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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia urgently needs to get serious about long-term climate policy – but there’s no sign of that in the election campaign

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Jotzo, Professor, Crawford School of Public Policy and Head of Energy, Institute for Climate Energy and Disaster Solutions, Australian National University

    The federal election should be an earnest contest over the fundamentals of Australia’s climate and energy policies.

    Strong global action on climate change is clearly in Australia’s long-term national interest. But it has fallen prey to US President Donald Trump’s disruption of the world order, which has drained global attention from other crucial issues, including climate change.

    The Trump administration’s anti-climate actions might energise some to counteract it, but its overall affect will be chilling.

    Election reality

    A comprehensive platform to strengthen and broaden Australian climate policy towards net zero is needed more than ever.

    But the political reality playing out in the election campaign is very different, with the overriding focus on the cost of living, and the usual emphasis on electoral tactics rather than long-term strategies.

    Even a policy like Labor’s subsidised home batteries is being framed as a hip-pocket measure, rather than as a small contribution to energy infrastructure.

    Likewise, the Coalition’s pledge to halve fuel excise is aimed squarely at easing price pressures at the pump. In fact, the policy would slightly delay progress towards low emissions transport.

    The vexed question of how to ensure sufficient gas supplies for south eastern Australia is also cloaked in energy affordability. We are already seeing industry push back against the Coalition’s policy to require gas companies to withhold a share of production for the domestic market.

    Off target

    Regardless of who wins the election, Australia’s 43% emissions reduction target by 2030 will be difficult to achieve unless there is a change of pace.

    The government’s projections assume sharp
    cuts during 2027–30. But national emissions have flatlined at around 28% below 2005 levels for four years.

    Labor will subsidise the cost of solar batteries if its re-elected on May 4.
    Kathie Nichols/Shutterstock

    Under the Paris Agreement, a 2035 target commitment is required this year. The Climate Change Authority will give its advice to the new government after the election. It has previously floated a reduction range of 65–75%

    This would be compatible with the global goal of keeping warming below 2°C. Yet it might look highly ambitious under current political and international circumstances.

    Renewables reloaded

    The shift from coal to clean energy sources in the power sector is well underway. In 2024, renewables accounted for 39% of the national energy market, three times the share a decade ago.

    But progress has slowed at the same time as older coal plants have become unreliable and costly to run.

    It is clear that the future of an affordable, secure power supply in Australia is mostly wind and solar, supported by energy storage and some gas.

    But progress needs to be much faster. Many renewable projects, transmission lines and also Snowy 2 energy storage, are behind schedule. This is due to supply chain constraints, regulatory clogging and community opposition.

    Blueprint for action

    Deep emission reductions can still be achieved over the next ten years, but only if we pull out all the stops. That would mean:

    • going much faster on electricity transition
    • strengthening incentives and regulation to cut industrial and resource sector emissions
    • getting serious about a transition to clean transport
    • meaningful action towards low-emissions agriculture including changes to land use.

    A re-elected Labor government would likely do more on renewable power, while also strengthening action on industrial and resource emissions through the Safeguard Mechanism.

    But more will be needed to prepare for the 2030s. If the Teals hold the balance of power in a hung parliament, they would push Labor to be more ambitious.

    By contrast, a Dutton government might dial back the existing ambition and adopt a lower 2035 target than labor.

    Nuclear means more coal

    The initial focus of the Coalition’s energy policy going into the campaign has been to build nuclear power stations.

    Nuclear power would be far more expensive than the alternatives, costing hundreds of billions of dollars for only a small share of future power supply. It would need enormous subsidies, probably through government ownership.

    Deployment would inevitably be a very long time off. The near term affect would be to delay the transition to more renewable energy.

    The Coalition’s modelling assumes ageing coal-fired power plants would keep running beyond their announced closure dates. That would mean burning more coal and keeping Australia’s national carbon emissions higher for longer.

    The future of resource exports is green

    Australia’s intrinsic interest in limiting climate change remains urgent. Our opportunity as a green commodity producer and exporter remains solid.

    Green industry policy has been on the rise under the Albanese government, through support for green hydrogen and green iron. But we will not be able to subsidise our way to greatness in clean export industries.

    What is needed is international green commodity markets for Australian supplies of green ammonia, iron and other products. This is best achieved through carbon pricing in commodity importing countries, coupled with border carbon adjustments which give exporters of cleanly produced products an edge in those markets.

    A strong Australian 2035 emissions target would help send a signal to investors and overseas markets that we are serious about the transition.

    A COP in Australia

    Australia has a strong chance of hosting the 2026 UN climate conference. Labor wants it, but the Coalition doesn’t.

    COP31 would be a big chance for Australia to demonstrate positive leadership. It would also create pressure to do more for developing countries, given the conference would be hosted jointly with Pacific island states.

    Disappointment is likely, as rich countries will probably fail to meet expectations. In any case, Australia will be pushed by our Pacific neighbours to do more on climate change.

    We could do with the encouragement.

    This is the fourth article in our special series, Australia’s Policy Challenges. You can read the other articles here

    Frank Jotzo leads various research projects on climate policy. He is a commissioner with the NSW Net Zero Commission, chairs the Queensland Clean Economy Expert Panel and led the federal government’s Carbon Leakage Review.

    – ref. Australia urgently needs to get serious about long-term climate policy – but there’s no sign of that in the election campaign – https://theconversation.com/australia-urgently-needs-to-get-serious-about-long-term-climate-policy-but-theres-no-sign-of-that-in-the-election-campaign-250637

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Labor made plenty of promises at the last election. Did they deliver?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Rindert Algra-Maschio, PhD Candidate, Social and Political Sciences, Monash University

    Election promises are a mainstay of contemporary politics. Governments cite kept commitments as proof they can be trusted, while oppositions pounce on any failure to deliver.

    But beyond the politics, campaign pledges are also central to representative democracy. They telegraph what to expect from a party in government and create a moral obligation for it to follow through.

    Democratic governments across the globe fulfil, on average, roughly two-thirds of their promises, but most voters believe it is far fewer. Since voters will punish governments for breaking promises, it’s vital they have accurate information on their government’s record.

    We set out to provide Australians with that information through RMIT’s Election Promise Tracker. We assessed 66 major promises made by Labor before the last election.

    By presenting evidence through an interactive timeline that follows all the twists and turns since 2022, the tracker allows voters to form their own judgements during the 2025 campaign.

    Tracking election promises

    Our team compiled a long list of promises during the last election campaign by scouring public statements made by both major parties.

    For this, we kept to the definition of an “election promise” used by the Comparative Pledges Project, a research network that employs a common approach to studying promises.

    After the election, we narrowed Labor’s list to 66 promises — based on newsworthiness, coverage of policy areas and, later, feedback from the audience of ABC News.

    The tracker was originally launched as a project of RMIT ABC Fact Check, and it applies a methodology of fact-check journalism that prioritises impartiality and transparency.

    We laid out, from the start, the criteria by which we would eventually assess each promise, to ensure only those that could be assessed by the end of the electoral term were included.

    Three years on, we determined whether those criteria had been met, marking promises as “delivered”, “thwarted” or “broken”. In a few cases, some remain “in progress” or “stalled”.

    Mostly good news for the government

    Overall, the government delivered at least 46 of the promises (roughly 70%) we tracked. Many of these are in areas typically seen as Labor strengths.

    These include key promises in health and aged care, such as funding pay rises for aged care workers, requiring aged care homes to keep a registered nurse on site 24/7, and mandating minimum “care minutes” for their residents.

    On education, employment and social services, the government boosted childcare subsidies and increased workplace protections for gig workers. It also delivered funding for 450,000 fee-free TAFE places and for the states to hire 500 support workers for women in crisis.

    Integrity was a key theme of the 2022 election, and the government has since followed through on establishing an anti-corruption commission, delivering a royal commission into Robodebt and implementing all the recommendations of the Respect@Work report that fell within its remit.

    And on the all-important cost of living, Labor cut the maximum price for Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) scripts, boosted payments for disabled veterans, increased the low-and-middle income tax offset by $420 and – following a Senate standoff with the Greens and Coalition — established a $10 billion Housing Australia Future Fund.

    And some bad news

    But it was not all smooth sailing for the government. It failed to deliver on at least 14 pledges (roughly 20%), including a promise to increase real wages above pre-election levels. It’s pledged to address real wages through a submission to the Fair Work Commission this time around.

    Arguably, it was unlucky on defence spending. Despite injecting $10 billion over its first three years, Labor is poised to miss its target of spending “at least” 2% of gross domestic product on defence, due to an uptick in GDP.

    In other cases, the government never really got close. After promising to deliver 450 gigalitres of environmental water under the Murray Darling Basin Plan, it only managed 27.5GL.

    And some deadlines were simply missed, with the government belatedly establishing 50 urgent care clinics and introducing a new Pacific Engagement Visa.

    Among the most controversial issues was Labor’s restructuring of the stage three tax cuts, having previously pledged to implement the cuts exactly as the Coalition had formulated them. But polling showed voters may forgive the “breaking” of a pledge if they agree with the outcome.

    The government also retreated from its promise to establish a Makarrata Commission following the defeated Voice referendum, providing an example of how changed political circumstances can come to haunt promises made years earlier.

    Not always an easy answer

    Despite the best intentions, some promises don’t fit neatly into the “delivered” or “broken” binary.

    For example, Labor promised Australia would make a joint bid with Pacific Island countries to host a United Nations climate conference. But the government can’t formally submit a bid unless Turkey bows out of the race, meaning this pledge has been “thwarted”.

    And it remains to be seen whether households will receive a much-touted $275 cut to their annual electricity bill (on 2021 levels) by mid-2025. The necessary data won’t arrive until after the election, and Labor’s energy rebates have complicated the picture.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese may not have delivered on “every single thing” he promised, but of the promises we tracked, far more were kept than broken.

    This suggests the Albanese government has performed on a fairly level footing with other comparative countries, as well as with the Gillard Labor government.

    But voters will have different views on which promises are most important, so as ever, it’s the details that matter.

    Lisa Waller receives funding from The Australian Research Council

    David Campbell and Frank Rindert Algra-Maschio do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Labor made plenty of promises at the last election. Did they deliver? – https://theconversation.com/labor-made-plenty-of-promises-at-the-last-election-did-they-deliver-251481

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How the small autonomous region of Puntland found success in battling Islamic State in Somalia

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ido Levy, PhD Candidate, School of International Service, American University

    Soldiers with the Puntland Defense Forces. Photo by Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post via Getty Images

    On Feb. 24, 2025, members of the Puntland Defense Forces posed next to a sign in Arabic that proclaimed the mountain town of Sheebaab as a “province” of the Islamic State group. The town, located in Somalia’s autonomous northeastern region of Puntland, was one of numerous areas that soldiers from the regional government have taken back during Operation Hilaac, an ongoing campaign against fighters from the Islamic State in Somalia – the local branch of the terrorist network – which began in late November 2024.

    Puntland’s success in combating a growing Islamic State group presence in the northeastern region is particularly notable given the relative lack of success of the central Somali government’s confrontation with the al-Qaida-affiliated group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin – more commonly known as al-Shabab – which for about two decades has waged war against federal forces.

    In contrast, security forces in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland have, with some key support from international partners, united to repel the Islamic State group’s advance.

    The Islamic State group’s rise in Somalia

    Islamist groups have been part of Somalia’s fractured political landscape since the country’s descent into civil war in the 1980s.

    They tapped into profound local dissatisfaction with warlordism, tribalism and corruption, as well as a reaction to foreign intervention by Ethiopia, the United States and other international actors.

    Al-Shabab and later the Islamic State in Somalia are the most extreme manifestations of this trend.

    Islamic State in Somalia emerged in 2015 when a small group of al-Shabab members led by Abdulqadir Mumin – an extremist Somali preacher who previously lived in Sweden and the United Kingdom, where he acquired citizenship – pledged allegiance to then-Islamic State group leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Having formed as a local branch – or “province” in the group’s self conception as a global entity intent on expanding territory – Islamic State in Somalia launched its first major operation in October 2016, briefly seizing the port town of Qandala in Puntland.

    Thereafter, the group retreated to its strongholds in the mountain regions inside Puntland amid pressure from both the regional government and al-Shabab, which has cracked down on Islamic State supporters in its ranks.

    Yet from the Puntland mountains, Islamic State in Somalia grew into a key node of the terrorist group’s global network. It is now a hub for transferring funds and drawing recruits from across Africa and elsewhere via the regional coordination office it operates known as al-Karrar.

    One notable Sudan-born operative killed in a 2023 U.S. raid in Puntland, Bilal al-Sudani, was known as a key foreign fighter, facilitator and financier who developed Islamic State funding networks in South Africa and helped fund the group’s branch in Afghanistan.

    An NBC News report from mid-2024 cited U.S. officials who believed Mumin, head of Islamic State in Somalia, was acting as the network’s overall leader, or caliph, though other analysts have suggested he holds a top role close to caliph.

    In any case, Islamic State in Somalia’s ranks have increased steadily, from an estimated 200-300 fighters in 2016 to about 1,000 as of February 2025, according to reports.

    Puntland pushes back

    Puntland declared itself an autonomous region of Somalia in 1998 amid the ongoing Somali civil war and has since achieved relative stability compared with the other parts of the country, which have generally been marked by decades of sectarian division and weak central governance.

    Puntland is no stranger to divisions in a country that often hinges on clan loyalties, but it has achieved a greater degree of unity and has regularly raised security forces to defeat external threats, often with considerable foreign support.

    The dominance of a single clan, the Majeerteen, has in part likely helped facilitate this unity. In the current operations against Islamic State in Somalia, the autonomous Puntland government under President Said Abdullahi Deni has gathered several disparate regional forces under the “Puntland Defense Forces” banner, including clan militias, the Puntland Darawish – a regional paramilitary unit – and the Puntland Maritime Police Force.

    Soldiers with the Puntland Defense Forces stand at a base formerly held by the Islamic State group’s Somali affiliate in January 2025 in Puntland, Somalia.
    Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post via Getty Images

    The Puntland Maritime Police Force in particular has evolved into a well-trained and experienced counterterrorism unit. Founded with United Arab Emirates money and mentored by private South African military contractors to address growing piracy, it has turned to fighting al-Shabab and Islamic State in Somalia in the mountain regions. Indeed, it played a leading role in taking Qandala from Islamic State control in 2016. It also cooperated effectively with other forces to defeat a 2016 al-Shabab attempt to attack Puntland from the sea.

    The U.S. and UAE have supported the Puntland government’s campaign. In February 2025, the U.S. launched two airstrikes on Islamic State fighters, with one on Feb. 1, 2025, killing Omani-born Ahmed Maeleninine, a key recruiter, financier and facilitator. The United States claimed another airstrike on March 25.

    The UAE has conducted airstrikes too, likely from the large UAE-funded Puntland Maritime Police Force headquarters base in the major port city of Bosaso.

    The Puntland government has claimed that through its latest operation it has advanced through 315 kilometers, clearing numerous villages and outposts in the mountains.

    On Feb. 11, 2025, The Washington Post reported that regional security forces had killed more than 150 Islamic State members, mostly foreign fighters from countries including Morocco, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, illustrating the group’s significance as a global hub for the network. In fact, one analyst counted 118 dead fighters from a single encounter in early February, indicating a possibly higher death toll. In any case, it represents heavy losses for Islamic State in Somalia, though it is not defeated yet and still numbers fighters in the hundreds.

    The risk of outside interference

    All in all, Puntland has leveraged past success fighting jihadist groups in making remarkable progress in its fight against Islamic State in Somalia.

    It shows how local and substate forces can be more effective at fighting armed nonstate groups than the federal authorities, despite limited resources.

    No doubt, support from the United States and UAE has aided Puntland’s anti-Islamic State push. But reliance on outside sources risks creating dependence on them when local forces must ultimately take ownership of the fight themselves.

    And less patient foreign supporters have been known to spoil the elite units they build. This occurred with the Puntland Security Force, a U.S.-created special forces unit that splintered during a brief withdrawal of U.S. forces from Somalia in 2021 and 2022.

    There are also risks that partner forces will behave badly. While the Emirati mission in Puntland – as well as in Afghanistan and Yemen – has proven effective in fighting jihadists, in Sudan it has been arguably disastrous. There, the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces paramilitary unit helped to ignite an ongoing civil war in 2023 during which its members perpetrated alleged atrocities.

    Ultimately, it will be up to Puntlanders themselves to keep fighting. Indeed, foreign support would have little impact without effective local forces on the ground with the political will to sustain the campaign. Just as Puntland has done before, so too is it now demonstrating that it is determined to fight the threat posed by jihadist groups like Islamic State in Somalia.

    Ido Levy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How the small autonomous region of Puntland found success in battling Islamic State in Somalia – https://theconversation.com/how-the-small-autonomous-region-of-puntland-found-success-in-battling-islamic-state-in-somalia-251775

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tripped at the first hurdle: fees-free changes could put some students off tertiary study altogether

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wendy Ann Alabaster, PhD candidate, University of Canterbury

    skynesher/Getty Images

    The door to tertiary education will likely close for some students now changes have kicked in for the fees-free policy.

    In 2017, the Labour government introduced a fee holiday for students’ first year of academic study, or two years of training in a work-based setting. This was meant to help those who had been put off tertiary study because of the cost. It was also intended to boost the number of people going into higher education.

    But students who started university or other tertiary training in 2025 will instead have to wait until their final year for the fees holiday under a policy change by the current coalition government.

    According to Tertiary Education Minister Penny Simmonds, the goal was to incentivise “hard working learners, businesses and tertiary providers” and help those “most in need of support to access tertiary education and training”.

    However, my research suggests the change will likely compound existing inequalities in access to tertiary education for students from low-income backgrounds.

    Through repeated in-depth interviews with students throughout their first year of study, I examined the impact of the fees free policy on their attitudes and behaviours. What I found is for students from low-income backgrounds, the policy is going to make entering study harder.

    Fees free as an entry point

    My study focused on ten students from low-income backgrounds or who were first in their family to undertake tertiary study. They were interviewed three times: on enrolment, mid-year and at the end of their first year.

    Five of the ten students said they could not have imagined beginning their studies without the first year fees-free support. One student said,

    If it had cost, I wouldn’t have gone.

    Another said,

    I don’t think I would have [studied], to be honest.

    And a third said,

    I’m definitely not one to have debt. No, I don’t think I would have [studied].

    The students in my study were also worried about the debt associated with a student loan. As of December 2024, the total student loan debt in New Zealand was around NZ$15.6 billion, with the median loan balance being $17,949.

    One student said she did not want the debt from a student loan. Another commented,

    It was always the thought that, oh, uni, there’s a massive student loan that you’re going to end up with later down the line. I don’t want to end up stuck in debt and then, you know, never be able to pay off things like that.

    A third said,

    It’s daunting because it was only recently that my mum’s paid off her student loan or her debt.

    Throughout the interviews, the students suggested other changes that could help how low-income students approached tertiary study.

    These included improving access to career education advice, assistance and mentoring in navigating the tertiary environment (including application processes), and increased health and wellbeing support.

    Despite Labour’s fees-free policy, there has been a persistent decline in the number of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds entering tertiary study.
    Phil Walter/Getty Images

    The participants in this study found it difficult to access help with scholarship and enrolment applications. One student commented,

    [High school staff] were very passionate about people to go to uni so it looked good on their reports, but not like helping people apply or anything like that. So it was quite one sided.

    Another student was frustrated with trying to navigate Studylink, the student loan and assistance provider. She said,

    I don’t know why [Studylink] make it so hard for everybody.

    It was difficult for low-income and first-in-family students to communicate with their families about their struggles. One student said,

    Coming from a low-income family meant I was the first in my family to attend tertiary study. It was hard to communicate to my family the struggles of tertiary education and I found it difficult to connect with them and feel like they understood my experience.

    Ongoing unequal access

    Despite the fees free policy, there has been a persistent disparity in the background of students who go on to study at university or other tertiary institutions.

    In 2021, the proportion of students undertaking tertiary study from decile one schools (those with the highest number of students from low-income backgrounds) was under 4%. The proportion from decile 10 schools was closer to 16%. (The decile system has since been replaced by the Schooling Equity Index).

    Regardless of the fees free programme’s original goals, the percentage of students accessing tertiary education from the schools with the lowest five deciles has decreased from 38% in 2017 to 28% in 2021. At the same time, the number of students from the highest five decile schools has increased from 62% to 72%.

    Improving access for students

    Research in 2019 and 2020 revealed that students who were more influenced by the fees-free policy may need extra support to complete qualifications and have a successful tertiary experience.

    The students who were more influenced by the fees-free policy were approximately 1.67 times more likely to struggle during the transition to university and show an interest in early departure within the first few weeks of study.

    My study suggests free fees in the first year allowed students from low-income families to feel they had a right to study.

    Rather than being a reward for students at the end of their study, it is more likely the shift of the fees-free year will discourage low-income students from taking the risk to commit to study at the tertiary level.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Tripped at the first hurdle: fees-free changes could put some students off tertiary study altogether – https://theconversation.com/tripped-at-the-first-hurdle-fees-free-changes-could-put-some-students-off-tertiary-study-altogether-253613

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Universities in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union thought giving in to government demands would save their independence

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Iveta Silova, Professor of Comparative and International Education, Arizona State University

    Columbia University has been in the crosshairs of the Trump administration.
     Rudi Von Briel/Photodisc via Getty Images

    Many American universities, widely seen globally as beacons of academic integrity and free speech, are giving in to demands from the Trump administration, which has been targeting academia since it took office.

    In one of his first acts, President Donald Trump branded diversity, equity and inclusion programs as discriminatory. His administration also launched federal investigations into more than 50 universities, from smaller regional schools such as Grand Valley State University in Michigan and the New England College of Optometry in Massachusetts to elite private universities such as Harvard and Yale.

    Trump ramped up the pressure by threatening university research funding and targeting specific schools. In one example, the Trump administration revoked US$400 million in grants to Columbia University over its alleged failures to curb antisemitic harassment on campus. The school later agreed to most of Trump’s demands, from tightening student protest policies to placing an entire academic department under administrative oversight – though the funding remains frozen.

    Cornell, Northwestern, Princeton, Brown and the University of Pennsylvania have also recently had grants frozen. Harvard was sent a list of demands in order to keep $9 billion in federal funding.

    Now, across the United States, many universities are trying to avoid being Trump’s next target. Administrators are dismantling DEI initiatives – closing and rebranding offices, eliminating positions, revising training programs and sanitizing diversity statements – while professors are preemptively self-censoring.

    Not all institutions are complying. Some schools, such as Wesleyan, have refused to abandon their diversity principles. And organizations including the American Association of University Professors have filed lawsuits challenging Trump’s executive orders, arguing they violate academic freedom and the First Amendment.

    But these remain exceptions, as the broader trend leans toward institutional caution and retreat.

    As a scholar of comparative and international education, I study how academic institutions respond to authoritarian pressure – across political systems, cultural contexts and historical moments. While some universities may believe that compliance with the administration will protect their funding and independence, a few historical parallels suggest otherwise.

    Students and other Nazi supporters gather at Humboldt University in Berlin in 1933.
    AP Photo

    German universities: A lesson

    In the 1975 book “The Abuse of Learning: The Failure of German Universities,” historian Frederic Lilge chronicles how German universities, which entered the 20th century in a golden age of global intellectual influence, did not resist the Nazi regime but instead adapted to it.

    Even before seizing national power in 1933, the Nazi Party was closely monitoring German universities through nationalist student groups and sympathetic faculty, flagging professors deemed politically unreliable – particularly Jews, Marxists, liberals and pacifists.

    After Hitler took office in 1933, his regime moved swiftly to purge academic institutions of Jews and political opponents. The 1933 Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service mandated the firing of Jewish and other “non-Aryan” professors and members of the faculty deemed politically suspect.

    Soon after, professors were required to swear loyalty to Hitler, curricula were overhauled to emphasize “national defense” and “racial science” – a pseudoscientific framework used to justify antisemitism and Aryan supremacy – and entire departments were restructured to serve Nazi ideology.

    Some institutions, such as the Technische Hochschule Stuttgart, even rushed to honor Hitler with an honorary doctorate within weeks of his rise to power. He declined the offer, though the gesture signaled the university’s eagerness to align with the regime. Professional associations, such as the Association of German Universities, stayed silent, ignoring key opportunities to resist before universities lost their autonomy and became subservient to the Nazi state.

    As linguist Max Weinreich wrote in his 1999 book “Hitler’s Professors,” many academics didn’t just comply, they enabled the regime by reshaping their research. This legitimized state doctrine, helping build the intellectual framework of the regime.

    A few academics resisted and were dismissed, exiled or executed. Most did not.

    The transformation of German academia was not a slow drift but a swift and systemic overhaul. But what made Hitler’s orders stick was the eagerness of many academic leaders to comply, justify and normalize the new order. Each decision – each erased name, each revised syllabus, each closed program and department – was framed as necessary, even patriotic. Within a few years, German universities no longer served knowledge – they served power.

    It would take more than a decade after the war, through denazification, reinvestment and international reintegration, for West German universities to begin regaining their intellectual standing and academic credibility.

    Under Stalin, dissenting scholars were purged and history rewritten to glorify the Communist Party. Moscow State University opened in 1953 with murals such as this one depicting Soviet symbols.
    AP Photo/Zander Hollander

    USSR and fascist Italy suffer similar fate

    Other countries that have fallen under authoritarian regimes followed similar trajectories.

    In fascist Italy, the shift began not with violence but with a signature. In 1931, the Mussolini regime required all university professors to swear an oath of loyalty to the state. Out of more than 1,200, only 12 refused.

    Many justified their compliance by insisting the oath had no bearing on their teaching or research. But by publicly affirming loyalty and offering no organized resistance, the academic community signaled its willingness to accommodate the regime. This lack of opposition allowed the fascist government to tighten control over universities and use them to advance its ideological agenda.

    In the Soviet Union, this control was not limited to symbolic gestures – it reshaped the entire academic system.

    After the Russian Revolution in 1917, the Bolsheviks oscillated between wanting to abolish universities as “feudal relics” and repurposing them to serve a socialist state, as historians John Connelly and Michael Grüttner explain in their book “Universities Under Dictatorship.” Ultimately, they chose the latter, remaking universities as instruments of ideological education and technical training, tightly aligned with Marxist-Leninist goals.

    Under Josef Stalin, academic survival depended less on scholarly merit than on conformity to official doctrine. Dissenting scholars were purged or exiled, history was rewritten to glorify the Communist Party, and entire disciplines such as genetics were reshaped to fit political orthodoxy.

    This model was exported across Eastern and Central Europe during the Cold War. In East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Poland, ministries dictated curricula, Marxism-Leninism became mandatory across disciplines, and admissions were reengineered to favor students from loyalist backgrounds. In some contexts, adherents to older intellectual traditions pushed back, especially in Poland, where resistance slowed though could not prevent the imposition of ideological control.

    By the early 1950s, universities across the region had become what Connelly calls “captive institutions,” stripped of independence and recast to serve the state.

    A more recent example is Turkey, where, following the failed 2016 coup, more than 6,000 academics were dismissed, universities were shuttered and research deemed “subversive” was banned.

    History’s warning

    The Trump administration’s early and direct intervention into higher education governance echoes historical attempts to bring universities under state influence or control.

    The administration says it is doing so to eradicate “discrimatory” DEI policies and fight what it sees as antisemitism on college campuses. But by withholding federal funding, the administration is also trying to force universities into ideological conformity – by dictating whose knowledge counts but also whose presence and perspectives are permissible on campus.

    Columbia’s reaction to Trump’s demands sent a clear message: Resistance is risky, but compliance may be rewarded – though the $400 million has yet to be restored. The speed and scope of its concessions set a precedent, signaling to other universities that avoiding political fallout now may mean rewriting policies, reshaping departments and retreating from controversy, perhaps before anyone even asks.

    The Trump administration has already moved on to other universities, including the University of Pennsylvania over its transgender policies, Princeton for its climate programs and Harvard over alleged antisemitism. The question is which school is next.

    The Department of Education has launched investigations into over 50 institutions, accusing them of using “racial preferences and stereotypes in education programs and activities.” How these institutions choose to respond may determine whether higher education remains a space for open inquiry.

    The pressure to conform is not just financial – it is also cultural. Faculty at some institutions are being advised not to use “DEI” in emails and public communication, with warnings to not be a target. Academics are removing pronouns from their email signatures and asking their students to comply, too. I’ve been on the receiving end of those warnings, and so have my counterparts at other institutions. And students on visas are being warned not to travel outside the U.S. after several were deported or denied reentry due to alleged involvement in protests.

    Meanwhile, people inside and outside academia are combing websites, syllabi, presentations and public writing in search of what they consider ideological infractions. This type of peer surveillance can reward silence, incentivize erasure and turn institutions against their own.

    When universities start regulating not just what they say but what they teach, support and stand for – driven by fear rather than principle – they are no longer just reacting to political threats, they are internalizing them. And as history has shown, that may mark the beginning of the end of their academic independence.

    This article does not represent the views of Arizona State University.

    – ref. Universities in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union thought giving in to government demands would save their independence – https://theconversation.com/universities-in-nazi-germany-and-the-soviet-union-thought-giving-in-to-government-demands-would-save-their-independence-252888

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Supreme Court’s decision on deportations gave both the Trump administration and ACLU reasons to claim a victory − but noncitizens clearly lost

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rebecca Hamlin, Professor of Legal Studies and Political Science, UMass Amherst

    A prison officer guards a gate at the Terrorism Confinement Center in El Salvador, where hundreds of migrants from the United States were deported by the Trump administration. Alex Pena/Anadolu via Getty Images

    President Donald Trump has claimed victory at the Supreme Court in his campaign to deport Venezuelan migrants accused by the government of being part of a foreign terrorist organization.

    “The Supreme Court has upheld the Rule of Law in our Nation by allowing a President, whoever that may be, to be able to secure our Borders, and protect our families and our Country, itself,” Trump posted on April 7, 2025, calling it, “A GREAT DAY FOR JUSTICE IN AMERICA!”

    A 5-4 majority of the U.S. Supreme Court had just overruled a lower court that had temporarily barred the deportations, deciding the U.S. could move ahead with its plans to send those Venezuelans to a prison in El Salvador.

    Eight minutes after Trump’s post, the American Civil Liberties Union, Democracy Forward and the ACLU of the District of Columbia, three advocacy groups that represented the Venezuelan nationals in the case, also claimed the decision was a win.

    In a press release, lawyers from these organizations said that the case was “an important victory” in which the court determined that the “Trump administration acted unlawfully when it removed people from this nation with no process.”

    Can both sides legitimately say they won a Supreme Court victory?

    As professors of legal studies, we study the Supreme Court, including how the court approaches cases involving immigration law and presidential power.

    Here’s why both sides are claiming a win in the case known as Trump v. J.G.G., what the court’s opinion actually said, and what you can take away from it.

    The Supreme Court decision lifted the temporary restraining order blocking the deportations imposed by James Boasberg, chief judge of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.
    Drew Angerer/AFP via Getty Images

    Why both sides are claiming victory

    The complexity of the court’s per curiam opinion – an unsigned opinion of a majority of the court – allows the Trump administration and the ACLU to view the ruling in Trump v. J.G.G. from different perspectives.

    This has led them both to claim victory.

    Trump sees the case as a win because the justices vacated a lower court decision that had temporarily barred the deportation of the Venezuelans. This means that the federal government was victorious in the case: His administration does not have to immediately stop deporting Venezuelan nationals.

    At the same time, the ACLU claims the case is a victory for them because the Supreme Court’s opinion said that the government must give people the opportunity to challenge their removal under the Alien Enemies Act – which the government had not done. The Venezuelans’ right to due process was one of the key arguments advanced by the ACLU and its partners.

    On April 9, judges in New York and Texas agreed, just two days after the Supreme Court’s decision, temporarily halting the deportation of five Venezuelans until the government can clarify what type of notice it will be giving to people it intends to deport.

    Eventually, the Supreme Court will need to speak definitively about whether the Trump administration can use the Alien Enemies Act to deport those it alleges to be part of a foreign terrorist organization. The court has not yet addressed that issue.

    This means the court will have to deal with some tricky questions down the road. These include whether a drug cartel can be said to be engaging in an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” into the United States, which the Alien Enemies Act requires if it is to be invoked. Another issue is the extent to which the Alien Enemies Act can be used when Congress hasn’t declared war.

    And a big unanswered question is whether the Supreme Court, or any court, should even answer these questions at all. The political questions doctrine, which dates to 1803, is a principle saying that courts should avoid tackling thorny political questions that are best left to Congress or the president.

    Venezuelans deported from the U.S. sit aboard the plane as they arrive at Simon Bolivar International Airport in Maiquetia, Venezuela, on March 28, 2025.
    Jesus Vargas/picture alliance via Getty Images

    What the court decided and what it means for noncitizens’ rights

    The court’s brief opinion, to which five members signed on, repeats the very basic constitutional premise that noncitizens are entitled to due process of law, even as they are being removed from the United States. Most significantly, due process includes the ability to protest their deportations before a court of law.

    Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s concurrence emphasized the idea that the disagreement between the majority and the dissents is not about whether the noncitizens should have the opportunity to challenge their removal; all nine justices agree they have that right. Rather, Kavanaugh said, the justices disagreed on the question of venue, meaning the location in which these challenges should occur.

    Kavanaugh’s focus on venue obscures the fact that what the justices granted to potential deportees is a significantly less robust type of judicial review than the one they were asking for.

    The Venezuelans were challenging their removal as a class, because Trump had declared in a presidential proclamation that all Venezuelans over the age of 14 who were believed to be members of the Tren de Aragua cartel “are subject to immediate apprehension, detention, and removal.”

    The Supreme Court majority made a group-based approach much more difficult in its April 7 ruling. It allowed for only individual, case-by-case appeals in which each potential deportee must retain legal counsel, file what’s known as a habeas corpus petition challenging their detention, and then try to convince a judge in the district where they are being held that they are not a member of Tren de Aragua in order to prevent their removal.

    For most detainees, that would mean filing a petition in the Southern District of Texas, in the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, known as the most conservative federal circuit in the country.

    Unless more courts step in to prevent it, the impact of the decision will be more removals to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison, perhaps of people who are not actually gang members, or even Venezuelan. This has already happened in the previous round of removals under this program.

    Further, at least 200 people have already been flown out of the U.S. to CECOT. Because they’ve been accused of no crime in El Salvador, they have no right to due process or legal counsel there, and no trial date set where they might prove their innocence. A recent CBS exposé also found that three-quarters of them had no criminal record in the United States either.

    In the meantime, there is a separate but related case of a man, Kilmar Abrego Garcia, wrongly deported to El Salvador, despite having legal protection in the U.S. preventing his removal to his home country of El Salvador. The Trump administration is currently arguing before the Supreme Court that when it makes an error in the process of carrying out these removals, it does not have to correct it.

    Not all due process is created equal. The court’s April 7 decision allowing the bare minimum process protecting people being removed makes errors more likely and thus raises the stakes for the outcome of the Abrego Garcia case tremendously.

    Many parties have claimed victory in the Trump v. J.G.G. decision, but one thing is clear: It was a defeat for the rights of noncitizens in the United States.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Supreme Court’s decision on deportations gave both the Trump administration and ACLU reasons to claim a victory − but noncitizens clearly lost – https://theconversation.com/supreme-courts-decision-on-deportations-gave-both-the-trump-administration-and-aclu-reasons-to-claim-a-victory-but-noncitizens-clearly-lost-254153

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada was mostly spared from Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, but it must not grow complacent

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor, Associate Professor of Agri-Food Trade and Policy, University of Guelph

    United States President Donald Trump’s so-called Liberation Day introduced sweeping reciprocal tariffs on approximately 60 countries on April 2.

    Canada, a major U.S. trading partner, was largely spared from these reciprocal tariffs thanks to the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) — a free trade agreement renegotiated and signed by the Trump administration in 2020.

    Although it may appear Canada has avoided the worst of the tariff measures, other existing tariffs could still significantly impact Canadian trade with the U.S.

    Currently, Canada faces other tariffs on its exports to the U.S., which Trump has linked to concerns over illicit drugs and immigrants crossing the border. Under these measures, the U.S. has imposed a 25 per cent tariff on non-CUSMA compliant goods. Canadian energy and potash exports that are not CUSMA-compliant have been hit with a 10 per cent tariff.

    If the current tariffs related to fentanyl and migration are lifted, CUSMA-compliant goods would continue to enjoy preferential treatment, while non-compliant goods would then be subject to a 12 per cent reciprocal tariff.

    What makes a product CUSMA-compliant?

    Under CUSMA, a product is considered compliant if it originates from any of the three member countries: Canada, the U.S. or Mexico. This means the product satisfies the originating status according to the rules of origin criteria listed in the CUSMA agreement.

    To be deemed originating, some of the criteria includes, for instance:

    1. That the product is wholly produced in the territory of one of the member states.
    2. That, if the product is produced with non-originating materials, the regional value of content must not be less than product specific rules of origin.
    3. That the product has undergone substantial transformation or a change in tariff classification.

    Regional value content is the difference between the transaction value of a product adjusted for costs related to international shipping of the good, and the value of non-originating material. It is expressed as a percentage of the transaction value.

    When a product qualifies for an originating status, it is considered CUSMA-compliant. It then qualifies for a preferential treatment, which means it can enter the CUSMA market duty-free or at a reduced rate.

    Products exported under CUSMA

    Under the CUSMA tariff schedule, which outlines tariff commitments on Canadian products, the vast majority of Canadian exports to the U.S. are eligible for preferential treatment.

    In fact, more than 98 per cent of tariff lines and more than 99.9 per cent of bilateral trade are CUSMA-compliant, meaning Canadian exporters can claim preferential access if their products meet the agreement’s rules of origin.

    Based on the Tariff Schedule of the United States, 98.4 per cent of Canadian products enter the U.S. duty-free, while only 1.6 per cent face tariffs. These protected products are primarily agricultural goods considered sensitive by the U.S. — notably dairy and sugar.

    These protected items are typically subject to tariff rate quotas, which allow limited quantities to enter at a lower (within-quota) duty rate, while imports beyond the quota are permitted at a higher (over-quota) tariff rate.

    Steel and aluminum tariffs

    Although Canada was not directly targeted by Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, its steel and aluminum industries remains significantly impacted by Section 232 tariffs. Importantly, these tariffs cannot be waived due to CUSMA.

    Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 authorizes the U.S. president to restrict the import of certain goods if they threaten national security. Under this provision, the Trump administration has imposed a 25 per cent duty on steel, aluminum and related products.

    Steel and aluminum products are crucial to Canada, with total exports of iron and steel, iron or steel products and aluminum products reaching $34.8 billion in 2024. It’s hard to imagine the U.S. justifying tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum on national security grounds, given Canada’s longstanding role as one of its closest allies.

    Automotive tariffs

    The automotive sector has also been targeted with the Section 232 tariffs. As Canada’s second-largest export to the U.S., valued at over $72.3 billion in 2024, the industry relies heavily on an integrated cross-border supply chain. That makes the sector particularly vulnerable to tariffs.

    The imposition of a 25 per cent tariff on non-U.S. content in vehicles threatens the profitability of Canadian producers and reduces production efficiency.

    Determining non-U.S. content at the border will lead to significant inefficiencies, including long wait times, as companies attempt to prove American content in vehicles. This process will also demand an excessive amount of documentation, imposing unnecessary costs on businesses.

    This tariff also undermines CUSMA’s rules of origin, which allow vehicles with at least 75 per cent North American content to qualify for duty-free access. The Section 232 measure effectively penalizes compliant vehicles, creating a trade barrier inconsistent with the spirit of the agreement.

    The way forward

    The uncertainty created by the Trump administration’s unilateral trade policies poses a serious threat to Canada and the global economy as a whole. With Trump’s presidency just beginning, both Canada and the rest of the world must brace for the economic disruptions his policies may bring.

    At the bilateral level, Canada appears to have exhausted nearly all diplomatic avenues to persuade the Trump administration to reverse its harmful tariff measures. Regionally, while Trump renegotiated the CUSMA agreement, his actions have undermined its spirit and violated key provisions.

    At the multilateral level, the World Trade Organization (WTO) has been significantly weakened. Its dispute settlement mechanism has been rendered ineffective due to the U.S. blocking the appointment of new judges to its appellate body.

    The only faint silver lining is that, despite threats during his first term to withdraw from the organization, Trump has not followed through. This suggests he still holds at least some degree of respect or recognition for the WTO’s role in global trade.

    The world is currently navigating a period of deep uncertainty and confusion. Canada must stand in solidarity with the international community to exert collective pressure on the U.S. A co-ordinated global response could compel Trump to reconsider his unilateral trade policies.

    Although Canada has been granted a reprieve from the new reciprocal tariffs, this should not lead to complacency. Instead, Canada should continue to collaborate with other nations to push for a more stable and rules-based global trading system. This is the way to protect Canada’s interests and reinforce multilateral co-operation.

    Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor receives funding from OMAFA

    – ref. Canada was mostly spared from Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, but it must not grow complacent – https://theconversation.com/canada-was-mostly-spared-from-trumps-reciprocal-tariffs-but-it-must-not-grow-complacent-253813

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Some rivers have ‘legal personhood’. Now they need a lawyer

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will de Freitas, Environment + Energy Editor, UK edition

    New Zealand has granted legal personhood to the Whanganui River. Ron Kolet / shutterstock

    Most rivers need some human help to stay clean and healthy and to flow freely. People have to fish out litter, block sewage, look out for invasive species and so on.

    This is obvious enough. But, as rivers are increasingly being granted legal rights of their own, they’ll need another form of human help: people willing to be their legal representatives, filing lawsuits and speaking in court.

    This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage comes from our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed.

    The idea that nature should be granted rights similar to that of a human (sometimes described as “legal personhood”) has been around for a few decades now. Though some lakes, forests and other features have been awarded these rights, it’s rivers that are the main beneficiaries. Most recently, the River Ouse in East Sussex, England, was awarded rights by its local council, following similar moves in places as diverse as New Zealand, Ecuador, Canada and India.

    “Rivers often have strong cultural and spiritual identities as sacred living entities or life-giving beings. These existential understandings have underpinned legal actions.” That’s according to Nick Mount, a rivers expert at the University of Nottingham.

    Back in 2017, Mount travelled to Colombia to visit the River Atrato. The Atrato flows through a remote and highly biodiverse jungle, in a region which at the time remained a paramilitary stronghold. The country’s constitutional court had recently awarded the river humans rights and Mount wanted to see what that meant in practice.

    “The Atrato River has been awarded rights,” he said, “because of what it provides for human life – not because it should be equated with human life”. He continued “this places a significant burden on the Colombian state to ensure the rights are enforced – and it demands that local people are empowered to manage their river properly”.

    However, “the reality was sobering”. He found deforested riverbanks, so contaminated with chemicals that plants could not regrow. He found industrial dredging had reshaped an entire river to the point where its regular nutrient-cycling floods had broken down entirely, while whole human communities had been displaced.

    “The Atrato River in general, and [its tributary] the Rio Quito in particular, serve as a stark reminder that awarding environmental rights is not the same as realising them. Such rights don’t exist within a vacuum, of course, and they will only be fulfilled if political, socio-economic and cultural systems support them.”



    Read more:
    Can a river have legal rights? I visited the jungles of Colombia to find out

    So what might a more supportive human system involve? Oluwabusayo Wuraola is a law lecturer at Anglia Ruskin University. Writing about the recent River Ouse news, she agrees with Mount that “simply granting a river some rights isn’t enough” and adds that “we now need to think about who will actually defend these rights”.

    The River Ouse, playing hide and seek.
    Melanie Hobson / shutterstock

    “Appointing representatives who care about their own personal and property interests would be a grave mistake, as would appointing anyone who prioritises the rights of humans to a healthy environment over a more intrinsic right of nature (remember: the idea is that the River Ouse has rights in itself and shouldn’t need to demonstrate its worth to humans).”

    In her analysis, “the most effective defenders of the rights of nature in many court cases” have been people with an “ecocentric perspective”. That means an outlook that prioritises the intrinsic value of nature itself, rather than focusing on how it can serve human interests. She cites instances where the supposed advocates for a river’s rights in court were actually motivated by wanting to protect their own property downstream.

    Ultimately, though “moves to give rights to nature are promising … we’ll need a whole army of nature protectors to actually enforce those rights”.



    Read more:
    Rivers are increasingly being given legal rights. Now they need people who will defend these rights in court

    These ideas can be applied to rivers in the news right now. For instance, China recently approved the construction of the world’s largest hydroelectric dam on the Yarlung Tsangpo river in Tibet.

    The dam will provide enormous amounts of clean energy – when complete, it will be the world’s largest power plant by some distance. But it will also displace people, destroy ecosystems and, of course, disrupt the river itself.

    Mehebub Sahana, a geographer at the University of Manchester, points out the effects may be especially severe downstream in India and Bangladesh, where that same river is known as the Brahmaputra and helps form a vast and incredibly fertile delta system.

    For him, the dam highlights “some of the geopolitical issues raised by rivers that cross international borders”. “Who owns the river itself,” he asks, “and who has the right to use its water? Do countries have obligations not to pollute shared rivers, or to keep their shipping lanes open? And when a drop of rain falls on a mountain, do farmers in a different country thousands of miles downstream have a claim to use it?”



    Read more:
    China plans to build the world’s largest dam – but what does this mean for India and Bangladesh downstream?

    These are crucial questions, even if they’re ultimately framed around humans. An ecocentric representative might argue the Yarlung Tsangpo/Brahmaputra has an intrinsic right to flow undisturbed and to dump its sediment where it pleases.

    There may be a happy medium. Viktoria Kahui is an environmental economist at the University of Otago in New Zealand. Last year, she investigated 14 examples of rights-of-nature from around the world.

    She found a “fundamental divide between local communities and external economic interests”. In some cases, interest groups were able to overturn the provision of nature rights.

    She therefore recommends that “future rights-of-nature frameworks need to … include appointed guardians, established as separate legal entities with limited liability, as well as the support of representatives from interest groups”.



    Read more:
    Granting legal ‘personhood’ to nature is a growing movement – can it stem biodiversity loss?

    In the Yarlung Tsangpo/Brahmaputra example, those interest groups might include rice farmers and mangrove conservationists in Bangladesh, or fishermen a thousand miles upstream. They might include the millions of people who would gain electricity, or the thousands who would lose their homes. The river itself could also be an interested party, perhaps via eco-centric human representatives.

    Exactly where you draw the line in these cases is tricky. But with rivers increasingly being granted legal rights, this isn’t the last you’ll hear of this issue.

    – ref. Some rivers have ‘legal personhood’. Now they need a lawyer – https://theconversation.com/some-rivers-have-legal-personhood-now-they-need-a-lawyer-254267

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: PMDD: social media users claim antihistamines help symptoms – here’s what the evidence says

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Milli Raizada, Senior Clinical lecturer in Primary care academia, Lancaster University

    Some social media users claims anti-allergy medications have helped their PMDD symptoms. antoniodiaz/ Shutterstock

    A number of videos have surfaced recently on social media with women claiming that common medications used to treat allergies and heartburn have helped them manage symptoms of premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD). But is there any science behind this claim?

    Premenstrual dysphoric disorder is a long-term condition which causes severe psychological distress in the week or two before a woman’s period begins. PMDD symptoms can be varied and vast – with physical symptoms ranging from difficulty sleeping, migraines, bloating and breast tenderness. Psychological symptoms include rage, anger, anxiety, low mood and feeling overwhelmed.

    All of these symptoms can have a severe impact on a woman’s social, home and work life. Women with PMDD are seven times more likely to attempt suicide due to the mood symptoms they suffer with making them more vulnerable.

    PMDD affects 3-8% of the population but is still widely under-recognised and undiagnosed. Some women have to wait years before getting a diagnosis.

    It’s not fully known what causes PMDD. It’s thought to be due to many factors.

    One theory is that the condition occurs due to variations in genes that activate hormones and their receptors. Other theories suggest the brain’s emotional circuits (limbic system), which are densely populated with hormone receptors, react differently in those with PMDD.

    For example, a widespread theory posits that when oestrogen fluctuates up and down in the two weeks before a woman’s period, this has a negative impact on serotonin (the so-called happy hormone). If this is true, it would explain why selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) antidepressants can be effective for some women as these drugs aim to increase serotonin levels.



    Read more:
    Premenstrual dysphoric disorder: the frightening psychological condition suffered by Dixie D’Amelio

    Another theory relates to faults in the progesterone pathway and its breakdown product called allopregnenalone (a steroid). Allopregnenalone normally stimulates a calming chemical called GABA in the brain, which acts as a natural anti-anxiety substance.

    Fluctuations and altered sensitivity of allopregnenalone on the GABA system is thought to be why some women suffer with PMDD. This can explain why some women typically have no symptoms of PMDD during pregnancy due to the lack of fluctuation in the hormone progesterone.

    Histamine link?

    Some women online are now claiming that high histamine levels may also be the cause of PMDD symptoms – and that taking over-the-counter drugs which block the effects of histamines has helped to alleviate their symptoms.

    Histamine is a chemical the body naturally produces which plays a role in allergies, digestion, inflammation, brain function and hormone balance.

    There is currently no evidence that antihistamines can help with PMDD symptoms.
    MDV Edwards/ Shutterstock

    There is currently no published research which has investigated the link between PMDD symptoms and histamine levels. However, we do know from other areas of research that histamine activity varies throughout the menstrual cycle.

    One study found that in the two weeks before a period, immune cells called mast cells, which release histamine, are more likely to be activated due to oestrogen levels being high. It’s suggested that these changing oestrogen levels – which cause high histamine – may explain why PMDD symptoms occur. If this theory is true, it would also explain why antihistamines would help with PMDD symptoms, as these drugs block the release of histamines.

    There are many potential reasons why oestrogen levels may be particularly high in some women – particularly those with PMDD. This so-called oestrogen dominance may be due to many factors, such as excess toxin exposure in the environment from plastics and issues with people unable to detoxify oestrogen from the body efficiently due to poor liver and gut health. All this can potentially add to the oestrogen bucket, which has a knock-on effect on histamine levels, which can further stimulate oestrogen – leading to a vicious cycle.

    But the histamine intolerance and oestrogen dominance theories are both still controversial and not fully recognised in the mainstream medical community. There are no scientific, clinical studies that exist on the topic of PMDD, oestrogen dominance and histamine as yet to show whether they are linked to PMDD or not – or whether antihistamines are effective for PMDD.

    Yet, many people with PMDD are turning to antihistamines, as well as famotidine – a histamine receptor antagonist which blocks histamine production in the stomach – to reduce PMDD symptoms. Many of these women are reporting they’re seeing improvement, so there may well be some validity behind these claims. However, there is no research to back the use of these drugs just yet.

    Lifestyle changes – such as eating fewer inflammatory, processed foods, exercising and talking therapies (such as cognitive therapy) – have all shown small but positive benefits in people with PMDD.

    Prescription drugs such as antidepressants (SSRIs) and contraceptive pills containing a synthetic progestin called drospirenone are also shown to be effective for people with PMDD. These options may be better for women in the meantime until more research in this area has been done.

    Disclosure: Dr Milli Raizada, a GP, is the medical director, founder and works in of Dr Milli health clinics. She is a Senior Clinical Lecturer at Lancaster University. She is affiliated as a trustee and ambassador of the first and only UK PMDD charity: The PMDD project. She is a GMC associate where she gets paid as her role as chief invigilator, PLAB Part 2 examiner and Part 1 station management group member. She also delivers paid corporate talks on primary care topics and is an paid expert content creator for Clinical Knowledge skills.

    – ref. PMDD: social media users claim antihistamines help symptoms – here’s what the evidence says – https://theconversation.com/pmdd-social-media-users-claim-antihistamines-help-symptoms-heres-what-the-evidence-says-253587

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Press freedom linked to greater financial stability, finds global study

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By George Kladakis, Lecturer in Finance, University of St Andrews

    Press freedom is widely considered to be a cornerstone of democracy. It brings accountability, transparency and access to reliable information.

    But beyond its democratic role, press freedom is also a vital part of a stable economy. Research has shown that it acts as a kind of financial watchdog, ensuring balance and accuracy.

    In doing so, an independent press strengthens the resilience of financial institutions. And our research suggests that higher levels of press freedom can also be linked to greater financial stability and lower “systemic risk” – where something bad happening at one company can trigger wider instability or even industry collapse – in the banking sector.

    Using data from 47 countries, we found that an independent press brings greater scrutiny of banking executives. Another benefit is a better flow of information around the financial markets, making the whole system more efficient.

    Countries with higher levels of press freedom are also more likely to foster corporate and political cultures that are free from the sort of corruption which could jeopardise the stability of the banking sector. All of these advantages are most pronounced during economic downturns or banking crises.

    And even outside times of crisis, we can see the positive effects by looking at basic financial indicators in countries with high and low press freedom levels. Countries with consistently high levels of press freedom such as Norway, Sweden or Estonia, for example, have far fewer non-performing (unrepaid) loans than countries with low levels of press freedom such as Pakistan, Greece or Russia.

    But a free press and a stable banking industry are by no means the norm.

    Recent data from the campaign group Reporters Without Borders highlights a worrying decline in media autonomy. It reports that 135 out of 180 countries now have press freedom levels classified as “problematic”, “difficult” or “very serious”.

    This trend extends to advanced economies such as Japan (70th, down from 68th in 2023), Italy (46th, down from 41st), and the US (55th, down from 45th).

    And it looks like the world’s largest economy could slip down the rankings even further. Although President Trump signed an executive order aimed at “restoring freedom of speech”, he has also explicitly threatened to revoke broadcast licenses, investigate critical media and jail journalists who protect confidential sources.

    In February 2025, White House officials even informed one US news agency that its journalists would be barred from entering the Oval Office until it stopped using the geographic term “Gulf of Mexico” instead of Trump’s preferred “Gulf of America”.

    But the Trump effect is not limited to the US. A recent aid freeze by his administration has cut billions in funding for independent media outlets across more than 30 countries, including Ukraine, Afghanistan and Iran.

    Press test

    Notable declines in press freedom have also been observed in politically volatile regions such as Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and central Asia, where authoritarian regimes continue to tighten their grip on the media.

    The survey from Reporters Without Borders suggests that governments across the world are failing to protect journalism, with a marked trend of declining press freedom.

    In 2014, 13% of countries enjoyed a “good” degree of press freedom, but this figure dropped to 7% by 2021 and then to just 4.4% in 2022. Conversely, the share of countries in the lowest classifications has risen dramatically. A decade ago, 8% were considered “difficult”, now that figure is 24%. The number of those with a “very serious” situation has gone from 8% to 17% in the same period.



    Read more:
    White House spat with AP over ‘Gulf of America’ ignites fears for press freedom in second Trump era

    Of course, there are outliers in the global picture. China, for example, has limited press freedom but a very stable banking sector that has been highly resilient to external shocks in the past. But the country is run by an authoritarian regime that helps to shield its banks from those kinds of risks.

    Elsewhere though, the decline in press freedom threatens not just democratic principles and political transparency, but also the operation of financial markets. Safeguarding that freedom is a critical basis of economic resilience and stability.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Press freedom linked to greater financial stability, finds global study – https://theconversation.com/press-freedom-linked-to-greater-financial-stability-finds-global-study-248207

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: White Lotus hotels target gen Z travellers – but luxury resorts don’t reflect their travel habits

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ross Bennett-Cook, PhD Candidate in the Carnegie School of Sport, Leeds Beckett University

    American-British actor, Sam Nivola, in the season three finale of The White Lotus. Fabio Lovino / HBO

    HBO’s hit television series, The White Lotus, is as renowned for its stunning hotels and filming locations as it is for its mixture of unsettling, hilarious and sultry storylines.

    Set in fictional five-star “White Lotus” resorts, fans quickly learned the true locations of the luxury hotels. Each season has been set in a different destination – Hawaii, Sicily and, most recently, Thailand – and every resort has seen a surge in interest since featuring on the show. This has been labelled the “White Lotus effect”.

    Four Seasons Hotels, the actual brand behind the resorts, said the original White Lotus in Hawaii saw a 386% increase in availability checks after appearing on the show. And Hotels.com reported a 40% spike in booking interest for the filming location in Koh Samui, Thailand, following the release of the season three trailer.

    Four Seasons says the show’s popularity among gen Z and millennials is introducing a new market to their hotels. According to the company’s internal research, 71% of millennials who watch the show and are aware of Four Seasons have expressed a strong likelihood of visiting the featured properties.

    Younger age groups are key targets for Four Seasons, which is keen to attract the next generation of luxury travellers. But do luxury resorts really represent the travel habits of young people?

    According to a 2023 survey by consultancy firm Deloitte, young people have been hit particularly hard by the rising cost of living. Many are losing hope of owning a home and even starting a family. It has been widely reported that younger generations are worse off than their parents.

    With property ownership out of reach, many young people seem more willing to splurge on travel than save for an uncertain future. According to a 2017 poll by Realty Mogul, a real estate crowdfunding platform, almost half of young people aged 18 to 34 would prioritise travelling over buying a home. This compared to just 26% of those aged 45 and over.

    But gen Z generally aren’t as interested in five-star resorts as they are in five-star experiences. Many travellers from this age group opt to spend big on once-in-a-lifetime activities rather than splash out on luxury accommodation. According to a 2022 YouGov poll, over one-third of young people say they’d pick a standard three-star or below hotel, making this the most popular accommodation option.

    However, the European Travel Commission has found that this generation embraces mixing budget and luxury options when they can. For example, they may use budget airlines to reach their destination so they can spend a little more elsewhere. According to the same YouGov poll, luxury hotels and resorts still rank among gen Z’s top three travel accommodations.

    Four Seasons properties have provided the setting for the first three seasons of The White Lotus.
    Todamo / Shutterstock

    For many gen Z travellers, the journey is also just as important as the destination – and the impact they leave behind matters, too. Research by Booking.com reveals that over half (52%) of gen Z travellers say the environmental impact of tourism on a destination influences their travel choices. Even more (63%) would consider avoiding a destination altogether if they knew it was threatened by overtourism.

    Many of these values may not align with the opulence typically associated with luxury travel. On the Hawaiian island of Maui, the setting for season one of The White Lotus, local opposition towards tourism erupted after deadly wildfires swept across the island in 2023 – the most deadly wildfire event in recent US history.

    While locals faced heavy restrictions due to water scarcity, the island’s hotels and resorts were allowed to maintain vast golf courses, lush gardens and pools and welcomed up to 8,000 tourists a day.

    Thousands signed petitions to delay the return of mass tourism to the islands. And community groups held what was called a 24 hour “fish-in” protest to prevent tourists from using the popular Kāʻanapali Beach, a long stretch of pristine coastline where several high-end resorts are located.

    Protesters said their aim was to bring attention to the displacement of locals made homeless due to the wildfires and unable to find permanent housing due to short-term holiday rentals taking priority.

    Leaders have long worried the islands are losing their culture as the cost of housing fuels an exodus of native Hawaiian residents. The 2022 census revealed that more native Hawaiians live outside of Hawaii than within.

    Luxury travel reimagined

    Gen Z may well be the next generation of luxury travellers. In 2017, millennials and gen Z consumers were responsible for 32% of sales in the global personal luxury goods market. This figure was forecast to increase to 45% by 2025.

    But luxury travel must change to cater to the tastes and interests of younger generations. These people largely crave unique, shareable and story-worthy travel – not just comfort, but connection. For this new generation of luxury travellers, a remote glamping trip under the stars, or an off-grid adventure with experienced locals, may be more attractive than the traditional luxury resort.

    Some brands are already making changes. In 2024, the Hyatt Hotels group introduced its “Be More Here” brand initiative, a collection of bespoke guest activities with a focus on wellness and experience.

    And the latest addition to the Maldives’ luxury resort portfolio, Six Senses, has an ethos centred on sustainability. Its resorts have an onsite environmental learning space, and offer immersive marine conservation experiences and sustainability tours to guests.

    As young people navigate a complex future, their travel choices reflect a deeper desire: not just to see the world, but to engage with it responsibly and thoughtfully, and gain something meaningful from it.

    Ross Bennett-Cook does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. White Lotus hotels target gen Z travellers – but luxury resorts don’t reflect their travel habits – https://theconversation.com/white-lotus-hotels-target-gen-z-travellers-but-luxury-resorts-dont-reflect-their-travel-habits-252242

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Earth’s oceans once turned green – and they could change again

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cédric M. John, Professor and Head of Data Science for the Environment and Sustainability, Queen Mary University of London

    Were Earth’s oceans once green? 100Y Design/Shutterstock

    Nearly three fourths of Earth is covered by oceans, making the planet look like a pale blue dot from space. But Japanese researchers have made a compelling case that Earth’s oceans were once green, in a study published in Nature.

    The reason Earth’s oceans may have looked different in the ancient past is to do with their chemistry and the evolution of photosynthesis. As a geology undergraduate student, I was taught about the importance of a type of rock deposit known as the banded iron formation in recording the planet’s history.

    Banded iron formations were deposited in the Archean and Paleoproterozoic eons, roughly between 3.8 and 1.8 billion years ago. Life back then was confined to one cell organisms in the oceans. The continents were a barren landscape of grey, brown and black rocks and sediments.

    Rain falling on continental rocks dissolved iron which was then carried to the oceans by rivers. Other sources of iron were volcanoes on the ocean floor. This iron will become important later.

    Cross section of banded iron formation in Karijini National park, in the Hamersley Range, Western Australia.
    Hans Wismeijer/Shutterstock

    The Archaean eon was a time when Earth’s atmosphere and ocean were devoid of gaseous oxygen, but also when the first organisms to generate energy from sunlight evolved. These organisms used anaerobic photosynthesis, meaning they can do photosynthesis in the absence of oxygen.

    It triggered important changes as a byproduct of anaerobic photosynthesis is oxygen gas. Oxygen gas bound to iron in seawater. Oxygen only existed as a gas in the atmosphere once the seawater iron could neutralise no more oxygen.

    Eventually, early photosynthesis led to the “great oxidation event”, a major ecological turning point that made complex life on Earth possible. It marked the transition from a largely oxygen free Earth to one with large amounts of oxygen in the ocean and atmosphere.

    The “bands” of different colours in banded iron formations record this shift with an alternation between deposits of iron deposited in the absence of oxygen and red oxidised iron.

    The case for green oceans

    The recent paper’s case for green oceans in the Archaean eon starts with an observation: waters around the Japanese volcanic island of Iwo Jima have a greenish hue linked to a form of oxidised iron – Fe(III). Blue-green algae thrive in the green waters surrounding the island.

    Despite their name, blue-green algae are primitive bacteria and not true algae. In the Archaean eon, the ancestors of modern blue-green algae evolved alongside other bacteria that use ferrous iron instead of water as the source of electrons for photosynthesis. This points to high levels of iron in the ocean.

    The ocean around Iwo Jima has a greenish hue.
    Phan Lee McCaskill/US Navy

    Photosynthetic organisms use pigments (mostly chlorophyll) in their cells to transform CO₂ into sugars using the energy of the sun. Chlorophyll gives plants their green colour. Blue-green algae are peculiar because they carry the common chlorophyll pigment, but also a second pigment called phycoerythrobilin (PEB).

    In their paper, the researchers found that genetically engineered modern blue-green algae with PEB grow better in green waters. Although chlorophyll is great for photosynthesis in the spectra of light visible to us, PEB seems to be superior in green-light conditions.

    Before the rise of photosynthesis and oxygen, Earth’s oceans contained dissolved reduced iron (iron deposited in the absence of oxygen). Oxygen released by the rise of photosynthesis in the Archean eon then led to oxidised iron in seawater. The paper’s computer simulations also found oxygen released by early photosynthesis led to a high enough concentration of oxidised iron particles to turn the surface water green.

    Once all iron in the ocean was oxidised, free oxygen (0₂) existed in Earth’s oceans and atmosphere. So a major implication of the study is that pale-green dot worlds viewed from space are good candidates planets to harbour early photosynthetic life.

    The changes in ocean chemistry were gradual. The Archaean period lasted 1.5 billion years. This is more than half of Earth’s history. By comparison, the entire history of the rise and evolution of complex life represents about an eighth of Earth’s history.

    Almost certainly, the colour of the oceans changed gradually during this period and potentially oscillated. This could explain why blue-green algae evolved both forms of photosynthetic pigments. Chlorophyll is best for white light which is the type of sunlight we have today. Taking advantage of green and white light would have been an evolutionary advantage.

    Could oceans change colour again?

    The lesson from the recent Japanese paper is that the colour of our oceans are linked to water chemistry and the influence of life. We can imagine different ocean colours without borrowing too much from science fiction.

    Purple oceans would be possible on Earth if the levels of sulphur were high. This could be linked to intense volcanic activity and low oxygen content in the atmosphere, which would lead to the dominance of purple sulphur bacteria.

    Red oceans are also theoretically possible under intense tropical climates when red oxidised iron forms from the decay of rocks on the land and is carried to the oceans by rivers or winds. Or if a type of algae linked to “red tides” came to dominate the surface oceans.

    These red algae are common in areas with intense concentration of fertiliser such as nitrogen. In the modern oceans, this tends to happen in coastline close to sewers.

    As our sun ages, it will first become brighter leading to increased surface evaporation and intense UV light. This may favour purple sulphur bacteria living in deep waters without oxygen.

    It will lead to more purple, brown, or green hues in coastal or stratified areas, with less deep blue colour in water as phytoplankton decline. Eventually, oceans will evaporate completely as the sun expands to encompass the orbit of Earth.

    At geological timescales nothing is permanent and changes in the colour of our oceans are therefore inevitable.

    Cedric John receives funding from the UKRI.

    – ref. Earth’s oceans once turned green – and they could change again – https://theconversation.com/earths-oceans-once-turned-green-and-they-could-change-again-253460

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Return: how each new retelling of The Odyssey opens up the worlds of the women in this epic

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Emily Hauser, Senior Lecturer in Classics, University of Exeter

    Waves crash across Ithaca’s rocky shore. “The city of Troy has fallen,” we are told, as the shuttle on Penelope’s loom flickers across the screen. “On the island of Ithaca, Queen Penelope still longs for the return of her husband Odysseus.” The camera then cuts to the wreckage of a ship and the body of a man washed up on the beach – naked, dishevelled, scarred.

    This is the beginning of the new Odyssey-inspired film starring Ralph Fiennes and Juliette Binoche, The Return.

    The Odyssey, the ancient Greek epic poem ascribed to the poet Homer, charts the return home of its eponymous hero, Odysseus. For half the epic poem, we follow the hero as he struggles, sometimes against fantastical monsters and goddesses, sometimes against himself and his crew, to return.

    But Ralph Fiennes’s Odysseus is not stranded on his travels. He has already returned home. Home to Ithaca but not quite home to Penelope.

    It has often been said that the Odyssey shows a marked interest in its women – Penelope, perhaps, above all. Odysseus makes it clear that returning home is about much more than the literal voyage to Ithaca. What he wants, he says (in Emily Wilson’s translation) is a reinstatement to “the joys of home”, and to partnership with “my wife”.

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    Retelling the Odyssey’s women

    Many retellings, particularly those in recent years, have been interested in giving the women of the Odyssey more agency and voice. The Return is no exception: it is made quite clear that Penelope and her recognition of Odysseus are central to his reintegration into Ithaca.

    The film is centred on her refusal to choose one of her suitors, and Odysseus’s fear – in the face of her anger at being forced to wait for him for 20 years – that she might not want him back. After battles with female monsters and rest-stops with enchanting goddesses, Penelope is the final and greatest woman he must face and win back.

    Putting Penelope at the centre of the tale follows a line of recent reinterpretations of Odysseus’s return that have taken Penelope’s point of view more explicitly – most notably, Margaret Atwood’s The Penelopiad (2005).

    Here Penelope’s version of the story is used not only to emphasise the costs (and compromises) borne by the archetypal patient wife in her husband’s absence, but also to shed light on the sheer violence and bloodshed of Odysseus’s return. In particular, it highlights the victimisation of the 12 enslaved women raped by Penelope’s suitors, who are later hanged for their actions by Odysseus’s son.

    Wilson made similar strides in her 2018 translation of the Odyssey – the first into English by a woman. In it, she stripped away the judgments imposed on Odysseus’s enslaved women by earlier male translators that suggested they deserved what they got.

    We see some similar, if less pointed, changes in The Return. Penelope is quick to condemn the violence of war (“Why do men go to war?” she demands), and then the bloodshed Odysseus brings into her home.

    Binoche plays Penelope with a brittle resilience that is both moving and powerful. Though quiet, she refuses to move her ground, and the words she speaks are always charged with meaning. Yet it is worth noting that the film – despite Atwood and Wilson’s interventions in reminding readers of their existence and changing how they are perceived – does not include the execution of the enslaved women.

    Real Greek women

    In my new book, Mythica: A New History of Homer’s World, through the Women Written Out Of It, I also explore what the Odyssey (and Homer’s other epic, the Iliad) might look like from the women’s point of view – using the latest archaeological evidence and newest scientific analysis of ancient DNA. I use these findings as a window into the worlds of the real women who might have inspired the myths and legends of the Odyssey.

    Take, for instance, discoveries of spinning and weaving equipment that belonged to queens who once ruled in the historical kingdoms like Mycenae, Pylos and even Troy. The Homeric epics, the Iliad and Odyssey, are full of scenes of women weaving in the Greek palaces of legend.

    Perhaps most famous is Penelope’s weaving: the famous ruse in which she wove and unwove her weaving and so delayed the suitors’ demand that she choose one of them for marriage.

    Penelope is said in the Odyssey to have been weaving for three years before her trick was revealed. It’s been suggested that she was making what’s known as a “story cloth” – a tapestry detailing narratives.

    Such “story cloths” have been found in the Greek world, dating back to the 4th century BC, from the shores of the Black Sea. The idea of Penelope weaving her own story in thread is a particularly rich one – making her a poet of her own story to rival the poet of the Odyssey (though her tapestry, of course, unravels to make space for Odysseus).

    The red, yellow and purple dyes women used to dye the threads they spun and wove with have also been recovered from minuscule traces on prehistoric pots.

    In Pasolini’s The Return, we see Penelope weaving with blood-red thread. This is probably meant to represent the ancient colour porphyreos, or reddish-purple, that was so expensive it came to be called “royal purple”. It’s a word (and shade) that’s also used for blood in the Homeric epics – so anticipating the bloodshed of Odysseus’s return.

    To me, starting from the history that surrounds legend and myth is a radical way into the stories of women like Penelope. It allows us to understand them from the experiences and activities of actual, historical women of the Greek past.

    The Odyssey has been retold and will continue to be retold countless times. I found The Return to be a moving, tightly theatrical version of the closing scenes of the Odyssey. It puts Penelope at the heart of the drama. The foregrounding of her role is a particular highlight and Binoche plays her spectacularly well.

    We have director Christopher Nolan’s take on the Odyssey to look forward to next in July 2026. It remains to be seen how Penelope, and the enslaved women, will be treated there.

    However, with every new retelling comes the opportunity to draw attention to the central roles of female figures in this ancient epic.

    Emily Hauser does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Return: how each new retelling of The Odyssey opens up the worlds of the women in this epic – https://theconversation.com/the-return-how-each-new-retelling-of-the-odyssey-opens-up-the-worlds-of-the-women-in-this-epic-253922

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hypermasculine influencers can be good role models for boys too

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael Joseph Richardson, Senior Lecturer in Human Geography, Newcastle University

    Body Stock/Shutterstock

    It’s good to see that men in positions of power and influence are concerned about the impact that masculinity influencers, the manosphere and the misogyny they can inspire is having on boys and young men.

    Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and former England manager Sir Gareth Southgate have spoken about the need for positive role models. Southgate has highlighted the ills of social media, gaming and pornography. Starmer has backed the showing of Netflix series Adolescence, which explores the impact of the manosphere on teenagers, in schools.

    Starmer and Southgate mean well and their words have amplified the issue. But their approach may not reach the boys and young men they would hope to inspire.

    Southgate’s recent Richard Dimbleby lecture followed a well-trodden path of demonising certain spaces – such as social media – and in doing so offered a somewhat limited understanding of how and why they are so prevalent in young people’s lives.

    Men like Starmer and Southgate are defined by their progressive outlook. But in the manosphere, “niceness” can be viewed with suspicion and disdain. It can come with the assumption that “white knights,” men who display a caring kind of masculinity, are driven by an aim, conscious or unconscious, of being sexually rewarded by women for their efforts. Messages from proponents of this caring masculinity may be dismissed out of hand by the young men they are most trying to reach.

    The influencers that so many boys are drawn to project an entirely different kind of masculinity to that of Starmer and Southgate. They are characterised by a focus on fitness and physical strength, financial success and heterosexuality. This is known as hypermasculinity.

    Boys and young men may feel more comfortable, less judged and more valued if they can see themselves in the people who support them. Youth workers, for example, can offer an important and effective counterpoint to online misogyny.

    My research with young fathers reveals that a “safe environment free of judgment” is key to exploring ideas of care and equality with young men. I learned that hypermasculinity does not have to necessitate dominance over others – women, LGBTQ+ people, people of colour. Nor does this way of being a man need to be predicated on emotional repression, misogyny, racism or homophobia.

    Hypermasculine spaces can offer comfort for those who fail to see themselves in more “feminised” spaces elsewhere.

    Fitness and gym culture

    Influencers know that fitness is appealing to many young men. They make explicit links between physical strength, fitness and sexual prowess.

    According to incel (involuntary celibate) culture, athleticism and physicality help determine a man’s “sexual market value”, and those who lack these hypermasculine characteristics are denied sexual access and social status. But young men do not need to buy wholly into this mindset to value gym culture and see physical strength as desirable.

    Former kickboxer Andrew Tate offers the appeal of the hypermasculine triumvirate of fitness, fame and fighting. Listening to young men tells us that they can be drawn to the hypermasculine “success” of Andrew Tate for reasons such as his devotion to physical fitness, not because of his misogyny.

    This tells us we should be spending time better understanding hypermasculinity, not further marginalising it. I believe hypermasculinity can make space for positive social change, but there needs to be an authentic connection for young men.

    Paddy “the Baddy” Pimblett would be a good place to start in understanding how hypermasculinity can be a positive force. Pimblett is a professional mixed martial artist who has over 3 million followers on Instagram.

    His public profile proves that hypermasculinity can carry more than just violence: he is using his platform for social good through charity work and mental health campaigning.

    Tech and financial independence

    Hypermasculine social media influencers also attract followers through their pursuit of financial independence. The allure of an aspirational lifestyle is not surprising in an era of financial uncertainty, especially when influencers purport that their successes are replicable. Andrew Tate’s “education system” The Real World, for instance, offers to teach paid subscribers the pathway to financial success when they sign up.

    At the same time, “tech bros” have become a defining financial success story. They are aspirational figures for some young men – simultaneously representing elite financial power and a self-sufficient, anti-establishment swagger. I am not suprised by their popularity, as in my work with young men in the north east of England, anti-elite narratives were often repeated.

    Again, though, there are positive examples to be found in this hypermasculine space. Gary Stevenson, whose YouTube channel has over a million subscribers, represents this. On one level, he is a hypermasculine trader who claims he won his job through a card game and whose high-risk gambling brought great rewards. Yet he now calls himself a “people’s economist” and uses his significant media profile to highlight structural disadvantage instead of aspirational lifestyles.

    Making space for hypermasculinity does not mean it should replace other forms, such as caring masculinities. But we need to engage with the hypermasculine and listen to those who value it to better understand it. We should not assume the hypermasculine is always problematic. In acknowledging, and avoiding demonising this kind of masculinity, we can ensure greater representation for young men and boys, while continuing to challenge sexism, misogyny and other social ills.

    Michael Joseph Richardson has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council Impact Accelerator Account (ESRC IAA), Arts Council England and the National Lottery Climate Action Fund.

    – ref. Hypermasculine influencers can be good role models for boys too – https://theconversation.com/hypermasculine-influencers-can-be-good-role-models-for-boys-too-253187

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Europe tops global ranking of dynamic and sustainable cities – here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pascual Berrone, Head of Strategic Management Department and Chair of Sustainability and Business Strategy, IESE Business School (Universidad de Navarra)

    London, New York and Paris have been named the world’s most dynamic and liveable cities. This is according to a new ranking of global cities that highlights Europe’s ability to balance sustainability and growth in its urban centres.

    The IESE Cities in Motion index looks at 183 cities in 92 countries, and ranks them in nine key areas: human capital, social cohesion, economy, governance, environment, mobility and transportation, urban planning, international profile and technology. It’s different from other indices in that it takes into account so many metrics – more than 100 – on everything from ease of starting a business to number of museums and art galleries, internet speed and commute times.

    The idea is to systematically gauge what makes a city the sort of place where people want to live and work. This is important not just for the quality of life of habitual residents, but also because location is vital for attracting global talent, especially among younger generations.

    What makes the winners?

    The top 10 cities in the 2025 edition were London, New York, Paris, Tokyo, Berlin, Washington DC, Copenhagen, Oslo, Singapore and San Francisco.

    The top three all do particularly well in human capital, which includes features like educational and cultural institutions. They also score highly on international profile, which looks at indicators of global interest, such as the number of airport passengers and hotels.

    Beyond those two areas, London cements its status as a global hub of high-level innovation and development, also standing out for governance and urban planning. The UK capital is somewhat weaker in social cohesion, where it came 20th, though not nearly as bad as second-place New York, which ranked 127th out of 183 cities in this category – among the lowest of developed countries. New York does, however, stand out for its economic performance, and does very well in mobility and transportation.

    Paris, meanwhile, performs well across many metrics, including urban planning as well as international profile and human capital.

    What Europe gets right

    We’ve been calculating the index for a decade now, and European cities consistently perform well. This year, five of the top 10 cities – London, Paris, Berlin, Copenhagen and Oslo – are European.

    We adjust the index on a regular basis in order to make sure that we’re measuring what’s relevant. For example, this year we introduced new metrics on women’s leadership, renewable energy sources and green spaces, as well as on availability of coworking spaces.

    There’s no single reason behind Europe’s success, but there are patterns. Its large global metropolises, such as London and Paris, offer advanced technology, international communities and diversified economies in services, technology and finance. They have generally stable political systems and reasonable urban planning, along with advanced public and private transport options. However, while highly diverse, they also suffer from income inequalities.

    In addition to these mega cities, Europe is home to a large number of sustainable and culturally vibrant cities of many sizes. All the Spanish cities included in the index (10 in total, including Madrid and Barcelona) are part of this cluster.

    These are mature economies that prioritise sustainability over rapid growth, seeking to balance liveability and stability. They also have steady political systems, a commitment to green policies and urban planning strategies that give weight to sustainable infrastructure that enhances liveability.

    They do well in social cohesion, with high levels of integration and relatively low levels of inequality. In terms of technology, they are steady adopters but they are not, for the most part, trailblazing innovators.

    It’s also interesting to note the performance of North American cities, which show that economic might and technological prowess don’t always translate into more liveable metropolises. US cities dominate the economic dimension – eight of the top 10 in economic performance are American – but there’s not a single American city in the top 10 for social cohesion or environment. They do well in our ranking – New York, Washington, San Francisco, Chicago and Boston are all in the top 20 – as would be expected of high-income cities, but their performance in different areas varies widely.

    Meanwhile, developing countries continue to struggle to break into the top ranks. In Latin America, the highest-ranked city is Santiago (89th), followed by Buenos Aires (117th) and Mexico City (118th). In Africa, Cape Town (156th) is the top-ranked city. At the very bottom of the ranking are Lagos, Lahore and Karachi.

    Recommendations for cities

    In this tenth edition, we are starting to see greater homogeneity of cities, suggesting that urban planners are learning how to confront similar social, economic and geopolitical challenges. Here are some of our recommendations for how they can improve further:

    • Adaptive and participatory planning: Cities should adopt an approach to planning that is both inclusive and adaptive. This means actively engaging residents, businesses and organisations in identifying priorities, and establishing mechanisms to respond to unexpected developments.

    • Sustainability as a core principle: A commitment to environmental sustainability and innovation in urban planning is key. Cities should pursue policies that reduce carbon emissions, such as adopting renewable energy. Their strategies must also factor in environmental impact and preparedness for extreme climate events, such as wildfires or floods.

    • Economic and social resilience: To address economic inequalities and a lack of social cohesion, cities should implement policies that foster economic equity, such as incentives for small businesses and job training programs that improve access to employment. They should also develop community support networks that strengthen social ties and promote the integration of vulnerable groups.

    • Inclusive technology: To close the digital divide, cities should develop a robust technological infrastructure that ensures connectivity across all urban areas and provides digital skills training for residents. Open data platforms that enhance transparency and encourage citizen participation can play a key role in this.

    • International cooperation: Cities should actively participate in international networks to foster mutual learning and best practices, and to collaborate on joint projects.

    • Continuous measurement: Metrics are essential, both to track progress and to benchmark against other cities with similar characteristics. While cities should develop their own performance dashboards with relevant indicators, our index can serve as an initial framework for identifying key dimensions and the most important indicators.

    Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

    – ref. Europe tops global ranking of dynamic and sustainable cities – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/europe-tops-global-ranking-of-dynamic-and-sustainable-cities-heres-why-253887

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Next generation computer chips could process data at the speed of light – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Demosthenes Koutsogeorgis, Associate Professor of Photonic Technologies, School of Science & Technology, Nottingham Trent University

    3dartists / Shutterstock

    Electronic microchips are at the heart of the modern world. They’re found in our laptops, our smartphones, our cars and our household appliances. For years, manufacturers have been making them more powerful and efficient, which increases the performance of our electronic devices.

    But that trend is now faltering because of the increased cost and complexity of manufacturing chips, as well as performance limits set by the laws of physics. This is happening just as there’s a need for increased computing power because of the boom in artificial intelligence (AI).

    An alternative to the electronic microchips we currently use are photonic chips. These use light instead of electricity to achieve higher performance. However, photonic chips have not yet taken off due to a number of hurdles. Now, two papers published in Nature address some of these roadblocks, offering essential stepping stones to achieving the computing power required by complex artificial intelligence systems.

    By using light (photons) instead of electricity (electrons) for the transport and processing of information, photonic computing promises higher speeds and greater bandwidths with greater efficiency. This is because it does not suffer from the loss of electrical current due to a phenomenon known as resistance, as well as unwanted heat loss from electrical components.

    Photonic computing is also particularly suited for performing what are known as matrix multiplications – mathematical operations that are fundamental to AI.

    Those are some of the benefits. The challenges, however, are not trivial. In the past, the performance of photonic chips has generally been studied in isolation. But because of the dominance of electronics in modern technology, photonic hardware will need to be integrated with those electronic systems.

    However, converting photons into electrical signals can slow down processing times since light operates at higher speeds. Photonic computing is also based around analogue operations rather than digital ones. This can reduce precision and limit the type of computing tasks that can be carried out.

    It’s also difficult to scale them up from small prototypes because large-scale photonic circuits cannot currently be fabricated with sufficient accuracy. Photonic computing will require its own software and algorithms, compounding the challenges of integration and compatibility with other technology.

    Photonic chips would need to be integrated with electronic hardware.
    IM Imagery / Shutterstock

    The two new papers in Nature address many of these hurdles. Bo Peng, from Singapore-based company Lightelligence, and colleagues demonstrate a new type of processor for photonic computing called a Photonic Arithmetic Computing Engine (Pace). This processor has a low latency, which means that there is a minimal delay between an input or command and the corresponding response or action by the computer.

    The large-scale Pace processor, which has more than 16,000 photonic components, can solve difficult computing tasks, demonstrating the feasibility of the system for real world applications. The processor shows how integration of photonic and electronic hardware, accuracy, and the need for different software and algorithms can be resolved. It also demonstrates that the technology can be scaled up.

    This marks a significant development, despite some speed limitations of the current hardware.

    In a separate paper, Nicholas Harris, from California-based company Lightmatter, and colleagues describe a photonic processor that was able to run two AI systems with accuracy similar to those of conventional electronic processors. The authors demonstrated the effectiveness of their photonic processor through generating Shakespeare-like text, accurately classifying movie reviews and playing classic Atari computer games such as Pac-Man.

    The platform is also potentially scalable, though in this case limitations of the materials and engineering used curtailed one measure of the processor’s speed and its overall computational capabilities.

    Both teams suggest that their photonic systems can be part of scalable next generation hardware that can support the use of AI. This would finally make photonics viable, though further refinements will be needed. These will involve the use of more effective materials or designs.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Next generation computer chips could process data at the speed of light – new research – https://theconversation.com/next-generation-computer-chips-could-process-data-at-the-speed-of-light-new-research-254104

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Wild meat is eaten by millions, but puts billions at risk – how to manage the trade

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Delia Grace, Professor Food Safety Systems at the Natural Resources Institute (UK) and contributing scientist ILRI, International Livestock Research Institute

    One of the most pressing issues of our time is the wild meat trade. Why? Because it’s consumed by millions and puts billions at risk from emerging diseases. It provides food and income for some of the poorest and most remote communities in Africa and Asia, yet over-exploitation makes ecosystems unstable and threatens the destruction of endangered species.

    In Africa, wild meat hunting is driven mostly by protein and meat scarcity (“the poor man’s meat”). In some regions, like east and south-east Asia, it can be found in restaurants, offered as high-priced exotic delicacies (“the rich man’s status”).

    But consuming wild meat also poses great dangers and challenges. The global wild meat trade can drive biodiversity loss, fuel illegal markets and spread diseases. The wildlife trade and so-called wet markets, where wild animals and wild meat are often sold, are conducive to the emergence of diseases, such as Ebola and HIV, which can be transmitted from animals to people.

    These issues are the focus of a recently released landmark study. It takes a new approach to analysing wild animal exploitation: it focuses on consumption and consumers rather than wild animals or hunting communities.

    Most previous studies on wild meat have been by people who want to stop it, with a handful on its livelihood and nutrition benefits to poor people. Our study, with its focus on consumption, allows us to balance conservation, community development, animal welfare and plague prevention.

    We are specialists in livestock and sustainable development and authors of the report. We worked for over a year to analyse and synthesise wild meat trade with a focus on hotspots in Africa and Asia.

    We argue that, because the wild meat trade is here for the foreseeable future, policymakers and implementers should be looking at: better management of the global wild meat trade, reducing and managing the farming of wild animals, and providing alternatives to consumption of wild meat by poor people.

    We must find a way to balance the benefits and risks of wild meat consumption in a way that protects human health, wildlife welfare, and our environment.

    Importance of wild meat trade

    Drawing on previous studies and a systematic literature review, our report found that the global trade in wild meat is extensive. Annual revenues range from US$1 billion in Africa to US$8-11 billion from illegal trade in south-east Asia to US$74 billion from wildlife farming in China.

    The volume of wild meat consumed is also significant – and often much higher than that of livestock meat. On average, African foragers consume 38kg of wild meat and farmers 16kg per year. The average annual livestock meat consumption per person in Africa is about 16.7kg.

    We found that in at least 60 countries wildlife and wild-caught fish contribute at least 20% of the animal protein in rural household diets. Where poverty is high, wildlife abundant, and affordable domesticated meat and access to markets scarce, many households turn to hunting wild animals.

    Not being harvested sustainably

    Unlike domesticated meat, which comes from just 20 or so animal species, the wild meat trade involves hundreds of species. In Africa about 500 species are hunted, in south-east Asia about 300.

    Current rates of extraction of wild meat are unsustainable, except for some small and fast-reproducing species such as rodents. Ungulates (hoofed animals) generally tend to be the most frequently hunted, followed by large rodents and primates. Near human settlements, larger bodied animals have over time tended to be hunted out and replaced by smaller species (such as duikers and large rodents), which reproduce at faster rates and thus are more sustainably hunted.

    The illegal trade in wild meat is increasingly moving online, with Asia as both a major supplier and consumer. Smuggling intensifies hunting pressure, as wildlife is harvested not only for local needs but also for global markets. There is some evidence of declining extraction rates due to over-hunting, resulting in “empty forests”. While bans can reduce hunting, they may also drive the trade underground.

    Climate change is already driving an increase wild meat extraction by making it harder to grow plants and farm animals. Studies show that in some critical ecosystems, such as the Serengeti in Tanzania, there are rapid declines in wildlife linked to climate change and land-use change.

    Addressing the wild meat challenge

    Moving away from wild meat practices in poorer countries presents a complex challenge.

    Replacing wild protein sources with commercially raised livestock can be prohibitively expensive for low-income households and governments alike. Moreover, it’s estimated that increased livestock production to replace the loss of wild meat could increase deforestation and require some 124,000km² of additional agricultural land.

    Some solutions do exist – but these depend on the context.

    Where wild animal hunting is prevalent, such as the forest margins in Africa and Asia, alternative protein sources could reduce the demand for wild meat by providing sustainable and culturally accepted protein sources. Examples are cane rats, Nile tilapia and African catfish in west and central Africa, cavies (guinea pigs) in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and bamboo rats in south-east Asia. High-reproducing “mini livestock”, such as rabbits, cane rats, cavies, capybara and giant African snails, can provide household meat in a relatively short period. However, attempts to promote alternative animals have met with little success. We suggest paying people not to hunt or subsidising alternative meat may be more effective and feasible.

    Hundreds of thousands rely on hunting wild animals. Rather than criminalising hunters or trying to turn them into farmers in unsuitable lands, it may make more sense to pay them not to hunt by giving them free or subsidised livestock meat, which they may prefer.

    Promoting disgust triggered by wild meat can be a promising channel, too, for changing consumption behaviours. Societies often, and sometimes quickly, shift from finding “different” meats appealing to finding them appalling. In the UK, for example, offal was eaten by the poor before becoming a fashion-food for the English gentry during the early modern period. Behavioural science can be harnessed to nudge these mind shifts in the right direction.

    This study provides new insights into the wild meat trade. Deeply embedded in human culture, hunting wild animals is unlikely to disappear anytime soon. However, sustainable practices can balance human and ecosystem health and wildlife conservation, ensuring a future where both people and nature thrive.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Wild meat is eaten by millions, but puts billions at risk – how to manage the trade – https://theconversation.com/wild-meat-is-eaten-by-millions-but-puts-billions-at-risk-how-to-manage-the-trade-252226

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Changing the Eurocentric narrative about the history of science – why multiculturalism matters

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Karen K. Christensen-Dalsgaard, Assistant Professor, Department of Biological Sciences, MacEwan University

    An illustration by the medieval Islamic scholar Abu Rayhan al-Biruni depicting the phases of the moon in relation to the Sun. (Wikimedia Commons)
    The medieval Islamic mathematician, astronomer and physicist Ibn al Haytham (965 – c. 1040) lived in Cairo, Egypt, during the Islamic golden Age and is considered the father of optics.
    (Wikimedia Commons), CC BY

    In the 11th century in Cairo, the foundations for modern science were laid through the detention of an innocent man.

    The mathematician Abu Ali al-Hasan Ibn al-Haytham had been tasked with regulating the flow of the Nile, but when he saw the river that had shaped 4,000 years of human civilization, the hubris of the task became all too obvious.

    To avoid the wrath of the Fatimid caliph in Egypt, Ibn al-Haytham supposedly feigned madness and was placed under house arrest, giving him time to focus on optics.

    In doing so, he developed a scientific method based on controlled, reproducible experiments and mathematics. This would not only change humanity’s understanding of optics and how our eyes actually see, but also later lay the foundations for empirical science in Europe.

    When I started teaching the history of biology, the importance of this pivotal period of scientific history was often diminished in western analysis of science history. Studying the contributions of non-western scholars has shown me what history can teach us about the value of multiculturalism.

    A video from The Smithsonian explaining Ibn al-Haytham’s experiments with light.



    Read more:
    Explainer: what Western civilisation owes to Islamic cultures

    A Eurocentric version of history

    The story typically told in the West is that science was invented in ancient Greece and then, following close to a millennium of intellectual darkness, developed in Western Europe over the past 500 years.

    Other cultures might have contributed a clever trick here or there, like inventing paper or creating our modern number system, but science as we know it was developed almost entirely by white men. As such it becomes a story of superiority, one that demands gratitude.

    The scars of this way of thinking are all over our geopolitical landscape. It shapes how many western leaders interact with other cultures, apparently entitling them to share their intellectual authority without needing to listen to others. It is a mindset that belittles other civilizations and led to centuries of colonial violence.

    This Eurocentric version of scientific history omits some of the most important events that shaped modern thinking. Science was not developed so much by individuals but by a highly complex global process that brought together ideas, lived experiences and approaches from all major civilizations.

    The Plimpton 322 clay tablet, with each row of the table relating to a Pythagorean triple, is believed to have been written in Babylonia around 1800 BCE, around 1,000 years before the Greek mathematician Pythagoras was born.
    (Wikimedia Commons)



    Read more:
    What was the first thing scientists discovered? A historian makes the case for Babylonian astronomy

    Ancient Greek scholarship, for instance, was indeed instrumental in developing science, but it was not inherently western. The Greek empire spanned much of the Mediterranean region and the Black Sea. Scholars travelled extensively, and the centres of scholarship drifted over time from Ionia in present-day Turkey, for example, to Athens to Alexandria in Egypt.

    Greek natural philosophy was influenced by the mathematical and astronomical achievements of the Babylonians and the medical traditions of the Egyptians. Later, Alexandrian scholars made great advances in human anatomy when they overcame the Greek aversion to dissections, likely because of Egyptian influences. Natural philosophy was born from the merger of these scholarly traditions.



    Read more:
    Why are algorithms called algorithms? A brief history of the Persian polymath you’ve likely never heard of

    Importance of testing ideas

    Similarly, Ibn al-Haytham was one of thousands of scholars who, during the golden age of Islam, were engaged in the immense task of translating, combining and developing the world’s knowledge into great encyclopedic texts. They admired Indian and Chinese scholarship and technology but revered the ancient Greeks.

    While the Greeks had an impressive greatness of mind, they had largely shunned the idea of experiments and believed that developing instruments was the job of slaves.

    Many Arab scholars, on the other hand, emphasized the importance of experimentally testing ideas and developed scientific and surgical instruments that allowed for significant advances.

    The opening page from Ibn Sina’s Canon of Medicine.
    (Yale University Medical Historical Library)

    Arguably, Arab scholars built the foundations for modern science by developing a method for controlled experimentation and applying it to Greek scholarship combined with knowledge and technologies from all accessible parts of the world.

    Later, Latin translations of the Arabic texts would allow science to grow in the West from the intellectual ashes of medieval Catholicism. Texts like Ibn Sina’s Qānūn fī al-ṭibb (Canon of medicine) would become standard textbooks throughout Europe for hundreds of years.

    Ibn Al-Haytham inspired scholars like Roger Bacon to work toward European implementation of the scientific method. This would ultimately lead to Europe’s scientific revolution.



    Read more:
    Avicenna: the Persian polymath who shaped modern science, medicine and philosophy

    Importance of intercultural exchange

    Great civilizations existed all over the world in the beginning of the 16th century, in Africa, the Middle East, the Americas and East Asia. Most had scholarship that was superior to the West’s in at least some respects. Arguably, the most valuable thing Europeans took from the rest of the world was knowledge.

    The first vaccine, for instance, was based on variolation techniques developed in China, India and the Islamic world. People were inoculated against smallpox by blowing powdered scabs up their noses or rubbing pus into shallow cuts.

    Europeans believed that diseases were caused by bad air (miasma) and so did not initially trust this technique. It only became widespread in Europe and North America after English aristocrat Lady Montagu saw its efficacy firsthand in Constantinople in the early 18th century and advocated that it be tested in England.

    A vaccine developed by English physician Edward Jenner 80 years later was simply the well-known variolation technique made much safer by inoculating with cowpox instead.

    The importance of intercultural exchanges should not be surprising. Scientific data and observations are ideally objective, but the questions we ask and the conclusions we draw will always be subjective, shaped by our prior knowledge, beliefs and past experiences. Different cultures can help each other see beyond their inherent biases and grow beyond the intellectual constraints of individual approaches.

    In her book, Braiding Sweetgrass, Potawatomi botanist and writer Robin Wall Kimmerer gives a beautiful example of this in the context of how Indigenous approaches can inform modern science.

    One of Canada’s greatest gifts is our diversity. Here, cultures from across the world come together, forming a multiplicity of minds that is well positioned to solve the problems of our world. However, this only has value if we can connect and learn from each other. When we advocate for a diversity of ideas in curricula, both nationally and abroad, we are promoting a future built on the knowledge of people and cultures from around the world.

    There is nothing more intimately personal than the thoughts in your head, and yet you did not conceive them. They are a continuation of knowledge and ideas that for thousands of years have travelled the globe, shaped by countless minds from all civilizations. In a time of seemingly growing division, that is a thought that ought to bring us all together.

    Karen K. Christensen-Dalsgaard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Changing the Eurocentric narrative about the history of science – why multiculturalism matters – https://theconversation.com/changing-the-eurocentric-narrative-about-the-history-of-science-why-multiculturalism-matters-252884

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Iran and US to enter high-stakes nuclear negotiations – hampered by a lack of trust

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ali Bilgic, Professor of International Relations and Middle East Politics, Loughborough University

    The announcement of planned talks between the US and Iran in Oman signifies a crucial development – especially given the history of distrust and animosity that has characterised their interactions.

    There remains a degree of confusion as to whether the negotiations over Iran’s development of a nuclear capacity will be direct or indirect. The US has said that its Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, will meet Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi. Donald Trump has publicly stated that Iran will be in “great danger” if the negotiations fail.

    Iran meanwhile has said that talks will be conducted through an intermediary. Araghchi commented that: “It is as much an opportunity as it is a test. The ball is in America’s court.”

    This seeming clash in messaging before the talks have even begun is not the greatest omen for their success, even with the threat of US or Israeli military action hovering over Iran. Representatives from Iran, China and Russia are reported to have met in Moscow on April 8.

    China’s foreign ministry released a statement reminding the world that it was the US “which unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA [the 2015 nuclear deal or joint comprehensive plan of action] and caused the current situation”. It stressed the need for Washington to “show political sincerity, act in the spirit of mutual respect, engage in dialogue and consultation, and stop the threat of force and maximum pressure”.

    This followed messaging from Washington which very much focused on the possibility of force and maximum pressure. Speaking to the press after meeting the Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump struck a very aggressive note, saying: “Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon and if the talks aren’t successful, I actually think it will be a very bad day for Iran if that’s the case.”

    The US president’s much discussed transactional approach to diplomacy – as represented at the talks by Witkoff, a former real-estate developer – is likely be pivotal to how negotiations proceed. Trump’s geopolitical ambitions in the Middle East focus on expanding the Abraham accords. These agreements focused on normalising relations between Israel and various Arab countries – including UAE, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan.

    The signing of the accords in 2020 were seen as a key foreign policy achievement of Trump’s first administration, particularly in terms of America’s desire to counter Iran in the region.

    The US is now actively working to bring Saudi Arabia into the fold. In that respect, recognising that Riyadh’s participation would mark a transformative shift in regional geopolitics. Additionally, Trump aims to leverage trade agreements and major investment initiatives to create economic dependencies that encourage diplomatic normalisation.

    Iran, meanwhile, faces severe economic difficulties. The country’s economy is in a state of crisis, with high inflation, a depreciating currency and widespread poverty. These conditions have been worsened by international sanctions and domestic policy failures. As a result, Iran is in dire need of economic concessions, which could be a significant point of leverage for the US.

    Tehran’s geopolitical clout has weakened considerably over the past 18 months. Military setbacks in 2024 – including the loss of key allies and leaders in groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah – have diminished Iran’s ability to project power in its region.

    This weakened position will affect Iran’s negotiating stance. It could make it more likely that Iran’s negotiators might seek economic relief and diplomatic solutions rather than pursuing aggressive policies. But pressure from hardliners within Iran could push the country towards a more radical approach if concessions are not forthcoming.

    Rocky road ahead

    A major issue affecting the talks is the low level of trust between the two parties. The US’s involvement in the Gaza conflict – including Trump’s controversial proposal to clear Gaza of Palestinians to make way for possible redevelopment – has further strained relations. So has the recent US campaign against the Tehran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen.

    Further threats of this kind are likely to be seen by Iran as aggressive and coercive – and Trump’s latest rhetoric won’t have helped. This will inevitably undermine the prospects for trust between the parties.

    Iranian parliamentarians on the prospect of nuclear talks with the US.

    Iran’s scepticism is rooted in past experiences where promises of economic relief were not fulfilled. Trump’s withdrawal of the US from the 2015 nuclear deal in 2018 is a case in point. This perceived breach of trust has made Iran cautious about entering into new agreements without concrete assurances.

    The regional context adds another layer of complexity to the talks. American support for Israel’s actions in Gaza is likely to complicate matters. The populations of most Gulf states are fully supportive of Palestinian self-determination and are scandalised at the way the US president has seemingly given the green light to Israel’s breach of the ceasefire and resumption of hostilities.

    Iran’s internal politics are also likely to play an important role in shaping its approach to the negotiations. The country is experiencing significant political polarisation between the “hardliners”, spearheaded by the supreme leader Ali Khamenei, and the “reformists”, who are relatively more conciliatory towards the US and Europe. Following the surprise election of Masoud Pezeshkian, a reformist, last year, hopes that Iran would be open to negotiations with Washington quickly faltered when he realigned his position with Khamenei’s.

    In March 2025, he lost two important reformists in the cabinet, the economy minister, Abdolnaser Hemmati, and vice-president, Mohammad Javad Zarif, forced out by the hardliner-dominated parliament. This factional politicking will complicate Iran’s ability to present a unified front in negotiations — and this could represent significant leverage for the US. But it also strengthens hardliners to make demands that are unacceptable to the US.

    Ali Bilgic does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Iran and US to enter high-stakes nuclear negotiations – hampered by a lack of trust – https://theconversation.com/iran-and-us-to-enter-high-stakes-nuclear-negotiations-hampered-by-a-lack-of-trust-254106

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hungary’s exit from the International Criminal Court is a sign of the times

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michal Ovadek, Lecturer in European Institutions, Politics and Policy, UCL

    After deciding to flout an international arrest warrant against Benjamin Netanyahu, Hungary has become the first European country to announce plans to leave the International Criminal Court (ICC). This comes after president Viktor Orbán hosted Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite the ICC issuing an arrest warrant for him in relation to war crimes in Gaza.

    As a member of the ICC, Hungary is supposed to turn in anyone subject to such a warrant if they enter its territory. Instead, Orbán rolled out the red carpet.

    Following the visit, a senior government official confirmed Hungary’s intention to leave the court. It will be some time before we know if it will see through on the threat because it takes at least a year to leave once a formal written notification has been sent but the signal itself is a landmark moment.

    Hungary’s open repudiation of an important part of international law is further evidence of the tectonic shifts taking place in international relations.

    Throughout most of the 1990s and early 2000s, much of western foreign policy was focused on creating institutional mechanisms aimed at preserving the liberal international consensus that emerged at the end of the cold war. The creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the ICC were two of the most concrete manifestations of this ethos.

    Both represent attempts to bring legal and judicial formality to international politics. Unlike its two ad-hoc antecedents – the international criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda – the ICC is a permanent court of justice. It is tasked with overseeing the criminal trials of people accused of involvement in serious crimes, such as genocide.

    Even at the height of its popularity, the idea that international relations should be subject to more rules and enforcement by courts had its fair share of sceptics and detractors, especially among countries whose interests and power could be most severely curtailed by an effective international justice system.

    The US, Russia and Israel had originally signed but did not ratify the Rome statute underpinning the ICC – and subsequently withdrew their signatures – while China and India never even signed the treaty.

    European countries generally (and EU member states specifically) were always among the most supportive of the ICC. The continent has experience with perhaps the most important experiment in international criminal justice, the Nuremberg trials of Nazi crimes. This legacy has continued to feed European support for holding those responsible for aggression and atrocities to account by means of criminal justice.

    Countries like Hungary, emerging from behind the iron curtain in the 1990s, were no exception. There was no ideological or practical reason to oppose the creation of the ICC.

    If anything, countries hoping to join the EU saw it as beneficial to endorse the court. Other than Belarus and Azerbaijan, every European country has ratified the Rome statute, and none has left – until now.

    The rise of kleptocratic authoritarianism in Hungary means its exit from the ICC should not be particularly surprising. Inside the EU, Hungary has consistently acted as a Trojan horse for the interests of authoritarian governments, most notably Russia, China and Serbia.

    Its break with the values and principles that are supposed to be at the heart of the EU project goes substantially beyond support for international institutions and justice.

    Consensus crumbles

    But the broader international environment has also become less favourable to legalisation and judicialisation. Countries that previously feigned commitment to international law have become outright pariahs. The most obvious example is of course Russia, which is waging a war of aggression against Ukraine – a crime under the Rome statute.

    More importantly, though, the US is increasingly turning its back on international rules. It is dismantling many of the international institutions it worked hard to establish.

    Although Donald Trump might be wreaking the most havoc, the US already effectively pulled the plug on the WTO’s judicial appeals system under Barack Obama. Last year Joe Biden’s administration came close to imposing sanctions on the ICC for issuing an arrest warrant for Israeli officials, including Netanyahu.

    Taken together, these developments leave the EU and a handful of other countries increasingly isolated in backing the ICC and other elements of the so-called “rules-based international order”. And while Hungary’s exit deals yet another blow, it’s not clear how deeply committed other EU member states are either.

    Germany’s chancellor Friedrich Merz promised he would find a way to make it possible for Netanyahu to visit his country despite the outstanding ICC arrest warrant.

    Hungary’s open defiance of its obligation to arrest Netanyahu has placed it in company of countries that wear their noncompliance with international law as a badge of honour. The experience of one of them is particularly educational.

    When Omar Al-Bashir, the then president of Sudan, wanted for crimes against humanity, visited South Africa in June 2015, he was allowed to attend a summit and subsequently leave the country despite court orders to arrest him. Fast forward a decade and South Africa is spearheading the international legal campaign against Israel’s atrocities in Palestine.

    Netanyahu would almost certainly be arrested in South Africa today, as well as in a host of other African and Muslim countries which had vehemently protested the arrest warrant against Al-Bashir in the past. Effective international rules and enforcement require consistent and credible support from a broad coalition of states – the ICC is increasingly short on both.

    Michal Ovadek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Hungary’s exit from the International Criminal Court is a sign of the times – https://theconversation.com/hungarys-exit-from-the-international-criminal-court-is-a-sign-of-the-times-254129

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada’s identity is at stake if we don’t equitably fund and support its music now

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rosheeka Parahoo, PhD Candidate, Musicology, Western University

    Amid a trade war, sovereignty threats and a federal election campaign, Canada is facing renewed calls for national unity.

    The need to define, refine and reassert what it means to be Canadian has never been stronger. To understand Canada, we need to listen.

    Canadian music is how one can hear Canadian identity. Now more than ever, we must ensure equitable funding for this vital part of Canada’s cultural fabric so that Canada’s past, present and future stories are preserved in all their complexity and diversity.

    As a PhD candidate in musicology with a focus on equity, diversity and inclusion in the Canadian music industry, I examine how systemic barriers shape this. I also explore strategies for advancing equity in creating, producing and promoting music in Canada.

    Canadian music industry

    Music has played a critical part in building Canadian identity.

    The recent rise in pro-Canada songs brought on by United States President Donald Trump’s tariffs and threats of annexation demonstrates how powerful a medium music can be in voicing a nation’s frustrations.

    Canada has a unique chance to define its music on its own terms and better reflect the full diversity and complexity of Canadian identity through music. Canadian policymakers can bolster music-making, production and circulation while taking stock of broader discourses of what Canadian music includes, and more importantly, what it leaves out.

    For an industry that has strived to set itself apart from the American music scene, the time is ripe for Canada to increase and ensure equitable funding of the arts and music scenes.



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    After recognizing American and British artists dominated airways, Canada introduced rules requiring radio stations to play homegrown music.
    (Shutterstock)

    Promise of representing all of Canada?

    In the 1960s and ‘70s, the Canadian government recognized that American and British artists were dominating the country’s airwaves. In response, it established the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission and introduced Canadian content rules, requiring radio stations to dedicate airtime to homegrown music.

    The introduction of this policy, perhaps more protectionist than promotional in nature, was a pivotal moment because it meant that Canadian musicians could finally be heard in their own country.

    Many Canadian musicians and artists used this opportunity to speak out against injustice, inequality and erasure. Folk singers, Indigenous performers and artists from marginalized communities turned music into a form of resistance, challenging dominant narratives and redefining what it means to live in Canada.



    Read more:
    Junos 2023 reminds us how Canadian content regulations and funding supports music across the country

    Shrinking arts funding, barriers

    Now, decades later, we find the arts and music that once built Canadian identity isn’t an investment priority.

    This became especially clear during recent debates over the modernization of Canadian content regulations that spotlighted growing concerns from music industry stakeholders, such as artists and musicians’ associations, about shrinking arts funding, particularly for emerging and marginalized artists.

    Funding structures have shifted over the last several years, both in terms of government funding and artists’ revenue streams, leaving many artists, especially those from underrepresented communities, at greater risk. The result has been a music industry increasingly shaped by market forces.



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    Artists’ Spotify criticisms point to larger ways musicians lose with streaming — here’s 3 changes to help in Canada

    Research on the Canadian music industry further complicates this. Industry reports from the Toronto Metropolitan University Diversity Institute shows that Black and Indigenous artists, and those from 2SLGBTQ+ communities, still face serious barriers to getting radio play, funding or recognition.

    The Canadian francophone music scene has also faced challenges, including being disproportionally impacted by streaming and a slim market share that puts its survival in peril. When it comes to radio play, funding and recognition, the promise of diverse Canadian music has seldom matched the reality.

    Who gets to define Canadian music?

    The recent renaming of the Minister of Canadian Heritage to the Minister of Canadian Culture and Identity, Parks Canada and Québec Lieutenant could signal a promising shift. This ministry oversees the Canadian Heritage Fund, which distributes much of Canada’s arts funding.

    In response to emailed questions from the media about the rebrand of this ministry, and how it might affect policy, Minister Steven Guilbeault, recently sworn into the new dossier, wrote that his appointment came at a time “when our national unity and shared identity have never been more important.”

    He added: “Our culture and values define who we are as a country. In a period of political uncertainty, I will make strengthening our Canadian identity a priority to safeguard our sovereignty.”

    Strengthening Canadian identity must include sustained investment in Canadian arts and music.

    While recent national frustrations and political sentiment might make it easier to gravitate towards a safer and nostalgic version of Canada’s identity, Canadian music is most powerful when it holds space for both comfort and complexity. Take the recent viral clip of Liberal Leader Mark Carney joking with comedian Mike Myers, quizzing him about his Canadian identity. “Tragically?” Carney asks. “Hip!” Myers replies.

    Liberal federal election ad showing Liberal Leader Mark Carney speaking with comedian Mike Myers. (The Independent)

    It is a charming exchange that evokes a sense of shared pride — rightly so — and familiarity. It is also a gentle reminder of how quickly the boundaries of Canadian identity and music can be reduced to a set of familiar artists.

    The Tragically Hip captured lyrical portraits of small-town life and touched on themes of loss and injustice, as in “Wheat Kings.” In contrast, artists like Tanya Tagaq confront colonial violence using a blend of Inuit throat singing with electronic influences, soundscapes and performance styles that reclaim Indigenous presence.

    Both stories are part of Canada, and have also resonated and found acclaim on global stages. Canadian music finds its power nested between the tension of comfort and critique.

    ‘Let the world know who we are’

    In a recent open letter to the arts community, Michelle Chawla, director and CEO of the Canada Council for the Arts, urged the sector to seize the moment: “We need the arts to let the world know who we are — an open, diverse and globally minded society.”

    She went on to emphasize that, as Canadians look to contribute more directly to the economy, the arts must be part of that vision. She noted decision-makers must understand the arts “have a vital role to play as part of the solution” as Canada navigates uncertain times.

    For policymakers, that means prioritizing funding for the arts and setting clear parameters to ensure this funding is distributed equitably, with meaningful support for emerging and underrepresented artists.

    For everyday Canadians, it means being open to stories that challenge us, and resisting the urge to simplify what Canadian music or identity is supposed to be. It also means supporting local artists and musicians, attending shows and investing in local music scenes.

    Now is the moment to invest in the arts and Canadian music industry, not just to preserve its past, but to ensure we continue telling bold, complex and uniquely Canadian stories. If we allow Canadian identity to become a curated artefact, and Canadian music to be stripped of its tension, complexity and defiance, we lose far more than funding. We lose the stories that make Canada, Canada.

    Rosheeka Parahoo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada’s identity is at stake if we don’t equitably fund and support its music now – https://theconversation.com/canadas-identity-is-at-stake-if-we-dont-equitably-fund-and-support-its-music-now-253674

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why you should think twice before using shorthand like ‘thx’ and ‘k’ in your texts

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By David Fang, PhD Student in Marketing, Stanford University

    When a texter chops words down, recipients sometimes sense a lack of effort. 35mmf2/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    My brother’s text messages can read like fragments of an ancient code: “hru,” “wyd,” “plz” – truncated, cryptic and never quite satisfying to receive. I’ll often find myself second-guessing whether “gr8” means actual excitement or whether it’s a perfunctory nod.

    This oddity has nagged at me for years, so I eventually embarked upon a series of studies with fellow researchers Sam Maglio and Yiran Zhang. I wanted to know whether these clipped missives might undermine genuine dialogue, exploring the unspoken signals behind digital shorthand.

    As we gathered data, surveyed people and set up experiments, it became clear that those tiny shortcuts – sometimes hailed as a hallmark of efficient communication – undermine relationships instead of simplifying them.

    Short words lead to feeling shortchanged

    Most people type “ty” and “brb” – for “thank you” and “be right back” – without batting an eye.

    In a survey we conducted of 150 American texters ages 18 to 65, 90.1% reported regularly using abbreviations in their daily messages, and 84.2% believed these shortcuts had either a positive effect or no meaningful impact on how the messages were perceived by the recipients.

    But our findings suggest that the mere inclusion of abbreviations, although seemingly benign, start feeling like a brush-off. In other words, whenever a texter chops words down to their bare consonants, recipients sense a lack of effort, which causes them to disengage.

    It’s a subtle but pervasive phenomenon that most people don’t intuit.

    We started with controlled lab tests, presenting 1,170 participants ages 15 to 80 with one of two near-identical text exchanges: one set sprinkled with abbreviations, the other fully spelled out. In every single scenario, participants rated the abbreviating sender as less sincere and far less worthy of a reply.

    The deeper we dug, the more consistent the pattern became.

    Whether people were reading messages about weekend plans or major life events, the presence of truncated words and phrases such as “plz,” “sry” or “idk” for “please,” “sorry” or “I don’t know” made the recipients feel shortchanged.

    The phenomenon didn’t stop with strangers. In more experiments, we tested whether closeness changed the dynamic. If you’re texting a dear friend or a romantic partner, can you abbreviate to your heart’s content?

    Evidently not. Even people imagining themselves chatting with a longtime buddy reported feeling a little put off by half-spelled words, and that sense of disappointment chipped away at how authentic the interaction felt.

    From Discord to dating apps

    Still, we had nagging doubts: Might this just be some artificial lab effect?

    We wondered whether real people on real platforms might behave differently. So we took our questions to Discord, a vibrant online social community where people chat about everything from anime to politics. More importantly, Discord is filled with younger people who use abbreviations like it’s second nature.

    We messaged random users asking them to recommend TV shows to watch. One set of messages fully spelled out our inquiry; the other set was filled with abbreviations. True to our lab results, fewer people responded to the abbreviated ask. Even among digital natives – youthful, tech-savvy users who are well versed in the casual parlance of text messaging – a text plastered with shortcuts still felt undercooked.

    If a few missing letters can sour casual chats, what happens when love enters the equation? After all, texting has become a cornerstone of modern romance, from coy flirtations to soul-baring confessions. Could “plz call me” inadvertently jeopardize a budding connection? Or does “u up?” hint at more apathy than affection? These questions guided our next foray, as we set out to discover whether the swift efficiency of abbreviations might actually short-circuit the delicate dance of courtship and intimacy.

    Our leap into the realm of romance culminated on Valentine’s Day with an online speed dating experiment.

    We paired participants for timed “dates” inside a private messaging portal, and offered half of them small incentives to pepper their replies with abbreviations such as “ty” instead of “thank you.”

    When it came time to exchange contact information, the daters receiving abbreviation-heavy notes were notably more reluctant, citing a lack of effort from the other party. Perhaps the most eye-opening evidence came from a separate study running a deep analysis of hundreds of thousands of Tinder conversations. The data showed that messages stuffed with abbreviations such as “u” and “rly” scored fewer overall responses and short-circuited conversations.

    If you can’t take the time to spell it out, is it sincere?
    Roman Didkivskyi/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    It’s the thought that counts

    We want to be clear: We’re not campaigning to ban “lol.” Our research suggests that a few scattered abbreviations don’t necessarily torpedo a friendship. Nor does every one of the many messages sent to many people every day warrant the full spelling-out treatment. Don’t care about coming across as sincere? Don’t need the recipient to respond? Then by all means, abbreviate away.

    Instead, it’s the overall reliance on condensed phrases that consistently lowers our impression of the sender’s sincerity. When we type “plz” a dozen times in a conversation, we risk broadcasting that the other person isn’t worth the extra letters. The effect may be subtle in a single exchange. But over time, it accumulates.

    If your ultimate goal is to nurture a deeper connection – be it with a friend, a sibling or a prospective date – taking an extra second to type “thanks” might be a wise investment.

    Abbreviations began as a clever workaround for clunky flip phones, with its keypad texting – recall tapping “5” three times to type the letter “L” – and strict monthly character limits. Yet here we are, long past those days, still trafficking in “omg” and “brb,” as though necessity never ended.

    After all of those studies, I’ve circled back to my brother’s texts with fresh eyes. I’ve since shared with him our findings about how those tiny shortcuts can come across as half-hearted or indifferent. He still fires off “brb” in half his texts, and I’ll probably never see him type “I’m sorry” in full. But something’s shifting – he typed “thank you” a few times, even threw in a surprisingly heartfelt “hope you’re well” the other day.

    It’s a modest shift, but maybe that’s the point: Sometimes, just a few more letters can let someone know they really matter.

    Sam Maglio, an Associate Professor of Marketing and Psychology at the University of Toronto, contributed to the writing of this article.

    David Fang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why you should think twice before using shorthand like ‘thx’ and ‘k’ in your texts – https://theconversation.com/why-you-should-think-twice-before-using-shorthand-like-thx-and-k-in-your-texts-248812

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Shark AI uses fossil shark teeth to get middle school kids interested in paleontology and computer vision

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christine Wusylko, Postdoctoral Fellow in Educational Technology, University of Florida

    A student creates their model using Google Teachable Machine. Christine Wusylko, CC BY-ND

    Most kids have a natural curiosity about sharks − especially their sharp and abundant teeth. Our team had the idea to use the appeal of this charismatic apex predator to teach how scientists use artificial intelligence.

    We are researchers in AI literacy and STEM education who helped create a series of lessons that use fossil shark teeth to demonstrate the power and pitfalls of AI.

    The curriculum guides middle school students and teachers through building and evaluating computer vision models that can reliably classify fossil shark teeth. Computer vision is a type of artificial intelligence that uses algorithms and a lot of image data to classify and identify objects. It’s the same technology that enables Google Lens to identify plant species in photographs or self-driving cars to recognize people, cars and bicycles.

    Our free Shark AI curriculum has five modules, which are aligned with national and state science education standards. These standards outline the key knowledge and skills students should learn at each grade level. The lessons are designed to cultivate students’ interest in AI, data science, paleontology and the nature of science.

    Students learn about the different types of shark teeth and what they look like.
    Department of Education, University of Florida, CC BY-ND
    Shark AI students analyze various types of shark teeth.
    Bruce MacFadden photo composite, CC BY-ND

    The overall objective of Shark AI is to show that one does not have to be a computer scientist to use, teach or learn AI. We believe all teachers can and should be prepared to teach about AI in order to facilitate the technology’s meaningful integration into K-12 education.

    Teaching science with AI

    AI is already transforming our lives at a dizzying pace.

    To help prepare kids to live and work in an AI world, it is important for them to learn about the technology in school. Most of the resources available to teach AI in K-12 classrooms focus on the technology itself. As a result, these lessons may be offered only in specialty classes such as computer science and engineering, which may not be offered to all students at all schools.

    Systematic integration of AI in education is relatively new, so many teacher preparation programs are just beginning to incorporate it. There’s a need for professional learning opportunities for teachers already working in schools to learn about AI.

    Our research shows science teachers have a variety of preconceptions about AI. Additionally, many teachers are worried about teaching something they have little experience with. Nearly half of educators told EdWeek in a survey that “they’re uncomfortable with AI technology,” suggesting they are unlikely to add AI lessons to their already packed curriculum.

    Sorting sharks’ teeth

    To break down that unfamiliarity, the curriculum starts by introducing the various types of AI, such as natural language processing, automated speech recognition and computer vision. Students then get to work with fossil kits containing 15 real fossil shark teeth and one 3D-printed megalodon tooth. Megalodons were behemoth sharks that roamed the waters starting 20 million years ago and are now extinct. Students sort teeth in any way they want – such as by size, color or shape. Then, they learn how scientists typically classify fossils and practice sorting the teeth by species of shark and by what it eats.

    A student examines the features of a shark tooth fossil.
    Christine Wusylko, CC BY-ND

    After this, students use Google Teachable Machine, a free, online tool that uses the powerful TensorFlow.js machine learning model trained on millions of images. That creates their own computer vision model to classify fossil shark teeth. The data they use can be pictures they take of the real teeth in their kits or pictures they upload from databases such as the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History paleobiology digital collection or iDigBio.

    The models occasionally misclassify teeth, which creates an opportunity for teachers to discuss bias and limitations of computer vision, such as why it is important to train AI on lots of high-quality and diverse images.

    The Shark AI curriculum concludes with students creating, showcasing and discussing their own computer vision models.

    Different ways students classify fossils.
    Christine Wusylko, CC BY-ND

    Through these activities, students learn about AI concepts such as the strengths and weaknesses of AI compared with human intelligence along with paleontology concepts such as the fossil record or the information that can be learned about the history of life on Earth by studying fossils.

    Teachers have the flexibility to modify the activities, sequence and time they want to spend on the curriculum. This allows them to highlight the aspects that make most sense for their instructional needs and goals.

    To prepare teachers to use Shark AI, we host a weeklong professional learning session in which teachers learn how AI is used in science. They also practice doing the activities in the curriculum, and we leave plenty of time for discussion to demystify the technology.

    An important component of the training is to create a community for the teachers. They have opportunities to check in, brainstorm and troubleshoot together throughout the year.

    The Shark AI staff also checks in frequently with teachers individually to provide personalized support, usually troubleshooting questions about Google Teachable Machine. The teachers meet as a group once every few months to build community.

    Instructors work with Shark AI teachers during the weeklong professional learning session.
    Photos courtesy of the UF College of Education., CC BY-ND

    With these supports, we have found that teachers can change their understanding and beliefs about AI, and feel comfortable and prepared to teach science with AI methods.

    Christine Wusylko works for the University of Florida and receives funding from the NSF.

    Pavlo Antonenko works for the University of Florida and receives funding from the NSF.

    – ref. Shark AI uses fossil shark teeth to get middle school kids interested in paleontology and computer vision – https://theconversation.com/shark-ai-uses-fossil-shark-teeth-to-get-middle-school-kids-interested-in-paleontology-and-computer-vision-251125

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Colorado’s early childhood education workers face burnout and health disparities, but a wellness campaign could help

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jini Puma, Clinical Associate Professor of Public Health, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

    Early childhood education workers face high stress and burnout. FatCamera/GettyImages

    A lot of research has been done on the outcomes of young children who receive care in early education programs across the country. High-quality early childhood education programs positively shape young children’s development. Far less research has focused on the early childhood workforce that powers these programs.

    We set out to better understand how to support workers who care for our youngest and most vulnerable children.

    Workers who provide care for children under 5, such as teachers, administrative leaders and support staff, play a pivotal role in shaping the next generation. But research suggests they are underpaid, overburdened and have limited resources.

    For example, in Colorado, about 46% of the early education workforce receives public assistance, such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits and Medicaid. These workers earn a median hourly pay of $18.50.

    Across the country, between 43% of child care workers receive public assistance.

    Additionally, teaching in early childhood settings takes a toll. According to the National Commission on Teaching and America’s Future, nearly half of early childhood education teachers report high levels of daily stress during the school year, compared with approximately 25% of U.S. workers.

    Stressed-out teachers impact children, too. Poor well-being in early childhood teachers can reduce child care quality. This may lead to poor social-emotional development and increased behavioral issues in young children.

    Research shows that chronic underfunding of early childhood education programs, coupled with the inherent stressors of the job, leads to burnout and turnover.

    We are clinical associate and research assistant professors of public health at the Colorado School of Public Health. We have researched the early childhood education community in Colorado for more than 15 years. Our team is currently one of six federally funded national research teams investigating the well-being of this workforce and creating strategies to prevent burnout and turnover.

    Mental and physical stress

    There are many causes of health disparities within the early childhood education workforce. The job involves managing children’s challenging behaviors, working 9-12 hours a day, sitting in child-sized furniture, taking few breaks – and having a lack of support from co-workers and supervisors.

    In St. Paul, Minn., organizers at a rally call for more public funding for both child care costs and pay increases for teachers.
    Michael Siluk/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Researchers have found that early childhood educators in the U.S. experience higher rates of chronic health conditions as compared with national samples of workers with comparable income, education and other characteristics. These conditions include severe headaches, lower back pain, obesity and diabetes, as well as mental health conditions, including depression.

    Past studies, including our own, suggest that poor psychological and physical well-being may be particularly pronounced among early childhood education staff employed in Head Start settings. Head Start is the largest federally funded early childhood education program in the U.S. It often provides care for young children living in poverty.

    Head Start teachers report depression rates ranging between 25% and 32%, compared with the national average of 18% among the U.S. workforce.

    Urban and rural teachers in Colorado

    The well-being of early childhood educators also varies by where they live.

    In our recent work, we explored differences in job-related demands and resources among 332 Head Start staff in rural and urban areas in Colorado.

    A higher percentage of our rural sample in southeast Colorado reported lower family incomes and lower levels of education. This would suggest that early childhood education staff in rural settings may experience higher levels of stress because of increased economic hardships.

    However, on average, our rural sample had a lower level of emotional exhaustion, which is a key indicator of burnout, than our urban sample.

    Rural settings tend to foster close-knit relationships, strong social support networks and a slower-paced work environment than urban settings. These social situations could be why workers in rural areas report lower levels of emotional exhaustion. Alternatively, in urban settings, educators may experience larger class sizes and more stringent licensing and training standards, which could translate to increased stress.

    While workers in urban settings face higher rates of burnout, we also found that they had higher levels of hope, optimism, self-efficacy and resilience than those of rural child care workers. These positive feelings helped to decrease the effects of their high-stress work environments.

    Our findings suggest a need to improve the work environment and provide caregivers with healthy coping strategies – especially urban Head Start staff.

    The WELL program

    To address the workplace needs we identified, we launched the Well-Being of the ECE Workforce in Low-Resourced Locations program, or WELL program. The program looks at workplace policies, culture and safety, plus a person’s health status, home life and community, to create a program that supports an individual’s well-being at work.

    We partnered with five Head Start agencies to test Head Start well-being programs.

    The Head Start staff we worked with across Colorado identified mindfulness, coping strategies and sleep as areas of need. We tailored WELL in response to their requests. WELL provides workplace training and supports related to these topics, texts weekly tips and strategies to promote well-being, and even helps sites design a relaxation lounge as a place for staff to unwind.

    Our preliminary findings suggest that the majority of staff were satisfied with the WELL program, and participants reported increased confidence in practicing behaviors that promote their well-being, like mindfulness.

    “[The WELL program] has helped me within the classroom, too,” said one study participant. “So when you’re like, ‘Oh, my gosh! This child’s driving me crazy. I can’t deal with it!’ it’s like, ‘Just take a step back. It’s OK to take a break and ask somebody for help.’”

    We also found that 77% felt that their early childhood education center supported participation in WELL. These findings, while preliminary, highlight the likelihood of this program to be successfully implemented in other early childhood education centers in Colorado.

    Read more of our stories about Colorado.

    Jini Puma receives funding from the Administration for Children and Families.

    Charlotte Farewell receives funding from the Administration for Children and Families.

    – ref. Colorado’s early childhood education workers face burnout and health disparities, but a wellness campaign could help – https://theconversation.com/colorados-early-childhood-education-workers-face-burnout-and-health-disparities-but-a-wellness-campaign-could-help-250880

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Americans die earlier at all wealth levels, even if wealth buys more years of life in the US than in Europe

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sara Machado, Research Scientist in Health Economics, Brown University

    Wealth can buy health – but only to a point. marekuliasz/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Americans at all wealth levels are more likely to die sooner than their European counterparts, with even the richest U.S. citizens living shorter lives than northern and western Europeans. That is the key finding of our new study, published in the New England Journal of Medicine.

    We also found that while the wealthiest Americans live longer than the poorest, the wealth-mortality gap in the U.S. is far more pronounced than in Europe.

    We are a team of health policy researchers who study health systems and how their performance compares across countries.

    We analyzed survey data from 73,838 adults ages 50 to 85 across the United States and 16 European countries over a 12-year period and compared how long people across the wealth spectrum lived during the course of our study. The 16 European countries are grouped into European regions: northern and western, southern and eastern Europe.

    Our research revealed that people in the wealthiest 25% of the study population across the U.S. and Europe were 40% less likely to die during the study period than the poorest quarter of people. The wealthiest 25% of people in northern and western Europe had mortality rates that were about 35% lower than participants in the wealthiest quartile in the U.S. For those from southern Europe, during the study period this value ranged from 24% to 33%. For those from eastern Europe, the value ranged from 1% to 7%. The poorest individuals in the U.S. appear to have the worst survival, including when compared with the poorest quarter of people in each European region.

    Why it matters

    Wealth inequality has been rising for decades, but more so in the U.S. than in Europe due to a widening gap between the wealth of the richest and the poorest. At the same time, despite spending significantly more on health care than other wealthy nations, overall, the U.S. consistently demonstrates worse health outcomes, such as higher infant mortality rates and avoidable mortality.

    Our study also reveals a wider wealth-mortality gap in the U.S. when compared with Europe. In other words, personal wealth does buy more years of life in the U.S. than in Europe. These findings suggest that personal wealth alone is not enough to compensate for other factors that tend to affect how long people live, such as health behaviors like smoking or heavy drinking, education or social support.

    At its core, our research suggests that health outcomes are shaped by much more than just health care systems. It is likely that economic and social policies − from education and employment to housing and food security − play a crucial role in determining how long people live, including across the wealth distribution.

    European countries have found ways to reduce health disparities without dramatically increasing health spending. By distributing health-promoting resources more equally across wealth groups, these nations may have created environments where longevity is less dependent on individual wealth.

    What still isn’t known

    While our study shows clear longevity differences between Americans and Europeans across wealth levels, more work still needs to be done to determine which specific aspects of European social systems − whether health care delivery, education access, retirement security or tax policies − most effectively protect health regardless of personal wealth.

    Pinpointing exactly how these factors interact with wealth to influence health outcomes would allow researchers to identify which European policies could be most successfully adapted to improve longevity for all Americans.

    What’s next

    Looking ahead, we plan to identify which of those policy levers might be most effective in reducing mortality gaps.

    The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

    Irene N. Papanicolas receives funding from the National Institutes of Health, the Commonwealth Fund, the Health Foundation, the National Institute for Health Care Management and the World Health Organiation.

    Sara Machado does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Americans die earlier at all wealth levels, even if wealth buys more years of life in the US than in Europe – https://theconversation.com/americans-die-earlier-at-all-wealth-levels-even-if-wealth-buys-more-years-of-life-in-the-us-than-in-europe-253620

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What would happen if Section 230 went away? A legal expert explains the consequences of repealing ‘the law that built the internet’

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daryl Lim, Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Research and Innovation, Penn State

    Sens. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Dick Durbin, D-Ill., are vocal critics of Section 230. AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

    Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, passed in 1996 as part of the Telecommunications Act, has become a political lightning rod in recent years. The law shields online platforms from liability for user-generated content while allowing moderation in good faith.

    Lawmakers including Sens. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Dick Durbin, D-Ill., now seek to sunset Section 230 by 2027 in order to spur a renegotiation of its provisions. The senators are expected to hold a press event before April 11 about a bill to start a timer on reforming or replacing Section 230, according to reports. If no agreement is reached by the deadline Section 230 would cease to be law.

    The debate over the law centers on balancing accountability for harmful content with the risks of censorship and stifled innovation. As a legal scholar, I see dramatic potential effects if Section 230 were to be repealed, with some platforms and websites blocking any potentially controversial content. Imagine Reddit with no critical comments or TikTok stripped of political satire.

    The law that built the internet

    Section 230, often described as “the 26 words that created the internet,” arose in response to a 1995 ruling penalizing platforms for moderating content. The key provision of the law, (c)(1), states that “no provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.” This immunizes platforms such as Facebook and Yelp from liability for content posted by users.

    Importantly, Section 230 does not offer blanket immunity. It does not shield platforms from liability related to federal criminal law, intellectual property infringement, sex trafficking or where platforms codevelop unlawful content. At the same time, Section 230 allows platform companies to moderate content as they see fit, letting them block harmful or offensive content that is permitted by the First Amendment.

    Some critics argue that the algorithms social media platforms use to feed content to users are a form of content creation and should be outside the scope of Section 230 immunity. In addition, Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr has signaled a more aggressive stance toward Big Tech, advocating for a rollback of Section 230’s protections to address what he perceives as biased content moderation and censorship.

    What Section 230 does and how it came about.

    Censorship and the moderation dilemma

    Opponents warn that repealing Section 230 could lead to increased censorship, a flood of litigation and a chilling effect on innovation and free expression.

    Section 230 grants complete immunity to platforms for third-party activities regardless of whether the challenged speech is unlawful, according to a February 2024 report from the Congressional Research Service. In contrast, immunity via the First Amendment requires an inquiry into whether the challenged speech is constitutionally protected.

    Without immunity, platforms could be treated as publishers and held liable for defamatory, harmful or illegal content their users post. Platforms could adopt a more cautious approach, removing legally questionable material to avoid litigation. They could also block potentially controversial content, which could leave less space for voices of marginalized people.

    MIT management professor Sinan Aral warned, “If you repeal Section 230, one of two things will happen. Either platforms will decide they don’t want to moderate anything, or platforms will moderate everything.” The overcautious approach, sometimes called “collateral censorship,” could lead platforms to remove a broader swath of speech, including lawful but controversial content, to protect against potential lawsuits. Yelp’s general counsel noted that without Section 230, platforms may feel forced to remove legitimate negative reviews, depriving users of critical information.

    Corbin Barthold, a lawyer with the nonprofit advocacy organization TechFreedom, warned that some platforms might abandon content moderation to avoid liability for selective enforcement. This would result in more online spaces for misinformation and hate speech, he wrote. However, large platforms would likely not choose this route to avoid backlash from users and advertisers.

    A legal minefield

    Section 230(e) currently preempts most state laws that would hold platforms liable for user content. This preemption maintains a uniform legal standard at the federal level. Without it, the balance of power would shift, allowing states to regulate online platforms more aggressively.

    Some states could pass laws imposing stricter content moderation standards, requiring platforms to remove certain types of content within defined time frames or mandating transparency in content moderation decisions. Conversely, some states may seek to limit moderation efforts to preserve free speech, creating conflicting obligations for platforms that operate nationally. Litigation outcomes could also become inconsistent as courts across different jurisdictions apply varying standards to determine platform liability.

    The lack of uniformity would make it difficult for platforms to establish consistent content moderation practices, further complicating compliance efforts. The chilling effect on expression and innovation would be especially pronounced for new market entrants.

    While major players such as Facebook and YouTube might be able to absorb the legal pressure, smaller competitors could be forced out of the market or rendered ineffective. Small or midsize businesses with a website could be targeted by frivolous lawsuits. The high cost of compliance could deter many from entering the market.

    Reform without ruin

    The nonprofit advocacy group Electronic Frontier Foundation warned, “The free and open internet as we know it couldn’t exist without Section 230.” The law has been instrumental in fostering the growth of the internet by enabling platforms to operate without the constant threat of lawsuits over user-generated content. Section 230 also lets platforms organize and tailor user-generated content.

    The potential repeal of Section 230 would fundamentally alter this legal landscape, reshaping how platforms operate, increasing their exposure to litigation and redefining the relationship between the government and online intermediaries.

    Daryl Lim does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What would happen if Section 230 went away? A legal expert explains the consequences of repealing ‘the law that built the internet’ – https://theconversation.com/what-would-happen-if-section-230-went-away-a-legal-expert-explains-the-consequences-of-repealing-the-law-that-built-the-internet-253326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Politics with Michelle Grattan: Hugh White on what the next PM should tell Trump and defending Australia – without the US

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The Trump ascendancy has forced international economic issues and the future strategic outlook onto the Australian election agenda, even if they are at the margins.

    This campaign – while dominated by domestic issues, notably the cost of living – is being conducted against the background of an extraordinarily volatile external situation, with major implications for Australia’s future.

    To discuss these issues, we were joined on the podcast by Hugh White, Emeritus Professor of Strategic Studies at the Australian National University. White is one of Australia’s foremost thinkers on defence policy, China and the region. His long career includes serving as an adviser to then federal defence minister Kim Beazley.

    White regards US President Donald Trump as a “revolutionary figure”:

    I think Trump is a genuinely revolutionary character, and not just his impact on American domestic politics and economics, I also think he has a huge impact on global strategic affairs. And the reason for that is that he does have a fundamentally different view of America’s place in the world than that of what we might call a Washington establishment.

    Donald Trump is really a kind of an old-fashioned isolationist. That is, he believes America’s strategic focus should be on the Western Hemisphere […] For example, in Ukraine he’s happy to see Russia assert itself as a great power in Eastern Europe. In Asia, I think, despite his reputation as a China hawk on economic issues, he doesn’t have any problem with China asserting itself as a great power in East Asia. He’s for these other great powers to dominate their backyards, just the way he wants America to dominate its backyard in the Western Hemisphere.

    Yet White doesn’t believe either Labor or the Coalition is taking defence seriously in this election.

    It’s not being treated as a real issue in the campaign, and that’s because both sides have determined that it won’t, and what underpins that is the absolutely rock-solid bipartisanship between the two of them on every significant issue. And I think that’s a very serious problem for Australia because at a time when our strategic circumstances are changing dramatically […] neither side has any inclination to have a serious conversation about what that means, why it’s happening, what we should be doing about it,

    A lot of the blame for that lies with the Labor Party, because it seems to me Labor’s political approach to the whole question of foreign affairs and defence for a very long time now has focused on minimising differences with the Coalition.

    While White agrees Australia needs new submarines, and quickly, he doesn’t think they should be nuclear-powered, as promised under AUKUS. He thinks we should leave AUKUS.

    We should have started building replacements for the [Collins-class submarine] around about 2010 or 2012. So we’re well over a decade late and I do think there’s a real risk that we’re going to lose our submarine capability altogether. But the way to solve that is not to push ahead spending billions and billions of dollars on a project which, even if it works, delivers the submarines we don’t need, and which is very unlikely to deliver any submarines at all.

    We’re past looking for a perfect submarine. We just need to get any submarine at all so we can keep some capability running and then once we have that running, we need to have a really focused programme. We need ministers to really tell Defence what to do, focus programmes to develop a follow on to the Collins-class design, because that’s the design we already know best in the world and to start building a new class of evolved Collins.

    After the May 3 election, when the next prime minister meets the US president to talk trade, defence and more, what should Anthony Albanese or Peter Dutton tell Trump? White says:

    Trump is very hard to handle. I don’t think there’s any magic formula that an Australian prime minister can utter, which makes Trump into either a more acceptable, economic partner for Australia or a more reliable strategic partner for Australia, because the forces that are driving America out of Asia are much bigger than Donald Trump.

    The most important thing an Australian political leader could say to Trump when he first meets him is, look, we understand where you’re coming from. We are happy to take responsibility for our own security. We don’t expect you to stay engaged in Asia to look after us in future. What we want you to do is to help us manage that transition as best we can and we’re prepared to pay for what we get.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Hugh White on what the next PM should tell Trump and defending Australia – without the US – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-hugh-white-on-what-the-next-pm-should-tell-trump-and-defending-australia-without-the-us-254197

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Election Diary: Chalmers and Taylor quizzed on personal flaws during animated treasurers’ debate

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Perhaps the most compelling moment, at least for non-economists, in Wednesday night’s debate between Treasurer Jim Chalmers and his “shadow” Angus Taylor was when each man was forced to respond to what critics see as their personal flaws.

    Moderator Ross Greenwood, Sky’s business editor, put to Chalmers that people say “you’ve got a bit of a glass jaw, that you don’t cop criticism well”.

    “I think over time I’ve learned to understand that you take the good with the bad,” Chalmers responded, looking taken aback. “I think I’ve learnt over time to focus on the objective observers of the job that I’m doing and I think ultimately the Australian people will judge that rather than the kind of partisan commentators from time to time.”

    Taylor was told that “some people suggest that maybe you don’t put the work in”.

    “Well, you know, there’s lots of free advice in this game,” Taylor said. “You get it, Jim gets it, we all get it. But I tell you what, I work every single day for those hardworking Australians who work in Jim’s electorate, in my electorate, right around Australia […] I come from a hardworking family.”

    In the debate – a livelier encounter than Tuesday’s one between the leaders – the weapons of past promises were liberally deployed. Taylor invoked Labor’s unrealised $275 cut in power bills. Chalmers reached back to Tony Abbott’s pledge of no cuts to health and education, alleging a secret plan for cuts to pay for the Coalition’s nuclear scheme.

    The hour was filled with claims, counter claims, disputed figures, and accusations of lies.

    In the judgement of University of Canberra economist John Hawkins, Chalmers performed the better of the two.

    “He stayed on message, arguing the economy was improving, and the budget was in better shape than what he inherited. Given times of global uncertainty, he argued for a steady hand,” Hawkins said.

    “Angus Taylor was critical of economic conditions over the past three years but weak on what needed to be done differently, other than a temporary cut to the fuel tax and lower immigration. He did not effectively rebut Chalmers’ repeated claim that the Coalition stood for higher income tax, lower wages and no ongoing cost of living relief.

    “Taylor repeated [Opposition Leader Peter] Dutton’s unconvincing claim that under the Liberals, Australia would be virtually the only country in the world exempted from the Trump tariffs.

    “Chalmers thought the global tariff war would reduce Australia’s economic growth but not push us into recession. I thought he may have pointed out that in the global financial crisis Australia was one of the few OECD countries to avoid recession – and he was one of [former treasurer] Wayne Swan’s key advisers at the time, giving him some very relevant experience.”

    Business feels neglected

    Business, especially big business, is feeling somewhat neglected in this election. On April 20, business groups are joining to call for a commitment to a pro-business agenda.

    In letters to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Dutton and parliamentarians generally, the groups argue Australia has “one of the least competitive tax systems among comparable nations. We’ve burdened our economic engine room with countless new pieces of regulation and red tape. And the prosperity of all Australians suffers while our productivity lags.”

    Who fired up US senator Mark Warner on Australia’s tariff woes?

    Australia is bracing for a fresh tariff strike from US President Donald Trump, after he declared this week that “we’re going to be announcing a major tariff on pharmaceuticals”.

    Australia exports about $2 billion in pharmaceuticals to the United States, including $1.8 billion of blood products. These exports make up less than 0.3% of our goods exports to the world.

    Pharmaceuticals were set aside in last week’s tariff round for later consideration. In that round, Australia was only subject to the 10% general tariff.

    The US pharmaceutical industry hates the Australian Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, under which the government purchases drugs, leading to prices for Australians being cheaper than in the US. Both sides of politics say they wouldn’t compromise the PBS.

    Meanwhile, in Washington, Australia’s cause for an exemption from the 10% tariff has found a friend in Democratic Senator Mark Warner.

    In the Senate finance committee on Tuesday (Washington time) Warner quizzed US trade representative Jamieson Greer on why an ally had been badly treated.

    Why did Australia get “whacked”, Warner wanted to know, given the US has a trade surplus with it, and a free trade agreement. Besides, “they are an incredibly important national security partner”.

    Greer was unmoved. “Despite the agreement, they ban our beef, they ban our pork, they’re getting ready to impose measures on our digital companies.”

    So who is Warner, and why is he standing up for us? Bruce Wolpe, senior fellow at the US Studies Centre at the University of Sydney and author of Trump’s Australia, says Warner, a long-time senator with a background in the tech industry, is a “low-key moderate”. He is a member of the Senate Finance Committee, which has jurisdiction over trade, and the Select Committee on Intelligence. Warner is a supporter of AUKUS.

    “Someone briefed his staff [on the treatment of Australia] and it paid off,” Wolpe speculates. “Someone saw this was a chance the confront the US trade representative about Australia. They did a great job. It was terrific. It was a direct hit.” No one knows whether the hand of Kevin Rudd might have been involved.

    Industry Minister Ed Husic told the ABC: “I reckon I might see if I can get an honorary Order of Australia for senator Warner. Good on him. I like the cut of his jib. It was very defensive of Australia, but we heard the actual administration’s perspective running up the score against us.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Election Diary: Chalmers and Taylor quizzed on personal flaws during animated treasurers’ debate – https://theconversation.com/election-diary-chalmers-and-taylor-quizzed-on-personal-flaws-during-animated-treasurers-debate-253734

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Critically ill patients in African hospitals aren’t getting the care they need: new survey

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Tim Baker, Associate Professor, Karolinska Institutet

    When someone falls critically ill, hospitals are expected to provide life-saving care. But in many African countries, intensive care units are rare. Critically ill patients are treated in general hospital wards, and the provision of essential emergency and critical care is limited.

    Critical illness refers to any life-threatening condition where at least one vital organ – such as the heart, lungs, or brain – is failing. It can arise from any underlying condition including infections, injuries, or non-communicable diseases such as heart attacks and strokes, and can affect anyone of any age.

    In high-resourced settings some critically ill patients are treated in intensive care units. They receive continuous monitoring, oxygen support, medication to stabilise their blood pressure, and other life-saving treatments. Until now, most data on critical illness and critical care in Africa has come from small, single-hospital studies. These studies hinted at a serious problem.

    For example, a study in Uganda found that 11.7% of inpatients were critically ill, with a 22.6% chance of dying within a week. However, there was no large-scale research showing how widespread this was across the continent.

    That is why we, a collaboration of clinical researchers across Africa, conducted the African Critical Illness Outcomes Study, providing the first large-scale look at the state of critical illness care across the continent.

    The study builds on a network of clinicians, researchers and policy makers that has been growing for over a decade now, working out how to identify and treat patients who are critically ill.

    The findings, published in The Lancet, are striking. One in eight hospital inpatients in Africa is critically ill, over two-thirds of the critically ill are in general wards, and one in five dies within a week.

    Most of these patients do not receive the essential emergency and critical care such as oxygen and fluids that could save their lives.

    What we found

    The African Critical Illness Outcomes Study investigated 20,000 patients at one point in time in 180 hospitals in 22 countries across Africa. Countries throughout the continent were included, from Tunisia in the north to South Africa in the south, from Ghana in the west to Tanzania in the east.

    Between September and December 2023, all adult inpatients in each hospital were examined on a single day to collect data about their clinical condition and treatments, and then a week later, their in-hospital outcomes.

    The key findings were:

    • 12.5% of hospital inpatients were critically ill

    • 69% of critically ill patients were treated in general hospital wards, not intensive care units

    • more than half of critically ill patients didn’t receive the treatments they needed

    • critically ill patients were eight times more likely to die in hospital than other patients.

    The study also revealed gaps in the most basic life-saving interventions:

    • only 48% of patients with respiratory failure received oxygen therapy

    • just 54% of patients with circulatory failure (such as shock) received fluids or medications to stabilise blood pressure

    • less than half of patients with a dangerously low level of consciousness received airway protection or were placed in the recovery position.

    These findings highlight a clear and urgent problem: many critically ill patients in Africa are not receiving the essential treatments that could keep them alive.

    What can be done?

    The study suggests that thousands of lives could be saved if hospitals had better access to essential emergency and critical care. This is a set of simple, low-cost interventions that can prevent deaths from critical illness.

    The care interventions include:

    • ensuring oxygen is available for patients struggling to breathe

    • providing fluids or medications to stabilise blood pressure

    • training healthcare workers in basic life-support techniques to manage unconscious patients.

    Unlike high-tech intensive care unit treatments, essential emergency and critical care can be given in general wards with minimal resources.

    Strengthening these systems could dramatically reduce preventable deaths from conditions such as pneumonia, sepsis and trauma.

    Urgent action is needed

    This study sheds light on a healthcare crisis affecting millions of people, yet one that has remained largely overlooked.

    Every critically ill patient, no matter where they are treated, should receive the basic life-saving care they need.

    We call for urgent action.

    • Governments in Africa should make essential emergency and critical care a core part of universal health coverage. It should be integrated into policies and health benefit packages.

    • The World Health Organization should embed essential emergency and critical care measures into its resolutions.

    • African health funders should support studies and implementation of essential emergency and critical care.

    • Professional medical societies and institutions should include this care in clinical guidelines and training. Frontline healthcare workers must have the tools they need to save lives.

    The EECC Network, a global community dedicated to sharing knowledge, research and best practices, has been started to help prevent needless deaths.

    * Nick Leech, who works on the promotion of essential emergency and critical care on behalf of EECC Global, contributed to this article.

    Tim Baker declares technical consultancies with UNICEF, the World Bank, USAID, and PATH, has received research funding from Wellcome Trust and the National Institute for Health and Care Research and is a board member at the non-profit organisation EECC Global.

    Karima Khalid is a board member of EECCGlobal

    – ref. Critically ill patients in African hospitals aren’t getting the care they need: new survey – https://theconversation.com/critically-ill-patients-in-african-hospitals-arent-getting-the-care-they-need-new-survey-253355

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How windfalls from commodity price booms come back to bite exporters

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lotanna Emediegwu, Senior Lecturer in Economics, Manchester Metropolitan University

    Zhengzaishuru/Shutterstock

    When the wholesale prices of essential goods like food or oil suddenly rise, it can cause deep shifts in the economy that upend trade balances and hike inflation rates. This is known as a commodity price boom.

    The outbreak of war in Ukraine in February 2022 spurred European and US sanctions on Russian oil companies which restricted global oil supply. The ensuing shock hiked energy prices in the international market and meant that the price of Brent crude, a global benchmark for oil prices, reached US$122 (£95) a barrel on March 21 that year, its highest level since 2015.

    Price inflation has forced households in importing nations like the UK to pay a premium to fill up cars. It has also raised food prices, as the cost of shipping food to supermarkets and restaurants has increased, as well as utility bills.

    Meanwhile resource-rich exporter nations can make a killing and choose to use the additional revenue to subsidise energy for consumers, issue rebates, or increase funding for public services. Less evident, but no less significant however, are the environmental consequences of these booms.

    A study I published with colleagues showed that democratic nations in oil-rich regions, such as sub-Saharan Africa, are especially prone to increasing pollution when the oil price suddenly soars. This phenomenon stems from the need to ramp up production quickly, to capitalise on fleeting price hikes, which economies with less democratic oversight are able to bypass.

    These (ostensibly) democratic economies appear most attentive to market signals, and in their unbridled rush for quick economic gain, typically raise pollution as they extract and sell more. This is especially true with oil extraction, which produces pollutants linked to cancer.

    We investigated global commodity price booms using the commodity windfall index. This is a collection of prices that market analysts collate to track changes and detect booms as they develop. We measured the effect of price booms on the environment by analysing how air pollution changed in producer countries when the prices of commodities in the index changed.

    The index covers 40 commodities across energy, metals, food and beverages, and agricultural raw materials such as wheat. One is particularly damaging to the environment: oil production.

    The top five oil producers as of 2023 (the most recent year for which data exists) are developed nations: the US (22%), Saudi Arabia (11%), Russia (11%), Canada (6%), and China (5%). As global exporters, all benefit from windfalls caused by oil price spikes.

    Increasing commodity prices justify more intense exploration for new reserves. In the case of oil exploration, this involves seismic surveys, drilling and the use of heavy machinery which consumes lots of fossil energy and releases greenhouse gases like CO₂.

    Oil price surges could make democracies less green

    Among oil-producing and exporting economies, democratic nations are more likely to experience increased pollution during commodity windfalls, compared with autocratic regimes. We characterised democracies by the presence of competitive political participation and regular free and fair elections, among other qualities.

    This is because democratic nations are particularly prone to ramping up resource extraction during price booms. Political pressures drive this tendency, as governments seek to fund popular initiatives or bolster public services before elections. For example, in the US during the 2008 oil price spike, president George W. Bush advocated for increased domestic oil drilling and natural gas extraction with an aim to reduce energy prices and create jobs.

    Autocratic regimes might appear less urgent to exploit commodity windfalls. There are, after all, fewer electoral or public accountability considerations. However, one-party state China’s position as the world’s largest polluter is primarily due to its manufacturing base, not raw material extraction.

    The environmental consequences of commodity booms are a global issue that requires cooperation to solve.

    Developing regions like sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean will struggle to reduce emissions from extractive activities, as much economic growth here depends on it. The US$300 billion (£235 billion) annual climate funding pledge for developing countries, agreed at the most recent UN climate summit in Azerbaijan, is not enough to finance the creation of new industries.

    Advanced economies, which bear historical responsibility for the majority of global emissions, must take the lead in addressing this imbalance. This involves both reducing their emissions and providing substantial financial and technical support to resource-dependent nations. A failure to do so would perpetuate global inequalities, as developing nations are asked to sacrifice economic growth for environmental goals while industrialised countries continue to expand their economies.

    The challenge, then, is not just in managing the financial rewards of commodity booms, but in ensuring they do not come at an unsustainable environmental cost.

    Lotanna Emediegwu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How windfalls from commodity price booms come back to bite exporters – https://theconversation.com/how-windfalls-from-commodity-price-booms-come-back-to-bite-exporters-244878

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –