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Category: Americas

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Joint Statement from the Chief Public Health Officer of the Public Health Agency of Canada and the Chief Medical Officer of Public Health of Indigenous Services Canada on World Tuberculosis Day 2025

    Source: Government of Canada News

    Statement

    Joint Statement from the Chief Public Health Officer of the Public Health Agency of Canada and the Chief Medical Officer of Public Health of Indigenous Services Canada on World Tuberculosis Day 2025

    March 24, 2025 | Ottawa, ON | Public Health Agency of Canada

    Today, March 24, marks World Tuberculosis (TB) Day. We recognize this day to raise awareness about the health, social and economic consequences of TB and to step up efforts to end the global TB epidemic. Despite being preventable and curable, TB disease remains a significant public health concern worldwide. This year, the theme is “Yes! We Can End TB: Commit, Invest, Deliver.”

    Canada has one of the lowest rates of TB disease in the world. In 2023, there were 2,217 people diagnosed with TB, marking a slight increase for the third consecutive year. Inuit, First Nations, Métis and people born outside of Canada continue to be disproportionally affected by the disease. Social and systemic factors, such as colonialism, racism, stigma, discrimination, structural inequities and inequitable access to health care, contribute to the ongoing occurrence of TB.

    In our roles, we have witnessed first hand the devastating effects of TB on communities and encourage everyone to listen to the stories of TB survivors and their communities. Their stories help portray the physical, social and emotional toll of TB, historically and today.

    As part of our renewed focus and commitment to ending TB, we have recently released the Government of Canada’s Tuberculosis Response (2025): Working Towards TB Elimination. The response lays the foundation for our ongoing collaborative work towards the goals of eliminating TB in Inuit Nunangat by 2030, and across the country by 2035. It also paves a path forward for the work of the Indigenous, federal, provincial and territorial TB Task Group in creating a TB elimination strategy for Canada.

    While many challenges remain, the great progress being made in TB-affected communities through Indigenous-led initiatives offers us hope. These include Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami’s leadership in developing an Inuit TB Elimination Framework, and the development and implementation of local action plans in all four Inuit Nunangat regions.

    In addition, thanks to an integrated approach incorporating local enhanced public health interventions and investing in housing and nutrition support, TB outbreaks in four Saskatchewan First Nations communities were declared over in December 2024.

    Though we still have more work to do, from improving equitable access to TB medicines to ending stigma and discrimination associated with TB, elimination IS within our reach if we work together. By committing to collective action and supporting community-led initiatives, we can end TB.

    Dr. Theresa Tam
    Chief Public Health Officer
    Public Health Agency of Canada

    Dr. Tom Wong
    Chief Medical Officer of Public Health
    Indigenous Services Canada

    Contacts

    Media Relations
    Public Health Agency of Canada
    613-957-2983
    media@hc-sc.gc.ca

    Media Relations
    Indigenous Services Canada
    819-953-1160
    media@sac-isc.gc.ca

    MIL OSI Canada News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Giorgia Meloni’s government is still supporting Ukraine and backing NATO. Italy’s aerospace and defence sectors help explain why

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Jean-Pierre Darnis, Full professor at the University of Côte d’Azur, director of the master’s programme in “France-Italy Relations”. Associate fellow at the Foundation for Strategic Research (FRS, Paris) and adjunct professor at LUISS University (Rome), Université Côte d’Azur

    US President Donald Trump’s pivot toward Russia amid its war in Ukraine has collided with the stance of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government, which has always shown unwavering support for Kyiv as well as loyalty to Washington. When Trump came to power, Meloni wanted to appear connected to his administration, hoping to play the role of a bridge with Europe while France and Germany were in unfavourable political cycles. Trump’s pivot led to a revival of France’s role in Europe, while Germany emerged from its electoral period with its likely next chancellor, Friedrich Merz, calling for European defence’s “independence from the USA”.

    Meloni’s position is not only weakening within the European context, where France, Germany and the UK play leading roles, but also in Italian politics, as US policy has created rifts within the three-part governing coalition. Meloni’s party, Fratelli d’Italia, supports Ukraine and Europe, as does Forza Italia. But the leader of Lega, Matteo Salvini, has come to embody Trumpism in Italy, taking an openly pro-Russian position and opposing European rearmament. If a break with Lega were to occur, it could call into question the viability of the government, as it would no longer hold an absolute majority in parliament.

    Anti-French rhetoric

    For her part, Meloni always tends to push back against any “European-only” defence solution proposed by France. This position is a way for Italy to avoid facing the fact that NATO has weakened. It also reactivates an anti-French rhetoric that is a classic refrain among Italian nationalists. Salvini has recently accused French President Emmanuel Macron of being “crazy” and calling for Europe to prepare for nuclear war.

    However, Macron has not made any significant missteps toward Italy. Since the first informal emergency meeting in Paris after Trump’s policy shift toward Ukraine (a gathering that included the UK, Germany, Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, Spain and Poland), the Italian government has always been involved. Moreover, Macron’s policy convergence with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has dulled criticisms, because Rome is traditionally close to London.

    Both Meloni’s government and the opposition have put forward complicated if not unrealistic proposals for the war in Ukraine, such as a UN peacekeeping mission after a ceasefire, and repeatedly reaffirmed their commitment to NATO. In terms of public opinion, a poll published in mid-February – two weeks before Trump scolded Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky during a White House visit – found that 69 percent of Italians “are favourable toward a common European army”.

    There is also a growing debate in Italy on nuclear deterrence. This issue had been taboo until now, with Italy benefitting from an arrangement in which US nuclear bombs are stored in bases on Italian soil. While Germany and Poland have expressed interest in an expansion of the French nuclear umbrella, Italian media and policymakers are also beginning to discuss it. The discussion may reflect doubts about US reliability within NATO, including Washington’s commitment to the alliance treaty’s Article 5, which holds that “an armed attack” on one member “shall be considered an attack against them all”.




    À lire aussi :
    French nuclear deterrence for Europe: how effective could it be against Russia?


    Defence ties to Europe

    There are also significant signals coming from Italian industry. While, in recent months, the Italian government appeared to want to use the telecommunications services of Starlink, the satellite network created by Elon Musk, for its defence needs, a contract no longer seems to be on the agenda. Musk’s fluctuating stance about the Starlink service provided to Kyiv, as well as the US decision that temporarily cut aid to Ukraine, introduced questions about reliability. This explains how, in just a few weeks, the French company Eutelsat, which owns the OneWeb constellation, has seen a resurgence of interest, as many countries assess its services as alternatives to Starlink. Following this turmoil, the Italian company Leonardo recently announced that it is planning to launch a constellation of 18 telecommunications satellites for defence purposes.

    These developments also tie into Italy’s industrial position in aerospace and defence, because Leonardo and Fincantieri, another large, publicly owned company, do not limit their markets to the Italian armed forces. As part of a European strategy, Leonardo concluded an agreement with the German company Rheinmetall in 2024 to jointly produce battle tanks, and recently announced an agreement with the Turkish company Baykar to produce drones. Leonardo is part-owner, along with French defence company Thales, of Telespazio and of Thales Alenia Space, and is also in discussions with Airbus to form a European satellite production group. In the missile sector, Leonardo’s participation in European joint venture MBDA allowed Italy and France to produce the SAMP/T anti-missile system, which could lead to further developments for the European missile-defence network. In shipbuilding, Fincantieri has expressed interest in merging its activities with the German group Thyssen Krupp Marine Systems. And in aircraft, Italy is participating in the Global Air Combat Programme, which includes the UK and Japan in the production of fighter jets. These examples show that Italian aerospace and defence development is intrinsically linked to European collaborations and export markets.

    Both in terms of industrial interests and politics, Italy is firmly anchored in the European camp. The positive stance that the Meloni government took toward Washington does not mean Rome is considering an alternative to EU affiliation. Italy is also facing continuous cyberattacks from Russian groups, which feeds a clear threat perception. The prime minister has stressed her differences with France and the UK during the recent European security summits, but while Italy may be reluctant to deploy peacekeeping troops in Ukraine, it cannot distance itself too much from the future defence architecture of Europe.

    Jean-Pierre Darnis ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    – ref. Giorgia Meloni’s government is still supporting Ukraine and backing NATO. Italy’s aerospace and defence sectors help explain why – https://theconversation.com/giorgia-melonis-government-is-still-supporting-ukraine-and-backing-nato-italys-aerospace-and-defence-sectors-help-explain-why-252683

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Duckworth Visits Quad Cities International Airport, Underscores How Trump’s Illegal Funding Freeze Hurts Local Infrastructure and Jobs

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth

    March 22, 2025

    [MOLINE, IL] – U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL)—member of the U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation (CST) and Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Aviation, Space and Innovation—today met with Quad Cities International Airport Director Benjamin Leischner and airport leadership to hear concerns about the impacts of Trump’s Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) staff cuts. Duckworth also discussed the over $2.7 million in federal funding she secured last year through the Airport Improvement Plan (AIP) for airfield safety. Photos of today’s visit are available on the Senator’s website.

    “Quad Cities International Airport is an essential economic hub for our state and the region,” Duckworth said. “During our meeting, we discussed how Donald Trump and Elon Musk’s FAA layoffs are jeopardizing safety at a time when we should be investing more in our aviation system—not less. As we continue to face an aviation safety crisis, I will keep working alongside QC Airport leadership to advocate for federal investments that will make our skies safer, modernize infrastructure and support economic development across the Quad Cities.”

    In September, Duckworth and U.S. Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL) announced a total of $37,031,074 in federal funding for infrastructure improvements at airports across Illinois—including $2,765,727 for the Quad Cities International Airport through the Airport Improvement Program (AIP). This funding, provided by the U.S. Department of Transportation’s Federal Aviation Administration, supports airport improvement projects across the state such as reinforcing taxiway structural integrity, expanding terminal buildings to accommodate more passengers and aircraft operations and implementing modernization measures. These measures include reducing noise pollution for nearby residents, increasing clean energy opportunities, improving drainage infrastructure and mitigating wildlife attractants.

    Earlier this month, Duckworth and Durbin sent a letter to Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy criticizing the Trump Administration’s mismanagement of federal funding for Illinois transportation and infrastructure projects. In their letter, the Senators called for more clarity on the future of transportation and infrastructure grants and formula funding for states that were included in the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, which was strongly supported by both Duckworth and Durbin.

    -30-



    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Duckworth Visits Parr Instruments to Discuss Economic Impacts of Trump’s Tariffs on Illinois Manufacturing

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth

    March 22, 2025

    [MOLINE, IL] – U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL)—a member of the U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation (CST)—visited Parr Instrument Company yesterday to tour the facility and discuss with company leaders and members of the Illinois Manufacturing Excellence Center (IMEC) how Trump’s tariffs threaten Illinois’s manufacturing industry. For over 125 years, Parr Instrument Company has designed and built high precision laboratory equipment. However, because of President Trump’s reckless, blanket tariffs on critical materials such as steel and aluminum, Parr could face increased costs and supply chain disruptions, threatening jobs and the stability of their workforce. Photos of yesterday’s visit are available on the Senator’s website.

    “Trump’s chaotic, sweeping tariffs will negatively impact Illinois’s workforce and manufacturers, while harming our nation’s allies around the world,” Duckworth said. “The consequences of Trump’s needless trade wars will hurt key Illinois manufacturers like Parr Instrument Company, which employs many hardworking, middle-class workers across the Quad Cities. I’m proud to work alongside Illinois manufacturing leaders as we continue to push back against Trump and his one-sided political interests.”

    “It was a pleasure and honor to host Senator Duckworth at our facilities at Parr Instrument Company,” said Jim Nelson, President and Chief Executive Officer of Parr. “I appreciated the Senator’s sincere interest in the challenges small and mid-size manufactures are facing in today’s world. She takes a pragmatic approach to the issues and works in a bipartisan manner in her your representation of her constituents.”

    Duckworth is a proven leader in securing international investments that drive commerce and job growth in Illinois—all while strengthening economic ties with Indo-Pacific nations and improving security in the region. As a member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Duckworth led a bipartisan delegation of her Senate colleagues to Taiwan last year to further enhance our bilateral economic ties, including deepening our trade ties on chip manufacturing and agricultural investments.

    Parr Instrument Company, based in Moline, Illinois, designs, manufactures, and sells laboratory instruments for testing fuels and conducting chemical reactions under heat and pressure. Its equipment is used in chemical, petrochemical, pharmaceutical, and biotech research labs. The company employs about 100 skilled professionals and machinists at its Moline plant and operates a sales and service branch in Frankfurt, Germany.

    -30-

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: H.R. 517, Filing Relief for Natural Disasters Act

    Source: US Congressional Budget Office

    H.R. 517 would amend the Internal Revenue Code to modify the rules for postponing certain tax deadlines in response to declared disasters. The bill would permit the Secretary of the Treasury, in the case of certain state-declared disasters, to grant filing extensions that are similar to those granted in the event of federally declared disasters. The bill also would increase deadline extensions from 60 days to 120 days.

    The Congressional Budget Act of 1974, as amended, stipulates that revenue estimates provided by the staff of the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) are the official estimates for all tax legislation considered by the Congress. CBO therefore incorporates such estimates into its cost estimates of the effects of legislation. The revenue estimates for the bill were provided by JCT. JCT estimates that the bill would reduce federal revenues by an insignificant amount.

    CBO estimates that it would cost less than $500,000 over the 2025-2030 period to implement the bill. Any related spending would be subject to the availability of appropriated funds.

    The CBO staff contact for this estimate is Jennifer Shand. The estimate was reviewed by John McClelland, Director of Tax Analysis.

    Phillip L. Swagel

    Director, Congressional Budget Office

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Security: U.S. Attorney’s Office Filed More than 90 Border-Related Cases This Week

    Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)

    SAN DIEGO – Federal prosecutors in the Southern District of California filed more than 90 border-related cases this week, including charges of transportation of illegal aliens, bringing in aliens for financial gain, reentering the U.S. after deportation, deported alien found in the United States, and importation of controlled substances.

    The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of California is the fourth-busiest federal district, largely due to a high volume of border-related crimes. This district, encompassing San Diego and Imperial counties, shares a 140-mile border with Mexico. It includes the San Ysidro Port of Entry, the world’s busiest land border crossing, connecting San Diego (America’s eighth largest city) and Tijuana (Mexico’s second largest city).

    In addition to reactive border-related crimes, the Southern District of California also prosecutes a significant number of proactive cases related to terrorism, organized crime, drugs, white-collar fraud, violent crime, cybercrime, human trafficking and national security. Recent developments in those and other significant areas of prosecution can be found here.

    A sample of border-related arrests this week, includes:

    • Mexican nationals Eleazar Mozqueda Simental and Manuel Antonio Mozqueda Simental were arrested and charged on March 20, 2025, in connection with a maritime smuggling incident. They were accused of illegally transporting 14 undocumented immigrants from Mexico, Vietnam and China – all of whom were forced to wear large black trash bags over their heads and bodies during the four-hour trip. They were brought into the United States on a panga boat traveling at high speed across rough seas. According to interviews with the undocumented immigrants on the boat, at one point, the panga caught air, broke apart and capsized, sending terrified passengers into the water. The passengers, including a deaf/mute woman, were rescued.
    • Mexican national Osvaldo Reyes-Virgen was arrested on March 17, 2025, by San Diego- based U.S. Border Patrol agents and charged after he was found in the United States hiding behind brush near Imperial Beach after agents observed a jet ski traveling north.  Reyes-Virgen was previously deported on March 6, 2025, after entering the United States illegally.
    • On March 17, 2025, Sarah Beth Schatz, a United States citizen, was arrested and charged with alien smuggling after she was caught attempting to smuggle two citizens of China into the United States in the trunk of the vehicle she was driving.  The two Chinese citizens she was arrested with admitted that they are citizens of China without lawful documents allowing them to enter the United States and that they were going to pay $30,000 and $15,000 if successfully smuggled into the United States.
    • Joshua Nicolas Sanchez Lopez, a Mexican citizen, was arrested on March 15, 2025, when he attempted to cross into the U.S. from Mexico at the Otay Mesa Port of Entry on drug importation charges. According to a federal complaint, he was the driver and registered owner of a vehicle where Customs and Border Protection officials found 108 packages consisting of over 100 pounds of methamphetamine, 22 pounds of fentanyl, and more than four pounds of heroin hidden in the doors, quarters panels, and seats of his vehicle.
    • On March 16, 2025, Baudelio Escalante-Orozco, a citizen of Mexico, was arrested after he was found by San Diego-based U.S. Border Patrol Agents attempting to hide in brush seven miles north of the U.S./Mexico International Boundary Line and charged with being a deported alien found in the United States.  He is currently on probation in the District of Oregon for the same crime.   

    Federal law enforcement has focused immigration prosecutions on undocumented aliens who are engaged in criminal activity in the U.S., including those who commit drug and firearms crimes, who have serious criminal records, or who have active warrants for their arrest. Federal authorities have also been prioritizing investigations and prosecutions against drug, firearm, and human smugglers and those who endanger and threaten the safety of our communities and the law enforcement officers who protect the community.

    The immigration cases were referred or supported by federal law enforcement partners, including Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Enforcement and Removal Operations (ICE ERO), Customs and Border Protection, U.S. Border Patrol, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the U.S. Marshals Service (USMS), and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), with the support and assistance of state and local law enforcement partners.

    Indictments and criminal complaints are merely allegations and all defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL Security OSI –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Video: Sec of Education Linda McMahon explains why she would want to lead an agency that’s being eliminated

    Source: United States of America – The White House (video statements)

    “Education should be tailored to communities, and parents should be involved… with full transparency…” — Sec McMahon

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0dBvYuDHmxU

    MIL OSI Video –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Africa: Secretary-General’s remarks to the Security Council – Advancing Adaptability in UN Peace Operations: responding to new realities [bilingual, as delivered; scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

    Source: United Nations – English

    r. President, Excellencies,
     
    I thank the government of Denmark for convening this high-level discussion.

    United Nations peace operations safeguard people and communities in some of the most desperate places on earth. 

    These operations comprise both peacekeeping operations and special political missions.

    Their work ranges from early warning to preventive diplomacy…

    From peacemaking to verifying peace agreements to protecting civilians…

    From negotiating ceasefires to helping parties implement them on the ground…

    To electoral support and observer missions.

    Collectively, these operations represent a critical tool at this Council’s disposal to maintain international peace and security in a variety of contexts.

    Since the first special political mission and peacekeeping operation were deployed in 1948, our peace operations have grown, adapted and evolved.

    Time and again, they allow us to mount tailored responses that have saved lives, reduced violence, prevented the expansion and spillover of deadly conflicts, and stopped atrocities.

    Peace operations are designed not only to be an effective example of multilateralism in action — but a cost-effective one.

    At their best, they show how when the UN comes together to address challenges, the burden is diminished on individual countries alone.  

    But as we all know, peace operations face serious barriers that demand new approaches.

    Wars are becoming more complex and more deadly. 

    They last longer, and are more enmeshed in global and regional dynamics. 

    Negotiated settlements have been harder to achieve.

    Meanwhile, our peace operations are confronted with a complex interplay of threats — many of which do not respect national borders.

    Terror and extremist groups, organized crime, the weaponization of new technologies, and the effects of climate change are all testing our capacities to respond.

    And, I regret to say, geopolitical divisions are undermining peace.

    The bilateral and multilateral arrangements that — for decades — have managed tensions and maintained stability are eroding.  

    Violations of international law, human rights and the UN Charter are rampant — seemingly without consequence.

    Trust is in short supply among — and within — countries and regions.

    All of these challenges and more throw fuel on the fires of conflict.

    Meanwhile, our peace responses are struggling.  

    We see a persistent mismatch between mandates and available resources.

    And we see increasing differences of views — including in this Council itself — around how peace operations should work, under what circumstances, with what mandates they should be deployed, and for how long.

    Excellencies,

    This is a grim diagnosis, but we must face facts.

    The good news is that, through the Pact for the Future, Member States committed to working to adapt peace operations for the future.

    This is an important opportunity to gain a shared understanding of what makes peace operations successful …

    What is hindering their effectiveness …

    And what new models we can use to make them more adaptable, flexible and resilient — while recognizing the limitations in situations where there is little or no peace to keep. 

    My recent proposals to you in the context of Haiti are a good example.

    We must keep working for a political process — owned and led by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    And the UN has a clear role to play in supporting stability and security, while addressing the root causes of the appalling crisis.

    The UN stands ready to assume the responsibility of the logistical and operational expenditures — including transportation, medical capabilities and support for the national police — that can support an enhanced international force by Member States that is able to confront the gangs in Haiti and create conditions for peace.   

    And the salaries of the force are paid through the trust fund that already exists.

    This is a good example of how we can design a tailored and collective approach to peace operations in an extremely complex and dangerous environment. 

    Other examples of adapting our peace operations include UNIFIL, which recently developed an adaptation plan to support the parties to uphold their obligations under resolution 1701…

    And our operations in Abyei, Sudan, where we reconfigured our peace operations into a multinational force.

    We also increasingly see the enormous benefits of strengthening cooperation with regional and subregional organizations.

    Security Council resolution 2719 is an important example.

    This breakthrough has lifted our partnership with the African Union to a new level as we work to establish peace enforcement missions under the responsibility of the African Union, supported by the United Nations.

    We are now working actively across our two Secretariats to meet the vision of the resolution, and I urge Council Members to fully support this work.

    Excellencies,

    It’s time to build on these examples and continue adapting our peace operations for current and future challenges. 

    Work is now underway to review all forms of peace operations, as requested by Member States in the Pact for the Future.

    The review will aim to critically examine these tools and propose concrete recommendations to make them fit for today.

    This will include extensive consultations with Member States and others to inform — and inspire — recommendations.

    The review will build on the analysis presented in the New Agenda for Peace.

    It will be informed by the first comprehensive study of the history of special political missions in the 80 years of the United Nations, which will be released soon.

    And it will reflect the Pact’s call to ensure that peace operations engage at the earliest possible stage in planning transitions with host countries, UN Country Teams and local and regional groups.

    The review also aligns with the Pact’s call to this Council to ensure that peace operations are guided by clear and sequenced mandates that are realistic and achievable — with viable exit strategies and transition plans.

    And it will draw on the discussions taking place in preparation for the Peacekeeping Ministerial in Berlin in May focusing on the future of peacekeeping.

    Excellences,

    Tout au long de l’étude, nous mènerons des consultations approfondies afin de recueillir un éventail de vues aussi large que possible et de bénéficier d’une expertise mondiale.

    Celle des États Membres, des pays hôtes, des pays fournisseurs de contingents ou de personnel de police et des contributeurs financiers…

    Celle des organisations régionales, de la société civile et des milieux universitaires, ainsi que de nos propres hauts responsables et experts des opérations de paix des Nations Unies et du Secrétariat.

    Bien entendu, l’étude contribuera à éclairer les efforts que nous déployons dans le cadre de l’initiative ONU80, afin de dégager des gains d’efficacité et des améliorations dans tous nos axes de travail – compte tenu des défis persistants de financement auxquels notre Organisation est confrontée.

    Excellences,

    Le débat public d’aujourd’hui est une occasion précieuse pour le Conseil de partager toute idée et point de vue qui pourrait contribuer à l’étude.

    J’invite tous les États Membres à apporter leur pierre à l’édifice.

    Et j’appelle ce Conseil à continuer à œuvrer pour surmonter les divisions et les désaccords entourant les opérations de paix, et bâtir le soutien politique unifié et cohérent dont nos opérations de paix – et les femmes et les hommes qui les mènent – ont tant besoin.

    Je vous remercie.

    ***
    All-English

    Mr. President, Excellencies,
     
    I thank the government of Denmark for convening this high-level discussion.

    United Nations peace operations safeguard people and communities in some of the most desperate places on earth. 

    These operations comprise both peacekeeping operations and special political missions.

    Their work ranges from early warning to preventive diplomacy…

    From peacemaking to verifying peace agreements to protecting civilians…

    From negotiating ceasefires to helping parties implement them on the ground…

    To electoral support and observer missions.

    Collectively, these operations represent a critical tool at this Council’s disposal to maintain international peace and security in a variety of contexts.

    Since the first special political mission and peacekeeping operation were deployed in 1948, our peace operations have grown, adapted and evolved.

    Time and again, they allow us to mount tailored responses that have saved lives, reduced violence, prevented the expansion and spillover of deadly conflicts, and stopped atrocities.

    Peace operations are designed not only to be an effective example of multilateralism in action — but a cost-effective one.

    At their best, they show how when the UN comes together to address challenges, the burden is diminished on individual countries alone.  

    But as we all know, peace operations face serious barriers that demand new approaches.

    Wars are becoming more complex and more deadly. 

    They last longer, and are more enmeshed in global and regional dynamics. 

    Negotiated settlements have been harder to achieve.

    Meanwhile, our peace operations are confronted with a complex interplay of threats — many of which do not respect national borders.

    Terror and extremist groups, organized crime, the weaponization of new technologies, and the effects of climate change are all testing our capacities to respond.

    And, I regret to say, geopolitical divisions are undermining peace.

    The bilateral and multilateral arrangements that — for decades — have managed tensions and maintained stability are eroding.  

    Violations of international law, human rights and the UN Charter are rampant — seemingly without consequence.

    Trust is in short supply among — and within — countries and regions.

    All of these challenges and more throw fuel on the fires of conflict.

    Meanwhile, our peace responses are struggling.  

    We see a persistent mismatch between mandates and available resources.

    And we see increasing differences of views — including in this Council itself — around how peace operations should work, under what circumstances, with what mandates they should be deployed, and for how long.

    Excellencies,

    This is a grim diagnosis, but we must face facts.

    The good news is that, through the Pact for the Future, Member States committed to working to adapt peace operations for the future.

    This is an important opportunity to gain a shared understanding of what makes peace operations successful …

    What is hindering their effectiveness …

    And what new models we can use to make them more adaptable, flexible and resilient — while recognizing the limitations in situations where there is little or no peace to keep. 

    My recent proposals to you in the context of Haiti are a good example.

    We must keep working for a political process — owned and led by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    And the UN has a clear role to play in supporting stability and security, while addressing the root causes of the appalling crisis.

    The UN stands ready to assume the responsibility of the logistical and operational expenditures — including transportation, medical capabilities and support for the national police — that can support an international force established by Member States that is able to confront the gangs in Haiti and create conditions for peace.   

    And the salaries of the force are paid through the trust fund that already exists.

    This is a good example of how we can design a tailored and collective approach to peace operations in an extremely complex and dangerous environment. 

    Other examples of adapting our peace operations include UNIFIL, which recently developed an adaptation plan to support the parties to uphold their obligations under resolution 1701…

    And our operations in Abyei, Sudan, where we reconfigured our peace operations into a multinational force.

    We also increasingly see the enormous benefits of strengthening cooperation with regional and subregional organizations.

    Security Council resolution 2719 is an important example.

    This breakthrough has lifted our partnership with the African Union to a new level as we work to establish peace enforcement missions under the responsibility of the African Union, supported by the United Nations.

    We are now working actively across our two Secretariats to meet the vision of the resolution, and I urge Council Members to fully support this work.

    Excellencies,

    It’s time to build on these examples and continue adapting our peace operations for current and future challenges. 

    Work is now underway to review all forms of peace operations, as requested by Member States in the Pact for the Future.

    The review will aim to critically examine these tools and propose concrete recommendations to make them fit for today.

    This will include extensive consultations with Member States and others to inform — and inspire — recommendations.

    The review will build on the analysis presented in the New Agenda for Peace.

    It will be informed by the first comprehensive study of the history of special political missions in the 80 years of the United Nations, which will be released soon.

    And it will reflect the Pact’s call to ensure that peace operations engage at the earliest possible stage in planning transitions with host countries, UN Country Teams and local and regional groups.

    The review also aligns with the Pact’s call to this Council to ensure that peace operations are guided by clear and sequenced mandates that are realistic and achievable — with viable exit strategies and transition plans.

    And it will draw on the discussions taking place in preparation for the Peacekeeping Ministerial in Berlin in May focusing on the future of peacekeeping.

    Excellencies,

    Throughout, we will hold extensive consultations to capture as wide a spectrum of views as possible and to benefit from worldwide expertise.

    From Member States, host States, troop- and police-contributing countries and financial contributors…

    To regional organizations, civil society and academia, and our own leaders and experts within UN peace operations and the Secretariat.

    And the review will, of course, help inform our efforts through our UN@80 initiative, to find efficiencies and improvements across our work in light of the continued funding challenges we face as an organization.  

    Excellencies,

    Today’s open debate provides a vital opportunity for the Council to share perspectives and ideas to inform the review process.

    I urge all Members to support it.

    And I call on this Council to continue working to overcome divisions and disagreements around peace operations, and build the unified and consistent political support our peace operations — and the women and men who conduct them — need and deserve.

    Thank you.

    ***
    All-French

    Monsieur le Président, Excellences,

    Je remercie le Gouvernement danois d’avoir organisé ce débat de haut niveau.

    Les opérations de paix des Nations unies protègent les personnes et les communautés dans certains des endroits les plus éprouvés de la planète. 

    Ces opérations comprennent à la fois les opérations de maintien de la paix et les missions politiques spéciales.

    Leur travail va de l’alerte rapide à diplomatie préventive…

    Du rétablissement de la paix à la vérification de l’application des accords de paix et de la protection des civils…

    De la négociation de cessez-le-feu au soutien de leur mise en œuvre par les parties sur le terrain…

    Ou encore aux missions d’observation et d’appui électoral.

    Prises ensemble, ces opérations dotent le Conseil d’un outil essentiel pour maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales dans divers contextes.

    Depuis le déploiement de la première mission politique spéciale et de la première opération de maintien de la paix en 1948, nos opérations de paix se sont développées, adaptées et transformées.

    Elles nous permettent régulièrement d’intervenir de façon ciblée pour sauver des vies, réduire la violence, enrayer l’élargissement et le débordement de conflits meurtriers, et mettre fin à des atrocités.

    Les opérations de paix sont conçues pour démontrer non seulement l’efficacité du multilatéralisme en action mais aussi son intérêt en termes de coûts.

    Dans le meilleur des cas, elles montrent qu’il est possible d’alléger le fardeau qui pèse sur chaque pays individuellement lorsque les Nations Unies se rallient pour agir.

    Toutefois, comme nous le savons tous, les opérations de paix se heurtent à des obstacles de taille, et de nouvelles approches s’imposent.

    Les guerres deviennent plus complexes et plus meurtrières.

    Elles durent plus longtemps et sont davantage imbriquées dans des dynamiques mondiales et régionales.

    Il est plus difficile de parvenir à des règlements négociés.

    Parallèlement, un entrelacs complexe de menaces, dont beaucoup transcendent les frontières nationales, se dresse face aux opérations de paix.

    Les groupes terroristes et extrémistes, la criminalité organisée, la militarisation des nouvelles technologies et les effets des changements climatiques sont autant de phénomènes qui mettent à l’épreuve nos capacités d’intervention.

    Et – je suis navré de le constater – les divisions géopolitiques sapent la paix.

    Les accords bilatéraux et multilatéraux qui, pendant des décennies, avaient permis de maîtriser les tensions et de préserver la stabilité s’érodent.

    Les violations du droit international, des droits humains et de la Charte des Nations Unies sont légion – sans que cela ne porte à conséquence, semble-t-il.

    La confiance se fait rare entre les pays, entre les régions, et à l’intérieur de ceux-ci.

    Tous ces dangers, et bien d’autres encore, attisent la flamme des conflits.

    De notre côté, nos interventions en faveur de la paix sont à la peine.

    Nous constatons une asymétrie persistante entre les mandats confiés et les ressources disponibles.

    Et nous constatons des divergences de vues de plus en plus marquées – y compris au sein même de ce Conseil – sur les modalités de fonctionnement des opérations de paix, les circonstances justifiant leur déploiement, la teneur de leur mandat et leur durée.

    Excellences,

    Le diagnostic peut paraître sombre, mais il correspond à la réalité.

    La bonne nouvelle est que les États Membres se sont engagés dans le Pacte pour l’avenir à adapter les opérations de paix pour l’avenir.

    Voilà une occasion privilégiée de dégager une réponse commune aux questions suivantes : quelles sont les conditions de réussite des opérations de paix ?

    Quels obstacles se dressent sur le chemin ?

    Et quels nouveaux modèles nous pouvons appliquer afin de les rendre plus adaptables, plus souples et plus résilientes – tout en reconnaissant les cas limites où l’on sait qu’il y a peu ou pas de paix à maintenir.

    Les propositions que je vous ai faites récemment dans le contexte d’Haïti en sont une bonne illustration.

    Nous devons continuer d’œuvrer en faveur d’un processus politique – maîtrisé et conduit par le peuple haïtien – qui rétablisse les institutions démocratiques par la voie électorale.

    L’ONU a un rôle clair à jouer pour appuyer la stabilité et la sécurité, tout en s’attaquant aux causes profondes de cette crise effroyable.

    L’ONU est prête à assumer la responsabilité des dépenses logistiques et opérationnelles – y compris le transport, les capacités médicales et le soutien envers la police nationale – qui peuvent appuyer une force internationale renforcée par les États membres, qui soit capable de faire face aux gangs en Haïti et de créer les conditions de la paix.

    Les salaires de la force quant à eux sont couverts par le fonds d’affectation spéciale qui existe déjà.

    Nous avons là un bon exemple de la manière dont nous pouvons concevoir une approche adaptée et collective des opérations de paix dans un environnement extrêmement complexe et dangereux.

    Parmi les autres exemples d’adaptation de nos opérations de paix, citons la FINUL, qui a récemment élaboré un plan d’adaptation pour aider les parties à respecter les obligations que leur fait la résolution 1701.

    On peut également évoquer nos opérations à Abyei, au Soudan, où nous avons reconfiguré nos opérations de paix en une force multinationale.

    Nous prenons également de plus en plus la mesure des avantages considérables que présente le renforcement de la collaboration avec les organisations régionales et sous-régionales.

    La résolution 2719 du Conseil de sécurité revêt une importance certaine à cet égard.

    Cette avancée a porté notre partenariat avec l’Union africaine à un niveau supérieur, alors que nous œuvrons à la mise en place de missions d’imposition de la paix sous la responsabilité de l’Union africaine, avec le soutien des Nations unies.

    Nos deux Secrétariats travaillent désormais activement à concrétiser la vision énoncée dans la résolution, et j’invite les membres du Conseil à y apporter leur plein concours.

    Excellences,

    Il est temps de s’inspirer de ces exemples et de continuer à adapter nos opérations de paix aux défis actuels et futurs. 

    Des travaux sont en cours pour réexaminer toutes les formes d’opérations de paix, comme l’ont demandé les États Membres dans le Pacte pour l’avenir.

    L’objectif est de procéder à un examen critique de ces outils et de proposer des recommandations concrètes afin de les adapter au monde d’aujourd’hui.

    Il s’agira notamment de mener des consultations approfondies avec les États Membres et d’autres parties prenantes afin de nourrir – et d’inspirer – ces recommandations.

    L’étude fera fond sur l’analyse présentée dans le Nouvel Agenda pour la paix.

    Elle prendra pour appui l’étude d’ensemble de l’histoire des missions politiques spéciales, la première effectuée en 80 ans d’existence de l’ONU, qui sera publiée prochainement.

    Elle se fera aussi l’écho de l’appel lancé dans le Pacte pour veiller à ce que les opérations de paix s’engagent le plus tôt possible dans la planification des transitions avec les pays hôtes, l’équipe de pays des Nations Unies et les groupes locaux et régionaux.

    L’étude s’inscrit également dans le sillage de la demande qui est adressée au Conseil dans le Pacte pour que les opérations de paix soient guidées par des mandats clairs et séquencés, réalistes et réalisables, ainsi que des stratégies de sortie et des plans de transition viables.

    Elle s’appuiera enfin sur les discussions qui se tiennent en préparation de la Conférence ministérielle sur le maintien de la paix qui aura lieu à Berlin en mai et qui sera consacrée à l’avenir du maintien de la paix.

    Excellences,

    Tout au long de l’étude, nous mènerons des consultations approfondies afin de recueillir un éventail de vues aussi large que possible et de bénéficier d’une expertise mondiale.

    Celle des États Membres, des pays hôtes, des pays fournisseurs de contingents ou de personnel de police et des contributeurs financiers…

    Celle des organisations régionales, de la société civile et des milieux universitaires, ainsi que de nos propres hauts responsables et experts des opérations de paix des Nations Unies et du Secrétariat.

    Bien entendu, l’étude contribuera à éclairer les efforts que nous déployons dans le cadre de l’initiative ONU80, afin de dégager des gains d’efficacité et des améliorations dans tous nos axes de travail – compte tenu des défis persistants de financement auxquels notre Organisation est confrontée.

    Excellences,

    Le débat public d’aujourd’hui est une occasion précieuse pour le Conseil de partager toute idée et point de vue qui pourrait contribuer à l’étude.

    J’invite tous les États Membres à apporter leur pierre à l’édifice.

    Et j’appelle ce Conseil à continuer à œuvrer pour surmonter les divisions et les désaccords entourant les opérations de paix, et bâtir le soutien politique unifié et cohérent dont nos opérations de paix – et les femmes et les hommes qui les mènent – ont tant besoin.

    Je vous remercie.
     

    MIL OSI Africa –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: H.R. 1491, Disaster Related Extension of Deadlines Act

    Source: US Congressional Budget Office

    H.R. 1491 would amend the Internal Revenue Code to modify the statute of limitations on filing for a tax credit or tax refund in the case of declared disasters. The bill would treat any filing extension granted in such cases as applicable to the allowable period for filing a return to receive a tax credit or tax refund. The bill would also apply the extension to the date used to determine when the Internal Revenue Service must mail a notice and demand for payment.

    The Congressional Budget Act of 1974, as amended, stipulates that revenue estimates provided by the staff of the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) are the official estimates for all tax legislation considered by the Congress. CBO therefore incorporates such estimates into its cost estimates of the effects of legislation. The revenue estimates for the bill were provided by JCT. JCT estimates that the bill would reduce federal revenues by an insignificant amount over the 2025-2035 period.

    CBO estimates that it would cost less than $500,000 over the 2025-2030 period to implement the bill. Any related spending would be subject to the availability of appropriated funds.

    The CBO staff contact for this estimate is Jennifer Shand. The estimate was reviewed by John McClelland, Director of Tax Analysis.

    Phillip L. Swagel

    Director, Congressional Budget Office

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Oregon Department of Emergency Management Warns of Fraud Risks Following Oregon

    Source: US State of Oregon

    strong>Salem, OR—As Oregon communities grapple with the aftermath of devastating flooding and landslides, that Governor Kotek declared a state of emergency, the Oregon Department of Emergency Management (OEM) is urging residents to remain cautious and informed to avoid falling victim to fraudulent schemes, particularly those involving online fundraising platforms like GoFundMe.

    As communities come together to support those affected, scammers may exploit the generosity of Oregonians by creating fake fundraising campaigns or misrepresenting their intentions. Scam attempts can come via phone calls, mail, email, text, or in-person visits. To help protect yourself and your donations, OEM shares these tips:

    Double Check Your Charitable Donations

    • Verify the campaign’s authenticity: Only donate to fundraisers created by individuals or organizations you know and trust. Look for detailed and transparent information about how the funds will be used. Verify fundraisers’ legitimacy on the Oregon Department of Justice Charitable Activities page of registered organizations.
    • Check for secure websites: Ensure the fundraising platform uses a secure connection (look for “https://” and a padlock icon in the browser). Avoid clicking on suspicious links shared via email or social media.
    • Be cautious about personal information: Do not share sensitive details like Social Security numbers or financial information with unverified individuals or groups.
    • Monitor for identity theft: Regularly check your credit report for any accounts or changes you do not recognize. If you suspect identity theft, file a complaint at IdentityTheft.gov. If you think your identity has been compromised, freeze your credit accounts.
    • Report suspicious activity or fraud: If you suspect fraudulent activity, report it to the Oregon Department of Justice Consumer Protection Hotline at 1-877-877-9392 or visit www.oregonconsumer.gov
    • Protect your donations from charity scams: Avoid cash donations; use checks or credit cards for security. Look for transparent fund usage plans. Sign up for scam alerts from the Oregon Department of Justice Scam Alert Network.

    Avoid Contractor Scams for Cleanup and Repairs

    As residents begin recovery efforts, fraudulent contractors may target those needing home repairs or cleanup services. Keep these tips in mind:

    • Research contractors thoroughly: Verify that the contractor is licensed, bonded, and insured. Check for reviews, references, and ratings through trusted sources such as the Oregon Construction Contractors Board.
    • Get written estimates: Obtain multiple estimates for the work and ensure they’re detailed and in writing. Be cautious of contractors who demand large upfront payments or offer unusually low prices.
    • Avoid high-pressure sales tactics: Don’t rush into signing contracts or agreeing to services. Take your time to make informed decisions.
    • Never pay in cash: Use checks or credit cards, as these payment methods provide a paper trail and added security.
    • Beware of door-to-door solicitors: Scammers often approach residents with unsolicited offers. Always verify their legitimacy and credentials before proceeding.

    Key Fraud Prevention Reminders

    • Public aid is free: There are no costs to apply for assistance or participate in inspections.
    • Verify government workers: Government workers always carry identification badges and never ask for or accept money.
    • If something feels off, trust your instincts: Contact law enforcement to confirm the validity of claims.
    • Follow trusted Information sources: Stay tuned to local media and official social media for reliable updates on the disaster and fraud prevention tips.

    OEM is committed to supporting disaster survivors and preventing fraudulent activities that hinder recovery efforts. Let’s work together to protect our communities, ensure donations reach those in need, and safeguard survivors from fraud and identity theft.

    For more information on disaster recovery in your area contact your local Office of Emergency Management. If you have questions or concerns about any donation requests you have received, contact your local law enforcement.

    ###

    It is the mission of Oregon Emergency Management to proactively develop emergency response, risk reduction and disaster recovery programs to better serve Oregonians during times of disaster. OEM prioritizes an equitable and inclusive culture of preparedness that empowers all Oregonians to thrive in times in crisis. The agency leads collaborative statewide efforts, inclusive of all partners and the communities we serve, to ensure the capability to get help in an emergency and to protect, mitigate, prepare for, respond to, and recover from emergencies or disasters. For more information about the OEM, visit oregon.gov/oem.

    You can get this document in other languages, large print, braille, or a format you prefer. For assistance, email OEM_publicinfo@oem.oregon.gov or dial 711

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Crapo, Risch, Blumenthal Reintroduce Bipartisan Legislation to Deliver Combat-Injured Veterans Full Military Benefits

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Idaho Mike Crapo

    Washington, D.C.–U.S. Senator Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee Ranking Member Richard Blumenthal (D-Connecticut) led reintroduction, along with Senator Jim Risch (R-Idaho), of S. 1032, the Major Richard Star Act.  This bipartisan legislation would provide combat-injured veteran retirees their full benefits.

    “The Major Richard Star Act corrects a severe injustice for combat-wounded veterans,” said Crapo.  “The support for this correction is clear.  Though the namesake of our legislation is no longer with us, I continue to press for its passage on behalf of the more than 50,000 veterans, including hundreds in Idaho, who stand to benefit.” 

    “Our veterans made significant sacrifices for our freedoms. Penalizing their retirement benefits due to injuries they incurred during their honorable service to our country is unacceptable,” said Risch.  “The Major Richard Star Act protects the entirety of veterans’ earned benefits and give our nation’s heroes the respect they deserve.”

    “This measure corrects one of the deepest injustices in our present veterans’ disability system,” said Blumenthal.  “It is unacceptable that tens of thousands of combat-injured veterans are denied the full military benefits they earned.  Our bipartisan bill will right this longstanding injustice and finally provide these military retirees who have already sacrificed so much their full VA disability and Defense Department retirement payments.”

    Currently, only veterans with disability ratings above 50 percent and more than 20 years of service are eligible to receive the full amount of their U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) retirement and U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) disability payments, leaving behind more than 50,000 combat-injured military retirees, including hundreds in Idaho.  The Major Richard Star Act would fix this unjust policy for retired combat veterans—providing them full VA disability and DOD retirement payments earned by their service.

    The bipartisan legislation is named in honor of Major Richard A. Star, a decorated war veteran who was forced to medically retire due to his combat-related injuries.  Major Star sadly lost his battle with cancer on February 13, 2021. S. 1032 has 43 bipartisan co-sponsors.

    Representatives Gus Bilirakis (R-Florida) and Raul Ruiz (D-California) introduced companion legislation, with 185 bipartisan co-sponsors, in the U.S. House of Representatives.

    The bipartisan effort to provide combat-injured veterans their due benefits is supported by the Air Force Sergeants Association (AFSA), Air & Space Forces Association (AFA), American GI Forum, The American Legion, American Military Society, American Veterans (AMVETS), Armed Forces Retiree Association, Army Aviation Association of America (AAAA), Association of Military Surgeons of the United States  (AMSUS), Association of the United States Army (AUSA), Association of the United States Navy (AUSN), Blinded Veterans Association (BVA), Burn Pits 360, Chief Warrant Officers Association of the US Coast Guard (CWOA), Commissioned Officers Association of the U.S. Public Health Service, Inc. (COA), Disabled American Veterans (DAV), Enlisted Association of the National Guard of the United States, Fleet Reserve Association (FRA), Heroes Athletic Association, Gold Star Wives of America (GSW), Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America (IAVA), Jewish War Veterans of the United States of America (JWV), K9s for Warriors, Marine Corps League (MCL), Marine Corps Reserve Association (MCRA), Military Chaplains Association of the United States of America (MCA), Military Officers Association of America (MOAA), Military Order of the Purple Heart (MOPH), Mission Roll Call, National Defense Committee, National Military Family Association (NMFA), Naval Enlisted Reserve Association (NERA), Non-Commissioned Officers Association (NCOA), Operation First Response, Paralyzed Veterans of America (PVA), Quality of Life Foundation, Reserve Organization of America (ROA), Stronghold Freedom Foundation, Tragedy Assistance Program for Survivors (TAPS), The Retired Enlisted Association (TREA), The Independence Fund (TIF), United States Army Warrant Officers Association (USAWOA), USCG Chief Petty Officers Association (CPOA), VetsFirst/United Spinal Association, Vietnam Veterans of America (VVA), Wounded Paw Project and Wounded Warrior Project (WWP).

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK sanctions for human rights violations and abuses during the Sri Lankan civil war

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    UK sanctions for human rights violations and abuses during the Sri Lankan civil war

    The UK has today sanctioned figures responsible for serious human rights violations and abuses during the civil war in Sri Lanka.

    • The UK sanctions former Sri Lankan commanders and an ex–Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) commander responsible for serious human rights violations and abuses during the civil war. 

    • Sanctions aim to seek accountability for serious human rights violations and abuses, committed during the civil war, and to prevent a culture of impunity.  

    • UK is committed to working with new Sri Lankan government on human rights, welcoming their commitments to national unity.

    The UK government has imposed sanctions on four individuals responsible for serious human rights abuses and violations during the Sri Lanka civil war; including extrajudicial killings, torture and/or perpetration of sexual violence. 

    The individuals sanctioned by the UK today include former senior Sri Lankan military commanders, and a former LTTE military commander who later led the paramilitary Karuna Group, operating on behalf of the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE. 

    The measures, which include UK travel bans and asset freezes, target individuals responsible for a range of violations and abuses, such as extrajudicial killings, during the civil war.

    Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, David Lammy, said: 

    The UK government is committed to human rights in Sri Lanka, including seeking accountability for human rights violations and abuses which took place during the civil war, and which continue to have an impact on communities today.

    I made a commitment during the election campaign to ensure those responsible are not allowed impunity. This decision ensures that those responsible for past human rights violations and abuses are held accountable.

    The UK government looks forward to working with the new Sri Lankan government to improve human rights in Sri Lanka, and welcomes their commitments on national unity.

    During her January visit to Sri Lanka, Minister for the Indo-Pacific, Catherine West MP, held constructive discussions on human rights with the Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, civil society organisations, as well as political leaders in the north of Sri Lanka.   

    For communities to move forward together, there must be acknowledgement, and accountability for past wrongdoing, which the sanctions listings introduced today will support. We want all Sri Lanka communities to be able to grow and prosper. 

    The UK remains committed to working constructively with the Sri Lankan Government on human rights improvements as well as their broader reform agenda including economic growth and stability. As part of our Plan for Change, the UK recognises that promoting stability overseas is good for our national security. 

    The UK has long led international efforts to promote accountability in Sri Lanka alongside partners in the Core Group on Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council, which includes Canada, Malawi, Montenegro, and North Macedonia.  

    Notes to editors:

    Those sanctioned are:  

    • former Head of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces, Shavendra Silva;  

    • former Navy Commander, Wasantha Karannagoda;  

    • former Commander of the Sri Lankan Army, Jagath Jayasuriya;  

    • former military commander of the terrorist group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan. Also known as Karuna Amman, he subsequently created and led the paramilitary Karuna Group, which worked on behalf of the Sri Lankan Army. 

    The UK has supported Sri Lanka’s economic reform through the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, supporting debt restructuring as a member of Sri Lanka’s Official Creditor Committee and providing technical assistance to Sri Lanka’s Inland Revenue Department. 

    The UK and Sri Lanka share strong cultural, economic and people to people ties, including through our educational systems. The UK has widened educational access in Sri Lanka through the British Council on English language training and work on transnational education to offer internationally accredited qualifications.

    Media enquiries

    Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

    Telephone 020 7008 3100

    Contact the FCDO Communication Team via email (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

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    Updates to this page

    Published 24 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: MOHELA Awarded Top Workplace by USA Today for Its Commitment to Employees, Culture, and Community

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    ST. LOUIS, March 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — MOHELA, a non-profit governmental corporation dedicated to helping the student loan borrowers it serves, has been named a 2025 USA Today Top Workplace, recognizing employee’s agility and unwavering dedication to both advocating for borrowers and taking care of its team members.

    This prestigious award highlights MOHELA’s dedication to employees, borrowers, and the communities it serves, emphasizing a workplace culture centered on teamwork, agility, and respect.

    “We are honored to be recognized as a USA Today Top Workplace,” said Scott Giles, CEO and Executive Director of MOHELA. “This award is a testament to the culture we have built—one where employees feel valued, supported, and empowered to make a real impact on the borrowers we serve.”

    A Culture of Growth and Support

    MOHELA has seen significant growth in recent years, welcoming nearly 900 new employees, expanding its workforce to about 2,000 team members. This growth brought new perspectives and opportunities, strengthening MOHELA’s ability to serve borrowers while maintaining a strong, people-first culture.

    MOHELA’s employee benefits reflect its investment in staff well-being, including hybrid and remote work options, tuition reimbursement for employees and their dependents, and an 8% 401(k) match. Additionally, the MOHELA Cares Program has provided nearly $200,000 in financial assistance to employees facing hardship since 2018.

    “Our employees are the heart of MOHELA,” said Chrissy Ellinger, MOHELA’s Human Resources Director. “This recognition as a Top Workplace reflects our unwavering commitment to creating an environment where employees thrive both professionally and personally.”

    Beyond the Workplace: A Commitment to Community

    MOHELA’s mission extends beyond its employees, with a long-standing commitment to supporting students and families through its foundation programs. In the 2024-25 academic year alone, MOHELA awarded $4.7 million in scholarships to help 2,466 students pursue higher education.

    By fostering a collaborative, mission-driven workplace, MOHELA continues to build a brighter future for both its employees and the borrowers it serves.

    For more information about MOHELA and career opportunities, visit MOHELA.com.

    About MOHELA
    MOHELA is a non-profit, governmental corporation with 40 years of experience and a track record of providing exceptional customer service to the borrowers it serves. MOHELA plays an essential role in the student loan ecosystem, providing support and assistance for around 9 million borrowers.

    The MIL Network –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Three graphic novels that address the history of slavery – and commemorate resistance

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dominic Davies, Senior Lecturer in English, City St George’s, University of London

    Millions of people were abducted from west Africa and forcibly trafficked to the Americas over the 400 years of the transatlantic slave trade, from the 15th to the 19th century.

    Slavery treated these people as forms of property. It forced them, with brutal violence, to work on plantations producing commodities such as cotton and coffee, sugar and tobacco. Their labour powered the world economy for several centuries.

    While common understanding of this history has improved, less frequently remembered are those who spearheaded resistance against slavery. Revolutionary uprisings led by enslaved people themselves, as well as actions by radical groups such as Quakers and mutinous pirates, challenged slavery long before William Wilberforce and Britain’s abolition movement.

    Now, an increasingly popular genre of the graphic novel is building public awareness and memory of these movements. Composing its stories of the past from framed documents, fragmented images and scraps of text, the form of the graphic novel resembles an archive. It is therefore well-placed to bring forgotten histories to life and to reflect on how those histories were recovered.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


    Here are three recent graphic novels that can help us to remember resistance against slavery. They follow in the footsteps of historian Rebecca Hall’s collaboration with artist Hugo Martínez, Wake: The Hidden History of Women-Led Slave Revolts (2021), which I would also strongly recommend.

    1. Toussaint Louverture: The Story of the Only Successful Slave Revolt in History

    By C.L.R. James, Nic Watts, and Sakina Karimjee (2023)

    In the early 1930s, the anti-colonial historian, C.L.R. James, wrote a play about the 1791 Haitian Revolution and its leader, Toussaint Louverture.

    It dramatised the story of the only successful slave revolt in history, when 100,000 slaves rose up against their white masters and eventually secured independence after almost 15 years of struggle.

    James’s play was performed only twice in 1936, with the great African American actor Paul Robeson in the title role. The script was then lost for several decades, until 2005, when the historian Christian Høgsberg discovered a copy in the archives at the University of Hull and published a new edition of the play.

    In 2012, graphic artist, Nic Watts and theatre practitioner, Sakina Karimjee, decided to bring James’s play back to life – not on the stage, but in the pages of a graphic novel.

    James, who died in 1989, might not have guessed that he would one day be a co-creator of a graphic novel. But he would surely have been impressed with Toussaint Louverture, which takes readers through the Haitian Revolution in almost 300 thrilling pages.

    The graphic novel uses its uniquely spatial medium to map the connections between the French Revolution, which proclaimed universal rights for all men, and the slave uprising in Haiti, which sought to realise those rights in France’s colonies. It is packed with powerful symbols and imagery that build a rich picture of the strategies and tactics that led to the uprising’s eventual victory.

    2. Prophet Against Slavery: Benjamin Lay, A Graphic Novel

    By David Lester, edited by Paul Buhle and Marcus Rediker (2023)

    Historian Marcus Rediker has devoted his career to uncovering early histories of resistance against slavery and sharing them in compelling and accessible formats.

    In 2021 he teamed up with the illustrator, David Lester, and longtime graphic historian, Paul Buhle, to translate this work into graphic novels.

    The first, Prophet Against Slavery, takes readers back to a Quaker meeting house in the early 1700s. In its dramatic opening scene, Benjamin Lay disrupts the meeting with a piece of performance theatre. He appears to stab his own arm in protest against slavery, though we later learn that the spouting blood was in fact “red pokeberry juice”.

    Lay was an innovator of performance protest, and he developed the strategy of boycotting commodities produced by slave labour. As Prophet Against Slavery details, he was one of the earliest and most outspoken abolitionists, campaigning for the end of the transatlantic slave trade almost a century before Wilberforce.

    He was also a pioneer of veganism and an advocate for animal rights. Lay saw the parallels between early capitalism’s enclosure of common land in England and slavery’s enclosure of people’s bodies in the US. The claustrophobic borders of Lester’s graphic novel dramatise these acts of property making, even as they document Lay’s stubborn attempts to liberate the oppressed from bondage.

    The enslaved themselves do not have a voice in Prophet Against Slavery. But Lester uses powerful charcoal sketches and image-only panels to make sure their presence is never forgotten.

    These haunting images remind readers of the human cost of slavery without presuming to speak for those whose voices have been excluded from the written archive.

    3. Under the Banner of King Death: Pirates of the Atlantic, A Graphic Novel

    By David Lester and Marcus Rediker (2023)

    Rediker and Lester teamed up again for Under the Banner of King Death. The title refers to the skull and cross bones flag that flies on the masts of pirate ships.

    But this is not your conventional story of evil pirates drinking rum and hunting for gold (although there is some of that). It is rather a portrait of the pirate ship as a space of self-determination and political freedom at a time when, as Rediker puts it, “poor people had no democratic rights anywhere in the world”.

    The graphic novel tells the story of John Gwin, an African-American man who escaped from slavery in South Carolina. After being kidnapped by the Royal African Company to labour on a slaving ship, he decides to resist. He rallies his shipmates, liberates the Africans below deck, and leads a mutiny to overthrow Skinner, the tyrannical captain.

    With Skinner deposed, the pirates establish a commune at sea: “A world turned upside down,” as Gwin calls it. “All captains and officers elected. All tars [sailors] treated as brothers. No tyranny of the lash.” There is no hierarchy on this ship. Instead, they return to west Africa and begin breaking people out of slave castles along the coast.

    Lester’s pen-and-ink sketches and frantic page layouts capture the scattergun nature of pirate life in the 17th century. It was a dangerous existence. Such was the threat posed by pirates to the ruling order that the British Navy worked quickly to capture them and make an example. Under the Banner of King Death starts and ends with hanging scenes, where pirates were put to death in public.

    But while the British state could hang the pirates, it couldn’t kill their idea of freedom from slavery. Lester and Rediker recover this history and remind us of the revolutionary spirit that the skull and cross bones flag once represented.

    These graphic novels commemorate new histories of resistance to the slave trade, while also reminding us of the historiographic work that must be put into recovering and retelling them, now and in the future.

    Dominic Davies does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Three graphic novels that address the history of slavery – and commemorate resistance – https://theconversation.com/three-graphic-novels-that-address-the-history-of-slavery-and-commemorate-resistance-251740

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: There’s a global tug-of-war for Greenland’s resources – but the new government has its own plans

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nicolas Jouan, Senior Defence and Security Analyst, RAND Europe

    Greenland’s parliamentary election was held on March 11 against a backdrop of repeated calls from the Trump administration for America to annex the island. The poll delivered a momentous shift in Greenland’s political landscape as the pro-business Demokraatit (Democrats) emerged as the biggest winners overturning the two left-leaning parties which had formed the previous government.

    Securing nearly 30% of the vote and gaining seven seats for a total of ten in the Inatsisartut (parliament), the party now holds the strongest mandate it has ever had. Close behind was the nationalist Naleraq party, which secured 24.5% of the vote and gained four seats, bringing their total to eight.

    While both parties are united in their rejection of Trump’s ambitions and share a vision of Greenlandic independence, their approaches couldn’t be more different. Demokraatit advocates for a gradual, measured process, prioritising economic development. The party considers that economic self-sufficiency and strengthening domestic infrastructure are key preconditions to achieve independence. Naleraq, on the other hand, is pushing for a rapid break from Denmark. Its line is that Greenland will only be able to unleash its potential, economic and otherwise, once independent.

    Independence has long been the dominant theme of Greenlandic politics. Ever since the territory gained home rule in 1979, most political parties across the spectrum have championed the idea of full independence from the kingdom of Denmark. Even the two major challengers – the Inuit Ataqatigiit, which lost five seats at the election to drop to seven, and the once-dominant Siumut, which lost six and now holds just four seats – are pro-independence.

    But while independence remains a defining issue, the real story of this election is Greenland’s economy. The island is sitting on a treasure trove of rare earth elements, uranium, iron and other minerals critical to global industries. Yet despite decades of interest from foreign investors, strict regulations and environmental concerns have often slowed development.

    With Demokraatit’s rise, that could change. The party is pushing for pro-business policies, including tax incentives, streamlined regulations and reduced state intervention in key industries like mining, fisheries and tourism. If successful, these reforms could transform Greenland into a major player in the global supply chain.

    Despite its electoral gains, Demokraatit faces a challenge in implementing its economic vision. The party’s potential coalition partner, Naleraq, is deeply sceptical of foreign investment, at least when it comes from Denmark and Europe. While open to partnerships with the US, Naleraq is adamant that Greenland must retain full control over its resources, resisting any foreign influence that could compromise national sovereignty.

    This ideological divide could create friction within a potential coalition government. Will Demokraatit’s pro-business agenda be tempered by Naleraq’s nationalistic stance? Or will the promise of economic growth push both parties toward compromise?

    Global powers are watching

    Greenland’s election came at a time when it was already the focus of world attention. Its strategic location and vast resources have attracted growing interest from global superpowers – none more so than the US. Trump has repeatedly expressed interest in acquiring Greenland, a move widely considered unrealistic, but indicative of Washington’s strategic priorities.

    American interest in Greenland isn’t new. The island is home to the Pituffik Space Base, formerly Thule Air Base, since the 1950s as a critical part of North American missile defence and whose Arctic position makes it a key player in both American territorial defence and Nato’s security architecture. Pituffik is the only non-Danish military presence in the territory and is the northernmost American military base.

    But the White House’s rhetoric has taken a more insistent tone, raising questions about whether the US might attempt to exert greater influence over Greenland’s economic and political future. The interest in Greenland seems guided by at least two factors: its strategic position at the centre of the North Atlantic security complex and its economic potential with hard-to-access but abundant resources.

    In both cases, the growing involvement of both Russia and China in the Arctic seem to make the US wary of a potentially independent Greenland getting closer to unfriendly great powers.

    Denmark’s central government is walking a diplomatic tightrope when it comes to responding to the US government’s repeated intentions to annex Greenland. Copenhagen has sought to Europeanise the debate, floating the idea of Greenland joining the European Union. Taking this step would provide welcome economic support to the island but could also clash with Greenland’s scepticism toward European interference.

    Greenland now stands at a crossroads. Domestically, negotiations between Demokraatit and Naleraq will likely shape the trajectory of the island’s economic and independence ambitions. Internationally, major powers – including the US, the EU and possibly even China and Russia – are positioning themselves to engage with Greenland’s untapped potential.

    As the world’s focus on Greenland intensifies, one thing is clear: this Arctic nation is no longer a remote outpost. It is fast becoming a key battleground for economic, political and strategic influence in the North Atlantic.

    Nicolas Jouan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. There’s a global tug-of-war for Greenland’s resources – but the new government has its own plans – https://theconversation.com/theres-a-global-tug-of-war-for-greenlands-resources-but-the-new-government-has-its-own-plans-252396

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Facing annexation threats, should Canadians lament for a nation — like George Grant did in 1963?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By David Edward Tabachnick, Professor of Political Science, Nipissing University

    A decades-old lament for Canada is back on some Canadians’ minds as United States President Donald Trump makes repeated annexation threats.

    Canadian political philosopher George Grant’s Lament for a Nation was published in 1965 — the same year Canada’s iconic Maple Leaf flag was first unfurled on the Peace Tower on Parliament Hill — and unexpectedly inspired many Canadians to feel a sudden sense of pride and confidence that their country could and must stand up to its giant imperialistic neighbour to the south.

    Sixty years later, there are calls to “Bring Back Grumpy George” and renew his decades-old warning. There are also attempts to understand Grant’s continued relevance in the 21st century, as well as new volumes on his work.

    Canadian nationalist movement of 70s

    On the face of it, Grant’s slim volume may seem the perfect tonic for what ails Canada today. Consider that William Christian, Grant’s biographer, called its publication “one of the most significant factors in creating the Canadian nationalist movement of the 1970s” while esteemed journalist Charles P.B. Taylor dubbed it “a Bible for younger nationalists.”

    It “is the sun under which a generation of Canadian nationalists warm themselves,” Andrew Potter writes in his introduction to the 40th anniversary edition of Grant’s most famous work, “but it also casts the long dark shadows in which they must operate.”

    One need only wade a little into the volume to see those “the long dark shadows.” The subtitle to Grant’s book says it all: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism. So, far from being a call to arms, Lament for a Nation was, as Grant put it, a “cry out at the death or at the dying of something loved…[to mourn] the end of Canada as a sovereign state.”

    In other words, Lament was never intended to whip Canadians into a nationalist fervour, but to spell out Canada’s unfortunate and inevitable disappearance as a nation.

    ‘Blending into the (U.S.) empire’

    By this logic, the next six decades of failed strategies to diversify the Canadian economy and stillborn plans to grow its military are symptoms of a disease that had already killed the patient; Canada is the zombie nation, an apparently democratic electoral system without real substance. Grant wrote:

    “Canada has ceased to be a nation, but its formal political existence will not end quickly. Our social and economic blending into the empire will continue apace, but political union will probably be delayed. Some international catastrophe or great shift of power might speed up this process.”

    For Grant, Canada’s original death knell was acquiescence to American demands that it accept their nuclear weapons on its soil. While Canada had both the technical ability and practical capacity to build its own bombs after the Second World War, leaders decided against it.

    Jack Mackenzie, first president of Atomic Energy Control Board, explained in a 1953 address: “Canada is the only country in the world with sizeable atomic energy establishments where no bombs are being made, and where all the thinking and planning is focused on peacetime aspects.”

    But in the context of the Cold War, this principled choice was viewed as a sign of weakness by Americans, who worried about Soviet bombers travelling unrestricted over the Arctic.

    Defence crisis

    This worry led to the so-called defence crisis that dominated the federal 1963 election campaign, fought between Conservative Prime Minister Diefenbaker and Liberal Lester B. Pearson.

    A beleaguered Diefenbaker had cancelled the vaunted Avro Arrow program a few years earlier, hesitated to commit the Navy to participate in the blockade of Cuba and then balked at accepting American warheads for the BOMARC interceptor missiles designed to stop those bombers.

    The pugnacious Pearson was once a champion of non-proliferation and had shocked his supporters during his infamous Scarborough speech when he announced his surprising agreement that U.S. nukes had to be deployed on Canadian soil in the name of our “commitments for Canada in continental and collective defence,” including NORAD and NATO.

    For Grant, Diefenbaker’s defeat to Pearson was a stake through the heart of the Canada from which it would never recover. In 1963, the Royal Canadian Air Force delivered a shipment of nuclear warheads to the BOMARC missile site near RCAF Station North Bay, Ont., just up the road from where I write today.

    End of Canadian nationalism?

    A few years before his passing in 1988, Grant made it clear in a 1985 interview with Lawrence (Larry) Schmidt, a theologian and a scholar of Grant’s work, that “people have read a little book I wrote called Lament for a Nation wrongly. I was talking about the end of Canadian nationalism. I was saying that this is over and people read it as if I was making an appeal for Canadian nationalism. I think that is just nonsense. I think they just read it wrongly.”

    Today, Canadian economic well-being and security are no more in Canada’s control then they were in 1965. Trump is merely saying the quiet part out loud in his craven desire to make Canada the 51st state.

    Was Grant wrong?

    But, as it turns out, Grant was wrong. Canada is not the zombie nation. It may have been in a bit of daze for the last while, but Canadians have their elbows up again.




    Read more:
    Why Gordie Howe’s elbows are Canada’s answer to Donald Trump


    Now out of a stupor, Canadians are reviewing the wisdom of purchasing F-35s, buying new radar systems to assert our sovereignty over the Arctic and attempting to drop interprovincial trade barriers.

    Mind you, this is nothing new. In the face of American disapproval, Canada trades with Cuba, claims the Northwest Passage as its internal waters and negotiated a successful Acid Rain Treaty. Canada led the charge to ban the use of land mines and refused to participate in the American missile shield plan.

    Canada didn’t send its young men to die in the jungles of Vietnam and refused to participate in the ill-conceived Iraq War. And it still protects its fresh water and health care.

    New policy for common cause

    Still, rather than merely reacting to American insults and pressures, Canada is long overdue to develop contemporary and responsive policy, the very thing Grant thought would allow Canada to become and stay a sovereign country, at least for a while.

    As writer and historical researcher Mark Wegierski notes, this could unite conservatives and progressives in common cause.

    While Canadians may be divided at times, they need to use this moment of unity to make sure Canada stays alive and kicking.

    David Edward Tabachnick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Facing annexation threats, should Canadians lament for a nation — like George Grant did in 1963? – https://theconversation.com/facing-annexation-threats-should-canadians-lament-for-a-nation-like-george-grant-did-in-1963-252337

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Secretary-General’s remarks to the Security Council – Advancing Adaptability in UN Peace Operations: responding to new realities [bilingual, as delivered; scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    Mr. President, Excellencies,
     
    I thank the government of Denmark for convening this high-level discussion.

    United Nations peace operations safeguard people and communities in some of the most desperate places on earth. 

    These operations comprise both peacekeeping operations and special political missions.

    Their work ranges from early warning to preventive diplomacy…

    From peacemaking to verifying peace agreements to protecting civilians…

    From negotiating ceasefires to helping parties implement them on the ground…

    To electoral support and observer missions.

    Collectively, these operations represent a critical tool at this Council’s disposal to maintain international peace and security in a variety of contexts.

    Since the first special political mission and peacekeeping operation were deployed in 1948, our peace operations have grown, adapted and evolved.

    Time and again, they allow us to mount tailored responses that have saved lives, reduced violence, prevented the expansion and spillover of deadly conflicts, and stopped atrocities.

    Peace operations are designed not only to be an effective example of multilateralism in action — but a cost-effective one.

    At their best, they show how when the UN comes together to address challenges, the burden is diminished on individual countries alone.  

    But as we all know, peace operations face serious barriers that demand new approaches.

    Wars are becoming more complex and more deadly. 

    They last longer, and are more enmeshed in global and regional dynamics. 

    Negotiated settlements have been harder to achieve.

    Meanwhile, our peace operations are confronted with a complex interplay of threats — many of which do not respect national borders.

    Terror and extremist groups, organized crime, the weaponization of new technologies, and the effects of climate change are all testing our capacities to respond.

    And, I regret to say, geopolitical divisions are undermining peace.

    The bilateral and multilateral arrangements that — for decades — have managed tensions and maintained stability are eroding.  

    Violations of international law, human rights and the UN Charter are rampant — seemingly without consequence.

    Trust is in short supply among — and within — countries and regions.

    All of these challenges and more throw fuel on the fires of conflict.

    Meanwhile, our peace responses are struggling.  

    We see a persistent mismatch between mandates and available resources.

    And we see increasing differences of views — including in this Council itself — around how peace operations should work, under what circumstances, with what mandates they should be deployed, and for how long.

    Excellencies,

    This is a grim diagnosis, but we must face facts.

    The good news is that, through the Pact for the Future, Member States committed to working to adapt peace operations for the future.

    This is an important opportunity to gain a shared understanding of what makes peace operations successful …

    What is hindering their effectiveness …

    And what new models we can use to make them more adaptable, flexible and resilient — while recognizing the limitations in situations where there is little or no peace to keep. 

    My recent proposals to you in the context of Haiti are a good example.

    We must keep working for a political process — owned and led by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    And the UN has a clear role to play in supporting stability and security, while addressing the root causes of the appalling crisis.

    The UN stands ready to assume the responsibility of the logistical and operational expenditures — including transportation, medical capabilities and support for the national police — that can support an enhanced international force by Member States that is able to confront the gangs in Haiti and create conditions for peace.   

    And the salaries of the force are paid through the trust fund that already exists.

    This is a good example of how we can design a tailored and collective approach to peace operations in an extremely complex and dangerous environment. 

    Other examples of adapting our peace operations include UNIFIL, which recently developed an adaptation plan to support the parties to uphold their obligations under resolution 1701…

    And our operations in Abyei, Sudan, where we reconfigured our peace operations into a multinational force.

    We also increasingly see the enormous benefits of strengthening cooperation with regional and subregional organizations.

    Security Council resolution 2719 is an important example.

    This breakthrough has lifted our partnership with the African Union to a new level as we work to establish peace enforcement missions under the responsibility of the African Union, supported by the United Nations.

    We are now working actively across our two Secretariats to meet the vision of the resolution, and I urge Council Members to fully support this work.

    Excellencies,

    It’s time to build on these examples and continue adapting our peace operations for current and future challenges. 

    Work is now underway to review all forms of peace operations, as requested by Member States in the Pact for the Future.

    The review will aim to critically examine these tools and propose concrete recommendations to make them fit for today.

    This will include extensive consultations with Member States and others to inform — and inspire — recommendations.

    The review will build on the analysis presented in the New Agenda for Peace.

    It will be informed by the first comprehensive study of the history of special political missions in the 80 years of the United Nations, which will be released soon.

    And it will reflect the Pact’s call to ensure that peace operations engage at the earliest possible stage in planning transitions with host countries, UN Country Teams and local and regional groups.

    The review also aligns with the Pact’s call to this Council to ensure that peace operations are guided by clear and sequenced mandates that are realistic and achievable — with viable exit strategies and transition plans.

    And it will draw on the discussions taking place in preparation for the Peacekeeping Ministerial in Berlin in May focusing on the future of peacekeeping.

    Excellences,

    Tout au long de l’étude, nous mènerons des consultations approfondies afin de recueillir un éventail de vues aussi large que possible et de bénéficier d’une expertise mondiale.

    Celle des États Membres, des pays hôtes, des pays fournisseurs de contingents ou de personnel de police et des contributeurs financiers…

    Celle des organisations régionales, de la société civile et des milieux universitaires, ainsi que de nos propres hauts responsables et experts des opérations de paix des Nations Unies et du Secrétariat.

    Bien entendu, l’étude contribuera à éclairer les efforts que nous déployons dans le cadre de l’initiative ONU80, afin de dégager des gains d’efficacité et des améliorations dans tous nos axes de travail – compte tenu des défis persistants de financement auxquels notre Organisation est confrontée.

    Excellences,

    Le débat public d’aujourd’hui est une occasion précieuse pour le Conseil de partager toute idée et point de vue qui pourrait contribuer à l’étude.

    J’invite tous les États Membres à apporter leur pierre à l’édifice.

    Et j’appelle ce Conseil à continuer à œuvrer pour surmonter les divisions et les désaccords entourant les opérations de paix, et bâtir le soutien politique unifié et cohérent dont nos opérations de paix – et les femmes et les hommes qui les mènent – ont tant besoin.

    Je vous remercie.

    ***
    All-English

    Mr. President, Excellencies,
     
    I thank the government of Denmark for convening this high-level discussion.

    United Nations peace operations safeguard people and communities in some of the most desperate places on earth. 

    These operations comprise both peacekeeping operations and special political missions.

    Their work ranges from early warning to preventive diplomacy…

    From peacemaking to verifying peace agreements to protecting civilians…

    From negotiating ceasefires to helping parties implement them on the ground…

    To electoral support and observer missions.

    Collectively, these operations represent a critical tool at this Council’s disposal to maintain international peace and security in a variety of contexts.

    Since the first special political mission and peacekeeping operation were deployed in 1948, our peace operations have grown, adapted and evolved.

    Time and again, they allow us to mount tailored responses that have saved lives, reduced violence, prevented the expansion and spillover of deadly conflicts, and stopped atrocities.

    Peace operations are designed not only to be an effective example of multilateralism in action — but a cost-effective one.

    At their best, they show how when the UN comes together to address challenges, the burden is diminished on individual countries alone.  

    But as we all know, peace operations face serious barriers that demand new approaches.

    Wars are becoming more complex and more deadly. 

    They last longer, and are more enmeshed in global and regional dynamics. 

    Negotiated settlements have been harder to achieve.

    Meanwhile, our peace operations are confronted with a complex interplay of threats — many of which do not respect national borders.

    Terror and extremist groups, organized crime, the weaponization of new technologies, and the effects of climate change are all testing our capacities to respond.

    And, I regret to say, geopolitical divisions are undermining peace.

    The bilateral and multilateral arrangements that — for decades — have managed tensions and maintained stability are eroding.  

    Violations of international law, human rights and the UN Charter are rampant — seemingly without consequence.

    Trust is in short supply among — and within — countries and regions.

    All of these challenges and more throw fuel on the fires of conflict.

    Meanwhile, our peace responses are struggling.  

    We see a persistent mismatch between mandates and available resources.

    And we see increasing differences of views — including in this Council itself — around how peace operations should work, under what circumstances, with what mandates they should be deployed, and for how long.

    Excellencies,

    This is a grim diagnosis, but we must face facts.

    The good news is that, through the Pact for the Future, Member States committed to working to adapt peace operations for the future.

    This is an important opportunity to gain a shared understanding of what makes peace operations successful …

    What is hindering their effectiveness …

    And what new models we can use to make them more adaptable, flexible and resilient — while recognizing the limitations in situations where there is little or no peace to keep. 

    My recent proposals to you in the context of Haiti are a good example.

    We must keep working for a political process — owned and led by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    And the UN has a clear role to play in supporting stability and security, while addressing the root causes of the appalling crisis.

    The UN stands ready to assume the responsibility of the logistical and operational expenditures — including transportation, medical capabilities and support for the national police — that can support an international force established by Member States that is able to confront the gangs in Haiti and create conditions for peace.   

    And the salaries of the force are paid through the trust fund that already exists.

    This is a good example of how we can design a tailored and collective approach to peace operations in an extremely complex and dangerous environment. 

    Other examples of adapting our peace operations include UNIFIL, which recently developed an adaptation plan to support the parties to uphold their obligations under resolution 1701…

    And our operations in Abyei, Sudan, where we reconfigured our peace operations into a multinational force.

    We also increasingly see the enormous benefits of strengthening cooperation with regional and subregional organizations.

    Security Council resolution 2719 is an important example.

    This breakthrough has lifted our partnership with the African Union to a new level as we work to establish peace enforcement missions under the responsibility of the African Union, supported by the United Nations.

    We are now working actively across our two Secretariats to meet the vision of the resolution, and I urge Council Members to fully support this work.

    Excellencies,

    It’s time to build on these examples and continue adapting our peace operations for current and future challenges. 

    Work is now underway to review all forms of peace operations, as requested by Member States in the Pact for the Future.

    The review will aim to critically examine these tools and propose concrete recommendations to make them fit for today.

    This will include extensive consultations with Member States and others to inform — and inspire — recommendations.

    The review will build on the analysis presented in the New Agenda for Peace.

    It will be informed by the first comprehensive study of the history of special political missions in the 80 years of the United Nations, which will be released soon.

    And it will reflect the Pact’s call to ensure that peace operations engage at the earliest possible stage in planning transitions with host countries, UN Country Teams and local and regional groups.

    The review also aligns with the Pact’s call to this Council to ensure that peace operations are guided by clear and sequenced mandates that are realistic and achievable — with viable exit strategies and transition plans.

    And it will draw on the discussions taking place in preparation for the Peacekeeping Ministerial in Berlin in May focusing on the future of peacekeeping.

    Excellencies,

    Throughout, we will hold extensive consultations to capture as wide a spectrum of views as possible and to benefit from worldwide expertise.

    From Member States, host States, troop- and police-contributing countries and financial contributors…

    To regional organizations, civil society and academia, and our own leaders and experts within UN peace operations and the Secretariat.

    And the review will, of course, help inform our efforts through our UN@80 initiative, to find efficiencies and improvements across our work in light of the continued funding challenges we face as an organization.  

    Excellencies,

    Today’s open debate provides a vital opportunity for the Council to share perspectives and ideas to inform the review process.

    I urge all Members to support it.

    And I call on this Council to continue working to overcome divisions and disagreements around peace operations, and build the unified and consistent political support our peace operations — and the women and men who conduct them — need and deserve.

    Thank you.

    ***
    All-French

    Monsieur le Président, Excellences,

    Je remercie le Gouvernement danois d’avoir organisé ce débat de haut niveau.

    Les opérations de paix des Nations unies protègent les personnes et les communautés dans certains des endroits les plus éprouvés de la planète. 

    Ces opérations comprennent à la fois les opérations de maintien de la paix et les missions politiques spéciales.

    Leur travail va de l’alerte rapide à diplomatie préventive…

    Du rétablissement de la paix à la vérification de l’application des accords de paix et de la protection des civils…

    De la négociation de cessez-le-feu au soutien de leur mise en œuvre par les parties sur le terrain…

    Ou encore aux missions d’observation et d’appui électoral.

    Prises ensemble, ces opérations dotent le Conseil d’un outil essentiel pour maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales dans divers contextes.

    Depuis le déploiement de la première mission politique spéciale et de la première opération de maintien de la paix en 1948, nos opérations de paix se sont développées, adaptées et transformées.

    Elles nous permettent régulièrement d’intervenir de façon ciblée pour sauver des vies, réduire la violence, enrayer l’élargissement et le débordement de conflits meurtriers, et mettre fin à des atrocités.

    Les opérations de paix sont conçues pour démontrer non seulement l’efficacité du multilatéralisme en action mais aussi son intérêt en termes de coûts.

    Dans le meilleur des cas, elles montrent qu’il est possible d’alléger le fardeau qui pèse sur chaque pays individuellement lorsque les Nations Unies se rallient pour agir.

    Toutefois, comme nous le savons tous, les opérations de paix se heurtent à des obstacles de taille, et de nouvelles approches s’imposent.

    Les guerres deviennent plus complexes et plus meurtrières.

    Elles durent plus longtemps et sont davantage imbriquées dans des dynamiques mondiales et régionales.

    Il est plus difficile de parvenir à des règlements négociés.

    Parallèlement, un entrelacs complexe de menaces, dont beaucoup transcendent les frontières nationales, se dresse face aux opérations de paix.

    Les groupes terroristes et extrémistes, la criminalité organisée, la militarisation des nouvelles technologies et les effets des changements climatiques sont autant de phénomènes qui mettent à l’épreuve nos capacités d’intervention.

    Et – je suis navré de le constater – les divisions géopolitiques sapent la paix.

    Les accords bilatéraux et multilatéraux qui, pendant des décennies, avaient permis de maîtriser les tensions et de préserver la stabilité s’érodent.

    Les violations du droit international, des droits humains et de la Charte des Nations Unies sont légion – sans que cela ne porte à conséquence, semble-t-il.

    La confiance se fait rare entre les pays, entre les régions, et à l’intérieur de ceux-ci.

    Tous ces dangers, et bien d’autres encore, attisent la flamme des conflits.

    De notre côté, nos interventions en faveur de la paix sont à la peine.

    Nous constatons une asymétrie persistante entre les mandats confiés et les ressources disponibles.

    Et nous constatons des divergences de vues de plus en plus marquées – y compris au sein même de ce Conseil – sur les modalités de fonctionnement des opérations de paix, les circonstances justifiant leur déploiement, la teneur de leur mandat et leur durée.

    Excellences,

    Le diagnostic peut paraître sombre, mais il correspond à la réalité.

    La bonne nouvelle est que les États Membres se sont engagés dans le Pacte pour l’avenir à adapter les opérations de paix pour l’avenir.

    Voilà une occasion privilégiée de dégager une réponse commune aux questions suivantes : quelles sont les conditions de réussite des opérations de paix ?

    Quels obstacles se dressent sur le chemin ?

    Et quels nouveaux modèles nous pouvons appliquer afin de les rendre plus adaptables, plus souples et plus résilientes – tout en reconnaissant les cas limites où l’on sait qu’il y a peu ou pas de paix à maintenir.

    Les propositions que je vous ai faites récemment dans le contexte d’Haïti en sont une bonne illustration.

    Nous devons continuer d’œuvrer en faveur d’un processus politique – maîtrisé et conduit par le peuple haïtien – qui rétablisse les institutions démocratiques par la voie électorale.

    L’ONU a un rôle clair à jouer pour appuyer la stabilité et la sécurité, tout en s’attaquant aux causes profondes de cette crise effroyable.

    L’ONU est prête à assumer la responsabilité des dépenses logistiques et opérationnelles – y compris le transport, les capacités médicales et le soutien envers la police nationale – qui peuvent appuyer une force internationale renforcée par les États membres, qui soit capable de faire face aux gangs en Haïti et de créer les conditions de la paix.

    Les salaires de la force quant à eux sont couverts par le fonds d’affectation spéciale qui existe déjà.

    Nous avons là un bon exemple de la manière dont nous pouvons concevoir une approche adaptée et collective des opérations de paix dans un environnement extrêmement complexe et dangereux.

    Parmi les autres exemples d’adaptation de nos opérations de paix, citons la FINUL, qui a récemment élaboré un plan d’adaptation pour aider les parties à respecter les obligations que leur fait la résolution 1701.

    On peut également évoquer nos opérations à Abyei, au Soudan, où nous avons reconfiguré nos opérations de paix en une force multinationale.

    Nous prenons également de plus en plus la mesure des avantages considérables que présente le renforcement de la collaboration avec les organisations régionales et sous-régionales.

    La résolution 2719 du Conseil de sécurité revêt une importance certaine à cet égard.

    Cette avancée a porté notre partenariat avec l’Union africaine à un niveau supérieur, alors que nous œuvrons à la mise en place de missions d’imposition de la paix sous la responsabilité de l’Union africaine, avec le soutien des Nations unies.

    Nos deux Secrétariats travaillent désormais activement à concrétiser la vision énoncée dans la résolution, et j’invite les membres du Conseil à y apporter leur plein concours.

    Excellences,

    Il est temps de s’inspirer de ces exemples et de continuer à adapter nos opérations de paix aux défis actuels et futurs. 

    Des travaux sont en cours pour réexaminer toutes les formes d’opérations de paix, comme l’ont demandé les États Membres dans le Pacte pour l’avenir.

    L’objectif est de procéder à un examen critique de ces outils et de proposer des recommandations concrètes afin de les adapter au monde d’aujourd’hui.

    Il s’agira notamment de mener des consultations approfondies avec les États Membres et d’autres parties prenantes afin de nourrir – et d’inspirer – ces recommandations.

    L’étude fera fond sur l’analyse présentée dans le Nouvel Agenda pour la paix.

    Elle prendra pour appui l’étude d’ensemble de l’histoire des missions politiques spéciales, la première effectuée en 80 ans d’existence de l’ONU, qui sera publiée prochainement.

    Elle se fera aussi l’écho de l’appel lancé dans le Pacte pour veiller à ce que les opérations de paix s’engagent le plus tôt possible dans la planification des transitions avec les pays hôtes, l’équipe de pays des Nations Unies et les groupes locaux et régionaux.

    L’étude s’inscrit également dans le sillage de la demande qui est adressée au Conseil dans le Pacte pour que les opérations de paix soient guidées par des mandats clairs et séquencés, réalistes et réalisables, ainsi que des stratégies de sortie et des plans de transition viables.

    Elle s’appuiera enfin sur les discussions qui se tiennent en préparation de la Conférence ministérielle sur le maintien de la paix qui aura lieu à Berlin en mai et qui sera consacrée à l’avenir du maintien de la paix.

    Excellences,

    Tout au long de l’étude, nous mènerons des consultations approfondies afin de recueillir un éventail de vues aussi large que possible et de bénéficier d’une expertise mondiale.

    Celle des États Membres, des pays hôtes, des pays fournisseurs de contingents ou de personnel de police et des contributeurs financiers…

    Celle des organisations régionales, de la société civile et des milieux universitaires, ainsi que de nos propres hauts responsables et experts des opérations de paix des Nations Unies et du Secrétariat.

    Bien entendu, l’étude contribuera à éclairer les efforts que nous déployons dans le cadre de l’initiative ONU80, afin de dégager des gains d’efficacité et des améliorations dans tous nos axes de travail – compte tenu des défis persistants de financement auxquels notre Organisation est confrontée.

    Excellences,

    Le débat public d’aujourd’hui est une occasion précieuse pour le Conseil de partager toute idée et point de vue qui pourrait contribuer à l’étude.

    J’invite tous les États Membres à apporter leur pierre à l’édifice.

    Et j’appelle ce Conseil à continuer à œuvrer pour surmonter les divisions et les désaccords entourant les opérations de paix, et bâtir le soutien politique unifié et cohérent dont nos opérations de paix – et les femmes et les hommes qui les mènent – ont tant besoin.

    Je vous remercie.
     

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Gov. Pillen and Lt. Gov. Kelly React to Announced Extradition of Eswin Mejia

    Source: US State of Nebraska

    . Pillen and Lt. Gov. Kelly React to Announced Extradition of Eswin Mejia

     

    LINCOLN, NE – Governor Jim Pillen and Lieutenant Governor Joe Kelly say they are encouraged that the pursuit for justice for Sarah Root and her family is taking another significant step forward. Wanted fugitive Eswin Mejia will be extradited to Nebraska to face charges for her death in a 2016 crash. Mejia, who was in the U.S. illegally, disappeared after posting bail.   

    “We are grateful to the large team of federal, state and Honduran officials, as well as to state public servants who also had a hand in the capture of Mejia. Over nine long years, law enforcement officers never gave up on the search for Root’s killer. We thank Secretary of State Marco Rubio for his efforts to ensure that Mejia will be extradited back to the United States.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Distinguished Scientist Award Goes to UConn’s Dr. David C. Steffens

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    Dr. David C. Steffens is the 2025 recipient of the Distinguished Scientist Award from the American Association for Geriatric Psychiatry.

    Steffens, professor and chair of the Department of Psychiatry at UConn School of Medicine, was named the winner of this lifetime achievement award during the annual meeting of the American Association for Geriatric Psychiatry on March 14 in Phoenix, Arizona.

    Steffens was honored with the Distinguished Scientist Award for his career of scientific accomplishments in the field of geriatric psychiatry, as well as his mentoring of the next generation of researchers.

    The AAGP is a national association representing and serving its members and the field of geriatric psychiatry. AAGP promotes the mental health and well-being of older people through professional education, public advocacy, and support of career development for clinicians, educators, and researchers in geriatric psychiatry and mental health.

    “I am humbled that my colleagues nominated me and that I was selected for this honor,” shared Steffens whose work focuses on mood and cognitive disorders in older adults. For over two decades he has been continuously funded by The National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) and other NIH institutes.

    Steffens has served as chair of the Department of Psychiatry at UConn since 2012. He joined UConn after more than 20 years at Duke University School of Medicine, where he had served as a professor of psychiatry, vice chair for education and division chief of Geriatric Psychiatry in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences. He is the past president of the American Association for Geriatric Psychiatry, has authored more than 350 peer-reviewed papers and is the primary editor of the leading textbook in geriatric psychiatry. Steffens also has considerable experience in medical education and mentoring undergraduate and graduate students, medical students, resident physicians, post-doctoral fellows and junior faculty.

    Steffens is graduate of Rice University and the University of Texas, Houston Health Science Center School of Medicine, and he completed his internship and residency in psychiatry at Duke.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: House GOP Leadership and Committee Chairs Issue Joint Statement on Budget Reconciliation

    Source: US House of Representatives Republicans

    The following text contains opinion that is not, or not necessarily, that of MIL-OSI –

    WASHINGTON— Speaker Johnson, Leader Scalise, Whip Emmer, and Chairwoman McClain released the following joint statement alongside the Chairmen of the House Committees with jurisdiction in the budget reconciliation process: Thompson, Rogers, Arrington, Guthrie, Walberg, Hill, Green, Jordan, Westerman, Comer, Graves, and Smith. 

    “House Republicans took the lead and passed a bill to fund the government through the end of the fiscal year. Now, our focus returns to delivering President Trump’s full America First agenda. 

    “The House is determined to send the president one big, beautiful bill that secures our border, keeps taxes low for families and job creators, grows our economy, restores American energy dominance, brings back peace through strength, and makes government more efficient and more accountable to the American people.

    “We took the first step to accomplish that by passing a budget resolution weeks ago, and we look forward to the Senate joining us in this commitment to ensure we enact President Trump’s full agenda as quickly as possible. The American people gave us a mandate and we must act on it. We encourage our Senate colleagues to take up the House budget resolution when they return to Washington.

    “This is our opportunity to deliver what will be one of the most consequential pieces of legislation in the history of our nation. Working together, we will get it done.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Travel Advisory: Temporary Closures Needed for Gano Street at I-195 Overpass for Nearby Washington Bridge Demolition

    Source: US State of Rhode Island

    On the weekend of Saturday and Sunday, March 29 and 30, the Rhode Island Department of Transportation (RIDOT) will temporarily close a section of Gano Street, at the I-195 overpass between India Street and the I-195 West on ramp in Providence, for continued demolition of the Washington Bridge substructure.

    The closures will be needed from 6 a.m. to 4 p.m. each day, while the demolition contractor removes the upper most sections of the old bridge piers close to the road. During the closures, drivers will follow signed detours using India Street, Wickenden Street and South Main and South Water streets. The on-ramp to I-195 West at Gano Street will remain open. Pedestrians should detour using Wickenden Street, East Street, the India Point Park pedestrian bridge, and India Street. The closures are scheduled for daytime hours to avoid any disruptive noise during evening hours.

    For approximately two weeks following this weekend work, alternating single-lane closures are likely at this location from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. to finalize demolition in this area. Pedestrian access will be maintained, and the on-ramp from Gano Street to I-195 West will remain open.

    Depending on the pace of demolition on Saturday, the duration of Sunday’s planned closure may be shortened or canceled.

    All construction projects are subject to changes in schedule and scope depending on needs, circumstances, findings, and weather.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Community Financial System Announces First Quarter 2025 Earnings Conference Call

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SYRACUSE, N.Y., March 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Community Financial System, Inc. (NYSE: CBU) invites you to participate in a conference call to discuss the Company’s financial and operating performance for the first quarter ended March 31, 2025.         

    Event: Earnings Conference Call – First Quarter 2025
       
    When: Tuesday, April 29, 2025 at 11:00 a.m. Eastern Time
       
    How: By conference call or from a simultaneous web cast
       
    Access: Conference Call Dial-In: 1-833-630-0464
        1-412-317-1809 – Outside the U.S. & Canada
         
      Webcast: https://app.webinar.net/OyoNkJ8Q5nX

    Dimitar Karaivanov, Chief Executive Officer and President, along with Marya Wlos, incoming Executive Vice President and Chief Financial Officer, succeeding Joseph E. Sutaris, who will subsequently transition to Senior Vice President, Head of Investor Relations effective March 31, 2025, will provide an overview of the Company’s first quarter 2025 results. The management presentation will last approximately 15 minutes, followed by investor questions and discussion.

    The Company’s results for the quarter will be released before the market opens on April 29, 2025, and will also be available in the ‘News’ section of the Company’s website at https://communityfinancialsystem.com.

    The call will also be archived on the Company’s website for one year and can be accessed at any time and at no cost during this period.

    About Community Financial System, Inc.

    Community Financial System, Inc. is a diversified financial services company that is focused on four main business lines – banking, employee benefit services, insurance services and wealth management services. Its banking subsidiary, Community Bank, N.A., is among the country’s 100 largest banking institutions with over $16 billion in assets and operates approximately 200 customer facilities across Upstate New York, Northeastern Pennsylvania, Vermont, and Western Massachusetts. The Company’s Benefit Plans Administrative Services, Inc. subsidiary is a leading provider of employee benefits administration, trust services, collective investment fund administration, and actuarial consulting services to customers on a national scale. The Company’s OneGroup NY, Inc. subsidiary is a top 66 U.S. insurance agency. The Company also offers comprehensive financial planning, trust administration and wealth management services through its Wealth Management operating unit. The Company is listed on the New York Stock Exchange and the Company’s stock trades under the symbol CBU. For more information about the Company visit www.cbna.com or www.communityfinancialsystem.com.

    For further information contact:
    Joseph Sutaris,
    E.V.P. and Chief Financial Officer
    (315) 445-7396

    The MIL Network –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: How political leaders communicate climate policy should be a defining factor this election

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andrew Heffernan, Climate Associate at the Information Integrity Lab and Adjunct Professor in Political Studies, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

    Prime Minister Mark Carney has called an April 28 federal election, setting the stage for a campaign where climate policy could be a central issue.

    The current iteration of Canada’s consumer carbon rebate is dead — which many view as a casualty of effective communication — yet climate policy remains a pressing topic for voters and a major battleground for political leaders.




    Read more:
    The Canada Carbon Rebate is still widely misunderstood — here’s why


    As Canada grapples with intensifying climate-related challenges, the next government will not only need to implement evidence-based policies to meet international climate commitments, but also effectively communicate its vision to voters.

    The public remains concerned about environmental issues, yet many are worried that bold climate policies have damaged the economy. This tension between environmental responsibility and economic growth will shape how each party formulates and communicates their climate policies in the upcoming campaign.

    The Liberals: Navigating the middle ground

    For Carney and the Liberal Party, the challenge is twofold. First, the Liberals must present a new climate plan after the collapse of the consumer carbon rebate, which has faced widespread public opposition in recent years.

    While the new Liberal leader has already terminated the the carbon rebate, it still remains unclear what exactly his comprehensive climate plan will look like. Carney’s website states that his strategy will: “Provide incentives for consumers. Put more of the burden on big polluters. And help us build the strongest economy in the G7.”




    Read more:
    Big government, big trouble? Defending the future of Canada’s climate policy


    This suggests his climate policy will hinge more on positive incentives for consumers to invest in sustainable approaches rather than putting a cost on polluting.

    While the carbon rebate initially enjoyed broad support as a key tool for reducing emissions, it has become a lightning rod for political controversy.

    Climate change is no longer just an environmental issue; it’s increasingly seen as a matter of economic survival, with green energy jobs and clean technologies representing an opportunity for Canada to position itself as a global leader in the sector.

    Carney will have to make a convincing case that his policy will create jobs, stimulate innovation and provide a clear path toward a greener, more sustainable economy.

    Failing to do so could lead to the loss of centrist and moderate voters, some of whom are wary of the perceived economic risks of aggressive climate action.

    The Conservatives: Axing the rebate isn’t enough

    On the opposite end of the political spectrum, federal Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has made axing the carbon rebate a central part of his platform.

    Framing the carbon rebate as an economic penalty, Poilievre has played into populist sentiments by promising to “axe the tax” and relieve financial pressures on Canadian families and businesses.

    However, even if the Conservatives are successful in eliminating the carbon rebate, they still face the challenge of needing a comprehensive climate policy that lowers emissions and meets Canada’s Paris Agreement targets. Poilievre has said he would not withdraw Canada from the accord, but he hasn’t addressed how he would meet Canada’s commitments.

    Poilievre’s populist rhetoric may resonate with voters who feel economically squeezed, but it’s unlikely to be enough to win over voters concerned about the climate crisis — especially as he has voted against environmental and climate action in Parliament over 400 times in his career, a point his opponents will be sure to raise repeatedly.

    For the Conservatives, the real challenge will be how to present a climate policy that appeals to both economic conservatives, who prioritize fiscal responsibility, and environmental conservatives, who are concerned about the future of the planet.

    Poilievre will need to clearly articulate how his policies will preserve Canada’s environmental future without stifling economic growth or inflating costs for the average Canadian.

    NDP and Green Party

    A key piece of the future of climate policy in Canada will be the NDP and Green Party, who are generally considered left-of-centre parties alongside the governing Liberals.

    The NDP, which can siphon progressive votes away from the Liberals — which sometimes benefits Conservatives — have been clear as mud when it comes to their climate policy for the next election.

    NDP leader Jagmeet Singh rescinded his party’s long-standing support for the Liberal carbon rebate in April 2024, but has not yet said what his party would put in its place.

    Meanwhile, the Green Party, which has historically played a less significant role in electoral outcomes in terms of vote splitting, has generally maintained its support for the carbon rebate. Its website suggests the party supports the polluter-pays principle. However, the Greens have yet to take a clear stance on the shifting climate grounds on which this election could partially be fought.

    Political communication the key to success

    In the coming years, the future of climate policy in Canada will be less about crafting the perfect policy and more about crafting a message that addresses how people are feeling.

    The Liberal Party has been open about the demise of the carbon rebate being a combination of a lack of their own effective communication strategy, mixed with harmful disinformation campaigns that led to the demise of their signature climate policy.

    For the Liberals, Conservatives, NDP and Greens alike, the road to effective climate policy will lie in this communication. Political leaders will need to balance ambition and pragmatism, ensuring their policies align with Canadians’ economic interests.

    With 71 per cent of Canadians suggesting they want the next government to do more to address climate change, leaders who can articulate a vision for a sustainable, prosperous future while addressing the immediate concerns of Canadians will be the ones who have the best chance of winning the public’s trust — and the next election.

    Andrew Heffernan is affiliated with the Liberal Party of Canada.

    – ref. How political leaders communicate climate policy should be a defining factor this election – https://theconversation.com/how-political-leaders-communicate-climate-policy-should-be-a-defining-factor-this-election-251990

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: How to have conversations with people who fall for misinformation this election campaign

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jaigris Hodson, Associate Professor of Interdisciplinary Studies, Royal Roads University

    Canadians head to the polls on April 28. Like other recent general elections, both in Canada and around the world, this federal election campaign is sure to be characterized by polarized misinformation.

    We all have someone in our families or social circles who has political opinions grounded in false or misleading information. Whether the source of that information is Russian bots on social media, high-profile podcasters or Fox News, it’s easy to dread election-time conversations as misinformation strains our most important relationships.

    But perhaps we can approach these conversations as an opportunity to push back against growing polarization in our communities.

    My research shows that polarization and misinformation often go hand in hand, and when they do, the information being spread is strongly resistant to being corrected by way of evidence.

    But when we truly begin to listen to the people who believe misinformation, we can often help counter false claims. So in this upcoming election, how can we push back against election misinformation when we hear it? Let’s examine some strategies.




    Read more:
    5 expert tips to protect yourself from online misinformation


    The role of anxiety

    Most people think that others who believe misinformation will change their minds if provided with the right evidence, but that’s simply not true.

    People have good reasons for not wanting to change their minds, even when confronted with contradictory facts. One of the key personality traits linked to the belief in misinformation turns out to be anxiety. This can manifest in ways that resist correction.

    For example, most of us feel anxious when we have to hold two conflicting beliefs at the same time. So if we already believe misinformation and are confronted with evidence to the contrary, we may reject the evidence to avoid the dissonance of managing both beliefs.

    Additionally, people might believe something because others in their social group believe it, meaning there is social anxiety associated with rejecting the group’s belief, even if it’s wrong.

    Finally, anxiety about the future can drive people to accept misinformation that helps to relieve those fears.

    Taken together, this means that correcting political misinformation, which involves all three of the above triggers — self, social and future anxiety — cannot be accomplished solely by providing evidence. We need to mitigate these anxieties while engaging in gentle correction since outright correcting can make the anxieties worse.

    The ‘AIMS’ method

    Motivational interviewing is a proven method of pushing back against another type of polarizing misinformation: health misinformation.

    One particular approach to motivational interviewing, known as the AIMS method, has been successfully tested in Canada for countering vaccine misinformation.

    AIMS stands for Announce, Inquire, Mirror and Secure. It provides a way to address misinformation while building the sort of connection and trust that people need to reduce the anxiety that is the trigger for believing misinformation in the first place.

    The first step, Announce, is where the topic is approached. In the medical world, this usually occurs when a doctor announces that it’s time for a vaccine, but in the world of political misinformation, the announcement doesn’t have to come from a professional.

    Instead, Announce can occur when the person you are talking to announces a piece of political misinformation, like the claim that the government is vaccinating people for the purposes of controlling the population. Announce is basically where the process of addressing misinformation begins.

    Inquire is the step where motivational interviewing really begins to differ from a conventional approach of simply providing evidence to back up a false claim. In this second step, it’s important to ask questions, and approach the misinformation with a sense of curiosity.

    Basically, as you probe more and more deeply, you’re trying to understand the anxieties that are driving the misinformation belief.

    As you ask questions, you begin to also engage in the third step, Mirror. Mirroring means checking in, and repeating what you’re hearing so that the person you are talking to recognizes they’re being heard. At this stage, you can begin to introduce pieces of evidence that disprove the claims being made, but only after you truly understand the person’s concerns and can reflect them back.

    It’s also important to manage how you introduce contradictory evidence. It must be done with compassion and a gentle but reassuring manner.

    Finally, when all the concerns have been addressed, you can begin the final step, which is to Secure trust. Here you can follow up on the announcement that sparked the discussion — the original piece of misinformation — and see if the person you’re talking to now feels differently than they did before.

    Importantly, you may not be successful at securing this step in just one conversation, but if you have conducted the other steps properly, you will have built important trust that, over time, is more likely to help you counter future misinformation with the person you’re talking to.

    Preserving relationships

    Combating any misinformation, and especially political misinformation, is not a quick or easy process. It may have to take place in repeated discussions over a long period of time.

    Political misinformation is particularly difficult to counter because political views are often tied deeply to people’s self-identity, and also because political misinformation is often shared within social groups.

    But if you engage in motivated interviewing this election season, you may make a small difference. At the very least, you will help to preserve relationships with friends and loved ones that are often frayed when political misinformation enters the picture.

    Jaigris Hodson is funded through the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada’s Canada Research Chairs Program.

    – ref. How to have conversations with people who fall for misinformation this election campaign – https://theconversation.com/how-to-have-conversations-with-people-who-fall-for-misinformation-this-election-campaign-252667

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Egg prices soar as outdated supply chains crack under pressure

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jack Buffington, Associate Professor of Practice in Supply Chain Management, University of Denver

    Experts predict that egg prices will keep climbing in 2025. Lindsey Nicholson/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    There may be no kitchen table issue in America more critical than the price of food.

    So when the price of eggs rose over 40% from 2024 to 2025, it became a headline news story in Colorado and across the nation.

    Public officials and the media blamed high egg prices on bird flu outbreaks and said containing the outbreak in supply chains would lower prices. In early March 2025, egg prices fell in the U.S., but these trends are likely to reverse due to higher seasonal demand during Easter and Passover.

    Rising prices and market volatility have led to food costs climbing to 11.4% of American’s disposable income, the largest percentage since 1991.

    Arresting these rising costs, as I argue in my 2023 book, means reinventing supply chains to address the growing supply, demand and price volatility that has created uncertainty for consumers since the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020.

    I have described global supply chains, and supply chains in the U.S. in particular, as “efficiently broken.” By this I mean that they aspire to offer low prices from economies of scale but lack sufficient resiliency to create stability.

    Without addressing the systemic weaknesses in supply chains, I believe major health and economic disruptions will continue to happen in Colorado, nationally and around the world.

    Cage-free eggs

    Colorado faces a double whammy where egg prices are concerned.

    It’s one of nine states with a cage-free egg mandate, which requires all eggs sold in the state to come from cage-free facilities. The regulation has been shown to increase the price of eggs by as much as 50%.

    Over the past two decades, cage-free egg laws have been passed in states as consumers have grown more concerned with the welfare of farm animals. What that means varies from state to state because the term cage-free isn’t regulated by a federal agency. In Colorado, egg-laying hens must be housed in a cage-free system and must have a minimum of 1 square foot of usable floor space per hen.

    Colorado is the 28th largest egg producer in the U.S., far behind Midwestern states such as Iowa, Indiana and Ohio, but it has a few large producers such as Morning Fresh Farms, as well as smaller ones such as the Colorado Egg Producers Association, a collection of seven family-owned farms.

    Colorado’s cage-free egg law went into effect in January 2025 – around the same time that consumers noticed bare egg shelves at their supermarkets. Many consumers and some elected Republicans in Colorado blamed the cage-free law.

    Nevada is pulling back on its cage-free egg mandate to deal with the challenge of unaffordable egg prices.

    But cage-free laws are not the main driver of increasing egg prices, as I’ve noted in my research. Like many others, the egg supply chain needs to be reinvented to balance price, scale, resiliency and stability.

    Supply chain issues

    What is driving up the prices of eggs and other consumer goods is the concentration of producers. The COVID-19 pandemic revealed just how vulnerable prices and supply chains are.

    Five years ago this month, when the pandemic started, many products became unavailable and more expensive.

    In 2022, a major product recall of Similac led to a baby formula shortage in the U.S. The baby formula market is highly concentrated, with four companies responsible for approximately 90% of the domestic market. A large-scale facility that produced the baby formula was found to have unsanitary conditions and contaminated products. Pulling this one facility offline at the same time the nation was coping with pandemic-related supply chain issues led to the shortage.

    Supply chain issues led to a U.S. shortage of baby formula in 2022.
    Lindsey Nicholson/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Then at the beginning of 2024, supplies of insulin ran short due to production issues at Eli Lilly, one of the three companies responsible for over 90% of the U.S. insulin market.

    And in the second half of 2024, hospitals couldn’t get enough IV fluid due to damage caused by Hurricane Helene to a Baxter factory in North Carolina that manufactures approximately 60% of IV fluids in the U.S. This factory had been relocated to North Carolina from Puerto Rico due to the supply impact from Hurricane Maria that damaged the island in 2017.

    In all of these cases, the supply chain was easily interrupted due to a reliance on a few large producers. In 2025, bird flu and eggs are just another example of America’s “efficiently broken” supply chain.

    Bird flu and cost of eggs

    In the U.S., the top five egg producers are responsible for 40% of hens, with Mississippi-based Cal-Maine Foods alone responsible for 13% of total U.S. production.

    An average-sized production facility in the U.S. can house 75,000 to 500,000 hens. Large facilities can house over 4 million. The mass production of eggs from these facilities means eggs are, in stable times, cost effective for the American consumer. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, eggs in the U.S. never surpassed $3 a dozen, and it was an affordable food solution compared with processed foods.

    But this scale and efficiency comes at the price of resiliency during something like a bird flu outbreak. Larger farms create a higher risk of viral outbreak, which leads to the need for culling millions of birds and a heightened risk of viral replication and mutation.

    The solution may increase prices

    Policymakers want to reduce the spread of disease at American egg factories to mitigate the spread of bird flu. But these measures are expensive.

    Factory farms increase the potential for viruses to spread rapidly and even mutate. Therefore, bird flu is a more serious precursor of supply chain disruption than a hurricane or product recall because it has the potential to create a public health crisis.

    One solution to limit the spread of bird flu is to regulate the number of hens allowed in a single facility. This would lead to smaller and more farms across the U.S., but also higher consumer prices.

    This solution would mirror other countries such as Canada, where the average facility size is much smaller than in the U.S. and eggs and poultry cost significantly more. That’s why – under the terms of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement – Canada has quota and tariff protection from American companies flooding its market with eggs and poultry that would cost consumers two to three times less.

    Yet in March 2025, the price of eggs in Canada is 50% cheaper than eggs in the U.S. because the country has not suffered the same damages from bird flu.

    Following Canada’s lead wouldn’t result in egg prices as low as giant factory farms, but it would protect American consumers from the periodic price shocks caused by disease or localized weather events that disrupt supplies.

    Despite the threat of a public health crisis, American consumers don’t want to pay more for eggs – and their leaders have promised they won’t have to.

    Read more of our stories about Colorado.

    Jack Buffington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Egg prices soar as outdated supply chains crack under pressure – https://theconversation.com/egg-prices-soar-as-outdated-supply-chains-crack-under-pressure-251425

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Who gets to brand Puerto Rico: Its tourism agency or its biggest star?

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Carlos A. Suárez Carrasquillo, Associate Instructional Professor in Political Science, Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida

    The Puerto Rican rapper Bad Bunny is one of the biggest stars of the music world. After becoming Spotify’s most-streamed artist for three years in a row – the first and only artist ever to do so – he sold out all 49 dates of his 2024 U.S. tour, netting US$211 million.

    Earlier this year, after Bad Bunny co-hosted “The Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon” and announced a 21-show residency in Puerto Rico, the recently reelected mayor of San Juan, Miguel Romero, quipped that the artist had done a better job of promoting Puerto Rico than the island’s official destination marketing organization.

    That agency, Discover Puerto Rico, was founded in 2017 to market the island to both tourists and investors. Established during the administration of Gov. Ricardo Rosselló, it was part of a broader effort to professionalize Puerto Rico’s place branding and underscored the importance of tourism to the island’s economy.

    As a scholar of Puerto Rican politics and place branding – and a native Puerto Rican – I think this case study raises interesting public policy questions: Who gets to brand Puerto Rico? Why does it matter if a place has a brand anyway? And if political leaders are dissatisfied with an agency whose sole purpose is to market the island, what comes next?

    It’s not just a place – it’s a brand

    Historically, place-branding campaigns have been led by governments seeking to attract tourism and investment. One of the most iconic examples was the “I Love New York” campaign, launched in 1977 as a collaboration between New York City and private partners. Similar public-private models became more common in the decades that followed.

    Puerto Rico has seen various branding efforts over the years. Early boosterism efforts emerged during the first half of the 20th century, and in 1970, the Puerto Rico Tourism Company was created to promote the island as a
    tourist destination. By the 1990s, many Puerto Rican municipalities had begun adopting different place branding strategies.

    During Puerto Rico’s deepening fiscal crisis in the 2010s, branding efforts remained a bipartisan priority. But the two dominant political parties – the pro-territory Partido Popular Democrático, and the pro-statehood Partido Nuevo Progresista – each rebranded the island every time a new administration took office, raising concerns about consistency. The last major government-led initiative before Discover Puerto Rico was the “Isla Estrella” campaign, which included a sponsorship deal with Spain’s Sevilla FC soccer team.

    The ‘Discover Puerto Rico’ era

    In 2017, Discover Puerto Rico took control over the island’s place-branding efforts. However, its performance has been polarizing, with critics pointing to significant blunders. For example, an early ad in its “Live Boricua” campaign sparked backlash for featuring a family that didn’t look like most Puerto Ricans.

    Beyond its marketing blunders, Discover Puerto Rico has struggled to navigate Puerto Rico’s politically charged place-branding landscape. In fact, it has been contested from the start, and remains so, as recently elected Gov. Jennifer González evaluates its future. It remains unclear to what extent efficiency and economic development will serve as the main criteria for evaluating its success, and to what extent party politics will influence the decision-making process.

    Just a day before Mayor Romero made his remark about Bad Bunny, Discover Puerto Rico’s CEO, Brad Dean, resigned, taking a similar role in St. Louis. Dean has argued that during his tenure, Discover Puerto Rico has driven significant increases in tourism and tourism spending. While these self-reported figures suggest success, they don’t address a critical issue – the long-standing political controversy surrounding Puerto Rico’s branding.

    Pop culture carries the weight

    At the same time the future of Discover Puerto Rico remains uncertain, the island has gained unparalleled international attention thanks to popular music.

    Reggaetón, an urban genre that originated in Puerto Rico in the 1990s, has amassed a massive global fan base, extending beyond Puerto Rico and Latin America to the rest of the world. In 2017, Daddy Yankee and Luis Fonsi’s video for the worldwide hit “Despacito” turned La Perla, a working-class barrio in Old San Juan, into a magnet for tourists from all over the world.

    “Despacito” prompted a surge of visits to La Perla, as the French news agency AFP noted.

    More recently, in January 2025, Bad Bunny released his latest album, “Debí Tirar Más Fotos,” which taps into traditional Puerto Rican music genres such as bomba, plena and música jíbara that aren’t usually associated with reggaetón. It charted at No. 1. Bad Bunny also announced a Puerto Rico-exclusive concert series, with some dates reserved for locals and others open to fans worldwide.

    The success of Puerto Rican reggaetón artists raises an important question: Why have these organic cultural movements been so effective – perhaps even more so than the official expert-driven place-marketing agency – in promoting Puerto Rico as a brand?

    I think the answer probably lies in authenticity. Unlike government-led initiatives, reggaetón’s global appeal stems from its cultural resonance and emotional connection with audiences worldwide, regardless of politics.

    At this critical juncture for the island’s tourism agency, perhaps Discover Puerto Rico should rebrand itself as “Discover the Birthplace of Reggaetón.”

    Carlos A. Suárez Carrasquillo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Who gets to brand Puerto Rico: Its tourism agency or its biggest star? – https://theconversation.com/who-gets-to-brand-puerto-rico-its-tourism-agency-or-its-biggest-star-248825

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: National monuments have grown and shrunk under US presidents for over a century thanks to one law: The Antiquities Act

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Monica Hubbard, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Administration, Boise State University

    Over 730,000 people visit Colorado National Monument each year. It was established in 1911 under the Antiquities Act. Gordon Leggett, CC BY-SA

    America’s public lands, from its majestic national parks to its vast national forests, are at the heart of the country’s identity.

    They cover more than a quarter of the nation and large parts of the West. Some are crisscrossed by hiking trails and used by hunters and fishermen. Ranchers graze cattle on others. In many areas, the government earns money through oil, gas, timber and mining leases.

    These federally managed public lands have long enjoyed broad bipartisan support, as have moves to turn them into protected national parks and monuments. Research consistently shows that a majority of Americans want their congressional representatives to protect public access to these lands for recreation. One avenue for protection is the creation of national monuments.

    But the status of national monuments can change.

    Presidents have expanded and contracted national monuments, as the U.S. saw with Bears Ears National Monument in Utah over the course of the past three presidencies. The rules for the use and maintenance of various public lands can also change, and that can affect surrounding communities and their economies.

    The U.S. is likely to see changes to public lands again under the second Trump administration. One of the new administration’s early orders was for the Department of Interior to review all national monuments for potential oil and gas drilling and mining. At least two national monuments that President Joe Biden created in California are among the new administration’s targets.

    The avenue for many of these changes is rooted in one century-old law.

    The power and vagary of the Antiquities Act

    The Antiquities Act of 1906, signed into law by President Theodore Roosevelt, gave Congress or the president the authority to establish national monuments on federal land as a means of protecting areas for ecological, cultural, historical or scientific purposes.

    From Theodore Roosevelt on, 18 of the 21 presidents have used the Antiquities Act to create, expand or contract national monuments through a presidential proclamation.

    By using the Antiquities Act to create, expand or reduce national monuments, presidents can avoid an environmental impact statement, normally required under the National Environmental Policy Act, which also allows for public input. Supporters argue that forgoing the environmental impact statement helps expedite monument creation and expansion. Critics say bypassing the review means potential impacts of the monument designations can be overlooked.

    The Antiquities Act also offers no clarity on whether a president can reduce the amount of area protected by prior presidents. The act simply states that a president designates “the smallest area compatible with the proper care and management of the objects to be protected.” This has led to the shifting of national monument boundaries based on the priorities of each administration.

    The Citadel Ruins are the remains of Anasazi cliff dwellings at Bears Ears National Monument in Utah.
    Bob Wick/Bureau of Land Management via Wikimedia Commons

    An example is Bears Ears, an area of Utah that is considered significant to several tribes but also has uranium, gas and oil resources. In 2016, President Barack Obama designated Bears Ears a national monument. In 2017, President Donald Trump signed a proclamation reducing Bears Ears by 80% of its total designated size. The monument’s size and scope shifted a third time when President Joe Biden reestablished Bears Ears to the boundaries designated by Obama.

    In the span of just over five years, the monument was created, reduced, then restored to the original monument designation.

    The uncertainty about the long-term reliability of a designation makes it challenging for federal agencies to manage the land or assure Indigenous communities that the government will protect cultural, historical and ecological heritage.

    Public lands can be economic engines

    National parks and monuments can help fuel local economies.

    A 2017 study by Headwaters Economics, a nonprofit research group, found that Western rural counties with more public land have had greater economic growth, including in jobs and personal income, than those with little public land. National monuments can also benefit neighboring counties by increasing population, income and employment opportunities.

    Even small national monuments provide economic benefits for their surrounding communities. Visitors to Fort Stanwix National Monument in Rome, N.Y., spent $5.3 million in nearby communities in 2023, according to a National Park Service report.
    National Park Service via Wikimedia Commons

    While many counties adjacent to public lands may be dependent on natural resource extraction, the establishment of a national monument can open up new opportunities by expanding tourism and recreation. For example, four national parks and monuments in southeastern Utah, including Natural Bridges, drew about 2.4 million visitors who spent nearly US$400 million in surrounding communities.

    However, when there is uncertainty over whether public lands will remain protected, communities may be hesitant to invest in that future, not knowing whether it will soon change.

    What Congress and the courts could do

    There are a few ways to increase the certainty around the future of national monuments.

    First, lawsuits could push the courts to determine whether the president has the authority to reduce national monuments. Since the Antiquities Act doesn’t directly address presidential authority to reduce monument size, that’s an open question.

    Advocacy groups sued the government over Trump’s authority to shrink Bears Ears National Monument, but their cases were put on hold after Biden expanded the monument again. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear other cases in 2024 that argued that a president’s authority to declare and expand national monuments should be far more limited under the law.

    Second, Congress could permanently protect designated national monuments through legislation. That would require presidential approval, and the process would likely be slow and cumbersome. Creating White Clouds Wilderness in Idaho, for example, took decades and a public campaign to have it designated a national monument before Congress approved its wilderness designation.

    Third, Congress could take new steps to protect public lands. For example, a bipartisan bill titled Public Lands in Public Hands Act could block privatization of public lands and increase and maintain access for recreation. One of the bill’s lead sponsors is U.S. Rep. Ryan Zinke, a Republican from Montana who served as Interior secretary during the first Trump administration. Whether the bill will pass and gain the president’s approval remains to be seen.

    Public lands have widespread support

    The Antiquities Act has led to the creation of 163 terrestrial and marine monuments and subsequently the protection of land and waters that hold cultural, scientific or historic significance.

    These monuments tend to have broad support. During the first Trump administration, there were over 650,000 public comments on Trump’s review of national monument creation. An analysis found that 98% of the comments expressed broad support for both the creation and expansion of national monuments.

    Gold Butte National Monument covers nearly 300,000 acres of remote and rugged desert landscape in southeastern Nevada and is popular with hikers.
    Bureau of Land Management

    Public lands are more than just physical places. They are spaces where our ideals and values around public land unify us as Americans. They are quintessentially American – and in many ways define and shape the American identity.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. National monuments have grown and shrunk under US presidents for over a century thanks to one law: The Antiquities Act – https://theconversation.com/national-monuments-have-grown-and-shrunk-under-us-presidents-for-over-a-century-thanks-to-one-law-the-antiquities-act-252707

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: How Japanese anime draws on religious traditions to explore themes of destiny, sacrifice and the struggle between desire and duty

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ronald S. Green, Professor and Chair of the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Coastal Carolina University

    Kyojuro Rengoku, also known as the Flame Hashira, is a central character in the ‘Demon Slayer’ series. Deviant Art, CC BY-ND

    I have spent years studying and teaching Japanese anime, exploring how its narratives intertwine with cultural, philosophical and religious traditions. One of the most compelling aspects of Japanese anime is its ability to merge thrilling action with deep spiritual and ethical questions.

    “Demon Slayer: Mugen Train,” which shattered Japanese box-office records for earnings and ended up as 2020’s highest-grossing film in the world, is a prime example of how anime engages with these profound themes. With “Demon Slayer” continuing its global success, it is an opportune time to examine how it intertwines Buddhist, Shinto and samurai traditions into a narrative of heroism, impermanence and moral struggle.

    Spiritual themes in anime

    Anime often explores spiritual and philosophical questions by drawing on Japan’s religious traditions to examine themes of fate, self-sacrifice and the struggle between desire and duty.

    Hayao Miyazaki’s “Princess Mononoke,” for example, follows Prince Ashitaka, who is cursed by a demon and must journey to find a cure. His quest leads him into a conflict between the industrialized Irontown, which seeks to expand by clearing forests, and the spirits of the natural world, including the Deer God, a divine being that governs life and death.

    The film reflects Shinto principles by portraying nature as sacred and inhabited by “kami,” or spiritual beings. It emphasizes harmony between humans and the environment and the consequences of disrupting this balance.

    Scholar Melissa Croteau, in her book “Transcendence and Spirituality in Japanese Cinema,” notes how Miyazaki’s films use nature spirits to critique modernity’s detachment from the sacredness of the environment.

    A still from ‘Spirited Away’ in which 10-year-old Chihiro must learn to navigate an unseen world.
    GoodFon.com, CC BY-NC

    Similarly, his 2001 animated film “Spirited Away” reflects animist ideas in Japanese culture, where spirits are believed to inhabit natural elements and even everyday objects. Set in a mysterious Japanese bathhouse filled with “kami,” 10-year-old Chihiro, once shy and afraid of change, learns to navigate this hidden world and transforms along the way.

    A key moment in the film is the arrival of a polluted river spirit, which appears as a filthy, sludge-covered creature but is revealed to be a once-pristine river god, burdened by human waste. This scene embodies the animist belief that natural entities have their own spirit and must be respected. It also reinforces an environmental message: When nature is polluted or mistreated, it loses its vitality, but with care and reverence it can be restored.

    “Neon Genesis Evangelion,” a landmark Japanese anime television series that aired from 1995 to 1996, engages with deep philosophical ideas, particularly existentialist questions of identity and purpose. Set in a postapocalyptic world, the series follows 14-year-old Shinji Ikari, who is recruited to pilot a giant biomechanical weapon called an evangelion to defend humanity against mysterious beings known as Angels.

    As Shinji and his fellow pilots struggle with their roles, the series explores themes of isolation, self-worth and the challenges of forming close, meaningful relationships. It draws from both Buddhist and Gnostic thought, which emphasize a focus on inner spiritual knowledge and the belief that clinging too tightly to the material world causes suffering. Evangelion portrays suffering as arising from attachment and the inability to form meaningful relationships.

    Rengoku: The embodiment of selfless heroism

    What sets “Mugen Train” apart is its focus on the internal conflicts of its characters, symbolized by their battles with demons. These demons represent human suffering and attachment, themes deeply influenced by Buddhist thought. At the heart of the film is Kyojuro Rengoku, a demon slayer who embodies unwavering selflessness and honor.

    Rengoku’s flame-breathing forms.

    Rengoku’s fire-based fighting style is deeply symbolic. In Japanese culture, fire represents both destruction and renewal. The Kurama Fire Festival, held annually on Oct. 22 in Kyoto, is a Shinto ritual where large torches are carried through the streets to ward off evil and purify the land.

    Similarly, Buddhist goma fire ceremonies involve priests burning wooden sticks in sacred flames to symbolize the eradication of ignorance and desire. Rengoku’s own techniques reflect this duality: His flames cleanse the world of evil while signifying his unwavering spirit.

    Goma fire ritual.

    Bushido, the samurai code of honor, underpins Rengoku’s character. Rooted in Confucian ethics, Zen Buddhism and Shinto beliefs, this code emphasizes loyalty, self-sacrifice and duty to protect others. His mother’s teaching – “The strong must protect the weak” – guides his every action, reflecting the Confucian value of filial piety and the moral obligation to serve society.

    Bushido’s connection to Zen Buddhism, with its focus on discipline and acceptance of impermanence, further shapes Rengoku’s unwavering resolve, while its Shinto influences reinforce his role as a guardian upholding a sacred duty.

    Even approaching death, Rengoku remains steadfast, accepting impermanence, or “mujō,” a fundamental Buddhist principle that sees beauty in life’s transience. His sacrifice teaches that true strength lies in selflessness and moral integrity.

    Akaza: A manifestation of attachment and suffering

    Opposing Rengoku is Akaza, a demon who embodies the destructive consequences of clinging to power and immortality. Once human, Akaza became a demon in his obsession with strength, unable to accept the impermanence of life.

    His refusal to acknowledge death aligns with Buddhist teachings that suffering arises from attachment and desire. Scholars such as Jacqueline Stone have explored how Buddhist texts portray clinging to existence as a fundamental source of suffering, a theme vividly reflected in Akaza’s character.

    Visual elements reinforce Akaza’s symbolism. His body is covered in tattoos reminiscent of “irezumi,” traditional Japanese body art historically associated with crime and hardship. In Edo-period Japan, tattoos were often used to mark criminals, branding them as outcasts from society. Even today, irezumi remains stigmatized in many parts of Japan, with some public bathhouses, gyms and swimming pools barring individuals with visible tattoos due to their historical association with the yakuza. In contemporary anime, tattooed characters frequently symbolize a troubled past or inner turmoil, reinforcing Akaza’s role as a figure trapped by his own suffering and destructive path.

    Akaza’s irezumi visually conveys his entrapment in cycles of suffering, reinforcing his contrast with Rengoku’s liberating flames.

    A battle about human struggles

    The battle between Rengoku and Akaza is more than a fight between good and evil; it is a clash between two worldviews – selflessness versus egoism, acceptance versus attachment. “Mugen Train” taps into universal human struggles, making its themes resonate far beyond Japan.

    The film’s exploration of impermanence, moral duty and the pursuit of meaning contributes to anime’s broader legacy as a medium that entertains while provoking deep philosophical reflection.

    As “Demon Slayer” continues to captivate audiences worldwide, evidenced by social media buzz around its new projects and the ongoing enthusiasm of fans, its success underscores anime’s ability to blend action with profound themes.

    Whether through Rengoku’s selfless courage or Akaza’s tragic downfall, “Mugen Train” offers a timeless meditation on what it means to live with purpose and integrity.

    Ronald S. Green does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Japanese anime draws on religious traditions to explore themes of destiny, sacrifice and the struggle between desire and duty – https://theconversation.com/how-japanese-anime-draws-on-religious-traditions-to-explore-themes-of-destiny-sacrifice-and-the-struggle-between-desire-and-duty-246960

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Poor neighborhoods, health care barriers are factors for heart disease risk in Black mothers

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Curisa M. Tucker, Assistant Professor of Nursing Science, University of South Carolina

    The study examined more than 7 million births that occurred over 22 years. supersizer/E+ via Getty Images

    Living in a disadvantaged neighborhood contributes to a rare form of heart failure known as peripartum cardiomyopathy, a potentially deadly disease that disproportionately affects Black mothers.

    That’s the key finding of my recent study, published in February 2025 in the Journal of the American Heart Association.

    Peripartum cardiomyopathy can occur in pregnant or postpartum mothers during late pregnancy up to five months after birth. The disease is difficult to identify and is often misdiagnosed. Multiple studies estimate that 7% to 20% of U.S. mothers who have it don’t survive.

    As a nurse scientist with a research focus on maternal health equity, I wanted to learn more about the factors that cause peripartum cardiomyopathy.

    My team and I examined more than 7.3 million birth records in California between 1997 and 2019. By using the neighborhood deprivation index, which measures socioeconomic disadvantage in a geographic area, we linked hospital discharge and vital records information up to 12 months postpartum follow-up on each woman. From that data, we developed a more complete picture on why women developed the illness.

    We found that living in poor neighborhoods with fewer resources was associated with a 20% to 70% increased risk of developing this disease. Those in the most under-resourced neighborhoods – areas with less access to nutritious food, stable housing and quality health care – had the highest risk. This was true even after accounting for other factors, like income, race, high blood pressure and obesity.

    But living in highly stressed neighborhoods explained only part of the reason for the higher rates of peripartum cardiomyopathy in Black women. We found that even if they lived in better neighborhoods, Black women were still more than three times as likely to develop the condition than others.

    Why it matters

    Our findings suggest deeper issues are contributing to the increase in the disease, particularly in Black women.

    Barriers to health care are critical. These include insurance gaps,
    transportation issues, the biases of doctors and other providers and inadequate access to care.

    A better understanding of these factors can help policymakers develop effective interventions for all women at risk and reallocate resources – and dollars – to prevent disparities in maternal health outcomes.

    Pregnancy itself causes increased stress on the heart.

    What still isn’t known

    Our study only points to neighborhood disinvestment and chronic high blood pressure as contributors to the risk of peripartum cardiomyopathy. Unanswered questions remain about the other causes.

    More research is needed to fully understand how social determinants of health, which are the environmental conditions where people are born, live, work and play, affect health outcomes.

    For example, these communities are often food deserts – places with limited access to healthy food and larger supermarkets. Overcrowded or poor-quality housing also contribute to stress and health problems. So does the lack of safe space for physical activity.

    What’s next

    My future work will focus on further identifying the key factors that influence peripartum cardiomyopathy risk, such as economic stability and the effects of environmental stressors, like pollution.

    I’ll also track the long-term health of peripartum cardiomyopathy survivors to understand how social factors affect recovery. My ultimate goal is to inform policies and practices that reduce disparities and improve maternal heart health for all.

    The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

    NIH provided funding to support this work.

    – ref. Poor neighborhoods, health care barriers are factors for heart disease risk in Black mothers – https://theconversation.com/poor-neighborhoods-health-care-barriers-are-factors-for-heart-disease-risk-in-black-mothers-250591

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine will need major rebuilding when war ends − here’s why the US isn’t likely to invest in its recovery with a new Marshall Plan

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Frank A. Blazich Jr., Curator of Military History, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution

    Europe after World War II? No, it’s the Ukrainian city of Bakhmut in 2023, after a year of Russian bombardment. AP Photo, File

    President Donald Trump wants Ukraine to repay the United States for helping to defend the country against Russia’s invasion.

    Since 2022, Congress has provided about US$174 billion to Ukraine and neighboring countries to assist its war effort. Trump inflated this figure to $350 billion in a March 2025 White House meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron. Separately, he has suggested Ukraine could reimburse the U.S. by giving America access to its minerals.

    Ukraine is rich in titanium, graphite, manganese and other rare earth metals used to produce electric vehicle batteries and other tech devices.

    Mining and refining these critical mineral resources would require major investment in infrastructure and economic development, including in parts of Ukraine severely damaged by fighting. Some analysts are calling for a return to the European Recovery Program, commonly known as the Marshall Plan.

    The Marshall Plan used $13.3 billion in U.S. funds – roughly $171 billion in today’s dollars – to rebuild war-torn Western Europe from 1948 to late 1951. It is often evoked as a solution for reconstruction following global crises. Yet as a military historian and curator, I find that the Marshall Plan is not well understood.

    For the U.S., the economic gains of the Marshall Plan did not come from European countries’ repaying loans or allowing the U.S. to extract their raw materials. Rather, the U.S. has benefited enormously from a half-century of goodwill, democratic stability and economic success in Europe.

    European nations turn inward

    After World War II ended in 1945, Western Europe faced a staggering burden of destruction and upheaval.

    Allied bombardment of major industrial areas and German cities such as Berlin, Hamburg and Cologne had created massive housing shortages. Meanwhile, fighting through agricultural areas and a critical manpower shortage had curtailed food production. What harvest there was could not get to hungry civilians because so many of Europe’s roads, bridges and ports had been destroyed.

    The United Kingdom, Italy, France, Germany and other European governments were buried in debt after so many years of war. They could not afford to rebuild on their own. Yet rather than cooperating on their mutual economic reconstruction, European nations looked inward, focusing primarily on their own political challenges.

    The continent was politically and militarily divided, too. Europe’s western half was influenced by the democratic, capitalistic forces led by the U.S. Eastern Europe was beholden to the communist, command-economy forces of the Soviet Union.

    In a 1946 speech at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill articulated Europe’s growing postwar divide. Over the ruins of proud nations, he said, “an iron curtain” had “descended across the continent.”

    US looks abroad

    Unlike Europe, the U.S. emerged from World War II as the wealthiest nation in the world, with its territory intact and unharmed. Its steel and oil industries were booming. By 1947, the U.S. was the clear successor to Great Britain as the world’s superpower.

    But President Harry Truman feared the ambitions of the war’s other great victor – the Soviet Union. In March 1947, he announced a new doctrine to contain communist expansion southward across Europe by giving $400 million in military and economic aid to Greece and Turkey.

    Around the same time, U.S. Secretary of State George Marshall met with Soviet officials to plan Germany’s future. Following the Nazis’ surrender in May 1945, Germany had been divided into four occupied zones administered by U.S., British, French and Soviet forces.

    Each nation had its own goals for its section of Germany. The U.S. wanted to revitalize Germany politically and economically, believing that a moribund Germany would thwart the economic reconstruction of all of Europe.

    Marshall hoped that the Soviets would cooperate, but Soviet ruler Josef Stalin preferred extracting reparations from a prostrate Germany to investing in its recovery. A vibrant German economic engine, the Soviets felt, could just as easily rearm to attack the Russian countryside for the third time that century.

    The Truman administration chose to unilaterally rebuild the three western Allied sectors of Germany – and Western Europe.

    Marshall outlined his plan at a commencement address at Harvard University in June 1947. American action to restore global economic health, he said, would provide the foundation for political stability and peace in Europe. And an economically healthy Western Europe, in turn, would inhibit the spread of communism by plainly demonstrating the benefits of capitalism.

    “Our policy is not directed against any country,” Marshall said, “but against hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos.”

    Marshall’s plan

    Marshall invited all European nations to participate in drafting a plan to first address the immediate humanitarian aid of Europe’s people, then rebuild its infrastructure. The U.S. would pay for it all.

    For nearly bankrupt European nations, it was a lifeline.

    In September 1947, the new Committee for European Economic Co-operation, composed of 16 Western – but not Eastern – European nations, delivered its proposal to Washington.

    It would take a masterful legislative strategy for the Democratic Truman administration to persuade the Republican-led Congress to pass this $13 billion bill. It succeeded thanks to the dedicated effort of Republican Sen. Arthur Vandenberg, who convinced his isolationist colleagues that the Marshall Plan would halt the expansion of communism and benefit American economic growth.

    In April 1948, Truman signed the Economic Cooperation Act. By year’s end, over $2 billion had reached Europe, and its industrial production had finally surpassed prewar levels seen in 1939.

    NATO is born

    Along with economic stability, the Truman administration recognized that Europe needed military security to defend against communist encroachment by the Soviet Union.

    In July 1949, 12 European countries, the U.S. and Canada established the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO committed each member country to the mutual defense of fellow NATO members.

    Since 1947, NATO has steadily expanded eastward to include Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and other former Soviet satellite states directly bordering Russia.

    Ukraine, which declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, is not yet a NATO member. But it desperately wants to be.

    Ukraine applied for NATO membership in 2022 after Russia’s invasion. Its application is pending. Russian President Vladimir Putin has said any peace deal with Ukraine must bar NATO membership.

    Would a Marshall Plan work for Ukraine?

    Modern-day Ukraine mirrors the Western European countries of the Marshall Plan era in meaningful ways.

    It suffers from the physical devastation of war, with its major cities heavily damaged. The threat of military attack from hostile neighbors remains urgent. And it has a functional, democratic government that would – in peacetime – be capable of receiving and distributing aid to develop the nation’s economic growth and stability.

    U.S. global leadership, however, has changed dramatically since 1948.

    Outright American taxpayer financing of Ukraine’s reconstruction seems impossible. Any plan to reconstruct the country after war will likely require public funding from multiple nations and substantial private investment. That private investment could well include mineral extraction and refinement ventures.

    Ultimately, Ukraine’s recovery will most likely involve Ukraine and neighboring nations reaching agreement to restore its economic and military security. The European Union, which Ukraine also seeks to join, has the bureaucratic and economic resources necessary to reconstruct Ukraine, restore peace and ease tensions on the continent.

    Any future Marshall Plan for Ukraine will probably be European.

    Frank A. Blazich Jr. does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ukraine will need major rebuilding when war ends − here’s why the US isn’t likely to invest in its recovery with a new Marshall Plan – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-will-need-major-rebuilding-when-war-ends-heres-why-the-us-isnt-likely-to-invest-in-its-recovery-with-a-new-marshall-plan-251872

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    March 25, 2025
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