Category: Analysis

  • MIL-Evening Report: We study ‘planktivores’ – and found an amazing diversity of shapes among plankton-feeding fishes

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Isabelle Ng, PhD candidate, College of Science and Engineering, James Cook University

    A couple of whip coral goby (_Bryaninops yongei_). randi_ang/Shutterstock

    Swim along the edge of a coral reef and you’ll often see schools of sleek, torpedo-shaped fishes gliding through the currents, feeding on tiny plankton from the water column.

    For decades, scientists assumed these plankton-feeding fishes – or planktivores – shared specialised traits: forked tails and streamlined body forms for speed, large eyes for spotting small prey, and small extendable jaws for suction-feeding.

    But our new study, published in Reviews in Fish Biology and Fisheries, shows there is more nuance to this story. We found plankton-feeding fishes don’t follow a single uniform design. To our surprise, they display the widest range of body forms of any feeding group among reef fishes.

    Evolving similar traits

    A core idea in evolutionary theory since Charles Darwin is that species facing the same problem often evolve similar traits. This is a process known as convergent evolution. It explains the pattern we see among dolphins, sharks, and tunas – distantly related lineages unified in their streamlined body shape used for fast swimming.

    We set out to test whether the same phenomenon was true for plankton-feeding reef fishes. Planktivores are an ideal group to study in this case.

    For one, plankton-feeding is the most common feeding group among reef fishes – giving us many distantly related species to compare. For another, they all share the same challenge of having to spot and suck out small prey from the water column.

    Yellowtail Fusilier (Caesio cuning).
    Subphoto.com/Shutterstock

    So we asked: do plankton-feeding fishes have a distinct body shape? And do patterns of convergence hold true across a diversity of plankton-feeding reef fishes?

    The broadest range of body shapes

    To answer these questions, we collected shape data from nearly 300 species of reef fishes from 12 globally distributed families – including surgeonfishes, wrasses, snappers, and damselfishes. We measured 15 feeding, swimming, and vision-related traits such as jaw length, tail shape, and pupil size.

    By combining these measurements with evolutionary trees, we tested whether plankton-feeding fishes were distinct in shape to their counterparts.

    But what we found surprised us. Plankton-feeding fishes aren’t converging on a specific body shape. It is quite the opposite – they display the broadest range of body shapes among reef fishes. Some species – such as the schooling fusiliers – truly fit the typical “plankton-feeding” model. They exhibit traits such as a forked tail, torpedo-shaped body, large eyes, and small, extendable jaws.

    But most others break the mould entirely. For example, tiny gobies – just three centimetres long – cling onto whip corals and adopt a sit-and-wait approach for plankton to pass by.

    Other deep-bodied damselfishes depart a small distance from their coral hosts to feed on plankton. But how can we explain this diversity of planktivore body shapes?

    Blotcheye soldierfish (Myripristis berndti).
    Jnichanan/Shutterstock

    An innate ability

    The answer lies in the vast diversity of their behaviours and environments.

    Their body shape isn’t dictated by plankton-feeding alone – it’s shaped by where, when and how they feed. Some planktivores feed during the day, others at night. Some inhabit deep reefs, others are mere metres below the surface of the water. Some are restricted to rubble slopes while others prefer the reef edge. Some even target specific sizes and types of the plankton itself.

    This diversity in activity patterns, habitat use, and prey preferences places different demands on their body forms – explaining why we see such a range of shapes and sizes among plankton-feeding fishes.

    Even species we don’t typically think of as planktivores will feed on plankton when the chance arises. Just last year, while on Lizard Island, we watched yellowmask surgeonfishes – normally feeding on algae and detritus – swimming high above the reef, targeting plankton.

    Perhaps this flexibility shouldn’t surprise us. After all, all reef fishes begin their lives as plankton feeders, floating in the open ocean before settling on the reef. The ability for fishes to feed on plankton is likely innate.

    Yellow mask surgeonfish (Acanthurus mata).
    Marco Lissoni/Shutterstock

    Challenging a longstanding assumption

    Our findings challenge the longstanding assumption that planktivorous reef fishes are distinct in form and are converging towards an optimum body type.

    Instead, plankton-feeding is a highly accessible and flexible feeding strategy on coral reefs – available to fishes of many shapes, sizes, evolutionary histories, and even different feeding groups.

    This has important implications for how we think about reef fish ecology and evolution. It shows that broad feeding categories like “planktivore” can mask the diversity of other behavioural and ecological traits.

    Rather than converging on a single solution, reef fishes highlight something different: that there is more than one way to be a planktivore.

    Isabelle Ng receives funding from the James Cook University Postgraduate Research Scholarship.

    Alexandre Siqueira receives funding from Edith Cowan University as a Vice-Chancellor’s Research Fellow.

    ref. We study ‘planktivores’ – and found an amazing diversity of shapes among plankton-feeding fishes – https://theconversation.com/we-study-planktivores-and-found-an-amazing-diversity-of-shapes-among-plankton-feeding-fishes-254296

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for April 11, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 11, 2025.

    Do Inuit languages really have many words for snow? The most interesting finds from our study of 616 languages
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Charles Kemp, Professor, School of Psychological Sciences, The University of Melbourne Shutterstock Languages are windows into the worlds of the people who speak them – reflecting what they value and experience daily. So perhaps it’s no surprise different languages highlight different areas of vocabulary. Scholars have noted

    Labor gains 5-point lead in a YouGov poll, taken during Trump tariff chaos
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne A national YouGov poll, conducted April 4–10 from a sample of 1,505, gave Labor a 52.5–47.5 lead, a 1.5-point gain for Labor since the March 28 to

    Better cleaning of hospital equipment could cut patient infections by one-third – and save money
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brett Mitchell, Professor of Nursing and Health Services Research, University of Newcastle Annie Spratt/Unsplash Hospital-acquired infections are infections patients didn’t have when they were admitted to hospital. The most common include wound infections after surgery, urinary tract infections and pneumonia. These can have a big impact for

    As more communities have to consider relocation, we explore what happens to the land after people leave
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christina Hanna, Senior Lecturer in Environmental Planning, University of Waikato Christina Hanna, CC BY-SA Once floodwaters subside, talk of planned retreat inevitably rises. Within Aotearoa New Zealand, several communities from north to south – including Kumeū, Kawatiri Westport and parts of Ōtepoti Dunedin – are considering future

    Extinctions of Australian mammals have long been blamed on foxes and cats – but where’s the evidence?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Arian Wallach, Future Fellow in Ecology, Queensland University of Technology michael garner/Shutterstock In 1938, zoologist Ellis Le Geyt Troughton mourned that Australia’s “gentle and specialized creatures” were “unable to cope with changed conditions and introduced enemies”. The role of these “enemies” – namely, foxes and feral cats

    Yes, government influences wages – but not just in the way you might think
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Peetz, Laurie Carmichael Distinguished Research Fellow at the Centre for Future Work, and Professor Emeritus, Griffith Business School, Griffith University doublelee/Shutterstock Can the government actually make a difference to the wages Australians earn? A lot of attention always falls on the government’s submission to the Fair

    Sorry gamers, Nintendo’s hefty Switch 2 price tag signals the new normal – and it might still go up
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben Egliston, Senior Lecturer in Digital Cultures, Australian Research Council DECRA Fellow, University of Sydney Last week, Nintendo announced the June 5 release of its long anticipated Switch 2. But the biggest talking point wasn’t the console’s launch titles or features. At US$449 in the United States,

    A fair go for young Australians in this election? Voters are weighing up intergenerational inequity
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dan Woodman, TR Ashworth Professor in Sociology, The University of Melbourne Securing the welfare of future generations seems like solid grounds for judging policies and politicians, especially during an election campaign. Political legacies are on the line because the stakes are so high. There is a real

    The Coalition prepares to soften Australia’s 2030 climate target, while reaffirming its commitment to the Paris Agreement
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tony Wood, Program Director, Energy, Grattan Institute The Coalition has been forced to reassert its commitment to the Paris climate agreement after its energy spokesman Ted O’Brien appeared to waver on the pledge on Thursday. O’Brien faced off against Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen at

    Grattan on Friday: Will there be leadership changes on both sides of politics next parliamentary term?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra When Jim Chalmers and Angus Taylor met for this week’s treasurers’ debate, the moderator observed that in three or six years they might be facing each other as prime minister and opposition leader. Election results trigger, or subsequently lead to,

    ‘Alarmist nonsense’: Labor and Coalition dismissed security risks over the Port of Darwin for years. What’s changed?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Laurenceson, Director and Professor, Australia-China Relations Institute (UTS:ACRI), University of Technology Sydney Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton have both committed to stripping a Chinese company, Landbridge, of the lease to operate Darwin Port. Landbridge paid A$506 million for the 99-year lease from

    This chart explains why Trump backflipped on tariffs. The economic damage would have been huge
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Giesecke, Professor, Centre of Policy Studies and the Impact Project, Victoria University The Trump administration has announced a 90-day pause on its plan to impose so-called “reciprocal” tariffs on nearly all US imports. But the pause does not extend to China, where import duties will rise

    Big changes are planned for aged care in 2025. But you’d never know from the major parties
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hal Swerissen, Emeritus Professor of Public Health, La Trobe University Ground Picture/Shutterstock There has been little new in pre-election promises for Australia’s aged-care workers, providers or the 1.3 million people who use aged care. In March, Labor announced A$2.6 billion for another pay rise for aged-care nurses

    Good boy or bad dog? Our 1 billion pet dogs do real environmental damage
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bill Bateman, Associate Professor, Behavioural Ecology, Curtin University William Edge/Shutterstock There are an estimated 1 billion domesticated dogs in the world. Most are owned animals – pets, companions or working animals who share their lives with humans. They are the most common large predator in the world.

    A damning study of online abuse of female MPs shows urgent legal reform is needed
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cassandra Mudgway, Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Canterbury Media Whale Stock/Shutterstock Women MPs are increasingly targets of misogynistic, racist and sexual online abuse, but New Zealand’s legal framework to protect them is simply not fit for purpose. Recently released research found online threats of physical and

    Fresh details emerge on Australia’s new climate migration visa for Tuvalu residents. An expert explains
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jane McAdam, Scientia Professor and ARC Laureate Fellow, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Sydney The details of a new visa enabling Tuvaluan citizens to permanently migrate to Australia were released this week. The visa was created as part of a bilateral treaty Australia and Tuvalu

    ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for April 10, 2025
    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 10, 2025.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Do Inuit languages really have many words for snow? The most interesting finds from our study of 616 languages

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Charles Kemp, Professor, School of Psychological Sciences, The University of Melbourne

    Shutterstock

    Languages are windows into the worlds of the people who speak them – reflecting what they value and experience daily.

    So perhaps it’s no surprise different languages highlight different areas of vocabulary. Scholars have noted that Mongolian has many horse-related words, that Maori has many words for ferns, and Japanese has many words related to taste.

    Some links are unsurprising, such as German having many words related to beer, or Fijian having many words for fish. The linguist Paul Zinsli wrote an entire book on Swiss-German words related to mountains.

    In our recently-published study we took a broad approach towards understanding the links between different languages and concepts.

    Using computational methods, we identified areas of vocabulary that are characteristic of specific languages, to provide insight into linguistic and cultural variation.

    Our work adds to a growing understanding of language, culture, and the way they both relate.

    Japanese has many words related to taste. One of these is umami, which is often used to describe the rich taste of matcha green tea.
    Shutterstock

    Our method

    We tested 163 links between languages and concepts, drawn from the literature.

    We compiled a digital dataset of 1574 bilingual dictionaries that translate between English and 616 different languages. Since many of these dictionaries were still under copyright, we only had access to counts of how often a particular word appeared in each dictionary.

    One example of a concept we looked at was “horse”, for which the top-scoring languages included French, German, Kazakh and Mongolian. This means dictionaries in these languages had a relatively high number of

    1. words for horses. For instance, Mongolian аргамаг means “a good racing or riding horse”
    2. words related to horses. For instance, Mongolian чөдөрлөх means “to hobble a horse”.

    However, it is also possible the counts were influenced by “horse” appearing in example sentences for unrelated terms.

    Not a hoax after all?

    Our findings support most links previously highlighted by researchers, including that Hindi has many words related to love and Japanese has many words related to obligation and duty.

    ‘Silk’ was one of the most popular concepts for Mandarin Chinese.
    Shutterstock

    We were especially interested in testing the idea that Inuit languages have many words for snow. This notorious claim has long been distorted and exaggerated. It has even been dismissed as the “great Eskimo vocabulary hoax”, with some experts saying it simply isn’t true.

    But our results suggest the Inuit snow vocabulary is indeed exceptional. Out of 616 languages, the language with the top score for “snow” was Eastern Canadian Inuktitut. The other two Inuit languages in our data set (Western Canadian Inuktitut and North Alaskan Inupiatun) also achieved high scores for “snow”.

    The Eastern Canadian Inuktitut dictionary in our dataset includes terms such as kikalukpok, which means “noisy walking on hard snow”, and apingaut, which means “first snow fall”.

    The top 20 languages for “snow” included several other languages of Alaska, such as Ahtena, Dena’ina and Central Alaskan Yupik, as well as Japanese and Scots.

    Scots includes terms such as doon-lay, meaning “a heavy fall of snow”, feughter meaning “a sudden, slight fall of snow”, and fuddum, meaning “snow drifting at intervals”.

    You can explore our findings using the tool below, which allows you to identify the top languages for any given concept, and the top concepts for a particular language.

    Language and environment

    Although the languages with top scores for “snow” are all spoken in snowy regions, the top-ranked languages for “rain” were not always from the rainiest parts of the world.

    For instance, South Africa has a medium level of rainfall, but languages from this region, such as Nyanja, East Taa and Shona, have many rain-related words. This is probably because, unlike snow, rain is important for human survival – which means people still talk about it in its absence.

    For speakers of East Taa, rain is both relatively rare and desirable. This is reflected in terms such as lábe ||núu-bâ, an “honorific form of address to thunder to bring rain” and |qába, which refers to the “ritual sprinkling of water or urine to bring rain”.

    Our tool can also be used to explore various concepts related to perception (“smell”), emotion (“love”) and cultural beliefs (“ghost”).

    The top-scoring languages for “smell” include a cluster of Oceanic languages such as Marshallese, which has terms such as jatbo meaning “smell of damp clothing”, meļļā meaning “smell of blood”, and aelel meaning “smell of fish, lingering on hands, body, or utensils”.

    Prior to our research, the smell terms of the Pacific Islands had received little attention.

    Some caveats

    Although our analysis reveals many interesting links between languages and concepts, the results aren’t always reliable – and should be checked against original dictionaries where possible.

    For example, the top concepts for Plautdietsch (Mennonite Low German) include von (“of”), den (“the”) and und (“and”) – all of which are unrevealing. We excluded similar words from other languages using Wiktionary, but our method did not filter out these common words for Plautdietsch.

    Also, the word counts reflect both dictionary definitions and other elements, such as example sentences. While our analysis excluded words that are especially likely to appear in example sentences (such as “woman” and “father”), such words could have still influenced our results to some extent.

    Most importantly, our results run the risk of perpetuating potentially harmful stereotypes if taken at face value. So we urge caution and respect while using the tool. The concepts it lists for any given language provide, at best, a crude reflection of the cultures associated with that language.

    Charles Kemp was supported by a Future Fellowship (FT190100200) awarded by the Australian Research Council.

    Temuulen Khishigsuren was supported by a Future Fellowship (FT190100200) awarded by the Australian Research Council.

    Ekaterina Vylomova and Terry Regier do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Do Inuit languages really have many words for snow? The most interesting finds from our study of 616 languages – https://theconversation.com/do-inuit-languages-really-have-many-words-for-snow-the-most-interesting-finds-from-our-study-of-616-languages-252522

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the Supreme Court’s ruling on man wrongly deported to El Salvador says about presidential authority and the rule of law

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jean Lantz Reisz, Clinical Associate Professor of Law, Co-Director, USC Immigration Clinic, University of Southern California

    People hold signs on April 4, 2025, supporting Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who was mistakenly deported to El Salvador. AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    The Supreme Court on April 10, 2025, unanimously upheld the lower court order directing the Trump administration to “facilitate” the return of Kilmar Abrego García, a Maryland man who was wrongly deported to a maximum security prison in El Salvador.

    The Supreme Court also directed the lower court to clarify aspects of the order.

    “The order properly requires the Government to ‘facilitate’ Abrego García’s release from custody in El Salvador and to ensure that his case is handled as it would have been had he not been improperly sent to El Salvador,” the Supreme Court order states.

    It is undisputed that the Trump administration made a mistake.

    The Justice Department admitted to deporting Abrego García to a maximum security prison in El Salvador even though an immigration judge in 2019 ordered that he not be deported. The judge did so under an immigration law called “withholding of removal,” which is a protection, like asylum, for people facing persecution in their home country.

    But the Trump administration has said a court cannot order it to fix its mistake and bring Abrego García back to the United States.

    According to the Trump administration, such an order would be “constitutionally intolerable.” The government has compared the court order to return Abrego García to an order to “‘effectuate’ the end of the war in Ukraine or return hostages from Gaza.”

    Abrego García should not have been deported

    Abrego García received this protective legal status six years ago. That’s when he proved to the court he was highly likely to be persecuted by the government or gangs in El Salvador due to a specific reason, as required under immigration law.

    Unlike asylum or refugee status, the status known as “withholding of removal” is not a pathway to citizenship. It allows a person to live and work in the U.S. indefinitely and not be deported to their country of nationality if they face persecution there.

    The government states it arrested and deported Abrego García on March 15 because he is a gang member. When Abrego García appealed his deportation, the federal district and appellate courts determined that the government provided no credible evidence of gang membership.

    That’s important, because the government failed to follow proper procedure to deport Abrego García based on gang membership. When someone is in “withholding of removal” status, the law requires the government to reopen immigration proceedings based on new evidence and seek to formally terminate the legal withholding status.

    Abrego García should have been notified of the government’s desire to deport him, and he should have had the opportunity to make his case at a court hearing. His summary deportation to El Salvador likely violated his right to due process under immigration law and the Constitution.

    Balance of powers are at stake

    The government did not follow the law, but it argues that the court cannot do anything about it.

    The crux of the government’s position is that a court does not have the power to order the release of a person in a foreign prison. That would interfere with the separation of powers among the executive and judicial branches. The president has the sole power to conduct foreign relations with El Salvador, and the government has argued that ordering the return of Abrego García interferes with that power.

    Prisoners watch as U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem visits the Terrorist Confinement Center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 26, 2025.
    Alex Brandon/Pool/AFP via Getty Images

    The court cannot order the Salvadoran government to do anything, but it can order the U.S. government to take steps to return García Abrego if he was unlawfully arrested and deported. That’s because the judiciary has the power to determine whether the president’s actions are lawful.

    The district court’s order was based on its determination that the president has likely violated immigration law and the Constitution in arresting and deporting Abrego García. The appellate court agreed.

    The Supreme Court has now said the order to facilitate Abrego García’s return is proper. But the high court also said the district court judge should further clarify its order, being mindful of the president’s authority when it comes to conducting foreign relations.

    Who is detaining Abrego García?

    The Salvadoran government seems to be imprisoning Abrego García at the request of the U.S. government.

    Trump administration lawyers have suggested in their briefing to the Supreme Court that there could be reasons under El Salvador law for Abrego García’s imprisonment. The government has not identified any reasons and has not provided any evidence that Abrego García is charged with a crime in El Salvador, or that he is being held under Salvadoran law.

    The Department of Homeland Security routinely contracts with local jails and for-profit prison corporations to temporarily house immigrant detainees in the U.S. The government has reportedly agreed to pay El Salvador US$6 million to imprison certain U.S. immigrant detainees for one year. The details of this agreement are not known.

    Kristi Noem, the Homeland Security secretary, has said that the Salvadoran megaprison is “one of the tools in our tool kit that we will use.”

    The district and appellate courts determined in this case that the U.S. is using the Salvadoran prison like any other detention facility. Under those circumstances, the U.S. government, not El Salvador, has ultimate control over Abrego García.

    The Supreme Court ruled that the government should facilitate Abrego García’s return.
    Drew Angerer/Getty Images

    As an immigration law scholar, I believe that the government can take steps to return Abrego García.

    In fact, other appellate courts have ordered the government to return immigrants who had been removed from the U.S. but later won their appeals of their removal orders. Those people were not in foreign prisons.

    U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has created a formal policy for aiding the return of immigrants who were deported while their appeals were pending and then subsequently won their appeals.

    The government has argued that those situations are different. Here, it claims the court cannot demand the return of Abrego García, who is imprisoned in another country. The problem with the government’s argument is that it is the Trump administration that put Abrego García in a foreign prison.

    The Trump administration has also argued that Abrego García is not entitled to return to the U.S.. It has argued that even though it was a mistake to deport him to El Salvador under his withholding of removal status, Abrego García could have been removed to another country and has no right to return to the U.S..

    This would be true if Abrego García voluntarily left the U.S. or was deported to a country other than El Salvador, but that is not what happened. The government removed Abrego García to El Salvador in violation of U.S. law.

    The White House’s position in this matter is troubling because the president is supposed to enforce the law, not circumvent it.

    As Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in a separate statement published with the order and joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson: “The Government’s argument, moreover, implies that it could deport and incarcerate any person, including U.S. citizens, without legal consequence, so long as it does so before a court can intervene.”

    What steps the government will take to return Abrego García is unclear. The Supreme Court’s decision leaves open the question of how far the court can go to enforce his return.

    Jean Lantz Reisz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What the Supreme Court’s ruling on man wrongly deported to El Salvador says about presidential authority and the rule of law – https://theconversation.com/what-the-supreme-courts-ruling-on-man-wrongly-deported-to-el-salvador-says-about-presidential-authority-and-the-rule-of-law-254037

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Labor gains 5-point lead in a YouGov poll, taken during Trump tariff chaos

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    A national YouGov poll, conducted April 4–10 from a sample of 1,505, gave Labor a 52.5–47.5 lead, a 1.5-point gain for Labor since the March 28 to April 3 YouGov poll. This is Labor’s best result in YouGov for 18 months, and slightly better for Labor than the 2022 election result (52.1–47.9 to Labor).

    Primary votes were 33.5% Coalition (down 1.5), 32% Labor (up two), 13% Greens (steady), 8.5% One Nation (up 1.5), 1% Trumpet of Patriots (down one), 9% independents (down one) and 3% others (steady). By 2022 election preference flows, Labor would lead by over 53.5–46.5.

    Anthony Albanese’s net approval improved four points to -2, with 47% dissatisfied and 45% satisfied. In the last two weeks, Albanese has gained seven points on net approval. Peter Dutton’s net approval was steady at -15. Albanese led Dutton as better PM by 48–37 (45–38 previously).

    The only other national poll since last Sunday’s article was a Morgan poll that also had Labor extending its lead. The poll graph below shows Labor has kept improving in the polls since early March. With three weeks to go until the May 3 election, Labor is the likely winner.

    The YouGov poll was taken during the period after Donald Trump announced his “Liberation Day” tariffs on April 2, leading to a week of chaos on the stock markets. While US markets had their biggest one-day gain since 2008 on Wednesday after Trump suspended some of his tariffs for 90 days, they slumped again Thursday owing to the very high tariffs on China.

    I believe the more Trump is in the news for doing things that potentially damage the US and world economies, the more Labor will be assisted in the polls by not being the more pro-Trump major party.

    Candidate nominations for the federal election will be declared today after they closed Thursday. If candidates now embarrass their party, they can’t be replaced but only disendorsed; their names will still appear on the ballot paper.

    Morgan poll: Labor increases solid lead

    A national Morgan poll, conducted March 31 to April 4 from a sample of 1,481, gave Labor a 53.5–46.5 lead by headline respondent preferences, a 0.5-point gain for Labor since the March 24–30 Morgan poll.

    Primary votes were 33% Coalition (down two), 32.5% Labor (up 0.5), 13.5% Greens (up 0.5), 6% One Nation (up 0.5), 1.5% Trumpet of Patriots (new for this pollster), 9% independents (down 1.5) and 4.5% others. By 2022 election flows, Labor led by 54.5–45.5, a one-point gain for Labor.

    By 52–33, voters said the country was going in the wrong direction (51.5–32 previously). Morgan’s consumer confidence index increased 1.5 points to 86.8; this poll was taken before the stock market falls.

    Politicians’ net favourable ratings and seat polls

    I previously covered a national Redbridge poll for the News Corp tabloids that gave Labor a 52–48 lead. This poll asked about net favourable ratings for various politicians. Jacqui Lambie was at net -1 favourable, Albanese at -4, Dutton at -15, Greens leader Adam Bandt at -17, Pauline Hanson at -23 and Clive Palmer at -49.

    The Poll Bludger reported on Thursday a seat poll of McMahon by right-wing pollster Compass had Labor incumbent Chris Bowen on just 19% of the primary vote (48.0% in 2022). Bowen trailed the Liberals on 20% and right-wing independent Matt Camenzuli on 41%. The Poll Bludger was very sceptical of this poll.

    A uComms seat poll of Teal-held Wentworth for Climate 200 had teal Allegra Spender leading the Liberals by 58–42 (55.9–44.1 at the 2022 election adjusted for a redistribution). Neither of the polls above gave fieldwork dates, with both having a sample over 1,000. Seat polls are unreliable.

    Canadian and South Korean elections

    The Canadian election is on April 28, and it’s increasingly likely the governing centre-left Liberals will win a seat majority after they were 24 points behind the Conservatives in early January. There hasn’t been much movement from the Trump tariff chaos in the last week, but Trump’s US ratings are down.

    On April 4, South Korea’s Constitutional Court upheld the right-wing president’s impeachment by parliament in December after he declared martial law. A new presidential election was required and will be held on June 3. The centre-left Democrats are very likely to win, and they already have a big parliamentary majority. I covered these elections for The Poll Bludger on Thursday.

    Victorian state Redbridge poll: Coalition narrowly ahead

    A Victorian state Redbridge poll, reported in The Herald Sun, was conducted March 24 to April 2 from a sample of 2,013. It gave the Coalition a 51–49 lead, unchanged since November. Primary votes were 41% Coalition (down two), 29% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (down one) and 17% for all Others (up four). This poll is not as bad for Labor as other recent Victorian polls.

    Liberal leader Brad Battin was at +2 net favourable while Labor Premier Jacinta Allan was at a dismal -35. By 52–27, voters did not think the Labor government had the right priorities. By 46–29, voters supported the Suburban Rail Loop. Over 50% thought the government’s changes to machete and bail laws too lenient.

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Labor gains 5-point lead in a YouGov poll, taken during Trump tariff chaos – https://theconversation.com/labor-gains-5-point-lead-in-a-yougov-poll-taken-during-trump-tariff-chaos-253738

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Sorry gamers, Nintendo’s hefty Switch 2 price tag signals the new normal – and it might still go up

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben Egliston, Senior Lecturer in Digital Cultures, Australian Research Council DECRA Fellow, University of Sydney

    Last week, Nintendo announced the June 5 release of its long anticipated Switch 2. But the biggest talking point wasn’t the console’s launch titles or features. At US$449 in the United States, and A$699 in Australia, many were struck by the steep cost.

    However, this price doesn’t seem quite as high once you compare it to the broader history of hardware pricing. And it may still go up.

    History of Nintendo pricing

    The original NES (Nintendo Entertainment System) console cost US$179 when it was released in 1985. That’s US$525, or A$590, adjusted for 2025 inflation.

    But other consoles have been even pricier. The PlayStation 3 launched in North America in 2006 at around US$499 (US$782 today). When it launched in Australia the next year, it retailed at A$999 (upwards of A$1500 today).

    Nintendo’s main competitors are Sony (Xbox) and Microsoft (PlayStation). Both are subsidised by their broader media and technology businesses, which means they can afford to make higher-cost consoles, and even take losses on console sales.

    The Xbox Series X and Playstation 5 both launched in Australia for A$749 in 2020.
    Shutterstock

    Compared to Nintendo, Sony and Microsoft depend more heavily on licensing third-party content and offering subscription services, such as Xbox Game Pass, to drive recurring revenue.

    Nintendo’s business model, by contrast, revolves around selling both its consoles and original “first-party” titles.

    Nintendo also takes a different approach to console development, by prioritising lower-spec, lower-cost hardware aimed at a broader and often more casual audience. The company has typically made profits on both its hardware and software (particularly its first-party games).

    Our research suggests many players appreciate this strategy. Rather than competing directly with Sony and Microsoft on technical performance, they felt Nintendo focused on delivering fun and accessible experiences through affordable technology.

    Still, the current economic conditions make the Switch 2’s price hard to swallow. With the rising cost of living and stagnant wages, even historically “normal” prices can feel out of reach.

    The tariff question

    Why is Nintendo increasing the price of Switch 2 – especially given the enormous commercial success of the original 2017 Switch at its lower price point of US$299 and A$469?

    The Switch 2 release was announced on the same day the Trump administration unveiled plans for sweeping new tariffs, including a proposed minimum 10% tariff on all imports (and higher on Vietnam, China and Cambodia, where Nintendo manufactures its consoles).

    Doug Bowser, president at Nintendo of America, has claimed tariffs “weren’t factored into the pricing” of the Switch 2.

    But it’s hard to imagine a scenario in which Nintendo simply absorbs those costs. The company has historically maintained positive margins on hardware. It is also famously conservative when it comes to its pricing strategy.

    Not just tariffs — and not just Nintendo

    The Switch 2’s price tag is a window into broader shifts in the business of games. Games are more popular than ever. And apart from a small dip in 2022, they’re making more money than ever.

    But they’re also more expensive to make. Reports claim Call of Duty: Black Ops Cold War had a combined development and marketing budget of around US$700 million.

    Low interest rates, particularly during the pandemic, meant rising production costs could be offset by cheap money from big publishing, technology, and entertainment conglomerates investing in videogame companies.

    Venture capital firms and tech giants alike piled in. The result was huge growth for the industry, as well as some blockbuster mergers.

    But the era of near-zero interest rates is no more – and the flow of money that once covered soaring development costs is slowing down.

    Gaming companies have responded with mass layoffs, further exacerbated by exuberance (largely from management) for artificial intelligence to increase efficiency. Beyond this, they are turning to more aggressive monetisation strategies.

    Games such as Fortnite and Call of Duty don’t just make money from sales. They keep players inside their ecosystems, spending money over time.

    Research has shown developers are increasingly designing games for ongoing user monestisation,
    whether through micro-transactions, battle passes, extra downloadable content, subscriptions or in-game advertising.




    Read more:
    ‘Literally just child gambling’: what kids say about Roblox, lootboxes and money in online games


    What happens next?

    Between tariffs, inflation and rising game development costs, the US$450 Switch 2 (and its US$80/A$110 games) may just be the beginning. In the short term, we’re likely to see higher prices for both consoles and games.

    The effects of US tariffs on Switch 2 pricing in Australia remain unclear. However, the Australian dollar’s recent roller coaster ride, partly driven by uncertainty over US tariffs, could mean further price hikes to offset increased import costs.

    We saw Sony adjust prices for the PS5 mid-generation in response to production costs. There’s no reason to assume the Switch 2 price will remain static.

    In the longer term, we’re entering a market where the line between “freemium” and “premium” continues to blur. Premium games now often come with built-in expectations of ongoing monetisation, moving away from one-off sales.

    Platform holders such as Nintendo remained notable exceptions, favouring upfront pricing and self-contained experiences. Although they, too, may gradually shift away from this.

    Ben Egliston is a recipient of funding from the Australian Research Council (DE240101275, DP250100343). He has previously received funding from Meta and TikTok.

    Taylor Hardwick is employed under funding by the Australian Research Council (FF220100076; DE240101275). She is a board member of both Freeplay, a Melbourne-based independent games festival, and the Digital Games Research Association of Australia.

    Tianyi Zhangshao does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Sorry gamers, Nintendo’s hefty Switch 2 price tag signals the new normal – and it might still go up – https://theconversation.com/sorry-gamers-nintendos-hefty-switch-2-price-tag-signals-the-new-normal-and-it-might-still-go-up-254063

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Yes, government influences wages – but not just in the way you might think

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Peetz, Laurie Carmichael Distinguished Research Fellow at the Centre for Future Work, and Professor Emeritus, Griffith Business School, Griffith University

    doublelee/Shutterstock

    Can the government actually make a difference to the wages Australians earn?

    A lot of attention always falls on the government’s submission to the Fair Work Commission’s annual wage review, which this year called for a real boost to award wages, above the rate of inflation.

    The commission’s decision has a big impact on wages received by at least a quarter of employees, many among the lowest paid. While the government’s submission must make some difference to the outcome, it’s hard to quantify how much of a difference that is.

    My new research for the Australia Institute’s Centre for Future Work focuses on another, possibly bigger impact the government can have on wages – certainly one that affects a wider range of workers. This is its effect on the bargaining power of all workers and employers.

    We had a long period of poor wages growth, against a backdrop of low power for workers, driven both by markets and policy. More recently, though, the tide has started to turn.




    Read more:
    Labor wants to give the minimum wage a real boost. The benefits would likely outweigh any downsides


    The economy and worker power

    In recent decades, trends in the economy and labour market almost all worked to reduce worker power. My research examined 16 economic or related factors that were considered to either influence or indicate power in the labour market.

    Almost all have reduced workers’ power over the medium to long term. One had ambiguous effects. Only one had the opposite effect and helped boost worker power for a while.

    Among the many factors reinforcing or reflecting less bargaining power for workers were:

    • long-term declines in union membership, collective bargaining coverage and industrial action
    • the expansion of the “gig economy”
    • the growth of casual employment, particularly between the 1980s and 2000s
    • a reduction in job switching among employees
    • growing use of outsourcing and contracting out, to do work formerly undertaken within large organisations

    A decline in the gender pay gap suggested a gradual increase in female workers’ power, relative to equivalent male workers at least.

    The only factor that could increase overall worker power was the decline in unemployment from 2010 to 2023 (setting aside the pandemic blip).

    Policies limiting workers’ power

    With the Coalition in government from 2014 to 2022, a lot of policy acted to reinforce the loss of worker power that had happened due to economic and labour market trends.

    Of the seven major federal policy changes considered in this period, five acted to reduce workers’ power (including the establishment of new bodies regulating unions and the abolition of a transport safety regulator).

    Only two increased it (including some tighter regulation of franchises).

    A change of course

    After Labor came to power in 2022, a series of (mostly legislative) changes were introduced. Out of 23 federal policies implemented by the government, 22 increased workers’ power.

    These included policies to:

    • abolish new bodies regulating unions
    • limit the use of fixed-term contracts
    • expand workers’ rights to request flexibility
    • make it harder for firms to classify workers as contractors
    • create protections for “employee-like” workers
    • expand the scope for multi-employer bargaining.

    Only one reduced worker power – clarifying certain exemptions for small business – and its impact was neither large nor controversial.

    What’s been the outcome for wages?

    So, what’s happened to Australian wages under these different policy environments?

    Some policies, such as protections for “employee-like” workers, could not yet have a measurable impact. The most recent policy, banning non-compete clauses for middle and lower-income workers, was only announced in March.

    Still, three major measures of wages growth, that performed poorly from 2014 to 2022, showed some upturn from the end of 2022.

    Overall, wages growth mostly averaged a little over 2% per year through most of the period from 2014, falling then recovering in the pandemic.

    It’s been 3%, 4%, or more since the end of 2022, against a backdrop of higher inflation.

    Wage increases under new enterprise agreements gradually declined from around 3.5% a year in 2014 to about 2.5% in 2022. However, they have grown since then and peaked at 4.8% at the end of last year.

    The data suggest wage gains associated with increased worker power are experienced by both union members and non-members – but that union members benefit the most.



    Inflation not the cause

    There’s an argument that Australia’s recent growth in wages is simply a response to a temporary surge in inflation.

    But we can look at how big a share wages make up of Australia’s total national income. From 2014 to 2022, we see the wages share of national income falling, then rising sharply until today. If inflation was the only cause of the upturn, labour’s share would not have grown like this.

    This increase occurred while inflation was falling — from over 7% at the end of 2022, to below 3% at the end of 2024. So, wages growth clearly hasn’t caused a rise in inflation.



    The verdict: do governments really make a difference?

    My research suggests the answer is yes, governments can influence wages. The direction of influence depends very much on who is in government, most importantly in the federal parliament.

    One of the biggest ways governments have affected wages over the past decade has been by taking power away from workers — and then by giving some of it back.

    Returning some of that power to workers has correlated with the fastest growth in wages for a decade, and a growing share of national income going to wages, despite falling inflation.

    As a university employee, David Peetz undertook research over many years with occasional financial support from governments from both sides of politics, employers and unions. He has been and is involved in several Australian Research Council-funded and approved projects, which included contributions from those bodies, and undertaken several private commissioned projects, including one in which he gave expert evidence commissioned by both sides in a State Wage Case.

    ref. Yes, government influences wages – but not just in the way you might think – https://theconversation.com/yes-government-influences-wages-but-not-just-in-the-way-you-might-think-254282

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Extinctions of Australian mammals have long been blamed on foxes and cats – but where’s the evidence?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Arian Wallach, Future Fellow in Ecology, Queensland University of Technology

    michael garner/Shutterstock

    In 1938, zoologist Ellis Le Geyt Troughton mourned that Australia’s “gentle and specialized creatures” were “unable to cope with changed conditions and introduced enemies”.

    The role of these “enemies” – namely, foxes and feral cats – in driving dozens of Australia’s animals towards extinction has solidified into a scientific consensus. This is a simple and plausible story: wily new predators arrive, decimating unwary native mammals.

    In response, conservationists and governments have declared war on foxes and cats with large-scale trapping, shooting and poisoning campaigns.

    But did foxes and cats definitely cause the extinction of animals such as the desert bandicoot, lesser bilby and the central hare-wallaby? Our new research shows the evidence base is nowhere near as strong as you might assume.

    Feral cats are now found across almost all of Australia. But cats took decades to cover the continent.
    Mike Letnic/iNaturalist, CC BY-NC

    What did we do?

    We catalogued mammal species experts believe have either declined or gone extinct due to predation by foxes (57 species) and cats (80 species) and searched for primary sources linking foxes and cats to their decline. To assess the evidence, we then asked three simple questions.

    1. Did extinctions follow the arrival of new predators?

    A common claim is that extinctions followed fox and cat arrival and spread.

    But is it definitely true? To find out, we compiled the last recorded sightings of extinct mammals and compared them to maps estimating the arrival of foxes and cats in the area. We included local extinctions (extinct in an area) and full extinctions, where the species is no more.

    We found extinction records for 164 local populations of 52 species. Nearly a third (31%) of these records did not confirm the timeline that extinctions followed predator arrival. We found that 44% of the extinctions blamed on foxes and 20% on cats could have happened before predator arrival.

    Records can be inaccurate. But our findings mean we can’t authoritatively state that foxes and cats were at the scene of these crimes. For instance, banded hare-wallabies now live only on two islands in Western Australia. They were last recorded on the mainland 4–30 years before foxes are known to have arrived.

    Then there are examples of coexistence. The eastern barred bandicoot lived alongside cats on the mainland for more than 150 years before becoming extinct on the mainland, and the two species continue to live together in Tasmania.

    2. Is there evidence linking foxes and cats to extinctions?

    Our study found experts attribute predation pressure from foxes and cats as a reason why 57% of Australia’s threatened mammals are at risk of extinction.

    For this claim to be based on evidence, we would expect to find ecological studies finding these links in most cases.

    We found 331 studies and categorised each according to whether they contained predator and prey population data and if they found a link between introduced predators and a decline in the prey species.

    For 76% of threatened species attributed to foxes and 80% for cats, we found no studies supporting this with population data.

    Experts aren’t claiming foxes and cats are the main threat in all these cases. But when we analysed the data only for the species experts consider at high risk from foxes and cats, we found similar results.

    For example, foxes and cats are ranked a “high” threat to mountain pygmy possums. We found anecdotes that foxes and cats sometimes eat these possums, but no studies showing they cause population decline.

    Similarly, foxes are widely linked to the decline of black-footed rock-wallabies. But this claim came from poison-baiting studies which did not report data showing what happened to the fox population. This is important, because killing foxes does not necessarily reduce fox populations.

    In 50% of studies reporting population data, there was no negative association with these predators. This further weakens the claim that foxes and cats directly drive extinctions.

    For example, cats are considered a “high” threat to long-nosed potoroos. But population studies on these potoroos don’t support this. In fact, these small, seemingly vulnerable animals are able to live alongside feral cats.

    By contrast, we did find one species – the brush-tailed rabbit rat – which had compelling evidence across all studies linking cats to its decline.

    Long-nosed potoroos would be an appealing meal for foxes and cats. But these small marsupials have found ways to evade predators.
    Zoos Victoria, CC BY-NC

    3. Do more introduced predators mean fewer threatened mammals?

    If introduced predators cause extinctions, we would expect to find that higher predator numbers is associated with lower prey numbers (and vice versa). While correlations such as these don’t prove causation, they can give an indication.

    We conducted a meta-analysis and found a negative correlation with foxes. The more foxes, the fewer threatened mammals.

    This is the strongest evidence we found for introduced predators putting pressure on these species. But there are limitations – these findings would be typical for native predators and prey as well.

    We found no evidence for a correlation with cats.

    More lines of evidence

    These aren’t the only lines of evidence. Making the strongest case for fox and cat pressure are studies finding extinct species often fall within a critical weight range – 35 grams to 5.5 kilos – which are good-sized prey for foxes and cats.

    While this finding has been debated, it remains strong evidence.

    But these studies don’t explain why Australian animals would be uniquely vulnerable. For millennia, Australia’s mammals have lived alongside predators such as dingoes, Tasmanian devils, quolls and wedge-tailed eagles.

    Conservationists have long believed Australia’s endemic mammals are naive or poorly adapted to survive alongside ambush hunters such as foxes and cats. But there’s no current evidence for this.

    Our research has shown Australian rodents respond to foxes in the same way as do North American and Middle Eastern rodents, who evolved alongside foxes.

    One line of argument goes further to suggest that foxes, cats and dingoes have “rewired” Australian ecosystems following the loss of the thylacine, Tasmanian devil (once common on the mainland) and the long-extinct marsupial lion.

    What should we conclude?

    We didn’t set out to prove or disprove the idea that foxes and cats drive extinctions. Instead, our study lays out the available primary evidence of historic records and studies to allow readers to draw their own conclusions.

    Sweeping claims have been made about Australia’s introduced predators. But when we analyse the evidence base, we find it ambiguous, weak and – in most cases – lacking.

    Foxes and cats have been largely convicted by expert opinion which, while useful, can be prone to bias and groupthink.

    So what did cause Australia’s mammal extinctions? The honest answer is we don’t know. It could be foxes and cats – but it could also be something else.

    Arian Wallach receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Erick Lundgren receives funding from the Centre for Open Science & Synthesis in Ecology and Evolution at the University of Alberta

    ref. Extinctions of Australian mammals have long been blamed on foxes and cats – but where’s the evidence? – https://theconversation.com/extinctions-of-australian-mammals-have-long-been-blamed-on-foxes-and-cats-but-wheres-the-evidence-253542

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: As more communities have to consider relocation, we explore what happens to the land after people leave

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christina Hanna, Senior Lecturer in Environmental Planning, University of Waikato

    Christina Hanna, CC BY-SA

    Once floodwaters subside, talk of planned retreat inevitably rises.

    Within Aotearoa New Zealand, several communities from north to south – including Kumeū, Kawatiri Westport and parts of Ōtepoti Dunedin – are considering future relocations while others are completing property buyouts and categorisations.

    Planned retreats may reduce exposure to harm, but the social and cultural burdens of dislocation from land and home are complex. Planning, funding and physically relocating or removing homes, taonga or assets – and even entire towns – is challenging.

    Internationally, research has focused on why, when and how planned retreats occur, as well as who pays. But we explore what happens to the places we retreat from.

    Our latest research examines 161 international case studies of planned retreat. We analysed what happens beyond retreat, revealing how land use has changed following withdrawal of human activities.

    We found a wide range of land use following retreat. In some cases, comprehensive planning for future uses of land was part of the retreat process. But in others we found a failure to consider these changing places.

    Planned retreats have happened in response to various climate and hazard risks, including sea-level rise and coastal erosion, tsunami, cyclones, earthquakes, floods and landslides.

    The case studies we investigated range from gradual transitions to sudden changes, such as from residential or business activities to conservation or vacant lands. In some cases, “sea change” is evident, where once dry land becomes foreshore and seabed.

    Through our research, we identified global “retreat legacies”. These themes demonstrate how communities across the world have sought similar outcomes, highlighting primary land-use patterns following retreat.

    Case studies reveal several themes in what happens to land after people withdraw.
    Hanna,C, White I,Cretney, R, Wallace, P, CC BY-SA

    Nature legacies

    The case studies show significant conversions of private to public land, with new nature and open-space reserves. Sites have been rehabilitated and floodplains and coastal ecosystems restored and reconnected.

    Open spaces are used for various purposes, including as nature, community, stormwater or passive recreational reserves. Some of these new zones may restrict structures or certain activities, depending on the risk.

    For example, due to debris flow hazard in Matatā in the Bay of Plenty, only transitory recreation or specific low-risk activities are allowed in the post-retreat environment because of the high risk to human life.

    Planning and investment in new open-space zones range from basic rehabilitation (grassed sites) to established parks and reserves, such as the Grand Forks riverfront greenway which borders rivers in the twin US cities of Grand Forks, North Dakota, and East Grand Forks, Minnesota. This area now hosts various recreational courses and connected trails as well as major flood protection measures.

    Project Twin Streams has transformed former residential sites to allow rivers to roam in the floodplain.
    Wikimedia Commons/Ingolfson, CC BY-SA

    Nature-based adaptations are a key function in this retreat legacy. For example, Project Twin Streams, a large-scale environmental restoration project in Waitakere, West Auckland, has transformed former residential sites into drainage reserves to make room for rivers in the floodplain.

    Importantly, not all retreats require significant land-use change. Continued farming, heritage preservation and cultural activities show that planned retreats are not always full and final withdrawals from a place.

    Instead, they represent an adapted relationship. While sensitive activities are relocated, other practices may remain, such as residents’ continued access to the old village of Vunidogoloa in Fiji for fishing and farming.

    Social and economic legacies

    Urban development in a small number of retreated sites has involved comprehensive spatial reorganisation, with planning for new urban esplanades, improved infrastructure and cultural amenities.

    One example is the comprehensive infrastructure masterplan for the Caño Martín Peña district in San Juan, Puerto Rico, which involves communities living along a tidal channel. The plan applied a community-first approach to retreat. It integrated infrastructure, housing, open space, flood mitigation and ecological planning.

    Alternatively, the decision to remove stopbanks and return the landscape to a “waterscape” can become a tourism feature, such as in the marshlands of the Biesbosch National Park in the Netherlands. A museum is dedicated to the transformed environment.

    The Biesbosch marshland nature reserve was created following historic flooding.
    Shutterstock/Rudmer Zwerver

    Where there was no post-retreat planning or site rehabilitation, ghost towns such as Missouri’s Pattonsburg leave eerie reminders of the costs of living in danger zones.

    Vacant and abandoned sites also raise environmental justice and ecological concerns about which retreat spaces are invested in and rehabilitated to avoid urban blight and environmental risks. Retreat sites may include landfills or contaminated land, requiring major site rehabilitation.

    The 12 case studies from Aotearoa New Zealand demonstrate a range of new land uses. These include new open-space reserves, the restoration of floodplains and coastal environments, risk mitigation and re-development, and protection measures such as stopbanks.

    Moving beyond retreat

    Our research highlights how planned retreats can create a transition in landscapes, with potential for a new sense of place, meaning and strategic adaptation.

    We found planned retreats have impacts beyond the retreat site, which reinforces the value of spatial planning.

    The definition and practices of “planned or managed retreat” must include early planning to account of the values and uses the land once had. Any reconfigurations of land and seascapes must imagine a future well beyond people’s retreat.

    Christina Hanna received funding from the national science challenge Resilience to Nature’s Challenges Kia manawaroa – Ngā Ākina o Te Ao Tūroa and from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment’s Endeavour Fund.

    Iain White received funding from the national science challenge Resilience to Nature’s Challenges Kia manawaroa – Ngā Ākina o Te Ao Tūroa, from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment’s Endeavour Fund and from the Natural Hazards Commission Toka Tū Ake. He is New Zealand’s national contact point for climate, energy and mobility for the European Union’s Horizon Europe research program.

    Raven Cretney received funding from the national science challenge Resilience to Nature’s Challenges Kia manawaroa – Ngā Ākina o Te Ao Tūroa.

    Pip Wallace does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. As more communities have to consider relocation, we explore what happens to the land after people leave – https://theconversation.com/as-more-communities-have-to-consider-relocation-we-explore-what-happens-to-the-land-after-people-leave-253653

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Better cleaning of hospital equipment could cut patient infections by one-third – and save money

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brett Mitchell, Professor of Nursing and Health Services Research, University of Newcastle

    Annie Spratt/Unsplash

    Hospital-acquired infections are infections patients didn’t have when they were admitted to hospital. The most common include wound infections after surgery, urinary tract infections and pneumonia.

    These can have a big impact for patients, often increasing their time in hospital, requiring additional treatment and causing discomfort. Unfortunately, some people who sustain an infection in hospital don’t recover. In Australia, there are an estimated 7,500 deaths associated with hospital-acquired infections annually.

    It’s important to prevent such infections not only for the benefit of patients, but also because of their cost to the health system and to reduce antibiotic use.

    Even though patients don’t usually come into contact with each other directly in hospitals, there are many ways bacteria can be transmitted between patients.

    Our own and other research suggests medical equipment (such as blood pressure machines, dressing trolleys and drip stands) could be a common source of infection.

    In recent research, we’ve shown that by regularly disinfecting shared medical equipment, we can help reduce infections picked up in hospitals – and save the health system money.

    We introduced a new cleaning package

    We conducted an experiment in a New South Wales hospital where we introduced a package of extra cleaning measures onto several wards.

    The package consisted of designated cleaners specifically trained to clean and disinfect sensitive medical equipment. Normally, the cleaning of shared equipment is the responsibility of clinical staff.

    These cleaners spent three hours a day disinfecting shared medical equipment on the ward. We also provided regular training and feedback to the cleaners.

    The start date for the cleaning package on each ward was randomly selected. This is known as a “stepped wedge” trial (more on this later).

    We monitored the thoroughness of cleaning before and after introducing the cleaning package by applying a florescent gel marker to shared equipment. The gel cannot be seen without a special light, but is easily removed if the surface is cleaned well.

    We also monitored infections in patients on the wards before and after introducing the cleaning package. Over the course of the experiment, more than 5,000 patients passed through the wards we were studying.

    Finally, we looked at the economic costs and benefits: how much the cleaning package costs, versus the health-care costs that may be saved thanks to any avoided infections.

    Shared hospital equipment such as IV drip stands can harbour infections.
    Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

    What we found

    Before the intervention, we found the thoroughness of cleaning shared equipment, assessed by the removal of the gel marker, was low. Once we introduced the cleaning package, cleaning thoroughness improved from 24% to 66%.

    After the cleaning package was introduced, hospital-acquired infections dropped by about one-third, from 14.9% to 9.8% of patients. We saw a reduction in a range of different types of infections including bloodstream infections, urinary tract infections and surgical wound infections.

    To put this another way, for every 1,000 patients admitted to wards with the cleaning package, we estimated there were 30 fewer infections compared to wards before the cleaning package was introduced. This not only benefits patients, but also hospitals and the community, by freeing up resources that can be used to treat other patients.

    Treating infections in hospital is expensive. We estimate the cost of treating infections before the cleaning intervention was around A$2.1 million for a group of 1,000 patients, arising from 130 infections. These costs come from extra time in hospital and treatment costs associated with infections.

    We estimated the 30 fewer infections per 1,000 patients reduced costs to $1.5 million, even when factoring in the cost of cleaners and cleaning products. Put differently, our intervention could save a hospital $642,000 for every 1,000 patients.

    Some limitations of our research

    Our experiment was limited to several wards at one Australian hospital. It’s possible the cleaning was particularly poor at this hospital, and the same intervention at other hospitals may not result in the same benefit.

    For various reasons, even with trained designated cleaners we didn’t find every piece of equipment was cleaned all the time. This reflects common real-world issues in a busy ward. For example, some equipment was being used and not available for cleaning and cleaners were sometimes absent due to illness.

    We don’t know whether even more cleaning might have resulted in an even greater reduction in infections, but there is often a law of diminishing returns when assessing infection control interventions.

    In the real world, hospital cleaning isn’t perfect. But we could do better.
    aguscrespophoto/Shutterstock

    A limitation of looking at infection rates before and after the introduction of an intervention is that other things may change at the same time, such as staffing levels, so not all the difference in infections may be due to the intervention.

    But the stepped wedge model, where the cleaning package was introduced at different times on different wards, increases our confidence the reduction in infections was the result of the cleaning package.

    Improving hospital cleaning is a no brainer

    Shared medical equipment harbours pathogens, which can survive for long periods in health-care settings.

    Like our study, other research has similarly suggested a clean hospital is a safe hospital. Importantly, cleaning needs to include thorough disinfection to reduce the risk of infection (not just removing visible dirt and stains).

    Our work is also consistent with other research that shows improving cleaning in hospitals is cost-effective.

    Cleaning services and products have often been subject to cuts when hospitals have needed to save money.

    But prioritising effective cleaning of medical equipment appears to be a no brainer for health system administrators. We need to invest in better cleaning practices for both the health of patients and the financial bottom line.

    Brett Mitchell receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund. Brett is Editor-in-Chief of Infection, Disease and Health for which he is paid an honorarium by the Australasian College for Infection Prevention and Control. Brett has appointments at Avondale University, Monash University and the Hunter Medical Research Institute. GAMA Healthcare Australia provided cleaning wipes used in a study referenced in this article.

    Allen Cheng receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Government. He is a member of the Infection Prevention and Control Advisory Committee advising the Australian Commission for Safety and Quality in Healthcare.

    ref. Better cleaning of hospital equipment could cut patient infections by one-third – and save money – https://theconversation.com/better-cleaning-of-hospital-equipment-could-cut-patient-infections-by-one-third-and-save-money-251917

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: A fair go for young Australians in this election? Voters are weighing up intergenerational inequity

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dan Woodman, TR Ashworth Professor in Sociology, The University of Melbourne

    Securing the welfare of future generations seems like solid grounds for judging policies and politicians, especially during an election campaign. Political legacies are on the line because the stakes are so high.

    There is a real possibility that today’s young people could become the first Australian generation to suffer lower living standards on some key measures than their parents. Unaffordable housing is the main flashpoint. But other challenges weigh heavily, including student debt, insecure work and climate change.

    No political leader would want to preside over a society that leaves younger generations worse off than those that preceded them. Yet that possibility should be on voters’ minds as they prepare to pass judgement at the ballot box on May 3.

    Young voters wield power

    In recent elections, young people have been largely overlooked. Yet, for the first time I can remember, all the major political parties have explicitly recognised that many young people are doing it tough.

    Political strategists would be mindful demographics are clearly shifting. This will be the first election where Gen Z and Millennials will outnumber Baby Boomers (and Gen X) at the ballot box.

    The good and the bad

    But intergenerational equality can be hard to pin down, as people disagree on what counts and how to count it. On many measures of living standards, young Australians are demonstrably better off than their parents.

    Many of the nice things in life, such as international travel and electronic gadgets, are much cheaper. The future may be uncertain, but unless we decide to live more sustainably as a society, today’s young people are still on track to consume more over the course of their lifetime than previous generations.

    However, the things that really matter, including housing and education, cost more than ever before. And that means crucial life transitions to secure and happy adult lives are taking longer and feel less certain.

    Our policy settings might be making this worse. Many experts argue the tax system is stacked against the young because it favours people who have already built up wealth and assets.

    Education is becoming more expensive, while converting educational credentials into employment outcomes is harder than it was. And getting together the deposit for a house is onerous, as costs increase faster than people can save.

    Policy pitch

    In this election, a swag of policy offerings to young voters has already been made.

    Labor is promising to cut student HECS debts and make housing more affordable. The Coalition will allow young home buyers to dip into their superannuation to purchase their first property, while the Greens want to cap rent increases.

    So, who is likely to win the young vote? In recent decades younger Australian voters have shifted towards the left. Unlike in some similar countries, this has also included young men, although at a slower pace than women.

    However, young voters are a diverse lot. United States President Donald Trump’s success at harvesting a greater share of the American youth vote, in part through tapping into cost-of-living concerns, suggests younger voters should not be taken for granted in Australia.

    What’s missing from the debate

    The elephant in the room in any conversation about inequality between the generations is the growing role intergenerational financial supports play in shaping young people’s lives. These transfers help reproduce, and even sharpen, economic inequalities between young people.

    As part of the Life Patterns Project, I have spent the past 20 years with colleagues tracking young people as they transition from secondary school to early adulthood.

    One of our recent findings is that parents are increasingly supporting their young adult children through crucial life events. This includes helping with bills, rent, and often a deposit for a house.

    And this has consequences for inequality over time. The ability to fall back on family resources is playing an even greater role in determining how easily a young person will navigate school and university, land a decent job and buy into the housing market.

    This is in turn increases the pressure on parents to continue supporting their children well into their adult years. The financial squeeze is being felt particularly sharply by those who can’t really afford to help, at least without changing their own plans for the future, including their retirement.

    No appetite for real reform

    So these intergenerational challenges are not just affecting young people. They also have an impact on parents, some of whom are risking their own financial security to help their adult children. They also risk making Australia a less equal society.

    Recently, Anglicare advocated an inheritance tax to reduce the role intergenerational transfers play in shaping unequal outcomes for future generations.

    But the major political parties are in no hurry to embrace such a measure. Nor any other significant reforms to the tax treatment of housing to try and improve affordability.

    Nevertheless, at this election, younger generations are on the agenda in a new way. Politicians will ignore them at their peril.


    This is the fifth article in our special series, Australia’s Policy Challenges. You care read the other articles here

    Dan Woodman receives funding from the Australian Research Council

    ref. A fair go for young Australians in this election? Voters are weighing up intergenerational inequity – https://theconversation.com/a-fair-go-for-young-australians-in-this-election-voters-are-weighing-up-intergenerational-inequity-250782

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why are so many second-generation South Asian and Chinese Canadians planning to vote Conservative?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emine Fidan Elcioglu, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Toronto

    After months of political decline, the Liberal Party of Canada is showing signs of recovery, buoyed, some suggest, by a surge of national pride in the face of Donald Trump’s tariff war and threats to Canadian sovereignty.

    But this apparent rebound obscures a more surprising political shift: the growing appeal of the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) among immigrants and their children.

    Traditionally, immigrant and visible minority communities have supported the centrist Liberal Party. In the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), where over half of all residents identify as “visible minority” (the category used by stats can), Chinese and South Asian Canadians have long formed a key part of the Liberal base.

    Yet recent polling tells a different story. An October 2024 survey found that 45 per cent of immigrants had changed their political allegiances since arriving in Canada, with many now leaning Conservative.

    Meanwhile, another national survey from January 2025 found that a majority of East Asian (55 per cent) and South Asian (56 per cent) respondents expressed support for the Conservative Party, far outpacing support for the Liberals or the NDP.

    Nationally, racialized citizens now make up over 26 per cent of Canada’s population, with South Asians and Chinese Canadians the two largest groups.

    While detailed racial breakdowns remain rare in Canadian polling, the few available data points suggest a meaningful shift. This pattern also reflects a broader trend: South Asian and Chinese Canadians in the GTA are increasingly politically active, with rising turnout and growing partisan diversification.

    Ramping up outreach

    The Conservative Party, for its part, has taken notice. Under Pierre Poilievre’s leadership, the CPC has actively recruited racialized candidates and ramped up outreach in suburban swing ridings — particularly through ethnic media advertising and messaging focused on economic self-reliance and family values.

    This rightward shift among racialized voters may seem counter-intuitive. The Conservative Party has historically represented white, affluent voters, and under Stephen Harper (who led from 2006 to 2015), implemented policies that curtailed immigration, tightened citizenship rules and cut social programs in ways that disproportionately harmed racialized communities.

    Why, then, would racialized Canadians increasingly turn to the right?

    In a study I recently published, I interviewed 50 Canadian-born children of South Asian, Chinese and white immigrants living in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). I argue that this shift is not a contradiction but provides a window into how racialized groups navigate inequality, exclusion and the search for belonging.

    While there are many reasons 2nd-generation racialized Canadians may support the Conservative Party, this study highlights one under-documented explanation. Voting for a right-wing party that represents the interests of white, wealthy citizens can be a way for second-generation South Asian and Chinese Canadians to seek acceptance when power is linked to whiteness..




    Read more:
    Why are brown and Black people supporting the far right?


    The hidden costs of fitting in

    In other words, many of these racialized Canadians don’t vote Conservative because they’re unaware of inequality. They vote Conservative because they’re trying to navigate it.

    Growing up in precariously middle-class households, the young adults I interviewed watched their immigrant parents face deskilling and downward mobility despite arriving in Canada with professional credentials.

    They saw their families pressured to “Canadianize” their names and accents, only to be sidelined by employers who still favoured whiteness.

    And they were raised in a society where multiculturalism celebrates cultural symbols but often ignores structural racism.

    In this context, support for the Conservatives reflects not ignorance of marginalization, but a way to move through it. Aligning with the right becomes a signal of belonging.

    As one young South Asian Canadian man put it:

    “You’ve arrived. You’re a Canadian. So, start voting like one.”

    This desire to belong doesn’t emerge in a vacuum. It’s shaped by racial scripts that reward conformity and penalize dissent — most notably, the model minority stereotype.




    Read more:
    Searching for anti-racism agendas in South Asian Canadian communities


    The price of acceptance

    The model minority stereotype casts Asian Canadians as hardworking and quietly successful. On the surface, it sounds like praise. But in practice, it hides inequality and demands silence in exchange for conditional belonging.




    Read more:
    Model minority blues: The mental health consequences of being a model citizen — Don’t Call Me Resilient EP 9


    That acceptance is fragile. After Sept. 11, 2001, many South Asians, particularly those perceived as Muslim, were quickly recast as dangerous outsiders.

    A similar dynamic resurfaced during the COVID-19 pandemic, when Asian Canadians faced a sharp rise in racial harassment. In both cases, those once celebrated as “model” citizens were suddenly treated as threats.




    Read more:
    The model minority myth hides the racist and sexist violence experienced by Asian women


    In some contexts, political restraint, like staying quiet or avoiding protest, can function as a survival strategy. But that’s not what I observed in this study.

    The second-generation Canadians I interviewed were not politically quiet. They were vocal in their support for the Conservative Party. For them, voting Conservative was a way to assert they already belonged, not by asking for inclusion, but by showing they did not need to. Conservatism became a marker of success, self-reliance and alignment with those at the centre of Canadian life.

    Canada’s official embrace of multiculturalism reinforces this logic. While often praised as a national strength, multiculturalism can obscure how racism really works. Structural barriers are hidden behind feel-good narratives of inclusion.

    Rethinking belonging

    In Canada, ideas about who belongs are often shaped by race, class and respectability. Racialized people must not only prove they are hardworking and law-abiding, but also demonstrate that they’ve “fit in.” For some, voting Conservative becomes a way to show they’ve done just that — a way of saying: “I’m not like them. I’m one of you.”

    But this strategy comes at a cost. In reinforcing the very structures that marginalize them, racialized voters may gain individual recognition while deepening collective exclusion. And in rejecting equity-based platforms, they may forgo the policies that could build a more just society.

    This dynamic isn’t limited to the second generation. A recent CBC survey found that four in five newcomers believe Canada has accepted too many immigrants and international students without proper planning.

    Some immigrants are increasingly expressing exclusionary views, often toward those who arrived more recently. This, too, is a form of aspirational politics. And it shows just how deeply race, precarity and belonging are entangled in Canada today.

    None of this means that racialized Conservative voters are naïve. Their decisions often reflect a clear-eyed understanding of how power works.

    But if we want a fairer political future, we must reckon with the ways race, class and nationalism shape belonging — not just at the ballot box, but in the stories we tell about who gets to be “Canadian.”

    As sociologist Ruha Benjamin reminds us, inclusion shouldn’t be treated as an act of generosity. It’s not about “helping” the marginalized — it’s about understanding that we’re all connected. When fear shapes policy and public goods are stripped away, everyone suffers.

    Emine Fidan Elcioglu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why are so many second-generation South Asian and Chinese Canadians planning to vote Conservative? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-so-many-second-generation-south-asian-and-chinese-canadians-planning-to-vote-conservative-253820

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian retailers are seeing a surge in domestic sales amid the ‘Buy Canadian’ movement

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Melise Panetta, Lecturer of Marketing in the Lazaridis School of Business and Economics, Wilfrid Laurier University

    In recent months, the “Buy Canadian” movement has gained significant momentum, driven by a collective push to support domestic products and services, strengthen local businesses and reduce reliance on foreign imports.

    Escalating trade tensions and tariff disputes with the United States and threats from U.S. President Donald Trump to annex Canada have played a pivotal role in fuelling this shift toward economic nationalism.

    Though still in its early stages, the movement has already gained strong support from Canadians, with both consumers and businesses prioritizing homegrown products to strengthen the local economy.

    Early results are promising

    The “Buy Canadian” movement is already delivering promising results across the retail sector. Major retailers such as Loblaws Companies have reported a 10 per cent increase in sales of Canadian-made products. Sobey’s parent company Empire also noted a decline in sales of U.S.-sourced goods.

    Importantly, the shift isn’t limited to big retailers or headline product categories. Smaller retailers and established brands are also seeing tangible benefits.

    Ice cream producer Chapman’s, long known for its strong Canadian brand identity, has seen a 10 per cent increase in sales. E-commerce platform giant Shopify has reported a spike in sales for Canadian merchants across a long list of categories including mattresses, row boats, ribbons, armchairs and more.

    Some provinces have pulled U.S. alcohol from store shelves to prioritize selling homegrown options, putting Canadian wineries, breweries and distillers in a position to grow substantially.

    Though more data will emerge in the months ahead, early indications show that Canadians are backing the “Buy Canadian” movement not just in spirit, but with their wallets.

    Helping Canadians choose Canadian

    One of the most noticeable effects of the “Buy Canadian” campaign has been a nationwide effort to make it easier for consumers to identify Canadian-made products.

    Demand for clear labelling has surged, prompting the Canadian Food Inspection Agency to issue a notice to industry urging producers to improve transparency.

    Consumers are becoming increasingly proactive in educating themselves, with searches for “Buy Canadian” related terms skyrocketing in the past few months. Websites such as Madeinca.ca have seen a large uptick in traffic, peaking at 100,000 visits in a single day.

    Retailers have been offering more in-store and online signage highlighting Canadian products. Loblaws has introduced a “Swap & Shop” tool in its Optimum app that helps users find Canadian-made alternatives for items on their shopping list. It has seen a 75 per cent week-over-week growth.

    Home improvement retailer RONA has launched the “Well Made Here” campaign that provides staff training and partners with non-profits to educate consumers about Canadian-made alternatives.

    Celebrity endorsements have also amplified the movement. Actor and comedian Mike Myers showcased the colloquial expression “elbows up” on Saturday Night Live, while Michael Bublé used his platform at the Juno Awards to deliver the message that “Canada is not for sale.”

    #TheMoment ‘Elbows Up’ became a rally cry against Trump (CBC News).

    Pushing the movement forward

    Consumers have been turning to social media to further propel the Buy Canadian movement. Hashtags like #ShopLocalCanada and #MadeInCanada have gained significant traction, with nearly three million posts across major social media channels Facebook and Instagram.

    A newly launched web browser plug-in called Support Canadian is also gaining attention. It works by bringing Canadian products to the top of search results on retailers such as Amazon. In its first week, it attracted 500 users. Although these numbers may appear small, early analytics suggest it could keep over a million dollars inside the Canadian economy.

    Mobile apps designed to help consumers determine the origin of their purchases are gaining popularity. The BuyBeaver app, which crowd-sources product origins, reached 100,000 downloads in just five weeks.

    Meanwhile, OScanAda, which uses AI and barcode scanning to provide detailed insights into Canadian ownership and sourcing, has been downloaded 160,000 times. MapleScan, which currently is ranked second in the shopping category on the Apple App Store, uses AI to scan products and suggest Canadian alternatives.

    Brands are leveraging their Canadian roots

    In response to growing national sentiment, a number of Canadian brands are using marketing strategies to underscore their national identity for consumers.

    Kicking Horse Coffee, for example, has humorously rebranded the Americano as the “Canadiano” in a nod to Canadian pride. Black Diamond recently launched a campaign with the cheeky tagline “Made with 0% American Cheese.”

    Meanwhile, Moosehead Brewery has launched a limited-edition “Presidential Pack” containing 1,961 beers — one for each day of the U.S. presidential term.

    Other companies have modified existing campaigns to better align with the movement. Sobeys recently debuted a new “So Canadian” campaign, a new iteration of its long-running “So.be.it.” campaign.

    Healthy Planet has expanded its #Healthyplanetswap campaign to include #HealthyCanadianSwap, which focuses on providing domestically sourced options.

    Whether through packaging that clearly marks country of origin or marketing campaigns that play on national pride, Canadian brands are leveraging their national identity to resonate with consumers.

    A smart choice in uncertain times

    The early momentum behind the Buy Canadian movement is promising. While Canada was largely spared from Trump’s most recent tariffs under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement, the unpredictability of U.S. trade policy and broader global tensions make it more important than ever to build long-term economic resilience at home.

    The early days of the movement show a strong desire among Canadians to support local industries, protect jobs and reinforce national self-sufficiency. Even as higher costs and global disruptions remain real challenges, buying Canadian serves as both a practical and symbolic choice, one that reduces dependency on volatile foreign markets and strengthens the domestic economy.

    This is a pivotal moment. The foundations of the movement are in place, and its early success is encouraging. For the “Buy Canadian” effort to have lasting impact, it needs sustained commitment from consumers, businesses and policymakers alike.

    By continuing to prioritize homegrown goods and services, Canadians can help shield their economy from future shocks and chart a more independent, stable path forward.

    Melise Panetta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Canadian retailers are seeing a surge in domestic sales amid the ‘Buy Canadian’ movement – https://theconversation.com/canadian-retailers-are-seeing-a-surge-in-domestic-sales-amid-the-buy-canadian-movement-253502

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Drug pollution in water is making salmon take more risks – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jack Brand, Researcher in Behavioural and Movement Ecology, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences

    An Atlantic salmon smolt, ready for its seaward migration. Jörgen Wiklund

    “Out of sight, out of mind” is how we often treat what is flushed down our toilets. But the drugs we take, from anxiety medications to antibiotics, don’t simply vanish after leaving our bodies. Many are not fully removed by wastewater treatment systems and end up in rivers, lakes and streams, where they can linger and affect wildlife in unexpected ways.

    In our new study, we investigated how a sedative called clobazam, commonly prescribed for sleep and anxiety disorders, influences the migration of juvenile Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) from the River Dal in central Sweden to the Baltic Sea.

    Our findings suggest that even tiny traces of drugs in the environment can alter animal behaviour in ways that may shape their survival and success in the wild.

    A recent global survey of the world’s rivers found drugs were contaminating waterways on every continent – even Antarctica. These substances enter aquatic ecosystems not only through our everyday use, as active compounds pass through our bodies and into sewage systems, but also due to improper disposal and industrial effluents.

    To date, almost 1,000 different active pharmaceutical substances have been detected in environments worldwide.

    Particularly worrying is the fact that the biological targets of many of these drugs, such as receptors in the human brain, are also present in a wide variety of other species. That means animals in the wild can also be affected.

    In fact, research over the last several decades has demonstrated that pharmaceutical pollutants can disrupt a wide range of traits in animals, including their physiology, development and reproduction.

    Pharmaceutical pollution in the wild

    The behavioural effects of pharmaceutical pollutants have received relatively less attention, but laboratory studies show that a variety of these contaminants can change brain function and behaviour in fish and other animals. This is a major cause for concern, given that actions critical to survival, including avoiding predators, foraging for food and social interaction, can all be disrupted.

    Lab-based research has provided useful insights, but experimental conditions rarely reflect the complexity of nature. Environments are dynamic and difficult to predict, and animals often behave differently than they do in controlled settings. That’s why we set out to test the effects of pharmaceutical exposure in the wild.

    As part of a large field study in central Sweden, we attached implants that slowly released clobazam (a common pharmaceutical pollutant) and also miniature tracking transmitters to juvenile Atlantic salmon on their seaward migration through the Dal.

    The Dal is a large river in central Sweden that flows into the Baltic Sea.
    Michael Bertram

    We found that clobazam increased the success of this river-to-sea migration, as more clobazam-treated salmon reached the Baltic Sea compared with untreated fish. These clobazam-exposed salmon also took less time to pass through two major hydropower dams that often delay or block salmon migration.

    To better understand these changes, we followed up with a laboratory experiment which revealed that clobazam also altered how fish group and move together – what scientists call shoaling behaviour – when faced with a predator.

    This suggests that the migration changes observed in the wild may stem from drug-induced shifts in social dynamics and risk-taking behaviour.

    What does this mean for wildlife?

    Our study is among the first to show that pharmaceutical pollution can affect not just behaviour in the lab, but outcomes for animals in their natural environment.

    While an increase in migration success might initially sound like a positive effect, any disruption to natural behaviour can have ripple effects across ecosystems.

    Even seemingly beneficial changes to animal behaviour, like faster passage through barriers, can come at a cost. Changes to the timing of migrations, for instance, might lead fish to arrive at the sea when conditions are not ideal, or expose them to new predators and risks. Over time, these subtle shifts could influence the dynamics of entire populations and threaten the balance of ecosystems.

    Pharmaceuticals are vital for keeping people and animals healthy. But the accumulation of these drugs in rivers and lakes demands smarter approaches to keeping waterways clean.

    One part of the solution is upgrading wastewater treatment plants. Some advanced methods such as ozonation, which involves bubbling ozone gas through wastewater to break down pollutants, can be effective at removing pharmaceuticals. But such advanced treatment systems are often prohibitively expensive to install and out of reach for many regions.

    Another promising avenue is green chemistry: designing drugs that break down more easily in the environment or become less toxic after use. Our team has recently highlighted this as a key step toward reducing pharmaceutical pollution in the environment.

    Stronger regulations and better drug disposal practices can also help to prevent medications from ending up in waterways in the first place.

    There’s no single fix, but by advancing and integrating science, technology and policy, we can help to protect wildlife from the unintended effects of pharmaceutical pollution.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


    Jack Brand receives funding from the Swedish Research Council Formas and the Carl Trygger Foundation.

    Michael Bertram receives funding from the Swedish Research Council Formas, the Kempe Foundations, the Marie-Claire Cronstedt Foundation, the ÅForsk Foundation, and the Baltic Salmon Foundation.

    ref. Drug pollution in water is making salmon take more risks – new research – https://theconversation.com/drug-pollution-in-water-is-making-salmon-take-more-risks-new-research-254312

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cancer hijacks your brain and steals your motivation − new research in mice reveals how, offering potential avenues for treatment

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Adam Kepecs, Professor of Neuroscience and Psychiatry, Washington University in St. Louis

    Many patients with late-stage cancer slip into a profound apathy as the disease ravages their bodies − and brains. demaerre/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    A cruel consequence of advanced cancer is the profound apathy many patients experience as they lose interest in once-cherished activities. This symptom is part of a syndrome called cachexia, which affects about 80% of late-stage cancer patients, leading to severe muscle wasting and weight loss that leave patients bone thin despite adequate nutrition.

    This loss of motivation doesn’t just deepen patients’ suffering, it isolates them from family and friends. Because patients struggle to engage with demanding therapies that require effort and persistence, it also strains families and complicates treatment.

    Doctors typically assume that when late-stage cancer patients withdraw from life, it is an inevitable psychological response to physical deterioration. But what if apathy isn’t just a byproduct of physical decline but an integral part of the disease itself?

    In our newly published research, my colleagues and I have discovered something remarkable: Cancer doesn’t simply waste the body – it hijacks a specific brain circuit that controls motivation. Our findings, published in the journal Science, challenge decades of assumptions and suggest it might be possible to restore what many cancer patients describe as most devastating to lose – their will to engage with life.

    Untangling fatigue from physical decline

    To unravel the puzzle of apathy in cancer cachexia, we needed to trace the exact path inflammation takes in the body and peer inside a living brain while the disease is progressing – something impossible in people. However, neuroscientists have advanced technologies that make this possible in mice.

    Modern neuroscience equips us with a powerful arsenal of tools to probe how disease changes brain activity in mice. Scientists can map entire brains at the cellular level, track neural activity during behavior, and precisely switch neurons on or off. We used these neuroscience tools in a mouse model of cancer cachexia to study the effects of the disease on the brain and motivation.

    We identified a small brain region called the area postrema that acts as the brain’s inflammation detector. As a tumor grows, it releases cytokines − molecules that trigger inflammation − into the bloodstream. The area postrema lacks the typical blood-brain barrier that keeps out toxins, pathogens and other molecules from the body, allowing it to directly sample circulating inflammatory signals.

    When the area postrema detects a rise in inflammatory molecules, it triggers a neural cascade across multiple brain regions, ultimately suppressing dopamine release in the brain’s motivation center − the nucleus accumbens. While commonly misconstrued as a “pleasure chemical,” dopamine is actually associated with drive, or the willingness to put in effort to gain rewards: It tips the internal cost-benefit scale toward action.

    Researchers measured effort through two tests.
    Reprinted with permission from XA Zu et al., Science 388:eadm8857 (2025)

    We directly observed this shift using two quantitative tests designed with behavioral economics principles to measure effort. In the first, mice repeatedly poked their noses into a food port, with progressively more pokes required to earn each food pellet. In the second task, mice repeatedly crossed a bridge between two water ports, each gradually depleting with use and forcing the mice to switch sides to replenish the supply, similar to picking berries until a bush is empty.

    As cancer progressed, mice still pursued easy rewards but quickly abandoned tasks requiring greater effort. Meanwhile, we watched dopamine levels fall in real time, precisely mirroring the mice’s decreasing willingness to work for rewards.

    Our findings suggest that cancer isn’t just generally “wearing out” the brain − it sends targeted inflammatory signals that the brain detects. The brain then responds by rapidly reducing dopamine levels to dial down motivation. This matches what patients describe: “Everything feels too hard.”

    Restoring motivation in late-stage disease

    Perhaps most exciting, we found several ways to restore motivation in mice suffering from cancer cachexia − even when the cancer itself continued progressing.

    First, by genetically switching off the inflammation-sensing neurons in the area postrema, or by directly stimulating neurons to release dopamine, we were able to restore normal motivation in mice.

    Second, we found that giving mice a drug that blocks a particular cytokine − working similarly to existing FDA-approved arthritis treatments − also proved effective. While the drug did not reverse physical wasting, it restored the mice’s willingness to work for rewards.

    While these results are based on mouse models, they suggest a treatment possibility for people: Targeting this specific inflammation-dopamine circuit could improve quality of life for cancer patients, even when the disease remains incurable.

    The boundary between physical and psychological symptoms is an artificially drawn line. Cancer ignores this division, using inflammation to commandeer the very circuits that drive a patient’s will to act. But our findings suggest these messages can be intercepted and the circuits restored.

    Cancer treatment can demand tremendous effort from patients.
    FG Trade/E+ via Getty Images

    Rethinking apathy in disease

    Our discovery has implications far beyond cancer. The inflammatory molecule driving loss of motivation in cancer is also involved in numerous other conditions − from autoimmune disorders such as rheumatoid arthritis to chronic infections and depression. This same brain circuit might explain the debilitating apathy that millions of people suffering from various chronic diseases experience.

    Apathy triggered by inflammation may have originally evolved as a protective mechanism. When early humans faced acute infections, dialing down motivation made sense − it conserved energy and directed resources toward recovery. But what once helped people survive short-term illnesses turns harmful when inflammation persists chronically, as it does in cancer and other diseases. Rather than aiding survival, prolonged apathy deepens suffering, worsening health outcomes and quality of life.

    While translating these findings into therapies for people requires more research, our discovery reveals a promising target for treatment. By intercepting inflammatory signals or modulating brain circuits, researchers may be able to restore a patient’s drive. For patients and families watching motivation slip away, that possibility offers something powerful: hope that even as disease progresses, the essence of who we are might be reclaimed.

    Adam Kepecs receives funding from the National Institutes of Health.

    ref. Cancer hijacks your brain and steals your motivation − new research in mice reveals how, offering potential avenues for treatment – https://theconversation.com/cancer-hijacks-your-brain-and-steals-your-motivation-new-research-in-mice-reveals-how-offering-potential-avenues-for-treatment-254043

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 at the National Gallery is a remarkable achievement

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Louise Bourdua, Professor of Art History, University of Warwick

    The Calling of the Apostles Peter and Andrew by Duccio (1308-1311). National Gallery of Art, Washington

    I had been looking forward to the National Gallery’s exhibition Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 for several reasons.

    First, it was many years in the making. Its curator, Professor Emerita Joanna Cannon of the Courtauld Institute of Art, had been working on it for a decade or so. Duccio, one of the exhibition’s featured artists and one of the greatest Italian painters of the middle ages, had a major show in Siena in 2003. Another featured artist, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, had a smaller exhibition in the same city in 2017.

    Second, the National Gallery’s late medieval Italian paintings had not been seen for two years because of the refurbishment of the Sainsbury Wing. That is, except for a select few displayed in an excellent exhibition on Saint Francis of Assisi in 2023.

    Last, there was the publicity generated by the Metropolitan Museum’s iteration of this show – complete with a tantalising video tour by two of its curators.

    The National Gallery’s take on the most exciting 50 years of Siena’s artistic production makes the most of its ground floor gallery rooms, enabling conversations between objects and medium.

    The exhibition is a remarkable achievement: a pleasure for the eye and commendable for its ability to make medieval religious art accessible.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


    Britain’s love affair with Sienese painting is well documented from the late 19th century at least. But this exhibition focuses on much more than the celebrated four painters – Duccio, Simone Martini and Ambrogio Lorenzetti and his brother Pietro.

    The wealth of Siena’s visual culture is represented with illuminated manuscripts; sculptures in marble, ivory, terracotta and walnut; reliquaries (containers for holy relics) and croziers (hooked staves) made from gold and enamel; and rugs and silks.

    Panels with protagonists painted in bright reds, blues, pinks and greens with tiny brushstrokes using pigments mixed with egg on gilded backgrounds abound. But there are also frescoes, detached from their original mural setting, yet able to tell the story of their making and meaning.

    Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Annunciation (1344) is defined only by lines brushed on wet plaster using a red pigment (sinoper). This was a common initial step to set the composition, over which another layer of plaster would be applied again with contours painted but now filled with colour.

    In another room, a beautifully modelled painted head of Jesus split into two, carved by Lando di Pietro (1338), is all that remains of a larger crucifix after bombing by allies in the second world war. It is the only known work of the sculptor. He was identified by the personal handwritten prayers concealed within the sculpture, which are displayed next to it.

    The showstoppers

    The curators have managed to do what could not be achieved in Siena in 2003: bring Duccio’s three triptychs into a single venue. The first two are shown just a few metres apart, to enable comparison and close viewing of all sides. Their painted backs and the geometric motifs behind their folding wings enable us to understand them as three-dimensional, portable objects.

    The Crucifixion triptych, bought by Prince Albert in 1845 and lent to the exhibition by King Charles, is not too far from the pair, inviting comparison.

    Duccio’s Healing of the Man Born Blind finds itself reunited with seven of its companions for the first time since 1777. This is the closest reconstruction we’ll ever get of the back predella (a box-like shelf with images that supported the main panels) of Siena cathedral’s enormous double-sided high altarpiece (known as the Maestà), which was carried in procession through the city streets in 1311.

    Originally painted on a massive horizontal poplar plank, the individual episodes depicting Jesus’s ministry were sold on the art market in the 19th century and dispersed across two continents. A ninth panel which probably started the narrative has never been found, although you wouldn’t know it from this display.

    Nothing can distract from close viewing – you’ll want to enjoy it for as long as you can stand. This privileged view is unusual in an exhibition and possibly comes close to that enjoyed by the clergy during processions or pilgrimages in Siena cathedral. A photo montage of the reconstructed altarpiece is tiny and displayed on the wall opposite the reconstructed predella, alongside the panels originally on the front predella.

    The other showstopper is Pietro Lorenzetti’s altarpiece. It’s usually on the high altar of the church of Santa Maria della Pieve in Arezzo, but has been lent by the diocese and placed on a low plinth. This allows us to imagine just how immense Duccio’s Maestà must have been.

    This altarpiece represents the most popular formula created in early 14th-century Siena. These were large polyptychs of five (or seven) vertical panels usually displaying the virgin and child in the centre, surrounded by saints relevant to the locality and patrons.

    Virgin and Child with Saints and the Annunciation (circa 1345 to 1350).
    The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, CC BY-SA

    The Arezzo polyptych is approximately three metres in height and width, with three registers but has lost its predella, having been dismantled and relocated several times. The type was so popular that it, and the Sienese painters who created it, were in demand throughout Tuscany and beyond.

    Each of the objects displayed in this exhibition merits a long look. Since there are over 100, my last reflection will be on another extraordinary reunion: a small gilded glass icon depicting once again the virgin, child and saints above the Annunciation (1347). Its double-sided reliquary frame still contains 17 relics.

    It’s conceived as a miniature altarpiece, imitating the basic shape of the larger Sienese altarpieces on display. It also uses the same materials in addition to glass that has been gilded, incised and painted in red, blue and green.

    Such precious materials and meticulous craft testify to the richness of Sienese art during the first half of the 14th century.

    Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 is at the National Gallery until June 22.

    Louise Bourdua does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 at the National Gallery is a remarkable achievement – https://theconversation.com/siena-the-rise-of-painting-1300-1350-at-the-national-gallery-is-a-remarkable-achievement-253981

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How trustworthy is your fitness tracker score?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cailbhe Doherty, Assistant Professor in the School of Public Health, Physiotherapy and Sports Science, University College Dublin

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Millions of people now start their day with a number — a “readiness” score, a “body battery”“ level or a measure of “strain”“ — delivered by the wearable device on their wrist or finger. But how much trust should we place in these scores?

    Composite health scores are increasingly used by digital fitness trackers to offer a single, daily number that reflects how your body is coping with recent demands. Whether it’s marketed as a measure of energy, recovery or resilience, the idea is the same: combine several internal signals into one clear indicator of how prepared you are to take on the day.

    The concept has clear appeal. It simplifies complex physiological data — things like heart rate, sleep and activity — into an actionable recommendation: push harder, take it easy, rest. But how solid is the science behind these scores? My colleagues and I recently conducted a systematic review of the most widely used composite health scores in wearable devices to find out.

    First, what goes into these scores? Typically, quite a lot – at least on paper.

    Most composite health scores pull data from several biometric signals — measurements from your body that indicate how it’s functioning. These include resting heart rate, heart rate variability (the variation in time between heartbeats), sleep quantity and quality, recent physical activity, and sometimes breathing rate, skin temperature and blood oxygen levels.

    On paper, that’s a rich dataset. These signals reflect how your body responds to stress, recovers overnight and balances exertion with rest. But while the inputs may be rooted in physiology, the final score can be less informative than it appears.

    One issue is sensor accuracy. These devices rely on optical sensors and motion tracking to estimate what’s going on inside your body, such as your sleep stages or daily stress levels.

    Even small inaccuracies in measuring heart rate or movement can distort the score. And since these metrics feed directly into the algorithm that calculates your “readiness” or “strain”, small errors can add up.

    Another challenge is transparency. Most companies don’t disclose how exactly they turn raw data into a final score.

    We don’t know which inputs matter most, how they’re combined or whether they’re adjusted for individual differences such as age or fitness level. Without that clarity, it’s difficult to evaluate how meaningful or personalised the number really is.

    A more subtle issue lies in the way certain physiological signals overlap. For instance, poor sleep is often followed by lower heart rate variability — a common sign of stress or incomplete recovery. But many health scores penalise you for both factors separately: once for the bad sleep and again for the resulting change in heart rate variability.

    Heart rate variability explained.

    This kind of double-dipping can exaggerate the effect of a single “stressor” (things that put pressure on your body or mind), making your body seem more run down than it truly is. It creates the illusion of a sophisticated analysis, but may actually be highlighting the same signal twice.

    Similarly, some scores penalise you for the activity you did yesterday, regardless of how well you’ve recovered from it. If your heart rate variability and resting heart rate suggest you’ve bounced back, that should be reflected in your score. But some algorithms still factor in recent exertion as a negative, even when your body is clearly coping well.

    To make these scores more personalised, many devices compare your daily data to your typical values — your baseline. If your sleep or recovery looks significantly different from your recent average, the score adjusts accordingly.

    That’s a sensible idea in theory. But there’s no standard for how these baselines are calculated. Some devices use seven days of data, others 28. Some exclude outliers; others include them. Each company defines it differently, which makes comparisons between devices impossible and raises questions about consistency.

    Should you stop using your wearable?

    Not at all. Fitness trackers can still offer valuable insights. Watching how your core physiological signals shift over time — from week to week or season to season — can help you spot patterns, improve habits and better understand your body’s response to stress and training.

    The problem is when we treat the daily score as a definitive measure of health. It’s not a diagnosis, and it doesn’t always reflect what’s really happening inside your body. So while it’s fine to glance at your readiness or recovery score, don’t let it dictate your decisions.

    Use your fitness tracker as a guide, but not as your coach, your doctor, or your judge.

    Cailbhe Doherty receives funding from the Health Research Board in Ireland (Grant ID: HRB ILP-PHR-2024-005) and Research Ireland (Grant IDs: 12/RC/2289_P2 and 22/NCF/FD/10949). There are no conflicts of interest to declare.

    ref. How trustworthy is your fitness tracker score? – https://theconversation.com/how-trustworthy-is-your-fitness-tracker-score-253883

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Lab-grown meat: you may find it icky, but it could drive forward medical research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Hague, Senior Lecturer (in Theoretical Condensed Matter Physics and Biophysics), The Open University

    Lab-grown meat causes heated debates. Proponents see benefits for the climate and animal welfare. Opponents worry about a Frankenstein food they regard as risky and unnatural. Whatever your opinion, the technology underpinning cultivated meat is moving fast to create large pieces of muscle tissue.

    The fact that artificial meat starts as a living tissue means that, as it gets bigger and better, the technologies involved could have a huge impact on medical research.

    Lab-grown meat is a sort of engineered tissue. It aims to replicate the meat grown in an animal by dividing a small number of animal cells to create muscle. Meat is mostly made up of muscle cells (myocytes), plus a mix of fat cells (adipocytes) and cells that add structure through materials such as collagen (known as fibroblasts).

    The arrangements and proportions of these cells give meat its overall taste and texture. We call the meat grown in a bioreactor “cultivated meat”. Other common terms are “cultured meat”, “lab-grown meat” and “artificial meat”, and the production process is also called “cellular agriculture”.

    Cultivated meat is real meat grown in bioreactors rather than animals (it’s very different to plant-based products such as soya burgers). Some companies are also trying to grow other animal tissues, such as liver to replace foie gras. Key benefits of cultivated meat include avoiding animal slaughter and lower greenhouse gas emissions.

    The technologies for making cultivated meat were originally designed for growing engineered tissue for applications like organ transplant, regenerative medicine and pharmaceutical testing.

    One day, engineered tissue could be used to give us new livers, help to rebuild tissues damaged in accidents and select personalised treatments for cancers.

    Shared challenges

    Just like muscle, other tissues in the body such as organs also contain cells and things like collagen that give them structure.

    The cells in tissues are carefully organised according to their function. For example, in muscle, the cells are all lined up so they contract in the same direction during movement.

    A big difference between tissues cultivated for meat and those grown for medical applications is this tissue functionality. Cultivated meat does not need to be able to contract like muscle and, once grown, does not need to be kept alive. Meanwhile, engineered tissue for medical applications needs to work just like its counterpart in the body.

    Lab-grown meat is not just for eating…
    Oleksandra Naumenko/Shuttesrstock

    Despite this, some of the lessons learned from cultivated meat growth could be applied to regenerative medicine. Fibroblasts, the “structure” cells, are important during wound healing. Techniques to cultivate muscles and liver could be modified to grow working tissue.

    A shared design challenge when growing cultivated meat and engineered tissue is to control tissue organisation, which is essential to grow large cuts of meat such as steaks, but also for replacement tissue and organs for the body. Possibilities include holding the tissue under tension using tethers, adding scaffolds, and using 3D printing.

    The process of designing ways to control a tissue can take months or years of careful trial and error. Recent computer simulations of tissue growth, including those carried out by myself and colleagues, can help with the difficult task of controlling cell organisation to improve things like texture and production efficiency.

    Developing this control can help to engineer body tissues used in early pharmaceutical testing, which could improve success rates in clinical trials while reducing animal testing. This would be better for trial participants and could help to reduce drug development costs.

    Another major unsolved problem for both cultivated meat and regenerative medicine is how to supply larger tissues as they grow. Smaller tissues can get the oxygen they need from the atmosphere, or grow in a nutrient bath. Steaks are too large for this and would need to be kept alive with vessels similar to arteries to deliver oxygen and nutrients.

    Natural blood vessels form branching networks to supply tissue. Computational techniques can predict this style of network and 3D bioprinting could be used to create similar vessels. Lessons learned by growing networks of vessels in steaks could be directly applied to tissues for regenerative medicine (and vice versa).

    I expect pressure for cheap, cultivated meat will decrease the price of currently expensive technologies, such as 3D bioprinting and bioreactors. This will ultimately benefit medical applications.

    Coming to a shop near you

    As these issues are solved, cultivated meat will become widely available and more like farmed meat. Since cultivated meat will ultimately be indistinguishable from farmed meat, there’s no reason to believe that one should be more or less healthy than the other. Currently, many products are undergoing regulatory processes.

    So far, a few countries have approved cultivated meat products for human consumption, and approval applications are being submitted worldwide. UK regulators recently announced a two-year timeline to approve (or not) cultivated meat for human consumption. Lab-grown meat is already approved for consumption by dogs.

    Overall, there are important links between cultivated meat and cultured tissue applications in medicine. Both applications have similar challenges, and the technologies developed for one field can push forward the other.

    Both fields can benefit animal welfare, removing the need for animal slaughter and reducing the need for animal testing.

    I expect cultivated meat will come to a supermarket near you within the next few years. Whether you want to buy it or not, think about how the technology used to create it could be a step towards better medicines and lab-grown organs for transplant.

    James Hague receives funding from STFC and EPSRC.

    ref. Lab-grown meat: you may find it icky, but it could drive forward medical research – https://theconversation.com/lab-grown-meat-you-may-find-it-icky-but-it-could-drive-forward-medical-research-253565

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why the autism jigsaw puzzle piece is such a problematic symbol

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aimee Grant, Senior Lecturer in Public Health and Wellcome Trust Career Development Fellow, Swansea University

    For decades, a jigsaw puzzle piece has been used to symbolise autism across the world. It has been used for charity logos and awareness ribbons, and even tattooed on to the bodies of well-meaning parents.

    But for many autistic adults, the puzzle piece isn’t just outdated – it’s offensive. Some consider it a hate symbol: a reminder of how autistic people have long been misunderstood, pathologised and excluded from conversations about their own lives.

    The puzzle piece first appeared in 1963, when the UK’s National Autistic Society adopted a logo designed by a non-autistic parent of an autistic child. It featured not just a puzzle piece but the image of a crying child, meant to depict autism as a puzzling condition that caused suffering.

    In 1999, the Autism Society of America introduced a ribbon covered in colourful puzzle pieces. This reinforced the idea that autism was something to be solved. The imagery gained even more prominence when the US-based organisation Autism Speaks, founded in 2005, adopted a blue puzzle piece as its logo.

    One autistic advocate described the symbol as a “red flag” – a warning sign that the person or organisation using it may not fully respect or understand autistic people.

    So why does the puzzle piece provoke such a strong reaction?

    To many, the symbol suggests that autistic people are incomplete, a mystery or a problem in need of fixing. This fits with the medical model of autism, which focuses on deficits and aims to make autistic people behave more like non-autistic people, rather than letting them live authentically.

    From deficit to difference

    Because of these criticisms of the medical model, some autistic people subscribe to a social model of autism. This sees autism not as a problem to be fixed, but as a difference to be understood. According to this view, many of the challenges autistic people face stem not from autism itself, but from a lack of understanding and acceptance in society.

    The social model is followed by a growing group of autism researchers, including through the Participatory Autism Research Collective. In 2022, the Welsh government affirmed its commitment to a social model of disability.

    However, it can be difficult to put this social model of disability in practice in under-resourced healthcare systems.

    It is closely tied to the “double empathy problem”. This is the idea that communication breakdowns between autistic and non-autistic people go both ways. In other words, if autistic people are “puzzling”, it’s often because the wider world hasn’t taken the time to understand them.




    Read more:
    How autistic and non-autistic people can understand each other better


    The neurodiversity movement goes one step further, arguing that neurological differences such as autism, ADHD and dyslexia are natural variations in the human population. Just as biodiversity is good for the environment, neurodiversity is arguably good for society.

    In recent years, several major autism organisations have taken steps to distance themselves from the puzzle piece. The National Autistic Society dropped the symbol in the early 2000s, and the Autism Society of America followed suit in 2023. The academic journal Autism removed the puzzle piece from its cover in 2018, in recognition of its harmful connotations.

    That said, the symbol is still frequently used, appearing in search engines and image databases.

    Why many autistic adults hate the jigsaw puzzle piece symbol.

    Research has found that puzzle piece imagery tends to evoke negative associations such as incompleteness and imperfection, whether it’s connected to autism or not. It’s no surprise, then, that many autistic people ask for something more positive, respectful and inclusive.

    One popular alternative is the rainbow infinity symbol, first developed by autistic advocates in 2005. It represents the diversity of the neurodivergent community, including autistic people.

    The gold infinity symbol, meanwhile, is used specifically to represent autism. The chemical symbol for gold is “Au”, the first two letters of autism.

    The puzzle piece was created in the 1960s by non-autistic people to represent a condition they saw as tragic and mysterious. But today, autistic people are speaking for themselves. The overwhelming message is clear – the puzzle piece doesn’t represent us.

    Aimee Grant receives funding from UKRI, the Wellcome Trust and the Morgan Advanced Studies Institute. She is a non-executive director of Disability Wales.

    ref. Why the autism jigsaw puzzle piece is such a problematic symbol – https://theconversation.com/why-the-autism-jigsaw-puzzle-piece-is-such-a-problematic-symbol-253807

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Gender equality at the Oxford-Cambridge Boat Race has further to go

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andie Riches, PhD Candidate, School of Psychology, Sport and Sensory Science, Anglia Ruskin University

    In rowing, “catching a crab” is when an oar gets stuck in the water, stopping the boat’s momentum. Progress toward gender equality in the Oxford v Cambridge Boat Race has followed a similar rhythm, with periods of forward motion interrupted by moments of tension or pushback.

    This year marks a decade since one period of forward motion, when the women began racing on the same course, on the same day as the men – moving from Henley-on-Thames to the Tideway in London. At the time, the change was heralded as a watershed moment, with some rather boldly and wrongly stating that the move ended what they dubbed one of “the last bastions of gender inequality in sport”.

    The women’s race has become a firmly established part of the event. However, our ongoing research into the experiences of female boat race athletes over the last decade reveals that significant disparities persist.

    As one athlete told us: “Racing on the Tideway was still relatively new when we started, and we were aware of the struggles the women’s team had faced to be recognised and taken seriously.”

    But equality isn’t just about having a place in the race; it’s about having the same support, investment and opportunities as the men. As one rower put it: “We’ve moved forward, but we’re still playing catch-up.”


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


    From Henley to the Tideway

    For decades, female rowers were held back by institutional barriers such as unequal funding, media coverage and a lack of sponsorship. Before 2015, the women raced on a two-kilometre stretch at Henley-on-Thames, a separate course from the men’s four-mile route on the Championship Course on the Tideway in London. One rower reflected that racing at Henley felt “secondary”, lacking the same recognition as the men’s race.

    The issue wasn’t the venue. It was the resource disparity, inadequate facilities and lack of media exposure. As one rower described, “We had no showers, no heating, and no space to stretch – just a cold shed. While the men had a better setup next door with basics like kettles and heating.” The lack of visibility at Henley reinforced the perception that the women’s race was secondary, diminishing their accomplishments.

    Even after moving to the Tideway, however, female rowers have faced rough waters, not just from the river itself when the Cambridge women’s boat famously sank, but also from having to challenge public perception.

    Consistent with broader research, our analysis of the media coverage during and after the 2015 women’s event revealed a consistent pattern of focusing on personal stories, emotional moments and the historic nature of the race. This storytelling often came at the expense of recognising the athletes’ performance and competitiveness.

    A 2019 study found that women’s sports received just 3.2% of televised sports news coverage. While coverage has increased in recent years, disparities persist.

    A 2024 Football Supporters’ Association survey found that only 31.8% of the fans felt there was sufficient mainstream media coverage of women’s football. That such calls remain necessary, even amid growing interest, highlights the continued marginalisation of women’s sport.

    This external perception also appears to be evident within the internal environment of the boat clubs. One rower recalled: “It just felt almost like you inconvenienced them to use their space”, referring to the men’s crews.

    This reflects a broader societal issue where women often feel they must justify their presence in spaces where they belong. Hence, the women’s crew not only face the physical challenge of the tideway’s choppy waters, but also an ongoing battle to prove their legitimacy.

    In recent years, rowers challenged the deeply rooted tradition of “weigh-in” with the women’s crews opting not be weighed on the basis that it subjects athletes to a public display of their body weight. Some viewed this as a challenge to a longstanding tradition, while others felt its removal was a positive step for athlete welfare, mental health and body image.

    Other issues also surfaced in 2021 when a former Oxford rower publicly criticised the university’s handling of her sexual assault allegation, arguing that the institution had failed to protect her. The university said at the time it was confident that in all cases it took considerable action to advise and support students who raise such concerns. Though not directly related to the Boat Race, such public cases have caused controversy and raised important questions about the environments in which these athletes train and compete.

    Despite these setbacks, the women’s race has gained momentum. Sponsorship has grown, more people are watching, and for younger rowers, racing on the Tideway is now the norm. In 2015, the women’s Boat Race drew 4.8 million viewers – close to the 6.2 million who watched the men’s race. This highlighted the growing appeal of women’s rowing.

    The race for gender equality in sport, like rowing, is a test of endurance. Short bursts of progress, like moving to the Tideway, are not enough. Lasting change takes continued effort.

    The women’s Boat Race has come a long way, but the journey isn’t over. True equality will only be reached when women’s sport is valued on its own terms, rather than being compared to the men.

    With each race, these women are not just competing for victory on the water but also helping to shape a more equal future for sport. The tide may be turning, but the finishing line in the race for equality is still ahead.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Gender equality at the Oxford-Cambridge Boat Race has further to go – https://theconversation.com/gender-equality-at-the-oxford-cambridge-boat-race-has-further-to-go-254111

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the spiralling trade war means for relations between the US and China

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tom Harper, Lecturer in International Relations, University of East London

    Donald Trump has partially walked back on his so-called “liberation day” tariffs on nearly all US imports after fears mounted that the move would result in a global recession and much higher borrowing costs for the US government.

    On Wednesday, April 9, a mere 13 hours after his higher rate of “reciprocal tariffs” had come into effect, Trump announced they would be paused for 90 days.

    “I thought that people were jumping a little bit out of line, they were getting yippy, you know … a little bit afraid,” Trump said to reporters outside the White House. Markets soared immediately upon hearing the news.

    But at the same time, a volatile new stage in America’s trade war with China has emerged. The White House has excluded China from the pause and has hiked tariffs on all Chinese imports to 125%. This, Trump says, is because Beijing has shown “disrespect” to Washington and global markets.

    Beijing, which has declared it will “fight to the end if the US side is bent on going down the wrong path”, was quick to respond. It has announced duties of 84% on American products and services, and has even floated the possibility of banning the import of Hollywood films.

    What China’s response has shown is that it is no longer the same country as it was in 2017, when Trump managed to obtain some trade concessions from it by imposing tariffs. Beijing seems more willing to strike back at Washington, as well as showing signs of being more proactive in its response to American measures.

    The impact of China’s response has not yet been fully realised, but tariffs have already raised the spectre of increased prices in the US. Many of the clothing and consumer electronics that Americans buy are shipped from China. It’s possible that far from boosting Trump’s popularity, these tariffs may eventually end up reversing it.

    At a fundraising dinner in Washington, less than a day before he shelved plans to hike tariffs on US trading partners, Trump insisted: “I know what the hell I’m doing.” But his subsequent loss of face in pausing tariffs for other countries may mean he has no option but to double down on a tit-for-tat trade war with China.

    China is his administration’s go-to villain, and any delay or reversal in responding to Chinese retaliation will be a humiliation to Trump’s strongman image. This suggests a tumultuous period ahead for relations between China and the US.

    Expect more hostility

    The tariffs will probably have a mobilising effect on the Chinese population. A 2022 survey on public opinion in China found that people born after 1990 are more likely to hold an unfavourable view of the US compared with previous generations. The survey concluded that Trump’s actions during his first term were much more to blame than propaganda.

    Beijing has also traditionally invoked the history of the “unequal treaties” forced upon its ailing Qing dynasty in the late 19th century as a means to mobilise its population against western policies. This has been aided by how the economic demands made by Trump to China are, in the mind of the Chinese leadership, reminiscent of the demands made by the western powers of that period.

    Fears of again falling prey to foreign powers play a significant role in Beijing’s policies, encapsulated by what is known as China’s “never again mentality”. This mentality could be used as a means to unify the Chinese population against an outside enemy, in a way similar to how many US politicians have attempted to cast China as a foe.

    Beijing appears to be banking on the Chinese population’s supposed ability to withstand greater hardships than western consumers as being able to give it a key advantage over Washington. However, with China’s prosperity being a comparatively recent development, this ability will be put to the test.

    Trump’s tariffs against traditional American allies will also play into Beijing’s hands on the international stage. Tokyo has discussed reducing its holdings of American treasuries, while simultaneously bolstering trade ties with China. These moves would have been unthinkable even a year ago – Japan has long been a key US ally and a regional rival of China.

    Equally unthinkable is the possibility that the EU will follow a similar path. Spain’s prime minister, Pedro Sanchez, has called on Brussels to review its relationship with China. Moves aimed at sidelining China may end up isolating the US instead.

    And, perhaps most concerningly, the tariffs may also undermine America’s ability to prevent a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. One of the key factors deterring an invasion was the threat of a 100% tariff on Chinese goods. With Trump’s tariffs on China already exceeding this, Beijing has less incentive to not go after Taipei.

    What liberation day has shown us is that the Chinese-American relationship has entered a stage of protracted competition, a phase that Beijing has been preparing for over the past decade. Faced with a choice between humiliation on the international stage or economic disaster at home, it would appear neither side is willing to back down.

    Tom Harper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What the spiralling trade war means for relations between the US and China – https://theconversation.com/what-the-spiralling-trade-war-means-for-relations-between-the-us-and-china-254311

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hopes of a ‘Brexit benefit’ from tariffs were short-lived. Here’s what Trump’s pause means for the UK

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maha Rafi Atal, Adam Smith Senior Lecturer in Political Economy, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow

    The US has decided – again – to upend the global trading system. With the latest raft of tariffs just beginning to kick in, and after a week in which markets worldwide fell precipitously, the Trump administration announced that it would be suspending high tariffs on nearly 60 countries for 90 days.

    The announcement is only a partial reprieve. High tariffs on Mexico, Canada and China, as well as on global imports of steel, aluminium and automotives, remain, as does a 10% baseline tariff on all imports. US tariffs remain the highest they have been since the Great Depression, at levels unprecedented since the modern trade system was created after the second world war.

    Before the pause, the UK was already in line for the 10% rate – which some commentators described as a Brexit benefit when compared to the EU’s prospective 20%.

    While markets soared on the news of the pause, the damage is was already done. The subsequent rally is recouping some, but not all, losses incurred due to the tariffs already.

    Businesses that had prepared for tariffs by bulk-buying imported components ahead of time will have made cuts elsewhere to pay for it. They will not easily be able to reverse course.

    The implications for the UK of the latest developments are mixed. All the tariffs imposed on direct UK exports to the US (chiefly steel, automotives and aircrafts, pharmaceuticals and medical equipment) remain in place.

    While the US represents the second-largest market for UK goods, the majority of UK exports are in services (like banking and insurance), which the tariffs do not target. If tariffs were to hit direct UK-US goods trade only, the UK would likely be able to weather the shock.

    Unfortunately, that’s not how trade works in the 21st century. Instead, two-thirds of trade takes place in what are known as “global value chains”. These are complex networks through which companies move the component parts of products between their own facilities around the world and those of their subcontractors.

    Many UK businesses supply components that are incorporated by companies overseas into finished goods ultimately destined for the US. When the US imposes tariffs on those goods, UK manufacturers suffer too – even if direct UK exports to the US remain unchanged.

    Global value chains will also reorient in response to trade barriers, as already took place in Asia during Trump’s first term. If businesses reroute their supply chains to avoid the tariff markets, the UK (which is not imposing retaliatory tariffs) could become a “sacrifice zone” (a place where cheaply made, poor-quality or environmentally harmful items are dumped or disposed of, “sacrificing” the wellbeing of local people) for excess supply, undercutting domestic producers.

    Yet choosing not to retaliate is key to the UK’s diplomatic strategy. It hopes to stay close to the US in the hope of preferential treatment.

    The UK’s pursuit of a US trade deal has been politically sensitive since the previous Trump administration.
    JessicaGirvan/Shutterstock

    So far, that strategy is yet to bear fruit. The UK hopes to avoid the tariffs through a US trade deal, an objective that the countries have pursued since the UK left the European Union.

    The US has repeatedly sought access to the UK agrifood market, a demand that has always been refused due to political opposition to importing American beef and chicken.

    The sticky Brexit issue

    Brexit adds to this complexity, as the Windsor framework requires food products sold in Northern Ireland to conform to European Union standards. The more standards in the rest of the UK diverge from those of the EU (as they would have to do to secure a US trade deal), the more onerous the checks in the Irish Sea would become.

    Keir Starmer’s government has also sought to renegotiate parts of the agreement with the EU, seeking tighter economic ties that will require closer regulatory alignment. Pursuing deregulation to meet US trade demands, however, makes that unlikely.

    The tariffs compound this dilemma. If the higher rates return after 90 days, Northern Irish exports to the US will face a lower rate than those from the Republic of Ireland. But US imports to Northern Ireland will be hit with EU tariffs while imports to the rest of the UK will remain tariff-free.

    That will create some opportunities. Businesses might choose to operate in Northern Ireland to access a lower tariff rate on their US exports while also producing goods for the EU market.

    But it also creates risks. With three different tariff regimes in Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, goods flowing across both the Irish Sea and the Irish land border could require additional checks. This would risk the very thing the Windsor Framework was meant to avoid.

    Given these risks, a 90-day reprieve is a window of opportunity. But with US government policy that can change on a dime (or a post), the UK risks being caught between the rival powers of the US and EU – and trampled in the crossfire.

    Maha Rafi Atal is a volunteer organizer with the US Democratic Party.

    ref. Hopes of a ‘Brexit benefit’ from tariffs were short-lived. Here’s what Trump’s pause means for the UK – https://theconversation.com/hopes-of-a-brexit-benefit-from-tariffs-were-short-lived-heres-what-trumps-pause-means-for-the-uk-254307

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Measles outbreaks in US and Canada show that MMR vaccines are needed more than ever – an expert in children’s health explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen Bedford, Professor of Children’s Health, UCL

    Heather Hazzan, SELF Magazine

    Measles is one of the most challenging diseases to control. It requires a sustained uptake of well over 90% of two doses of a measles-containing vaccine such as MMR. But since the COVID pandemic, there has been a decline in uptake of routine vaccines in many countries including the US, Canada and Europe, resulting in outbreaks of the disease.

    For instance, despite eliminating measles in 2000, the US experienced an outbreak in April 2025. In Texas, the centre of this outbreak, 57 people were hospitalised and two unvaccinated school-aged children died.

    Canada has also exerienced its largest measles outbreak in 14 years, while last year, England experienced an outbreak of almost 3,000 confirmed cases and one death.

    Before the measles vaccine was introduced in the UK in 1968, virtually every child caught the highly infectious disease and hundreds of thousands of cases were reported each year. In a peak year, there were over 100 measles-related deaths.

    Twenty years after the introduction of a measles-only-vaccine, it was replaced with the combination vaccine MMR which also gives protection against mumps and rubella. The aim of this vaccine is to eliminate all three infections. There has been varying success in achieving this aim.

    Rubella – also known as German measles – is a very mild infection, but can be devastating if caught in the early stages of pregnancy. Fortunately, it is now a rare condition in the UK thanks to MMR.

    In rare cases, mumps can cause complications such as meningitis and hearing loss – but it too is now much less common than pre-MMR vaccine.

    Measles can be fatal and is highly contagious, so it’s much more difficult to control than most other infections. It has a high rate of complications, including pneumonia and inflammation of the brain.

    One vaccine dose gives about 95% protection against infection. But, because measles is so contagious, 95% uptake of two doses is needed to prevent outbreaks. Achieving such high uptake in all communities – and importantly, sustaining this high uptake once reached – is challenging.

    Vaccine hesitancy

    In 1998, research published in the medical journal The Lancet implied a link between the MMR vaccine and autism. This received intense media coverage and, not surprisingly, many parents decided not to have their children vaccinated.

    The research was subsequently discredited and the study formally retracted by The Lancet in 2010. Since then, many studies have found no link between the MMR vaccine and autism, but for some parents, these fears persist.

    Currently in England, vaccine uptake rates are too low. Only 89% of two-year-old children have had their first dose of MMR vaccine, and 83.9% have had two doses by the age of five. This means large numbers of unvaccinated children: more than 10% of children in each year group remain unprotected.

    Vaccine uptake varies widely around the country. In some parts of London, as many as half the children starting school at five years of age have not had the two doses of vaccine needed for best protection.

    Not only are current vaccine uptakes too low to prevent outbreaks of measles, but many years of less-than-optimal vaccine uptake – including among young adults who weren’t vaccinated as infants because of the autism scare – has resulted in a large number of unprotected people. The impact of COVID also resulted in many young children missing their vaccines.

    Many factors affect whether people are vaccinated or not, including how, where and when vaccination services are provided, as well as behavioural and social factors. For example, vaccine hesitancy, defined by the World Health Organization as a “delay in acceptance or refusal of vaccination despite availability of vaccination services”, is frequently blamed for people not getting vaccinated. Research suggests that vaccine hesitancy has increased since the COVID pandemic – even for vaccines such as MMR that have led to the near-eradication of some infectious diseases.

    In England, surveys are conducted regularly to investigate the views of parents of young children regarding vaccination. The most recent survey, conducted in 2023, showed that 84% of parents reported they considered vaccines to be safe – a [reduction from the previous year].

    These findings are reflected in other studies. Since COVID, some parents have reported that the pandemic has affected their views, either making them keener to have their children vaccinated or increasing their concerns about vaccination.

    Given the intense scrutiny and widespread discussion about vaccination that took place during the pandemic, this is not surprising. Unfortunately, due to pressures on general practice and other health services – resulting in a 40% reduction in the number of health visitors in England since 2015 – these trusted sources of advice about vaccination have become less easily available. In this context, people may turn to other sources of less reliable information, such as social media.




    Read more:
    Health misinformation is rampant on social media – here’s what it does, why it spreads and what people can do about it


    Although there is no robust evidence to show that health misinformation would stop a parent who was going to have their child vaccinated from doing so, it can be influential for people with existing concerns.

    Accessing services

    A large study using vaccination records of over ¾ million children born between 2000 and 2020 found that children born in the UK’s most deprived areas were less likely to receive the MMR vaccine. Parents also report having difficulty making or attending appointments as a barrier to vaccination.

    Addressing these obstacles requires a multi-pronged approach, ensuring parents are sent vaccination reminders and are able to attend appointments at suitable times and locations. This may mean holding vaccination clinics at places other than the general practice and at weekends and evenings.

    Work should be done with local communities to establish what works best for them to improve access to immunisation. Opportunistic immunisation is also important: when attending health services for another reason, unvaccinated children could be offered vaccines on the spot.

    Urgent action is needed to improve vaccine uptake – and it requires sustained commitment and increased funding.

    Helen Bedford receives funding from National Institute for Health and Care Research.

    ref. Measles outbreaks in US and Canada show that MMR vaccines are needed more than ever – an expert in children’s health explains – https://theconversation.com/measles-outbreaks-in-us-and-canada-show-that-mmr-vaccines-are-needed-more-than-ever-an-expert-in-childrens-health-explains-221651

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why financial hardship is more likely if you’re disabled or sick

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By William E. Donald, Associate Professor of Sustainable Careers and Human Resource Management, University of Southampton

    Scharfsinn/Shutterstock

    If you have a long-term health condition or you’re a disabled person in the UK, you might be able to claim a benefit called personal independence payment (Pip). As the name suggests, Pip is designed to help with the additional costs of disability – regardless of employment status.

    But the government recently announced changes to the payment, which will make it harder for people to access support.

    As a disabled person, I know that it costs more to live with disability or illness. It has been calculated that disabled households need an extra £1,010 per month to maintain the same standard of living as non-disabled households. This gap arises from things like transport costs (because of inaccessible public transport), the need for expensive mobility aids, and water, electric and gas costs at home.

    The World Health Organization recommends a minimum indoor temperature of 18°C for healthy people and 20°C for those with chronic conditions. Yet, with soaring energy prices, many disabled people are forced to choose between heating their homes and other disability-related necessities.

    Despite these realities, the maximum annual Pip payment is £9,747.40, well below the additional £12,120 that disabled households typically need annually. Only those qualifying for the highest level of support receive this amount. Most get considerably less.

    So, what is the government’s justification for tightening eligibility? Together with changes to universal credit, it claims it will save £5 billion a year by the end of 2030 and get more people, including sick and disabled people, into work. But will it?

    Government figures from March 2024 show that 24% of people in the UK aged 16 to 64 are disabled. Within this group, the employment rate is 54.2%. For comparison, non-disabled adults of working age have an employment rate of 82%. Even when disabled people are employed, the disability pay gap is 12.7%. This gap reaches 27.9% for autistic workers and 26.9% for those with epilepsy.

    The same figures also show that 42.6% of disabled people are economically inactive. This is sometimes portrayed as people who are capable of working but choose not to. But this does not align with the facts.

    The latest figures on Pip claims show that last year the rate of fraud was so low that the Department for Work and Pensions recorded it as 0%.

    Anyone like me, who has experienced the lengthy and complicated Pip application process, will find these figures unsurprising. Cutting access to Pip will not push this group into employment but will plunge them deeper into financial hardship.

    The Resolution Foundation think tank estimates that up to 1.2 million disabled people could lose between £4,200 and £6,300 per year by 2029-30 due to these changes.

    The government is particularly focused on claimants with mental health conditions, especially younger people. As such, it is crucial to acknowledge the dire state of mental health services in the UK.

    Patients are waiting far longer for mental health treatment than for physical healthcare.
    chayanuphol/Shutterstock

    Eight times as many people wait more than 18 months for mental health treatment compared to physical healthcare.

    This crisis is compounded by broader challenges facing young people, who were disproportionately affected by COVID lockdowns. Three in four university students and recent graduates reported lower levels of wellbeing in September 2021 compared to pre-pandemic levels. These same young people face a competitive labour market, alongside soaring rent, energy and food costs.

    Noble goal but a harmful method

    Nevertheless, supporting disabled people and the long-term sick to access employment is a worthy goal. Government figures suggest 5.6% of disabled people are unemployed. Many of these people want to work. This is also true of many in the economically inactive group who simply cannot.

    The record £1 billion employment support measures announced in chancellor Rachel Reeves’ spring statement to help the disabled and long-term sick into work is obviously welcome.

    But we have to be realistic. Previous government schemes resulted in fewer than one in five people getting work. This highlights the systemic barriers that disabled people face in work beyond their agency. The new approach raises concerns that people might be pressured into unsuitable jobs simply to reduce unemployment figures.

    Even when disabled people find employment, they continue to face discrimination and workplace biases. The legal system places the burden on individuals to challenge unfair treatment and the disability wage gap just exacerbates inequalities.

    While remote work has been a game-changer for many disabled workers, the previous government pressured its own workforce of civil servants back into offices. Many business leaders continue to advocate for the same.

    Cutting Pip will not necessarily reduce the welfare bill. But it will drive more disabled people into poverty. Those with savings will exhaust them, ultimately qualifying for even more means-tested government assistance.

    Others will be priced out of work entirely. Many may end up needing more support from public services like the NHS, as their mental and physical health deteriorates. This means the claim of saving £5 billion a year is also likely flawed.

    So, what needs to change? Here are five ideas.

    1. Reverse Pip cuts and restrictive eligibility criteria. The government must listen to disability charities and ensure that financial support reflects the true cost of living with a disability.

    2. Hold employers accountable. Systemic barriers such as bias in the recruitment process must be removed, the disability pay gap addressed and remote work established as a long-term option.

    3. Increase disabled representation in decision-making. Disabled people must have a seat at the table in government and industry to ensure policies reflect real experiences.

    4. Integrate healthcare and social care. Linked to this, ensure essential utilities such as water, gas and electricity are always affordable for disabled and elderly people – perhaps via a government-backed special tariff.

    5. Pay carers fairly. Carer’s allowance is £83.30 per week for a minimum of 35 hours of care, just £2.38 per hour. This just exacerbates financial insecurity for disabled households.

    If these failures are not addressed, the consequences will be catastrophic. The government’s approach is making life harder, not easier, for disabled people. It is time for real action, not rhetoric and infantilising talk of “pocket money”. Disabled people deserve better. We all do.

    William E. Donald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why financial hardship is more likely if you’re disabled or sick – https://theconversation.com/why-financial-hardship-is-more-likely-if-youre-disabled-or-sick-253877

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump tariff backflip brings a US trade war with China into the crosshairs

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    You have to marvel at Donald Trump’s prescience. After his announcement of America’s new tariffs regime on April 2, “liberation day”, the stock markets plummeted, causing faint hearts around the world to quail. Nerves fluttered particularly hard when bond yields started to rise rapidly this week, suggesting a growing lack of confidence in US 30-year debt – traditionally the gold standard for security.

    “I don’t want anything to go down,” Trump told a reporter at the weekend. “But sometimes, you have to take medicine to fix something.”

    The US president remained bullish on Wednesday morning, taking to his TruthSocial social media platform at 9.37am EDT to proclaim his confidence in US stocks.

    Sound advice, as it turned out (time shown is BST).
    TruthSocial

    And so it proved. Hours later, Trump announced to his followers that he had decided to pause the tariff hikes on all but China while keeping the 10% baseline tariff on all imports. The markets bounced back with alacrity, closing up 9.5% by the end of trading. (Incidentally, Trump Media and Technology Group, the parent company of TruthSocial, closed up 22.67%.)

    It just goes to show, faith may or may not be able to move mountains, but Donald Trump can certainly move markets.


    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.


    Now it’s all eyes on China to see how the world’s second-largest economy will react to a yet-higher tariff on its exports to the US of 145%.

    Announcing to the world he was targeting China, the US president wrote that he was basing his decision on the “lack of respect that China has shown to the World’s Markets”, and that “hopefully in the near future, China will realize that the days of ripping off the U.S.A., and other Countries, is no longer sustainable or acceptable”.

    But based on Beijing’s initial reaction, it’s unlikely that Xi Jinping will be joining all the other world leaders who Trump says queued up over the past couple of days to “kiss his ass”. The messages from China’s leadership are that two can play at that game, and that Trump’s gambit “will end in failure”.

    China had imposed an immediate 84% tariff on all US exports, while reassuring the White House that the “the door to dialogue is open”.

    China expert Tom Harper of the University of East London believes Xi is now a different, more confident Chinese president than the one who granted some small concessions to Trump when he first imposed tariffs on China in 2017. Harper sees the likelihood of a “tumultuous period ahead for relations between China and the US” – and warns that the Chinese people may be more resilient to the economic shock a trade war brings than the US public.

    Looking back at what China considers a period of humiliation at the hands of western powers (notably Great Britain) in the 19th century, Harper says there’s a strong sense of “never again” in the Chinese psyche, which may well be triggered by this latest US aggression.




    Read more:
    What the spiralling trade war means for relations between the US and China


    But why roll back on the tariffs on the rest of the world? Australian economists James Giesecke and Robert Waschik believe the answer is simple: the harm that would have been done to the US economy. Their modelling suggests that “the US would have faced steep and immediate losses in employment, investment, growth and, most importantly, real consumption, the best measure of household living standards”.

    Giesecke and Waschik conclude the damage would have been serious and long term, increasing US unemployment by two-thirds and reducing US long-term GDP, resulting in a “permanent reduction in US global economic power”.




    Read more:
    This chart explains why Trump backflipped on tariffs. The economic damage would have been huge


    The aim of the Trump administration in introducing tariffs is to stimulate a return of manufacturing to the US – which is why they applied them to goods only while ignoring services. James Scott of King’s College London believes a lot of countries fetishise manufacturing as a sort of deeply ingrained throwback to when “pre-historic experiences of finding food, fuel and shelter dominated all other activities”.

    But most western economies have developed beyond heavy goods manufacturing, for the simple reason that countries with larger and lower-paid workforces are able to produce and ship goods at a fraction of the cost. Tik-Tok user Ben Lau posted this disturbingly funny vision of the return of large-scale manufacturing to the US.

    Scott believes it’s highly unlikely to come to this – and in any case, that it’s pointless to blame globalisation for the loss of US manufacturing jobs when rising productivity in other countries and automation have had much more impact.

    The lesson from history, writes Scott, is that with the retreat of colonialism came the industrialisation of the countries that had been major markets for manufactured goods produced by the western powers. In short, he concludes: “President Trump is mistaken if he really believes that tariffs will bring a new golden age of manufacturing. The world has changed.”




    Read more:
    Trump thinks tariffs can bring back the glory days of US manufacturing. Here’s why he’s wrong


    The diplomatic front

    Iran has had a rough 18 months or so. Its economy is on the floor thanks to western sanctions, the “real” currency rate (the rate you get on the street) is now close to 1 million rials to the US dollar, and large sections of the population are very unhappy with their leadership.

    So, when Iran’s foreign minister arrives in Oman for talks with the US at the weekend, there’s plenty of incentive to strike some kind of deal – even without the US president’s warning that Iran will be in “great danger” if the negotiations fail to deliver an agreement for Tehran to scrap its nuclear programme.

    Ali Bilgic, a Middle East specialist at Loughborough University, writes that while both sides have their reasons for wanting progress at the talks, things are likely to be hampered by a lack of trust on both sides. And it’s no coincidence that while Trump announced the talks after a meeting with Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Iranian deputy foreign minister travelled to Moscow this week, where he met his counterparts from China and Russia. With hardliners currently in the ascendancy in Tehran and the Trump-Netanyahu axis very much in evidence in Washington, a lot could go wrong.




    Read more:
    Iran and US to enter high-stakes nuclear negotiations – hampered by a lack of trust


    America’s other allies, Nato, gathered in Brussels at the end of last week for a foreign ministers meeting ahead of June’s summit at The Hague. As Amelia Hadfield – a defence and security policy expert at the University of Surrey – reports, there’s a growing air of urgency among the allies that they need to find a way to avoid a unilateral withdrawal of the US from the alliance, and that they’ll need at least some answers before meeting at The Hague.

    Hadfield walks us through the gradual but growing distance between Washington and the rest of the alliance, which has come to a head under Trump but has been some years in the making.




    Read more:
    Why Nato is struggling to rebuild itself in an increasingly threatening world


    Cry, the beloved country

    Since the incoming Trump administration announced it was freezing most USAID programmes as of January 20 for at least 90 days, vital lifelines keeping many thousands, if not millions, of desperate people in the poorest countries around the world have been cut off.

    One such country is Sudan, where a bitter and bloody civil war has raged for two years, leading to the situation being described by the United Nations as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

    Naomi Ruth Pendle, an expert in humanitarian development at the University of Bath, works closely with aid workers in South Kordofan, a region on the border with South Sudan which is collapsing under the weight of refugees from the civil war – and which faces a bitter famine unless the aid freeze is lifted immediately.

    Her moving account of the plight of the Sudanese people is made more vivid by accounts provided by people working on the ground in South Kordofan, where the aid freeze couldn’t have come at a worse time. January, when the freeze was announced, is usually the best time to increase the flow of humanitarian aid in the region – as the supplies from last year’s harvest begin to dwindle, and just before the rains make roads impassable.

    Pendle writes: “I’m now getting reports from South Kordofan of households not lighting a fire for up to four days at a time, which means the family is not eating. And, as ever, it is the children and the elderly who are particularly vulnerable.”




    Read more:
    USAID: the human cost of Donald Trump’s aid freeze for a war-torn part of Sudan


    I spent a happy year living in Khartoum in the mid-1980s teaching English at the university there. During that time, I was able to travel widely around Sudan and developed an enduring affection for the people and respect for their resilience and ingenuity in the face of often terrible hardships.

    So I found Justin Willis’s account of the decades of conflict that have riven Sudan particularly compelling. Willis, a professor of history at Durham University, looks back through the country’s history – from its foundation through conquest in the 19th century by the Egyptian branch of the Ottoman empire, via British control, to independence. And after independence, pretty much non-stop wars.

    Willis believes that Sudan’s main problem is that its army commanders have always believed they are the natural rulers of the country. The current conflict is between two rival army commanders and their followers.

    The official army, the Sudanese Armed Forces, recaptured Khartoum at the end of March. There have been reports of savage violence against civilians in the fortnight since. Meanwhile, the rival Rapid Support Forces continue to murder with seeming impunity in Darfur in western Sudan – where I once spent an unforgettable week trekking in the extinct volcano, Jebel Marra.




    Read more:
    Sudan civil war: despite appearances this is not a failed state – yet



    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.


    ref. Trump tariff backflip brings a US trade war with China into the crosshairs – https://theconversation.com/trump-tariff-backflip-brings-a-us-trade-war-with-china-into-the-crosshairs-254326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pierre Poilievre’s proposals on intimate partner violence will do little to stop it

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Walter S. DeKeseredy, Anna Deane Carlson Endowed Chair of Social Sciences, Director of the Research Center on Violence, and Professor of Sociology, West Virginia University

    Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre recently announced that if elected in Canada’s upcoming federal election, his party would enact tougher sentences for anyone accused of intimate partner violence.

    He has also vowed to institute a three-strikes policy for anyone who commits three serious offences, with a minimum 10-year prison sentence with no eligibility for parole.

    The proposed actions include creating a new offence of “assault of an intimate partner,” requiring stricter bail conditions for anyone accused of intimate partner violence and ensuring first-degree murder convictions for anyone who kills their partner.

    There are many steps policymakers who are concerned about victims could take. For example, they could fund a variety of effective prevention programs. However, the approach articulated by Poilievre does not appear to centre the victim, but rather the offender.

    Punishment is often ineffective

    Although government policies in Canada and other countries have emphasized punitive actions towards men who abuse their partners, relatively few of these men are arrested, incarcerated or treated.

    This is due in large part to the fact that most perpetrators are not reported to the police. In fact, one important factor hindering women from reporting their abuse to law enforcement is that officers often express distrust of victims.

    Starting with this survey in 1992, studies repeatedly show that at least one out of every four Canadian female undergraduate students will experience at least one type of sexual assault during their time at university.

    Furthermore, at least 11 per cent of Canadian women in marital or cohabiting relationships are physically abused by their male partners in a year, and in the mid-1990s, there was evidence showing that Canadian men appeared to have higher rates of physical violence towards female intimates than their U.S. counterparts.

    The prevalence of such violence is unlikely to decrease much if all the men who have beaten, raped or killed their partners are arrested and locked up. Decades of research shows that punishment is ineffective in reducing crimes like violence against women.

    Prison and other harsh legal sanctions do not deter abusive men from injuring their female partners any more than they deter the myriad of violent crimes that occur outside domestic or intimate contexts. This has been the conclusion of the majority of deterrence studies conducted in the past 50 years.

    Legal scholar Michelle Alexander and sociologists like Loic Wacquant and Bruce Western have outlined how incarceration can actually increase crime and exacerbate other social problems like unemployment and poverty.

    This information has been available to virtually every Canadian politician for many years, yet they have lacked the political will to act on this information. However, calls to institute more severe sentences often play into public desires to see those accused of crimes punished.

    Improve lives, not punish more

    Violence against women is often a key symptom of structured social inequality. Those who want to reduce it must find ways of reducing social inequality. Governments often compartmentalize social problems like violence against women along bureaucratic lines.

    In other words, some government departments are expected to handle economic issues and find ways to cut spending. However, those working for these departments rarely consider how reductions in unemployment or cuts to social programs and so on affect rates of abuse.

    Rather, the police and courts are often left to respond to male-to-female violence after it has happened. Yet, in real life, jobs, welfare, housing, employment equity, child care, gender inequality and a host of other factors affect the ways men treat women.

    It is time that we move beyond the well-worn path of using after-the-fact approaches to dealing with violence against women.
    (Shutterstock)

    It should be noted that police, courts, prisons and treatment programs play an important role in responding to violence against women. Nevertheless, neither the criminal justice system nor battered women’s shelters should be solely, or even primarily, responsible for dealing with violence against women. Relying only on them to make women’s lives safer is tantamount to “closing the barn doors after the horses have left.”

    Calling the police after a beating, rape or femicide does not prevent the crime from taking place. And although shelters are undoubtedly necessary in our society, shelter workers cannot be expected to solve the problem of woman abuse single-handedly.

    Therefore, it is time that we move beyond the well-worn path of using after-the-fact approaches. Hopefully, if implemented sensitively, what legal professor Leigh Goodmark refers to as a balanced policy approach will result in major reductions in violence against women.

    This approach entails using initiatives such as: putting cash resources directly in the hands of abused women, providing affordable housing and childcare, creating an anti-poverty movement, increased funding for the development and evaluation of community-based prevention programs and encouraging progressive men to be part of the solution.

    Will these strategies make a difference? As criminologist Elliott Currie puts it:

    “We have tried moral exhortation. We have tried neglect. We have tried punishment. We have even grudgingly, tried treatment. We have tried everything but improving lives.”

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Pierre Poilievre’s proposals on intimate partner violence will do little to stop it – https://theconversation.com/pierre-poilievres-proposals-on-intimate-partner-violence-will-do-little-to-stop-it-254014

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Adolescence’ on Netflix: Evidence-based ways parents can support boys around masculinity norms

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Deinera Exner-Cortens, Associate Professor of Psychology and Tier 2 Canada Research Chair (Childhood Health Promotion), University of Calgary

    Teenage boys may retreat into a wall of silence as they detect gendered norms. Parents’ persistence to talk with them about their experiences, beliefs and emotions matters. (Netflix)

    This story contains spoilers about Netflix’s ‘Adolescence.’

    Since its release in mid-March 2025, Adolescence has been streamed almost 100 million times worldwide. The show tells the story of a 13-year-old boy who murders a female classmate after being radicalized by the manosphere.

    There has been mass public discussion about the series, including among parents. As stated by one commenter on the subreddit r/Parenting: “I have a fairly standard 15-year-old boy … After watching this on Netflix, I’ve got terrible anxiety about it all … ”

    As a developmental psychologist with a focus on adolescent boys, I believe this discourse is important, but the intense discussion can make it seem like these are new issues. Yet, psychologists and feminist scholars have been studying masculinities since at least the 1960s, including among adolescent boys.

    We have also learned how to create supportive spaces for boys through research on gender-transformative interventions. These interventions address issues like poor mental health, substance use and use of violence by focusing on how strict adherence to patriarchal masculine norms (such as emotional restriction, homophobia and aggression) can harm boys’ health and the health of those around them.

    Here, I offer three key takeaways parents and caregivers can learn from this research, and additional resources to explore.

    1. Curiosity is key.

    Many gender-transformative programs use ideas of transformational learning, where the experiences, beliefs and perspectives of boys are used to support critical reflection and change. Put simply, this means when boys say they like “that Andrew Tate shite” (Episode 2), adults respond with curiosity and not condemnation (for example, saying something like: “Why does that idea feel true to you?”).




    Read more:
    ‘Adolescence’ on Netflix: A painful wake-up call about unregulated internet use for teens


    Curiosity, however, does not equal agreement. By demonstrating that we are authentically engaged with what our teen is sharing, we can also (gently) push them to consider how these ideas might harm themselves or others (for instance: “How do you think that idea might make the girls around you feel?”). It is also OK to express disagreement when ideas cross a line, but explain why (for instance: “I am not OK with you calling girls bitches. Do you know where that word comes from?”).

    Another thing we have learned is that this style of engagement — while effective — is not a one-and-done. Effective gender-transformative intervention strategies take time to work, and these conversations need to be consistent and ongoing, ideally starting well before adolescence (though it is never too late to start).

    Adolescents may also not be the first to engage, so it’s important to regularly and intentionally create space for them to share their ideas and experiences. If you get a wall of silence, try again another time. One idea is to look for natural opportunities for moments of conversation, like on the way to an extracurricular activity, or when eating a meal together (like the lead detective does with his son in the second episode). Also look for activities you can do alongside your child, and where they can teach you something (for example, playing a video game together).

    This is hard work, and so finding support among like-minded parents (whether in-person or online) can be helpful.

    2. Masculinity is not ‘toxic’.

    Many pieces on Adolescence refer to “toxic masculinity.” However, this is a phrase to avoid, because for boys, this suggets there is something inherently flawed with a core aspect of their identity, making manosphere messages that celebrate misogynistic forms of masculinity all the more enticing. Instead, we can talk with boys about how they feel they are expected to act as a boy in their world, and the ways they might find some of these expectations restricting.

    For example, many boys want to share their emotions, and indeed do so until adolescence. But, as families, schools, peers and society start to place stricter expectations on the norm of boys suppressing their emotions, boys may retreat from this sharing.

    Yet, boys who are able to resist this norm — with the support of their families, peers and schools — do much better psychologically and socially.

    Parents and caregivers can support this resistance by actively asking boys about their emotions (and sharing our own), and giving boys words to label what they are feeling.

    For example, in Adolescence, Jamie’s dad does show emotional vulnerability several times, but never in front of Jamie. Instead, Jamie recounts a memory of his dad having a “proper rager” and the type of language we hear Eddie use when yelling at boys who tagged his van (“I’ll slap that f-king smile off your face … Listen to me, you little twat”) is mirrored by Jamie when he yells at the psychologist (“I don’t f-king wanna sit down! … Look at me now!”). In sum, what we say, do and share is key for boys’ positive development.

    3. Boys are individuals.

    As one boy in our research shared: “To be a guy is to be human, it’s OK to be sad or upset or nervous and stuff. It’s also good to be happy so it’s OK to show how you feel and that.” Yet, that essential opportunity to be human is often curtailed for boys by the gendered expectations and pressures they feel.

    In Adolescence, we learn Jamie once loved to draw, but at some point he stopped. Comparatively, another detective, who is a woman, discusses how she was helped to survive a tough school environment when a teacher supported her drawing. Jamie’s dad talks about how he encouraged Jamie to be “sporty,” while, by contrast, Jamie relays he is not good at sports, and knew his dad was ashamed of this. The messages Jamie received told him that he needed to be a certain way, and when he failed to live up to those expectations, he turned to online manosphere spaces for acceptance.

    Similarly, in our research with former incels, we learned that participants found the community when they were looking for online help for their struggles meeting masculinity norms. So, if boys are struggling, parents can help them find supportive spaces that promote messages about the many ways to be a guy in the world, and that match their needs and interests.

    Resources for parents and caregivers

    • Gender-transformative interventions in the U.S. and Canada with evidence of effectiveness include Coaching Boys Into Men, Manhood 2.0 and WiseGuyz

    • Books: Masculinity Workbook for Teens; Raising Cain: Protecting the Emotional Life of Boys

    Podcast: On Boys

    • Canadian non-profit Next Gen Men, dedicated to changing how the world sees, acts and thinks about masculinity.

    Common Sense Media has great guides and information, though for some content, a paid subscription is required.

    Deinera Exner-Cortens receives funding from the Public Health Agency of Canada. She has also been the lead evaluator for the WiseGuyz program since 2016.

    ref. ‘Adolescence’ on Netflix: Evidence-based ways parents can support boys around masculinity norms – https://theconversation.com/adolescence-on-netflix-evidence-based-ways-parents-can-support-boys-around-masculinity-norms-253724

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Chris Tenove, Assistant director, Centre for the Study of Democratic Institutions, University of British Columbia

    Fears of foreign interference loom over the Canadian election. The federal inquiry on foreign interference revealed that entities aligned with India and China interfered in recent elections, albeit without major impact on the results, and concluded that disinformation campaigns pose the greatest threat to Canada’s long-term democratic health.

    Now, with a Canada-bashing American president adding to those foreign interference risks, Canada’s election integrity seems to be in an unprecedented state of fragility.

    However, foreign interference has a longstanding history in Canadian elections. Understanding what is and is not new about current efforts may help to turn down the heat and focus more on how Canadians can make their own decisions this election.




    Read more:
    Thanks to social media platforms, election interference is more insidious and pervasive than ever


    Covert techniques

    For starters, what is foreign interference?

    The commission, following established practice, defined it as an action whereby “states pursue their global interests using covert, corrupt, illegal or coercive techniques.” That means public comments on our election by foreign politicians is not interference, as Canadian government officials have made clear.

    While we largely agree with the commission’s definition, we argue that the interfering entity isn’t necessarily a state. Foreign corporations, crime syndicates and terrorist networks can also interfere in our elections.

    Elon Musk is a tricky case. He is a Canadian citizen, but his current role with the United States government may mean that he can be considered a “foreign entity” according to Canada’s election law, as legal scholar Eve Gaumond has pointed out.

    U.S. interference isn’t new

    History reveals a long menu of options for foreign interference, ranging from bribery to espionage and polling assistance.

    In the 1872 election campaign, Sir Hugh Allan, a Montréal shipping and railroad magnate, successfully used more than $350,000 of mostly U.S. funds to pressure John A. Macdonald and other Conservative party members to award Allan and his allies the contract to build the Canadian Pacific Railway. This was bribery to advance corporate aims.

    After these machinations became public in 1873, Macdonald eventually resigned over what became known as the Pacific Scandal, and Allan lost the Canadian Pacific Railway contract. Today his actions would be a violation of campaign finance laws, which prohibit foreign funding of electioneering. But until the late 19th century, such donations weren’t uncommon.

    Foreign policy has shaped Canadian elections before, even if the last Canadian election that focused almost primarily on tariffs with the U.S. was in 1911. But concerns about relations with other countries are different from foreign interference.

    To date, the most significant foreign interference came in Canada’s 1962 and 1963 elections. Again, Americans were behind it. The John F. Kennedy administration was frustrated by positions taken by Prime Minister John Diefenbaker.

    The Conservative government continued to trade with Cuba despite American sanctions, had made a deal to sell grain to the People’s Republic of China, and — most importantly — had not agreed to a U.S. proposal to station air defence missiles with nuclear warheads on Canadian soil.

    Rather than bribery, the U.S. provided Lester B. Pearson’s Liberal Party with assistance from pollster Lou Harris. Harris was a key figure both in Kennedy’s 1960 election win and in the nascent use of computer-assisted analysis of opinion polls to target specific demographic groups.

    The Kennedy administration went further in 1963 and issued a press release in the midst of the election, calling Diefenbaker a liar and disputing his positions on air defence. Neither of these actions was illegal at the time, though the secret provision of in-kind assistance to the 1962 Liberal campaign would now run afoul of the prohibition on foreign support for electioneering.

    Soviet, American interference

    The Soviets too were interested in Canadian politics, with some Canadians allegedly recruited as spies, according to Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk based at the Soviet embassy in Ottawa who defected to Canada in 1945.

    The revelations even led to the arrest of one member of Parliament, Fred Rose.

    In fact, American and Russian interference in general elections around the world was common in the 20th century. Political scientist Dov Levin has estimated that from 1946 to 2000, the U.S. and Soviet Union (Russia after 1991) intervened in 11.3 per cent of all global national elections.

    New digital techniques

    All these techniques can be pursued today, but there are at least three new forms of interference.

    First, foreign interference can include threats made against party leaders or other candidates. As in the past, these can come through clandestine networks or hired thugs. But today, an insult or false accusation from Trump, Musk or others with huge, hostile followings can expose politicians and others to a blizzard of online threats and abuse.

    Second, foreign interference can occur by providing money for electioneering. Rather than a single bundled sum offered to John A. Macdonald, funds are more likely to come through online donations, possibly including crypto-currency transfers that are difficult to monitor.

    For instance, in Romania’s 2024 election, the far-right, Russia-supporting candidate Calin Georgescu was accused of receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in illegal campaign support. In late March, a crypto-currency businessman was arrested and accused of using TikTok’s “gifts” feature to provide US$879,000 to induce 265 people to vote for Georgescu.

    Such acts would be illegal in Canada. More ambiguous is whether social media platforms use their algorithms to amplify some views and diminish others.

    There is no doubt that X, Facebook and TikTok platforms have the capability to do this. While government officials said such actions would be investigated, it is less clear whether they could be detected or what the government would do in response.

    Finally, foreign interference can occur by trying to influence Canadians’ voting choices by threatening illegal or coercive actions or promoting misinformation.

    Trump has already violated trade agreements with Canada and threatened future illegal activities, even going as far as to threaten annexation. Any comments that link these threats to voting outcomes — for example, if Trump said something like “if Canadians choose Carney, they will see tariffs like they have never seen before” — would constitute interference.




    Read more:
    Forget booing the anthem, Canada must employ strategic communications to fight Trump’s lies


    What can be done?

    There are systems in place to detect foreign interference.

    Canadian intelligence agencies and law enforcement are monitoring for foreign interference, and a panel of five senior bureaucrats makes non-partisan decisions about whether to alert the public.

    Global Affairs Canada’s Rapid Response Mechanism is monitoring the online information environment for foreign interference. Elections Canada is also monitoring for violations of election law.

    Members of the public can help. Anyone can share cases of manipulated images and other misleading information related to the election with the Digital Threats Tipline, created by the Canadian Digital Media Research Network. (Our Centre for the Study of Democratic Institutions at the University of British Columbia is a member of this McGill University-based network.)

    These monitoring efforts will help us keep an eye on social media platforms. The companies have agreed to act on interference in the election, but experts are skeptical of their commitment.

    If platforms are pipelines of election interference, they should be more tightly regulated. For instance, the European Union’s Digital Services Act has enabled investigations and potential accountability measures in response to interference in Romania’s election.

    The most important thing Canadians can do is vote in this election based on their own well-informed priorities, worries and aspirations.

    While remaining alert to foreign interference, Canadians can perhaps take some comfort in the resilience of our democratic institutions in the face of a long history of attempts to undermine elections.

    Chris Tenove receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council to research global policies to address online interference in elections.

    Heidi J. S. Tworek receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Canada Research Chair programe. She is a senior fellow with the Centre for International Governance Innovation and testified before the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in October 2024.

    ref. Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new – https://theconversation.com/foreign-interference-threats-in-canadas-federal-election-are-both-old-and-new-253600

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Infertility Support 101: What women want to hear (and what they don’t)

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ashley A Balsom, Assistant Professor in Clinical Psychology, Memorial University of Newfoundland

    By making small but intentional shifts in how we communicate, we can help ensure that individuals experiencing infertility feel supported. (Shutterstock)

    Infertility is more than a medical condition — it is an emotional journey that can leave people feeling isolated and misunderstood. For the one in six couples affected, experiencing infertility can be the most upsetting period of their lives.

    Even when loved ones try to offer support, their words sometimes miss the mark, inadvertently deepening feelings of loneliness.

    To better understand these experiences, we set out to explore what people with infertility find helpful versus unhelpful in social interactions. This question became especially relevant during the COVID-19 pandemic when fertility treatments were put on hold, heightening feelings of uncertainty and loss.

    We surveyed 80 women from Canada and the United States whose fertility treatments had been cancelled during the pandemic. By examining the kinds of comments people facing infertility received, we identified six meaningful ways to offer support.

    What helps: Meaningful ways to show support

    One of the most striking findings from our study was that the most appreciated form of support was simply being listened to without interruption. This aligns with research on other health conditions, such as cancer and chronic pain, where empathetic listening has been shown to improve well-being.

    Participants valued hopeful statements that didn’t dismiss their emotions. They also appreciated shared lived experiences and encouragement to engage in activities beyond fertility treatments. Practical support — whether emotional support (for example, “I’m here for you”) or tangible help (assisting with appointments or finances) — was particularly meaningful.

    One of the most striking findings from our study was that the most appreciated form of support was simply being listened to without interruption.
    (Freepik), FAL

    What hurts? Commonly harmful comments

    Despite good intentions, certain types of comments often left participants feeling worse. Some interactions, while meant to encourage, came across as dismissive or intrusive.

    A key example was toxic positivity, where statements like “Just stay positive” or “Everything happens for a reason” were perceived as minimizing real pain. Similarly, unsolicited advice — such as “Just relax and it will happen” — was frustrating because it overlooked the complexity of infertility and placed blame on the individual.

    Repeated prying about fertility treatments or pregnancy updates was also widely reported as distressing. Being asked “Any news yet?” or “Are you pregnant?” created a sense of pressure and invasion of privacy during an already vulnerable time.

    A model for providing support

    These findings formed the basis of LIFTED and DOWN — models designed to help loved ones offer support in ways that are both compassionate and helpful. Each of these strategies aligns with the interactions participants in our study found most helpful, offering a clear, research-backed guide for those who want to support someone experiencing infertility.

    LIFTED stands for Listening without judgment, Inspiring hope, Finding common ground, Tangible support, Emotional validation and Distraction encouragement. Together, these points embody helpful methods for supporting those facing infertility, as outlined by the participants in our study.

    DOWN stands for Dismissive positivity, Overbearing advice, Withholding validation and Nosy prying. These make up the main routes to avoiding taking when comforting those with infertility struggles. For example, offering solutions to issues without being asked and minimizing real emotions were regarded as unhelpful by participants.

    Fine line between encouraging, dismissing

    An important distinction our study identified was between inspiring hope and engaging in dismissive positivity.

    Hopeful statements were often perceived as helpful, but only when paired with emotional validation. For example, “I know this is incredibly difficult, and it’s OK to feel upset. But no matter what, you are not alone” conveys both acknowledgement of distress and encouragement.

    In contrast, statements like “Just be positive!” or “It will happen when you stop stressing” felt dismissive and invalidating. The key difference is whether the person’s emotions are recognized or disregarded.

    Similarly, distraction can be a valuable coping tool — but only when it aligns with the individual’s values and needs. Encouraging someone to engage in meaningful activities, such as exercise, creative hobbies or community engagement, can be helpful. However, saying “Just keep busy” or “Think happy thoughts” risks coming across as minimizing their experience.

    Shared understanding and self-education

    Another key takeaway from our study is that individuals struggling with infertility often found the most comfort in speaking with others who had gone through similar experiences. Lived experience provided a rare sense of understanding, reducing feelings of isolation.

    However, even those without direct experience can still play a meaningful role in providing support. Self-education — reading firsthand accounts, watching documentaries or following advocacy organizations — can help loved ones gain insight into the emotional impact of infertility.

    Educating oneself can also prevent unintentional harm by reducing the likelihood of saying something dismissive, offering unhelpful advice or making assumptions about the person’s experience.

    Shifting support to be more meaningful

    If someone in your life is facing infertility, the most meaningful support may be simple.

    It’s not about coming up with the perfect thing to say or having all the right answers, it’s about being present, listening without judgment and validating their emotions.

    By making small but intentional shifts in how we communicate, we can help ensure that individuals experiencing infertility feel supported rather than dismissed, heard rather than pressured and uplifted rather than brought down.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Infertility Support 101: What women want to hear (and what they don’t) – https://theconversation.com/infertility-support-101-what-women-want-to-hear-and-what-they-dont-250747

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Tax Day highlights the costs of single living – but demographics are forcing financial change

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Peter McGraw, Professor of Marketing and Psychology, University of Colorado Boulder

    Tax Day is right around the corner – an annual reminder that without the option to file jointly, singles pay more per dollar earned than married people. Tax advantages are just one of over 1,000 legal and economic benefits married couples enjoy, a disparity worsened by marketplace and employer practices.

    Despite its disadvantages, single living is on the rise. While the average age of first marriage was just 21 in 1960, today it has risen to 29. Half the adults in the U.S. are unmarried, and half of them aren’t seeking a relationship. As many as a third of Zoomers may never tie the knot.

    But this shift is more than cultural – it’s redefining the rules of personal finance. Freed from the constraints of shared decision-making, single people are earning, spending and investing on their own terms.

    And as a behavioral economist who studies single living, I think this could mean big things for the future of money. As more people opt out of marriage, I expect that governments, businesses and financial systems will adapt – just as they did in response to women’s economic independence.

    The price of singlehood

    As a lifelong bachelor, I have a cheeky response when filing my taxes: “That’s the price of freedom.”

    For many singles, the price is too steep. More than half of singles over 30 feel financially insecure, one survey found, and their economic reality backs it up. For example, singles spend about US$5,500 more annually than their married peers – which adds up to more than $200,000 over a 40-year career.

    Some of the challenge is mathematical. Married couples split major expenses like housing, transportation and travel, and rely on dual incomes as a buffer against job loss or disability.

    Policy amplifies the financial burdens. One-person households are the most common type in the U.S., yet developers still prioritize building large single-family houses – driving up apartment and condo costs. Retirement presents another stark contrast. Singles can’t claim spousal or survivor Social Security benefits and solely fund their retirement.

    Employers design benefits around families – offering spousal coverage, dependent tax breaks and family leave. Single employees tend to shoulder more responsibilities yet receive 3.6 fewer paid days off per year than their married peers.

    In the marketplace – from travel to tech and insurance – businesses often price goods and services with couples and families in mind. Solo travelers often pay single supplements on cruises and tours. Streaming, phone and retail memberships offer “family plans” with no option for solo users subscribing as part of a group. Even auto insurance penalizes solo drivers – two-door cars cost 16% more to insure.

    The costs add up – but the news for singles isn’t all bad.

    Peter McGraw discusses living single in a financial system built for two.

    The financial upside of going solo

    I study how singles build financial security through the hallmarks of single living: autonomy and adaptability.

    An obvious financial factor is the cost of children. While some singles are parents, they’re far less likely than married couples to shoulder the expense of raising a child – an outlay of more than $300,000 per child before college.

    A key advantage: Singles have complete financial control. They choose how to earn, save and spend. There’s less risk of absorbing a partner’s credit card or student loan debt, covering for reckless spending, or facing the financial fallout of divorce.

    Career flexibility is another key advantage. Singles can more easily relocate for higher-paying jobs or lower-cost locales – freedom that enables powerful financial arbitrage. Many digital nomads, most of them single, choose countries with lower costs and better quality of life.

    Singles also have greater control over when and how they retire. Unlike couples, who must coordinate timing and strategies, singles have more freedom to retire early, ride out a down market, or ease into semiretirement.

    Building a financial system for everyone

    As a business school professor, I’ve seen how slow business and government can be to respond to demographic shifts. The tax system won’t change overnight – governments have long used the tax code to promote marriage – but other policies and practices will evolve. I believe the rise of singles – and the power of their votes and dollars – will make the status quo unsustainable.

    Scandinavia and parts of Asia are setting precedents. In Sweden, solo adults are recognized as a “family of one,” with access to housing support, parental leave and pension benefits – no marriage required. Smart companies will also adapt to recruit and retain singles, who make up a large portion of the labor force. I expect to see an expansion of single-inclusive offerings like caregiving leave, flexible work arrangements and individual-friendly health plans.

    Singles also build lifelong support systems outside marriage. Sweden again offers a glimpse of what might be: A landmark court case recently granted life insurance benefits to a platonic partner, proving that legal protections don’t have to hinge on romance.

    Housing remains another legacy system built for couples. While most new developments still prioritize single-family homes, markets like Japan and
    Hong Kong have embraced lower-cost micro-apartments with shared community spaces – an appealing model for solo dwellers. Some U.S. cities are beginning to experiment with similar designs, signaling a shift toward more inclusive urban housing.

    China’s celebration of solo living, Singles’ Day – held every year on 11/11 – is now the world’s largest e-commerce holiday, generating more sales than Black Friday and Cyber Monday combined. The company that created it, Alibaba, promotes deals on single-serve appliances, one-way flights and self-care bundles.

    Western companies are catching on: Travel brands are waiving singles supplements, restaurants are welcoming solo diners with dedicated seating, and telecom companies are rolling out “friends and family” plans that don’t require a romantic partner.

    Finally, I believe wealth management will respond to the rise of singles. While I’ve found that most financial advice still assumes that people will eventually marry, solo earners need different strategies, such as bigger emergency funds, flexible housing options and proactive estate planning. Expect a wave of financial products designed for solo living, from retirement tools to mortgages built for one.

    As singles become the majority in many countries, governments, businesses and financial institutions will adapt by necessity.

    The bottom line

    As an advocate for singles, I am an optimist. Yes, singles pay more on Tax Day – among other challenges. But they also have one undeniable advantage: financial freedom. Singles can do more than survive in a system built for two – they can thrive.

    Americans are not going back to the 1960s. As solo living becomes the norm, financial systems will evolve. Governments will face pressure to modernize policy, businesses will launch products and services for one-person households, and financial professionals will adapt to better serve solo earners.

    The institutions that recognize this shift first will shape the future – for everyone.

    I have a book (“Solo: Building a Remarkable Life of Your Own”) and a podcast (“Solo – The Single Person’s Guide to a Remarkable Life”) that are relevant to this article.

    ref. Tax Day highlights the costs of single living – but demographics are forcing financial change – https://theconversation.com/tax-day-highlights-the-costs-of-single-living-but-demographics-are-forcing-financial-change-254035

    MIL OSI – Global Reports