reparations or other forms of transitional justice.

    Fourth, an agreement should include provisions on its implementation. External support is usually helpful here. Third states or international organisations, liked the United Nations and the African Union, can be mandated to oversee this phase. They can also provide security guarantees or even deploy a peacekeeping operation. What is crucial is that these actors are committed to the process and don’t pursue their own interests.


    Read more: DRC and Rwanda sign a US-brokered peace deal: what are the chances of its success?


    To know what to realistically expect from a specific peace agreement, it’s important to understand that such agreements can take very different forms. These range from pre-negotiation arrangements and ceasefires to comprehensive peace accords and implementation agreements.

    A lasting resolution of the conflict should not be expected when only a few conflict parties have concluded a temporary ceasefire.

    The DRC-Rwanda agreement: an important step with lots of shortcomings

    It’s difficult to tell at this point how serious the DRC and Rwanda are about peace, and if their commitment will be enough.

    Their assertion that they will respect each other’s territory and refrain from acts of aggression is certainly important.

    But Rwanda has a history of direct military activities in the DRC since the 1990s. And the treaty only includes rather vague references to the “disengagement of forces/lifting of defensive measures by Rwanda”. It doesn’t specifically mention the withdrawal of the reportedly thousands of Rwandan troops deployed to eastern DRC.

    The Paul Kagame-led Rwandan government has also supported Tutsi-dominated armed groups in the DRC since the Rwandan genocide in 1994. The Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) is the current primary military actor in eastern DRC. But the agreement between the governments of DRC and Rwanda didn’t include the M23 or other groups. The two governments only commit themselves to supporting the ongoing negotiations between the DRC and the M23 facilitated by Qatar.

    The agreement also foresees the “neutralisation” of another armed group, the Hutu-dominated Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR). This group claims to protect Rwandan Hutu refugees in the DRC, but is considered “genocidal” by the Rwandan government. The group has reacted to this plan by calling for a political solution and a more inclusive peace process.

    What’s needed

    The DRC-Rwanda agreement includes provisions that are vital to the people most affected by the conflict, such as the return of the millions of people displaced because of the fighting in eastern DRC. But it does not address other key issues.

    For instance, aside from a general commitment to promote human rights and international humanitarian law, there is no reference to the widespread violations of human rights and war crimes reportedly committed by all sides. These include summary executions, and sexual and gender-based violence, including violence against children.

    Some form of justice and reconciliation mechanism to deal with such large-scale violence should be considered in this situation, as for instance in the fairly successful 2016 agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC). This could contribute to preventing further violations as it sends a clear signal that committing crimes will not be rewarded. It also helps the population heal and gives peace a better chance.

    There is no single model for this, and so-called transitional justice (defined as the “range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempts to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation”) remains highly controversial. For instance, insisting on war crimes trials can be seen as endangering a fragile peace process.

    But peace agreements across the world, from Libya to the Central African Republic, have over past decades moved away from blanket amnesties. They have increasingly included provisions to ensure accountability, especially for serious crimes. The DRC-Rwanda deal is silent on these questions.

    A twist in the tale

    The DRC-Rwanda deal is complicated by Washington’s role and pursuit of economic interests.

    The two states agreed to establish a joint oversight committee, with members of the African Union, Qatar and the United States. It foresees a “regional economic integration framework”, which has been criticised as opening the door for foreign influence in the DRC’s rich mineral resources. The country is the world’s largest producer of cobalt, for instance, which is essential for the renewable energy sector.

    Such a neocolonial “peace for exploitation bargain” does not send a positive signal. And it will probably not contribute to ending an armed conflict that has been fuelled by the exploitation of natural resources.

    – 4 things every peace agreement needs – and how the DRC-Rwanda deal measures up
    – https://theconversation.com/4-things-every-peace-agreement-needs-and-how-the-drc-rwanda-deal-measures-up-260944

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Bullying, violence and vandalism in primary school: study explores a growing crisis in South Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julie Shantone Rubbi Nunan, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Early Childhood Education and Development, University of South Africa

    South African primary schools are facing a crisis. Every day, learners fight, bully, destroy property, and intimidate other learners and teachers, turning what should be safe spaces into places of fear and mistrust.

    Research shows that learner behaviour frequently involves violence, bullying and vandalism (damage to school property) that threatens the safety of both learners and staff.

    The media usually report only serious cases of violence, but schools and teachers face challenging and dangerous behaviour every day that often goes unreported. This underreporting is not unique to South Africa; it’s a challenge seen in other countries too.

    Research shows that this kind of behaviour disrupts teaching and learning, leading to poor learner performance and school dropouts.

    Teachers frequently face aggression and intimidation from learners, which undermines their ability to teach effectively. They feel unsafe and frustrated when learners act aggressively, and this problem worsens when parents protect their children’s bad behaviour instead of addressing it.

    Violence, bullying, and damage to school property don’t just cause harm to learners and teachers. They also cost schools money to repair the damage and cause emotional trauma and suffering for victims and their families.

    Given these realities, it is important to carefully explore the lived experiences of teachers, school leaders and caretakers to fully understand the severity and complexity of challenging learner behaviour. This understanding is essential for developing effective policies and interventions aimed at restoring safety and improving learning environments in South African primary schools.

    As part of a wider study of challenging learner behaviour, I interviewed 21 participants from three primary schools in Durban, South Africa. It was a qualitative case study, in which the small sample size was well-suited and provided relevant and credible information on challenging learner behaviour. Thematic analysis was appropriate for identifying patterns and themes for further exploration.

    The aim was to probe the participants’ perspectives to understand how learners’ challenging behaviour is experienced in primary schools. I wanted to know more about how behaviour stemming from children’s homes and environments, playing out at school, was affecting teachers and the overall school climate.

    The interviews indicated that teachers were unhappy and wanting to quit the profession, learner victims faced constant fear and distress, and caretakers felt degraded. If this is a sign of how teachers, children and caretakers are feeling around South Africa, it points to the need for ways to reduce their stress.

    Voices from schools

    The schools in my study are located in semi-urban areas within the same district and serve learners from grade R (about age 5) to grade 7 (about age 12). The surrounding communities face high levels of unemployment, domestic violence, and various social challenges.

    Fifteen teachers, three governors, and three caretakers shared their experiences through interviews, enabling open discussion and deeper insights. Consistency across school sites supported the trustworthiness of the findings. Ethical guidelines were followed throughout.

    Across the three schools, participants described an environment where serious learner misconduct was a common, everyday problem.

    Teachers, governors, and caretakers reported daily disruptions that affected teaching, learning and emotional wellbeing. Aggression and violence were constant. Learners engaged in physical fights – punching, kicking, and using sharp objects like pencils and knives. These were not minor scuffles but incidents that caused serious injuries. Teachers were also threatened, shouted at, and occasionally physically harmed.

    Bullying was widespread, both verbal and physical. Learners harassed peers through name-calling, exclusion, extortion and intimidation, often in unsupervised spaces like toilets and tuckshops. Victims lived in fear, while teachers struggled to maintain discipline and protect vulnerable learners.

    Vandalism and property damage were routine. Learners tore up textbooks, damaged desks and windows, defaced walls with vulgar graffiti, and clogged toilets with rubbish. Caretakers faced degrading tasks like cleaning and scrubbing faeces and graffiti off the walls. The costs of repairing damage strained already limited school budgets.

    Adding to the tension, gang-like behaviour emerged. Small groups banded together to provoke fights, intimidate others, and sometimes fuel unrest rooted in xenophobia or local politics, creating fear, uncertainty and division among learners.

    Some incidents had gendered and criminal implications, including the reporting of boys violating the privacy and rights of other boys in the school toilets, and girls being inappropriately touched and harassed. This contributed to emotional trauma and, in some cases, learner dropout – especially among girls. The United Nations Children’s Fund posits that school violence contributes to girls dropping out of school. The dropout rate is a concern in South Africa.

    Stealing and lying were common. Learners stole from classmates, teachers, and school offices, often without remorse, and frequently lied or blamed others when confronted, further eroding trust and accountability.


    Read more: Dealing with unruly behaviour among schoolchildren in a tumultuous world


    Many participants believed learners expressed unspoken pain or mirrored violence and instability seen at home and in their communities. According to social cognitive theory, such behaviours are learned. Children exposed to violence, neglect, or chaos often replicate these actions in school. Without consistent guidance, role models, or consequences, the cycle intensifies.

    Moving forward

    In short, these schools are no longer safe havens for learning – they are in crisis. Without urgent and effective intervention, the very mission of basic education – and the wellbeing of children – is at risk.

    Primary schools depend on governing authorities and communities for their safety and success. Stakeholders must take collective action to reclaim schools as safe learning spaces.

    Governing authorities should address the issues raised by reviewing policies and implementing support programmes, including counselling, family-school partnerships, and teacher training to handle challenging behaviour in positive and sustainable ways.

    – Bullying, violence and vandalism in primary school: study explores a growing crisis in South Africa
    – https://theconversation.com/bullying-violence-and-vandalism-in-primary-school-study-explores-a-growing-crisis-in-south-africa-260111

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Minister-Counsellor Fan Xuecheng Attends China-Uganda Cultural and Educational Exchange Activities

    Source: APO – Report:

    .

    On July 11, 2024, Minister-Counsellor Fan Xuecheng of the Chinese Embassy in Uganda attended a series of cultural and educational exchange activities at Luyanzi Institute of Technology and Makerere University. The activities were joined by Professor Zhu Hui, Vice Chairperson of the University Council of Zhejiang University; Ms. Wang Lihong, Principal of Luyanzi Institute of Technology; H.E. Judith Nsababera, Consul General of Uganda in Guangzhou; and Professor Barnabas Nawangwe, Vice Chancellor of Makerere University.

    In his remarks, Minister-Counsellor Fan Xuecheng stated that China and Uganda have long enjoyed friendly relations, and educational and cultural exchanges have built a bridge for enhancing mutual understanding and trust between the two peoples. China will continue to support people-to-people and educational cooperation, injecting fresh impetus into the comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership between the two countries.

    Consul General Nsababera and other participants noted that Uganda is willing to take this opportunity to strengthen cooperation with China and promote Uganda-China relations to a new level.

    The Ugandan premieres of two documentaries produced by Zhejiang University — Generation Z’s China-Africa Stories and Along the Silk Road — were successfully held at Luyanzi Institute of Technology and warmly received. Zhejiang University also presented a collection of A Comprehensive Collection of Ancient Chinese Paintings to Makerere University, showcasing the richness of traditional Chinese culture.

    – on behalf of Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Republic of Uganda.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI: Bitget Hits Tracks at MotoGP Germany with Interactive Fan Booth and New Online Activations

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    VICTORIA, Seychelles, July 14, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Bitget, the leading cryptocurrency exchange, and Web3 company has accelerated its global presence at the MotoGP of Germany at Sachsenring Track, held from July 11–13 , by rolling out a high-energy brand activation that fused racing excitement with smart trading innovation. The event marked Bitget’s second major outing under its MotoGP partnership, executing its strategy of merging Web3 innovation with mainstream culture to more than 50 million audience base.

    At the heart of the action was Bitget’s interactive fan zone booth, which welcomed tens of thousands of MotoGP attendees. Fans immersed themselves in the official MotoGP bike simulator, and received exclusive Bitget x MotoGP merchandise—creating a hands-on experience that blended speed with strategy, echoing the brand’s ethos of “Smart Trading Meets Speed.”

    “Our presence at MotoGP Germany is about bringing crypto closer to people who seek the finer adventures of life,” said Gracy Chen, CEO of Bitget. “From on-track adrenaline to on-chain innovation, we’re helping users explore how trading can be as thrilling and rewarding as a world-class race.”

    Alongside its offline activation, Bitget launched a dedicated MotoGP landing page, offering fans the chance to stay updated on race schedules, upcoming campaigns, and continuous giveaways, including MotoGP tickets, limited-edition merchandise, and Bitget trading rewards. Coming soon, the Smarter Speed Challenge mini-game will allow users to virtually race to the top of the leaderboard and unlock exclusive prizes—further driving engagement beyond the racetrack.

    With MotoGP’s global fan base exceeding 50 million across social platforms and a strong presence in key growth regions for crypto adoption, Bitget is leveraging this partnership to connect with new audiences and onboard the next generation of Web3 users. The German GP was a prime example of how strategic sports collaborations can fuel both brand awareness and community engagement.

    This initiative is part of Bitget’s broader campaign roll-out tied to its MotoGP partnership, which will continue throughout the racing season with localized events, interactive challenges, and themed content designed to empower and reward users worldwide.

    For more information, visit the Bitget x MotoGP Campaign Page and follow the journey as Bitget races alongside MotoGP into the future of finance.

    Event Highlights

    About Bitget

    Established in 2018, Bitget is the world’s leading cryptocurrency exchange and Web3 company. Serving over 120 million users in 150+ countries and regions, the Bitget exchange is committed to helping users trade smarter with its pioneering copy trading feature and other trading solutions, while offering real-time access to Bitcoin priceEthereum price, and other cryptocurrency prices. Formerly known as BitKeep, Bitget Wallet is a leading non-custodial crypto wallet supporting 130+ blockchains and millions of tokens. It offers multi-chain trading, staking, payments, and direct access to 20,000+ DApps, with advanced swaps and market insights built into a single platform.

    Bitget is driving crypto adoption through strategic partnerships, such as its role as the Official Crypto Partner of the World’s Top Football League, LALIGA, in EASTERN, SEA and LATAM markets, as well as a global partner of Turkish National athletes Buse Tosun Çavuşoğlu (Wrestling world champion), Samet Gümüş (Boxing gold medalist) and İlkin Aydın (Volleyball national team), to inspire the global community to embrace the future of cryptocurrency.

    Aligned with its global impact strategy, Bitget has joined hands with UNICEF to support blockchain education for 1.1 million people by 2027. In the world of motorsports, Bitget is the exclusive cryptocurrency exchange partner of MotoGP™, one of the world’s most thrilling championships.

    For more information, visit: WebsiteTwitterTelegramLinkedInDiscordBitget Wallet

    For media inquiries, please contact: media@bitget.com

    Risk Warning: Digital asset prices are subject to fluctuation and may experience significant volatility. Investors are advised to only allocate funds they can afford to lose. The value of any investment may be impacted, and there is a possibility that financial objectives may not be met, nor the principal investment recovered. Independent financial advice should always be sought, and personal financial experience and standing carefully considered. Past performance is not a reliable indicator of future results. Bitget accepts no liability for any potential losses incurred. Nothing contained herein should be construed as financial advice. For further information, please refer to our Terms of Use.

    Photos accompanying this announcement are available at:
    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/9d86793b-a39a-4f2a-b6e6-561c0f41767c
    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/e7fd5d6e-e919-48bf-a339-be0550b458c5
    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/bc524929-8f7e-47ea-84f9-dab270af935e
    https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/7fe3efd6-df14-45b9-9c31-72ca129d88f2

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: WHO urges roll-out of first long-acting HIV prevention jab

    Source: United Nations 2

    Injectable lenacapavir – LEN, for short – is a highly effective, long-acting antiretroviral alternative to daily oral pills and other shorter-acting options, according to the World Health Organization (WHO).

    “While an HIV vaccine remains elusive, lenacapavir is the next best thing: a long-acting antiretroviral shown in trials to prevent almost all HIV infections among those at risk,” said Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General.

    Test kit advantage

    WHO’s support for the injectable drug is significant because HIV prevention efforts are stagnating around the world.

    To make it easier for people to receive the injection close to home, the UN agency also recommends the use of rapid testing kits for the disease, as opposed to “complex, costly procedures”.

    According to the agency, 1.3 million people contracted HIV in 2024; people most impacted were sex workers, men who have sex with men, transgender people, people who inject drugs, people in prisons, and children and teens.

    “WHO is committed to working with countries and partners to ensure this innovation reaches communities as quickly and safely as possible,” insisted Tedros, in comments during the 13th International AIDS Society Conference (IAS 2025) on HIV Science, in Kigali, Rwanda.

    The recommendation for LEN is also in line with the US health authorities which approved it in June.

    Call for implementation

    Although access to the LEN injection remains limited outside clinical trials today, WHO urged governments, donors and partners to incorporate LEN “immediately” within national combination HIV-prevention programmes.

    Other WHO-supported HIV-prevention options include daily oral tablets, injectable cabotegravir – which is injected once every two months – and the dapivirine vaginal ring, as part of a growing number of tools to end the HIV epidemic.

    Funding dilemma

    Amid massive funding cuts to the global effort to end HIV-AIDS – including the leading US Government programme launched in 2003, PEPFAR, focusing on combating the disease in Africa – WHO also issued new operational guidance on how to sustain priority HIV services.

    “We have the tools and the knowledge to end AIDS…what we need now is bold implementation of these recommendations, grounded in equity and powered by communities,” said Dr Meg Doherty, Director of WHO’s Department of Global HIV, Hepatitis and STI Programmes and incoming Director of Science, Research, Evidence and Quality for Health.

    HIV remains a major global public health issue.

    By the end of 2024, an estimated 40.8 million people were living with HIV with an estimated 65 per cent in Africa. Approximately 630,000 people died from HIV-related causes globally, and an estimated 1.3 million people acquired HIV, including 120,000 children.

    More positively, access to HIV drugs continues to expand, with 31.6 million people receiving treatment in 2024, up from 30.3 million a year earlier. Without anti-retroviral medication, the HIV virus attacks the body’s immune system, leading ultimately to the onset of AIDS.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Fisheries Subsidies: Zambia’s acceptance

    Source: World Trade Organization – WTO (video statements)

    On 14 July, WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala received Zambia’s instrument of acceptance of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies from Zambia’s WTO Ambassador Eunice M. Tembo Luambia. Just six more acceptances are needed for the Agreement to enter into force.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D_Xc6jOwLsY

    MIL OSI Video