My thanks to RUSI and particularly Matt Savill for arranging today’s event.

I am often told that the UK suffers a little ‘space blindness’ and that the understanding of the importance of space to our economy, prosperity, national security and defence is not well understood.

Therefore, I am delighted, that on the back of a clear articulation of the importance of space, and associated risks and threats in recently published UK strategies, we have an opportunity today to delve deeper.    

From geopolitics to technology and the evolving nature of warfare, the world is changing more rapidly than at any time for decades.

Ladies and gentlemen, as we stand on the brink of a new space age, the importance of outer space in global affairs has never been more evident. No longer just a frontier for scientific exploration, space is now a domain of strategic, economic, and political competition. 

The global space economy is on track to surpass $1 trillion by 2035.

18%, or £450 billion – that’s about a fifth – of the UK’s economy is underpinned by space-based services. 

The UK employs fifty thousand space professionals and generates about £19 billion in growth. 

Conversely, loss of GPS would cost the economy about £7 billion a week.

Given these facts the UK has designated space a Critical National Infrastructure sector. 

Closer to home in Defence, we can no longer assume superiority in space. The increasing counterspace threat now means that gaining control of the Space Domain, at a time and place of our choosing, is a necessary first step to protecting the force from adversary space and delivering vital space effects, such as positioning, navigation and timing (PNT), satellite communications (SATCOM), and intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) to our own forces. 

Put simply, the integrated force can’t understand, move, communicate, or fight without assured space delivered effects.

Space literally fuels our way of life and underpins our way of war. 

This national dependency on space is increasingly being held at risk by space risks and threats.

Risks include space weather and, of course, congestion:

The dramatic reduction in launch costs have seen the democratisation of space. There are now over 80 space faring nations. 

To bring the challenge to life for you: UK Space Command tracks about 45,000 objects in orbit, including about 9000 satellites. We have seen about 150 launches so far this year and 3 satellite or rocket bodies deorbit and re-enter the earth’s atmosphere daily.  

The threat is also growing — in scale, in sophistication, and in speed.

Over the past year, China has conducted close-proximity operations, deployed dual-use inspector satellites, and integrated kinetic, directed-energy, AI, and cyber tools into a formidable counterspace arsenal.

There are now 20 counterspace systems in geostationary equatorial orbit (GEO), and over 200 in low earth orbit (LEO) — ready, rehearsed, and operational.

This is not an emerging threat — it is here, now, and active.

So what must be done?

Well, I’d posit that the UK must now be more assertive in defending our national interests and our freedom of action in space.

Access is no longer enough. We must be able to control space, defend our assets, and — if required — deny its use to hostile actors.

Passive resilience is insufficient. We require persistent domain awareness and credible counterspace capabilities if we are to deter, endure a first strike, and, if necessary, fight through and win.

No one wants a war in space, and it is certainly not inevitable.

But we must be clear eyed about these challenges to our vital national interests.

Equally though, we must be optimistic and excited by the strategic opportunity that space affords the UK.

I’m pleased to say we are making progress…

We have been working across Government as ‘One Space’ to align on priorities and re-establish effective governance.  The Cabinet Office has led efforts to cohere a One Space enterprise, set national objectives and prioritise capability investment choices to maximise finite resources, and, dare I say it, prevent sideways energy.

Over the last year, UK Space Command has launched the UK’s first military satellite in 13 years, we’ve opened a state-of-the-art National Space Operations Centre, we’ve invested over £300 million in satellites and software and accelerated operational integration – we have seen a 300% rise in space outputs from all our units.   

Moreover, the recently published Strategic Defence Review, National Space Strategy and Industrial Strategy have elevated space to the heart of national strategy. 

They collectively recognise that we urgently need to build a modern, agile, and resilient infrastructure for both the defence and civil space enterprise. One capable of meeting the threats, mitigating the risks, preparing for the challenges and seizing the opportunities.

Chapter 7.5 of the Strategic Defence Review marks a turning point. It elevates space to parity with the traditional domains — recognising it as the keystone of modern, multi-domain operations.

It issues a clear strategic imperative: to build a resilient, hybrid, and integrated UK space enterprise — one able to deter threats, assure critical services, and deliver strategic advantage in an increasingly hostile domain.

It sets out three priorities:

Firstly, space control:

We will invest in Space Domain Awareness capabilities, Command and Control at levels of classification and counterspace systems, both on-orbit and on Earth.

Secondly, Decision Advantage.

SATCOM and data relays are fundamental to understanding the battlespace and communicating decisions effectively.

Finally, Sense to enable ‘Understand’ and ‘Strike’ functions. Space-based ISR to globally see and target with precision.

And as has been trailed, all of this will be enabled by a Digital Targeting Web.

We are not going to do this alone. Space is the ultimate team sport. So, being clear on what needs to be nationally separable capabilities – to assure effects and provide us strategic autonomy – and what we can collaborate on with allies, and access through commercial, is seminal to our force design.  

We recognise that to keep pace with the threats and technology we need to move much faster and exploit commercial industry.

To achieve the right hybrid architecture, the Strategic Defence Review also recommends that the National Armaments Director prioritises a Space Portfolio to help us:    

• Innovate at scale;
• Better embrace commercial practices;
• Learn from models like Taskforce Kindred;
• Pick winners – spreading bets is for those that haven’t done the work to prioritise.
• And focus on volume and velocity, not process.

UK investment in space will not only provide the military with the capability we need to support the integrated force, become a space leader in NATO and support our allies, but it will also enable us to protect and defend our vital national interests, and, critically, it will drive growth into our economy. 

So let me try and bring all that together.

As our dependency increases and space becomes increasingly contested and congested, and as we deepen our understanding of the myriad hazards on orbit, the UK remains committed to ensuring we retain the freedom to operate in, through and from space.

This is critical to our economy and prosperity, and our ability, as individuals as much as a nation, to understand, communicate, navigate, and, in Defence’s case, fight. 

Defence is contributing to a wholesale transformation of Britain’s space approach.

And events like today will be critical to success, to improve national space IQ and bring to life the risks, threats and to seize the opportunities.  

We must treat the UK’s space blindness.

Defence must be more assertive in defending our national interests and our freedom of action in space.

Access is no longer enough. We must be able to control space, defend our assets and — if required — deny its use to hostile actors.

Passive resilience is insufficient. We require persistent domain awareness and credible counterspace capabilities if we are to deter, endure a first mover strike, and, only if necessary, fight through and win.

The Strategic Defence Review, the National Security Strategy, and the Industrial Strategy provide the ends of UK space ambition.

Now we must define — and deliver — the ways and means.

We know what the right-hand side of the slide looks like, we now need to chart a coherent and resourced course from where we are to where we want to be by 2035.  

As one space enterprise, across civil, military, and commercial domains.

The direction is clear. The time is now. The cost of inaction is rising.

To secure the UK’s future as a competitive space power by 2035 – our ambition must be matched by boldness, urgency, investment, and, above all else, leadership.     

Thank you.