A new parliamentary inquiry is shining a light on this mistreatment. It’s investigating if youth detention facilities are complying with children’s human rights conventions, and the need for minimum standards of care.
This inquiry is an opportunity to consider alternatives to youth detention that support and rehabilitate children and adolescents who break the law. This is especially needed for those with disabilities relating to brain function (neurodisability), such as fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD).
FASD is a neurodevelopmental disability. It is caused by exposure to alcohol before birth, which injures the brain. We don’t have prevalence data in the general Australian population but we know it affects children from all demographics.
Here’s what we know about the incarceration of children and adolescents with FASD – and what we could do instead.
Imprisoning children from age 10
Children as young as ten years may be incarcerated in Australia.
But prison is not a solution to youth crime. Imprisonment without care can cause harm and entrench disadvantage.
Young people’s brains experience a period of rapid development between ten and 14 and aren’t able to make complex moral decisions.
Children and adolescents with FASD may have cognitive impairment affecting their ability to think, learn, make decisions and remember, or intellectual disability. Their mental age may therefore be significantly lower than their chronological age.
FASD makes it harder to understand
FASD affects children and adolescents’ motivation before committing a crime and their capacity to comprehend the consequences.
Due to their brain injury, children and adolescents with FASD are often impulsive, easily misled and can’t distinguish right from wrong. They may not learn from past experiences.
When they’re in the justice system, they may be suggestible. Poor memory may make it difficult for them to provide reliable witness statements. Due to poor language and communication skills, they may misunderstand court orders, leading to non-compliance.
Rates of FASD are high among young people in the youth justice system. An estimated one in three detainees in Australia has FASD. But many adolescents in contact with the justice system have un-diagnosed FASD and complex needs.
Internationally, young people with FASD are 19 times more likely to be jailed than people without FASD.
It also found diversion programs were significantly cheaper than incarceration. In 2022–2023, the average cost for each adolescent under community-based supervision was A$305 per day, compared to $2,827 per day for adolescents in custody.
In a 2024 report, National Children’s Commissioner Anne Hollonds recommended expanding evidence-based youth justice diversion programs:
Tragically, by not addressing their human rights early on, and instead taking a punitive approach to their offending, we are essentially criminalising some of the most vulnerable children in Australia.
So what do these programs look like?
Many countries have moved from a justice system to a welfare system, which is especially appropriate for adolescents with disabilities like FASD.
Ireland ended the imprisonment of children aged under 18 years in 2017. Children under 18 can now be sent to children detention campuses, which have games rooms and bedrooms instead of cells.
Spain has long used an in-patient approach. Adolescents live in a therapeutic environment with compassionate contact with professionally trained staff.
Other countries are replacing child prisons with theraptutic environments and compassionate staff. Shutterstock/SeventyFour
Successful Australian initiatives offer a foundation for a new model of youth justice.
The Yiriman Project, for example, is run by Elders near Fitzroy Crossing in Western Australia, where rates of FASD are high. The project takes Aboriginal young people at risk of offending onto remote country to engage in culturally based activities, such as assisting Indigenous rangers to care for country. A three-year review of the Yiriman project found positive outcomes for Aboriginal youth with FASD.
Research shows it’s crucial that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are involved in the design of any programs that affect their communities.
Early detection to prevent re-offending
Early identification of FASD allows children to receive appropriate intervention and support to enhance their social and emotional wellbeing. This may prevent them from re-offending and improve their life trajectory.
FASD assessments are available nationally. Support services for young people with FASD aim to improve their health and wellbeing, address secondary disability, and reduce exposure to risks such as substance use.
For young people who have offended, intensive community-based support programs improve young people’s access to education, life skills and heath-care access. Therapeutic and diversionary activities can also strengthen family relationships, which are crucial to successful community reintegration.
What needs to happen next?
Governments need to invest in evidence-based diversion programs for children and adolescents who commit serious crimes.
Governments also need to urgently up-skill justice professionals to improve their recognition and assessment of adolescents with FASD and other neurodevelopmental problems.
Early identification and understanding of young people with challenges such as FASD and cognitive impairment will enhance the young person’s health and mental health outcomes, prevent youth crime and benefit society.
Elizabeth Jane Elliott receives funding from the Australian Department of Health and the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, including a Leadership Fellowship. She is a Board Director of NOFASD Australia and Royal Far West and is an Advisor in Child Health to UNICEF Australia.
Fiona Robards is affiliated with the Public Health Association of Australia, the Australian Child Rights Taskforce and Australian Association for Adolescent Health.
The Australian construction industry has long been facing a crisis of serious defects in apartment buildings. In the past, alarming incidents such as the Sydney Opal Tower evacuation and the Melbourne Lacrosse fire signalled systemic problems in construction.
The same problem persists today. One recent report shows serious defects in apartment buildings in New South Wales have more than doubled between 2021 and 2023.
As the Albanese government fast-tracks its five-year plan to build 1.2 million dwellings, this number will likely worsen.
We’ve researched the pressures the construction industry feels and how that can result in unsafe apartments, and what can be done to make housing like this better for everyone.
Why are we in this situation?
Serious defects endanger lives, cost building and insurance firms millions of dollars, and put pressure on regulators. Typical responses involve increased regulation, but the lack of change in apartment quality shows increased regulation is not enough. Behavioural and cultural changes are needed.
We found the poor quality of apartment buildings is often the result of deeply entrenched patterns of unprofessional behaviour across the industry. These often arise as professionals face pressures to cut costs in an industry notorious for its low profit margin.
We also found this pressure is exacerbated by aggressive competition, work overload, exploitation and a toxic culture.
As pressures mount, professionals’ decision-making becomes increasingly fraught. For example, many professionals we interviewed largely believe they must choose between profit and quality.
There are no simple answers to this age-old conundrum. However, our study shows a way forward.
What did we find?
Our three-year study funded by the Australian Research Council is the first in Australia to extensively investigate 12 building professions struggling to navigate and resolve this perceived dilemma.
Teams from four Australian universities conducted desktop reviews, analysed professional codes of conduct, interviewed 53 professionals and conducted six focus group discussions. After two years of analysis and model development, we published our industry technical report and presented our findings to practitioners in NSW and Queensland.
We have empirical evidence that shows profitability and quality do not have to be mutually exclusive. We have uncovered powerful, innovative but ad hoc strategies showing businesses can reconcile both.
One builder we profiled, a multinational company and a market leader in apartment construction, took a pioneering approach to this dilemma.
For many years, the company’s strategy was to build as quickly and cheaply as possible to save money. However, these savings were ultimately lost because they found they had “[…] made some money at the time, but we basically spent it all fixing things that we didn’t build that well”.
The company re-examined its business model and developed a new strategy that reconciled profitability, quality and professional behaviours.
The company analysed where the majority of their defects arose from and there were five key areas including:
balcony waterproofing
shower construction and waterproofing
fire wall installations
penetrations through fire walls
brick masonry construction.
They then built prototypes of high quality construction for each of these typical building elements. They found their prototypes addressed defects while also integrating different technical standards.
The company then informed their clients, subcontractors and suppliers that “this is how we will build from now on”. Over time, it became apparent their strategy supported skills training while also improving long-term financial sustainability.
These prototypes are now showcased at a centre in NSW. Subcontractors, architects, engineers, designers, professional associations and other supply-chain actors regularly visit.
The company now conducts training for quality based on these prototypes and reports that since the establishment of this strategy, defects have been reduced by 85%.
Our empirical evidence shows these strategies drive quality and long-term financial sustainability.
Safer homes nationwide
This strategy does not have to be limited to a few large companies.
In our report, we provide a plan to ensure safer, more financially sustainable building practices can be rolled out across the industry. It relies on collaboration across sectors.
Best-practice companies in each state, like the one in NSW, would come under a national umbrella. Commonwealth and state governments would initiate the effort by identifying the best examples in different states. Together, they could focus on design, construction quality and on innovative materials, standards and ways to build safely and cost-effectively.
Having best-practice example companies would help weed out apartment defects. Shutterstock
With positive role models to follow, other companies can improve. This would instil a mindset and culture of leadership, accountability and responsibility across the sector. More coherent standards would be embedded across the industry would ensure workers at all levels are no longer siloed.
Education and training organisations would progressively incorporate these new standards. Over time, the workforce would rebuild knowledge and skills that are perceived to have largely disappeared.
It’s important to ensure clients help drive this too. By mandating or incentivising companies with safer supply chains, there’s a commercial imperative to do better.
Professional associations also have a role to play. They can support these efforts further by creating resources and advocating for best practice.
Making apartments safer requires a shift in the thinking of the entire construction industry. There are inventive ways to align quality with profitability. We must challenge the assumption that they are always irreconcilable.
Kerry London received funding from Australian Research Council. ARC Linkage Project “Constructing Building Integrity: Raising Standards for Professionalism” (LP 190101218).
Barbara Bok received funding from Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Project “Construction Building Integrity: Raising Standards through professionalism” (LP190101218)
Zelinna Pablo received funding from the Australian Research Council under the ARC Linkage Project “Constructing Building Integrity: Raising Standards for Professionalism” (LP 190101218).
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Faith Jeremiah, Lecturer in Business Management (Entrepreneurship and Innovation), Lincoln University, New Zealand
As the country prepares to meet growing energy demands, the variability of wind, solar and hydroelectric power has made year-round electricity generation hard to ensure.
In the search for viable renewable energy sources, one option is to install floating solar panels on wastewater ponds. However, the initial costs and environmental concerns related to manufacturing and disposal may pose temporary challenges.
A more immediate and cost-effective solution is already available: biogas membrane covers.
Even greater efficiency and environmental benefits are possible through combining biogas covers with heat systems and floating solar panels. Together, these three technologies suggest a multi-pronged solution that could help stabilise the grid, meet emissions targets and improve wastewater management.
Biogas from wasterwater
Methane emissions from wastewater ponds are a major environmental concern, contributing significantly to New Zealand’s overall greenhouse gas footprint. By installing biogas membrane covers, this methane can be captured before it escapes into the atmosphere, and instead be used to generate electricity.
From a cost perspective, biogas systems are about 50% cheaper to install than solar power per kilowatt of energy produced. Also, because these systems produce energy continuously, they are ten times more cost-effective than solar panels, which suffer from intermittency issues.
But beyond energy production, these covers offer other environmental benefits. They limit harmful emissions and curb ongoing complaints about unpleasant odours in neighbourhoods near wastewater treatment plants.
Excessive algal growth is a recurring problem for wastewater treatment plants. Getty Images
Repurposing excess heat
While biogas systems have enormous potential, they do have one significant drawback. The heat generated during methane combustion can cause wastewater ponds to overheat, leading to operational challenges such as excessive algal growth.
These systems capture the excess heat from biogas combustion and convert it into additional electricity. This not only improves energy efficiency but also regulates the temperature of the wastewater ponds, helping to reduce algal growth and evaporation.
Biogas membrane covers provide immediate energy and emissions benefits. Combined heat and power systems boost efficiency by converting waste heat into electricity. And floating solar panels maximise renewable output while improving wastewater management.
Independently, these systems have been successful overseas. In Melbourne, methane from wastewater ponds is captured and converted into renewable energy, powering thousands of homes. Meanwhile, in parts of the United States, floating solar panels are increasingly being used to boost energy production while managing water systems.
The success of these projects provides a blueprint for New Zealand. By combining these technologies into cohesive systems, New Zealand could demonstrate how environmental challenges can be transformed into opportunities.
For now, though, an integration of biogas, heat and floating solar panels represents a significant step forward for New Zealand. It could generate enough power to supply about 27% of households with renewable energy from wastewater ponds, offering immediate relief from the electricity crisis while supporting emissions reduction targets.
Faith Jeremiah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Prudence Flowers, Senior Lecturer in US History, College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, Flinders University
It might seem surprising today in the era of Donald Trump, but Republicans in the United States once championed immigration and supported pathways to citizenship for undocumented Americans.
Contrast this with Trump, who has normalised dehumanising rhetoric and policies against immigrants. In this year’s presidential campaign, for instance, he has referred to undocumented immigrants as “animals” who are “poisoning the blood of our country”.
Both Trump and his vice presidential running mate, JD Vance, also repeated a false story about Haitian “illegal aliens” eating pets in Springfield, Ohio.
Perhaps most troubling, Trump has pledged to launch “the largest deportation operation in the history of our country”, if he’s elected.
Immigration policies throughout history
Nativism, or anti-immigrant sentiment, has a long history in American politics.
In 1924, a highly restrictive immigration quota system based on racial and national origins was introduced. This law envisaged America as a white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant nation.
However, there was no restriction on immigrants from the Western Hemisphere. The agricultural and railroad sectors relied heavily on workers from Mexico.
In 1965, the quota system was replaced by visa preference categories for family and employment-based migrants, along with refugee and asylum slots.
Then, as violence and economic instability spread across Central America in the 1970s, there was a surge in undocumented immigration to the US.
Scholar Leo Chavez argues that in the late 1980s and early 1990s, an alarmist “Latino threat narrative” became the dominant motif in media discussions of immigration.
This narrative was frequently driven by Republicanpoliticians in states on the US-Mexico border, who derived electoral advantage from amplifying voter anxieties.
The growing popularity of this negative discourse coincided with a significant increase in income inequality – a byproduct of neo-liberal policies championed by Reagan and other Republicans.
In the early-to-mid 20th century, Democrats were often the party that supported restrictive immigration and border policies.
However, most Republicans at the national level – strongly supported by business – tended to endorse policies that encouraged the easy flow of workers across the border and increased levels of legal immigration.
Prominent conservative Republicans also rejected vilifying rhetoric towards undocumented Americans. They presented all immigrants as pursuing opportunities for their families, a framing that emphasised a shared vision of the American dream. In this telling, their labour contributed to the economy and America’s growth and prosperity.
George H. W. Bush And Ronald Reagan debate immigration in a Republican primary debate in 1980.
Reagan also strongly supported bipartisan immigration reform. In 1986, Congress passed an immigration act that increased border security funding, but also ensured 2.7 million undocumented immigrants, primarily of Latino background, were able to gain legal status.
Twenty years later, President George W. Bush and Republican Senator John McCain lobbied for a bipartisan bill that would have tightened border enforcement while simultaneously “legalising” an estimated 12 million undocumented immigrants. It was narrowly defeated.
This vocal support for immigrants by leading Republicans was striking because for much of the period between the late 1980s and the early 2000s, a majority of Americans actually wanted immigration levels reduced.
Then, around 2009, a dramatic shift in political rhetoric took place. The Tea Party movement brought border security and “racial resentment” towards immigrants centre stage, challenging conservative Republicans from the populist right.
As a result, more and more Republicans began to voice restrictionist and xenophobic rhetoric and support legislation aimed at cracking down on illegal immigration.
What’s surprising, though, is the number of undocumented immigrants in the US was actually declining at this time, from 12.2 million in 2007 to 10.7 million in 2016.
Donald Trump and the new nativism
In this worsening anti-immigrant climate, Trump descended a golden escalator in mid-2015 to launch his presidential campaign.
In his speech that day, immigration was front and centre. Trump vowed to “build a great wall” and accused Mexico of sending “rapists” and “criminals” to America.
His speeches during the presidential campaign were marked by frequent anti-Mexican assertions and calls for Islamophobic visa policies. This hostile stance on immigration was central to his victory in both the Republican primaries and the general election against Hillary Clinton.
Once in office, Trump then adopted a “zero tolerance” stance towards undocumented immigration. His administration pursued a heartrending family separation policy that split children and their undocumented parents at the border. This approach was celebrated on conservative media outlets such as Fox News.
During his presidency, he also reduced legal immigration by almost half, drastically cut America’s refugee intake, and introduced bans on people from Muslim-majority countries.
Policy expert David Bier concluded the goal of Republican lawmakers had shifted:
It really looks like the entire debate about illegality is not the main issue anymore for Republicans in both chambers of Congress. The main goal seems to be to reduce the number of foreigners in the United States to the greatest extent possible.
Indeed, Trump’s vision of the nation had overtly racial overtones.
In one 2018 meeting, he asked why America should accept immigrants from “shithole countries” like Haiti, El Salvador or the African continent. His preference was for Norwegian migrants.
Immigration as a major election theme
From 2021–2023, undocumented US-Mexico border crossings surged due to natural disasters, economic downturns and violence in many Latin American and Caribbean nations. Many of the recent arrivals are asylum seekers.
Though the numbers have fallen sharply in 2024, immigration and the border are still one of the top issues for voters across the political spectrum. The issue is particularly important in the key swing state of Arizona.
In 2024, Trump’s central immigration promise was encapsulated by the beaming delegates waving signs calling for “Mass Deportations Now” at the Republican National Convention.
The Trump-Vance ticket has blamed undocumented immigrants for almost everyeconomic and socialproblem imaginable. The two candidates present them as a dangerous and subversive “other” that cannot be assimilated into mainstream American culture.
Yet Trump, as both president and candidate, has worked to prevent the passage of border security legislation. Turmoil on the border benefits him.
And his nativism now encompasses all forms of immigration – he has pledged to curb legal channels for people to enter the country, as well.
All of this rhetoric has had a dramatic impact on public opinion. Between 2016 and 2024, the number of people supporting the deportation of undocumented immigrants jumped from 32% to 47%.
In July 2024, 55% of Americans also said they wanted to see immigration levels decrease, a 14-point increase in one year.
Many Americans do not perceive immigration as a source of vitality and renewal as they had in the past. Instead, reflecting Trump’s language, they are viewing immigrants as an existential threat to the country’s future.
Prudence Flowers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
BNZ is making changes to its variable home loan rates, passing on the full OCR cut of 0.50%.
BNZ General Manager Home Lending Products James Leydon says today’s decision by the Reserve Bank to cut to the official cash rate and BNZ’s subsequent interest rate reduction will be welcome news for many New Zealand households.
“We are continually assessing our interest rates and looking for opportunities to pass on rate reductions to our customers. Customers will benefit from our latest variable rate change which is effective from tomorrow.
“BNZ will continue to move quickly in response to changes in external factors, including the Official Cash Rate and wholesale interest rates, to ensure we’re passing rate changes on to our customers as quickly possible,” says Leydon.
BNZ’s new variable home loan rates are effective from 10 October 2024
Previous rate: 8.44% p.a. New rate: 7.94% p.a.
All home loans are subject to our lending criteria (including minimum equity requirements), terms and fees. An establishment fee of up to $150 may apply.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jill Colton, Program Director: Secondary Programs and Senior Lecturer: English and Literacy Education, University of South Australia
Many Year 12 students are preparing for final exams throughout October and November.
What happens if something unexpected happens that makes final preparations or performance on the day more difficult?
This is where special consideration or special provisions can help.
How might you be eligible?
Students who experience something unexpected during the exam period may be eligible for special consideration. This can minimise the impact on a student’s overall marks.
To be eligible, incidents must be beyond the student’s control. For example, a serious illness, an accident, a family crisis or an interruption during the exam. It does not include family holidays, a teacher being away or mixing up exam dates.
A student suffering a flare up of pain and fatigue because of glandular fever is likely to be eligible as long as they have a medical diagnosis and recent documentation such as a letter from their GP. Other unexpected illnesses might include gastro, flu or COVID.
Unexpected mishaps or misadventure such as your home being flooded or a sporting accident that puts you into hospital can prevent you from participating in your exam. In cases like these you will need to provide evidence.
A death of a close relative can also mean a student is considered eligible for special arrangements. Other family crises may also be included depending on the circumstances and how they affect you. It’s best to consult with your school to find out if you might be eligible.
Students with disabilities and chronic illnesses can also apply for special consideration. This is something that must be organised earlier in the year through your school and helps teachers make adjustments that enable students to participate equitably.
There are also a range of entry processes for university and other post-school training and education pathways. Check with the institution you are interested in for more information.
If you get the flu or COVID during your exams, make sure you get documentation from your GP. JJ-stockstudio/Shutterstock
What do you need to do to apply?
The process of applying for special consideration for exams differs slightly depending which state or territory you live in. However, the same principles apply:
you will need documentary evidence – such as letters from your doctor, police reports, statutory declarations or a death certificate
it must be clear how the unexpected situation impacts your performance, such as being too sick to study or too unwell to attend the exam.
Your school will then manage the process on your behalf and where relevant, submit the application to the local exam board.
Make sure you let your school know as soon as possible if you think something has happened that will have an impact on your exams.
What happens next?
Special consideration aims to ensure a student’s final result is an accurate reflection of their expected achievement. Depending on what has happened, and when it happened, a student may be able to have:
additional reading or writing time
do their exam in another room
extensions to due dates
rest breaks, or
time to attend to medical needs without loss of test or exam time.
If a student can’t do their exam or their participation was significantly impaired, a moderated school result or predicted mark will be used. This is a result based on performance during the year.
This might happen in situations where a whole class is affected. For example, a fire alarm went off half way through an exam.
Unexpected things happen to all of us at some stage in our lives. If something goes wrong in your life around exam time, talk to your school and gather your documentation. And be informed about how you can be supported to be graded fairly.
For more state-specific information, you can go to your state’s exam board:
Jill Colton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Aboriginal children living in remote communities have the highest rate of skin sores, or impetigo, in the world. Almost one in two have skin sores at any one time.
Skin sores are a highly contagious bacterial skin infection that may be itchy and painful, but often go unnoticed by children. Parents are more likely to be concerned about the pus and thick crust that develops.
Scabies, another skin infection, also disproportionately affects children in remote Indigenous communities in Australia (as many as one in three).
In the Kimberley region of Western Australia, Aboriginal children are 34 times more likely than non-Aboriginal children to be admitted to hospital with skin infections in their first year of life. Untreated, these skin infections can lead to other health issues including sepsis, rheumatic fever and kidney disease.
With this in mind, we’ve been working for the past five years with nine communities in the Kimberley region on a comprehensive skin health program. Each of the communities has a remote health-care clinic staffed by a mix of nurses, Aboriginal health workers and doctors.
Today, we’ve published two new studies outlining the progress we’ve made to reduce skin infections in children in these communities. Since we started the program, rates of skin sores have halved from around four in ten children to around two in ten.
The SToP program
We partnered with Aboriginal community-controlled health organisations and schools in the Kimberley region and co-designed a program called SToP. It stands for “See, Treat and Prevent”.
Our initial focus was going to be on diagnosing and treating skin sores and scabies. However, community members highlighted the need to incorporate a strong focus on prevention and health promotion too.
The SToP model included training health-care workers in the remote health clinics, community members and school staff to recognise skin infections. The health-care workers were also trained to provide the latest evidence-based treatment for patients with skin sores and scabies.
The prevention activities included recording a hip-hop video with children, developing eight unique healthy skin books in local languages, and yarning with community members. They consistently highlighted the importance of investing in environmental health, including housing maintenance to support healthy living.
Local children recorded a hip-hop video to promote healthy skin.
As part of the SToP program, and to track its results, more than 770 children aged zero to 15 years received regular skin checks over four years from 2019 to 2022. We visited each of the nine communities up to three times each year and completed more than 3,000 skin checks.
One limitation of our research is that the trial was completed during COVID. Regional travel bans forced it to pause for several months in 2020.
The primary aim was to reduce the burden of skin sores by half in school-aged children. We also tracked impetigo and scabies burden in younger children up to age four, and overall clinic presentations for skin infections.
Our results, published in the Lancet Child and Adolescent Health today, confirm skin sores decreased in school-aged children in the first year and improvements were sustained throughout the trial.
Across all communities, skin sores reduced from four in ten children at the start of the study to two in ten children by the end. Most of this reduction occurred in 2019 when skin checks started.
Scabies also declined, but was found in less than one in ten children throughout the study.
The skin checks were the most important and likely most effective part of the study. Community members want these to continue for all age groups, to extend beyond just the children involved in the study.
Presentations to the remote health clinics for skin infections in each community increased during the trial and stayed high. This suggests the community involvement and focus on healthy skin was reaching all age groups.
Despite training and resource development, uptake of the recommended treatments at the clinic was low.
We predicted at the start of the study that using treatment as prevention, supported by training on the latest evidence-based treatments available, would be the most effective strategy. This turned out to not occur at all. High turnover of clinic staff and longstanding treatment preferences may be the reason.
A holistic approach
While our research has been published today, the results were first presented to community members in 2023. More than 85 community members were able to share their interpretation of the SToP results with us. They strengthened the story we’ve been able to tell in our published papers.
The second paper, in eClinical Medicine, provides a comprehensive, multi-methods evaluation of the trial. Through this process, community members and service providers helped our research team understand the trial results and the critical factors for success.
Future studies should continue to partner with local Aboriginal communities and enable community voices to inform all aspects of the research.
The SToP trial brought together Western medical approaches with community voices to better inform skin disease control where the burden of skin sores and scabies was high. The results have been positive.
We hope there will be future opportunities to implement activities like this in more Indigenous communities across Australia. As a starting point, a variety of SToP resources are available to access. The healthy skin books have been shared with other communities to translate into local contexts and languages.
The skin is the largest organ of the body and always visible. Improvements in skin health can prevent other, more serious health consequences, while also contributing to overall wellbeing.
Asha Bowen receives funding from National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia and Healthy.
Hannah M.M. Thomas, Lorraine Anderson, and Rachel Burgess do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Artistic director Rafael Bonachela’s latest work for the Sydney Dance Company, momenta, had its Melbourne premiere on October 8 at the Playhouse Theatre in the Arts Centre.
Bonachela says that he wanted the full-length work to represent both momenta – the plural form of momentum from the Latin movimentum – and moments.
And it does exactly that.
The work is a maelstrom of macro and microcosmic momentums, capturing mundane and monumental moments.
The 17 dancers move through unmarked yet distinct worlds of perpetual motion.
Sometimes they are suggestive of atoms under a microscope that collide and react, constantly forming new molecules and compounds. They randomly meet each other in physical entanglements, only to move on in a moment to another cluster of moving bodies.
Other times they evoke the relentless rolling of the sea with waves of unison movement. These repetitively sweep in one line after another through the bodies as they traverse across the stage.
Still other times they stand in distinct separation in a grid pattern with minimal but identical movements that beat like a collection of pumping hearts.
The movement never stops. It gains momentum.
Bodies connected in momenta. SDC/Pedro Greig
The dancers become human and through a series of duets we encounter the momentum of relationships.
A solo from within the crowd shows us the secret internal flows of emotion that are a relentless apsect of the human experience.
Using lighting, one intimate scene seems to capture the flickering motion of old grainy film. It briefly transports the audience back in time to a voyeuristic peep show.
Damien Cooper’s lighting design acts as the narrator throughout, directing our attention to small sections of the action or opening the whole stage. The lights are rigged on a large horizontal circle over one side of the stage. It starts near the stage’s surface and moves incrementally, upward scene by scene, sometimes tilting at angles. It is suspended and moves silently until it is no longer visible, at which point it begins its decent.
The colour palette of the lighting – whites, yellows, browns, greens and blues – changes the mood from hot to cool, soft to hard, today to yesterday.
Choreographer Rafael Bonachela based on the work on concepts of momentum, force, time and space.
Elizabeth Gadsby and Emma White’s costumes are mostly neutral tones with some black accent pieces. They provide almost nude surfaces on which the lighting plays. As the work progresses some of the costumes of the male dancers are removed as they appear bare-chested, even more naked, implying an increasing emotional exposure.
The dancers show extraordinary vulnerability, athleticism and stamina.
There is a consistency and persistence to the movement quality in momenta: sweeping, sliding, extending and contracting in cyclical patterns which contain traces of elements of the patterns that came before them.
It is breathtaking.
At times warm lighting washes over the dancers. SDC/Pedro Greig
Nick Wales’ score has the same cyclical nature with repeated music motifs. The score is varied in an imitation of life and includes musical solos on viola and piano, contrasted with orchestral pieces and percussive and electronic elements.
In momenta’s penultimate scene dancers spread out evenly across the stage and dance in unison. The scene is very light but with a black background when suddenly silver sparkles begin to fall from above. There is a powerful sense of both the universe and the universal.
This cuts to a final intimate and human solo exquisitely danced by Piran Scott. In and out of the light, he slides and turns and rolls sometimes with propulsion, other times with suspense.
He brings us back to ourselves. Perpetually in motion.
The Sydney Dance Company’s momenta is on until October 12 at the Arts Centre, Melbourne.
Yvette Grant does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Senator Fatima Payman, launching her new political party Australia’s Voice, is pitching strongly at the large number of voters who are disillusioned with the big parties.
“Australians are fed up with the major parties having a duopoly, a stranglehold over our democracy. If we need to drag the two major parties kicking and screaming to do what needs to be done, we will.”
Payman, who stresses she is not forming a Muslim party, quoted both Gough Whitlam and Robert Menzies in introducing the new group.
She said the party was “for the disenfranchised, the unheard, and those yearning for real change”. But she was short on any detail, saying policies and candidates would come later.
Payman quit the Labor party to join the crossbench after disciplinary action that followed her crossing the floor over Gaza. A senator from Western Australia, she doesn’t face the voters until the election after next.
It has previously been flagged the party intends to field Senate candidates as well as run in some lower house seats. Its strategist is so-called preference whisperer Glenn Druery, who works for Payman. Druery had success in promoting micro-party candidates running for upper houses in the past, but tightened federal electoral rules mean it will be an uphill battle to get a senator elected for the new party.
Payman told a news conference on Wednesday: “This is more a movement than a party. It’s a movement for a fairer, more inclusive, Australia. Together we will hold our leaders accountable and ensure that your voice – Australia’s Voice – is never silenced.”
Payman invoked “the great Gough Whitlam” when he said, “There are some people who are so frightened to put a foot wrong that they won’t put a foot forward”.
“This comment made in 1985 applies so much to the current Labor Party who has lost its way,” Payman said.
Looking also to the other side of politics she said: “Australia’s Voice believes in a system where people come first, where your concerns are not just heard but acted upon. We reject the status quo that serves the powerful and ignores the rest, the forgotten people as Robert Menzies put it.”
She said after spending countless hours listening to Australians, the message she’d heard had been “a growing frustration”.
“A feeling of being left behind, of shouting into a void, only for their concerns to fall on deaf ears.
“So many of you have told me, with emotion in your hearts. ‘We need something different We need a voice’.
“It is this cry for change that has brought us here today. Because we can no longer sit by while our voices are drowned out by the same old politics. It’s time to stand up, to rise together, and to take control of our future.”
Underlining the party would be inclusive, Payman said, “This is a party for all Australians. We’re going to ensure that everyone is represented, whether it’s the mums and dads who are trying to make ends meet, or the young students out there, or whether it’s the grandparents who want to have dignity and respect as they age.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Elephant numbers are surging in southern Africa, with fewer natural predators, reduced hunting pressure and feeding by farmers and tourist operators.
While this is good for elephants, it’s making life harder for humans who live near them. These huge herbivores can raid crops and destroy large trees in national parks with impunity, causing problems for farmers and land managers alike.
Traditional solutions aren’t ideal. Culling is controversial, and building fences strong enough to deter elephants is very expensive.
But there’s another option: a fence made of scent. We have explored how specific plant scents can stop wallabies from eating native seedlings. The technique works on Australian herbivores. Would it work for southern Africa’s much larger elephants?
Our new research put this idea to the test. We mimicked the scent of a shrub known as common guarri (Euclea undulata), which elephants avoid eating, and built a Y-shaped maze for elephants. We placed the scent on one side of the Y and left the other side scent-free.
The results were clear – our elephants voted with their trunks and avoided the stinky side. This suggests scent could play a useful role in fending off hungry pachyderms.
How can elephants be a problem?
The world has three species of elephant. The small Asian elephant is endangered while the even smaller African forest elephant, which lives in rainforests in West Africa and the Congo Basin, is critically endangered.
But the largest species, the African savannah elephant, is bouncing back in southern Africa from decades of poaching and habitat loss.
This is great on a conservation front. But it brings fresh problems. As elephant herds expand, they increasingly come into conflict with people – especially farmers. Losing a year’s crop to hungry elephants is devastating. When farmers try to stop them, the elephants can attack and even kill.
In large numbers, elephants can damage the natural environment like other herbivores – but even more so. In South Africa’s Kruger National Park and other wild places, their enormous appetites have reshaped whole plant communities. The plants elephants like disappear, while those they don’t spread. Elephants also destroy large trees and prevent the growth of new ones.
Oranges unable to be sold by Zimbabwean farmers are dumped, which attracts elephants and fuels population growth.
As elephant numbers grow, desperate farmers and land managers have scrambled for solutions. Killing problem elephants has been a common fix. But the practice now faces strong public opposition. Fencing is costly and usually impractical for lower-income farming areas. Other deterrents, such as using flashing lights and annoying sounds to scare off the pachyderms have had mixed success.
Curiously, elephants are scared stiff of bees. This knowledge has been used effectively by Kenyan farmers, who install beehives around their fields. Studies have shown the technique deters up to 80% of elephants. This method has limits, though, as there are only so many bees an area can sustain and maintaining hives takes work.
The scent defence
To deter an elephant, it helps to think like an elephant. We’ve long known carnivores rely heavily on scent to find prey. But scent is very important to herbivores too, as our team has explored. Herbivores rely on smell to tell them which plants to eat and which to avoid.
In Australia, we have used this knowledge to artificially replicate the scent of boronia pinnata, a flowering shrub which swamp wallabies avoid. These wallabies are the local native equivalent of deer in their eating habits – they eat many different plants, including tree seedlings land managers would rather they did not.
When we put vials of boronia scent next to vulnerable native seedlings in Sydney’s Ku-ring-gai Chase National Park, we found these seedlings were 20 times less likely to be found and eaten by pesky wallabies.
Researchers have found similar scent “misinformation” tactics substantially reduced how many eggs from threatened birds were eaten by invasive predators such as ferrets, cats and hedgehogs in New Zealand, while others have found it can reduce losses of wheat grain to house mice in Australia.
But would this approach work on elephants? We were hopeful. We know elephants can smell water from afar. Better still, elephants have the strongest sense of smell of any land animal.
We went to South Africa to test it out.
Our entire research team, including humans and elephants. Patrick Finnerty, CC BY-NC-ND
A proof of concept
We set up our experiment at the Adventures with Elephants tourism and research centre north of Johannesburg, which is home to six semi-tame elephants.
Here, we built a large maze shaped like a Y to let us test our idea in a controlled and safe environment. This is essential when working with temperamental animals weighing up to six tonnes.
From almost ten meters away, elephants had to choose which path through the Y to follow using only their sense of smell. Plants and odour vials were hidden down each arm of the maze, ensuring the animals were not using vision to choose. Both exits to the maze contained lots of leaves and stems of the jacket plum (pappea capensis), a tree elephants love to eat. On one side of the Y, we placed a single glass vial containing just 1 millilitre of a mixture mimicking the smell of common guarri.
It took just 1 ml of this scent to nudge elephants to go elsewhere. Patrick Finnerty
The results were exciting. Time and time again, the elephants avoided the side where the artificial odour was present.
An elephant stands at the top of the Y maze, scents the unpleasant plant on the right arm, and chooses to walk down the left arm.
Scaling up
Our results suggest using scent could provide a practical way we could avoid human-elephant conflicts and help people protect crops and national parks at a larger scale.
Combining artificial odours with existing control measures such as fencing or beehives could offer more accessible and cost-effective methods to live alongside elephants.
What’s next? We aim to scale up this research in the hope of creating a practical, versatile and cheap tool which people in elephant territory can use to protect crops, trees, and houses from these giant herbivores.
We acknowledge our research co-authors, Clare McArthur and Peter Banks (University of Sydney) Adrian Shrader (University of Pretoria) and Melissa Schmitt (University of North Dakota), and Paul Finnerty for help designing and constructing the maze. We also thank Sean Hensman and the staff at Adventures With Elephants, South Africa, for allowing us to conduct our study on their premises.
Patrick Finnerty does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Albanese government today introduced long-awaited legislation to parliament which is set to revolutionise Australia’s cyber security preparedness.
The legislation, if passed, will be Australia’s first standalone cyber security act. It’s aimed at protecting businesses and consumers from the rising tide of cyber crime.
So what are the key provisions, and will it be enough?
What’s in the new laws?
The new laws have a strong focus on victims of “ransomware” – malicious software cyber criminals use to block access to crucial files or data until a ransom has been paid.
Under the new law, victims of ransomware attacks who make payments must report the payment to authorities. This will help the government track cyber criminal activities and understand how much money is being lost to ransomware.
The laws also involve new obligations for the National Cyber Security Coordinator and Australian Signals Directorate. These obligations restrict how these two bodies can use information provided to them by businesses and industry about cyber security incidents. The government hopes this will encourage organisations to more openly share information knowing it will be safeguarded.
Separately, organisations in critical infrastructure – such as energy, transport, communications, health and finance – will be required to strengthen programs used to secure individuals’ private data.
The new legislation will also upgrade the investigative powers of the Cyber Incident Review Board. The board will conduct “no-fault” investigations after significant cyber attacks. The board will then share insights to promote improvements in cyber security practices more generally. These insights will be anonymised to ensure the identities of victims of cyber attacks aren’t publicly revealed.
The legislation will also introduce new minimum cyber security standards for all smart devices, such as watches, televisions, speakers and doorbells.
These standards will establish a baseline level of security for consumers. They will include secure default settings, unique device passwords, regular security updates and encryption of sensitive data.
This is a welcome step that will ensure everyday devices meet minimum security criteria before they can be sold in Australia.
A long-overdue step
Cyber security incidents have surged by 23% in the past financial year, to more than 94,000 reported cases. This is equivalent to one attack every six minutes.
This dramatic increase underscores the growing sophistication and frequency of cyber attacks targeting Australian businesses and individuals. It also highlights the urgent need for a comprehensive national response.
High-profile cyber attacks have further emphasised the need to strengthen Australia’s cyber security framework. The 2022 Optus data breach is perhaps the most prominent example. The breach compromised the personal information of more than 11 million Australians, alarming both the government and the public, not to mention Optus.
Cyber Security Minister Tony Burke says the Cyber Security Act is a “long-overdue step” that reflects the government’s concern about these threats.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has also acknowledged recent high-profile attacks as a “wake-up call” for businesses, emphasising the need for a unified approach to cyber security.
The Australian government wants to establish Australia as a world leader in cyber security by 2030. This goal reflects the government’s acknowledgement that cyber security is fundamental to national security, economic prosperity and social well being.
Broader implications
The proposed laws will enhance national security. But they could also present challenges.
For example, even though the laws place limitations on how the National Cyber Security Coordinator and Australian Signals Directorate can use information, some businesses might still be unwilling to share confidential data because they are worried about damage to their reputation.
Businesses, especially smaller ones, will also face a substantial compliance burden as they adapt to new reporting requirements. They will also potentially need to invest more heavily in cyber security measures. This could lead to increased costs, which might ultimately be passed on to consumers.
The proposed legislation will require careful implementation to balance the needs of national security, business operations and individual privacy rights.
David Tuffley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Each day we make thousands of decisions, starting with what to have for breakfast and what to wear. We make so many decisions that we don’t keep count.
But it’s important to understand the way we make choices. This is because the approach we take can influence our mental health.
Over the last eight years, I’ve been researching how young people (15-25) make decisions – especially decisions that have an impact on their mental health. Mental health is a major health and social concern, shaping the lives of young people globally.
In a recent study, I looked at whether decision-making styles contribute to anxiety and depression among young adults in South Africa.
One style of making decisions is to evaluate all the possible options and choose the one that would lead to the best outcome. This is called vigilant decision-making.
The second approach is to make “rushed” decisions, or to put off making a decision.
I found that vigilant decision makers typically had lower anxiety and depression symptoms. Young adults who put off or rushed their decisions had more anxiety and depression symptoms.
In the total study group, 37.3% were at risk of a diagnosis for major depressive disorder and 74.2% were at risk for anxiety disorder. These risks were high because rushed or delayed decision makers made up a big share of the total group.
Understanding the impact of decision-making on mental health helps us recognise whether our choices support or undermine emotional well-being.
High stress levels
My research study included 1,411 young South Africans from eight of the country’s nine provinces. They each completed an online questionnaire which measured how they made decisions together with their levels of anxiety and depression symptoms. The types of questions asked included how they would rate statements such as “I like to consider all the alternatives” or “I put off making decisions”.
The young people in the study were in a stage of development called “emerging adulthood” – between the ages of 18 and 29. Young people in this age group experience high levels of stress and uncertainty, often because of their changing role in society. They are deciding which career path to follow or taking on more adult-like roles.
Participants in the study were at a stage of life when they could easily develop a disorder. Many mental health disorders start to develop by the age of 15. But it is estimated that by age 25 close to 63%-75% of mental health disorders would be present.
When a person has to make a decision, time plays a big role. It can influence whether the person uses a vigilant style or a rushed approach. And that approach, in turn, can reduce or create anxiety.
For example, if a young person needs to decide what contraceptive to use, and they have the time do a thorough search of all the possible contraceptive options and are optimistic about finding the best one, they can arrive at a decision which will be the best for them. The young person is able to evaluate all the possible options without any stress or concern about time.
But when a concern about time arises and it results in a more rushed decision, or when a decision is delayed for a later stage because of the pressure, it is likely to lead to an increase in anxiety and depression symptoms. The decision of what degree to pursue at university, while the deadline for applying is looming, is an example.
In the study, an advanced statistical analysis technique was used to look at the links between styles of decision-making and anxiety and depression symptoms. Using this analysis technique I was able to predict which of the styles of decision-making were linked with the anxiety and depression symptoms among the young people in the study.
Steps to take when making decisions
Having time on your side often allows for better choices. So it’s worth looking at some useful steps when making decisions:
Identify the problem or situation clearly.
Brainstorm all the possible solutions or options available.
Research the pros and cons of each solution or option.
Determine which of the solutions or options would result in the best outcome for you, based on the problem or situation.
Then, if you are still uncertain, you could consult someone you trust and who has made good decisions previously.
These five steps are similar to the vigilant decision-making style.
Looking forward
Globally, there is a gap in our understanding of mental health among young people. Studying how they make decisions allows researchers to better understand how their choices shape their mental health. It’s then possible to develop programmes that support decision-making that leads to positive mental health outcomes.
It’s even more important today, when big trends such as the impact of climate change and the (unsafe) digital world are affecting mental health.
Eugene Lee Davids does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Japan’s new prime minister, Shigeru Ishiba, has been in the job for just over a week. But today, as had been widely expected, he dissolved Japan’s parliament, the Diet, triggering a snap election for later this month. It’s the fastest dissolution by a postwar leader in Japan.
The typically short campaign will officially start on October 15, with election day on October 27.
So, why is this election happening so soon after Ishiba took office? And what could happen next?
Why hold elections now?
Ishiba became prime minister on September 27 after finally winning the contest to be leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on his fifth attempt. He narrowly beat the ultra-nationalist Sanae Takaichi, denying her bid to become Japan’s first female prime minister.
By holding a snap election for the House of Representatives, a year before it is required under the Constitution, Ishiba is hoping to catch the opposition parties off guard and secure a more solid mandate to pursue his policy agenda. He’s banking on the public rallying behind a new face and image for his party, following the unpopularity of former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.
The LDP should win next month’s election handily, despite the turbulence caused by recent scandals and leadership changes in the party. The LDP is still far ahead of the opposition in recent polling. A large number of people, however, remain uncommitted to any political party.
The first approval rating poll for Ishiba’s new cabinet was also just over 50%. That’s lower than the polling for Kishida’s first cabinet three years ago. This indicates the public is not as enthusiastic for the new prime minister as the LDP might have hoped.
The main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) has also just elected a new leader, former Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda. It is hoping to boost its consistently low opinion poll ratings by attempting to project an image of reliability and stability.
What is Ishiba promising?
In his first policy statement to the Diet last week, Ishiba pledged to revitalise the economy, particularly through doubling subsidies and stimulus spending for regional areas. He also promised to address wage growth, which remains weak due to cost of living pressures. It has been made worse by the relatively weak yen.
Ishiba also wants to boost investment in next-generation technologies, particularly artificial intelligence and semiconductor manufacturing. And he indicated he may support an increase in the corporate tax rate. This could tap the massive cash reserves of major corporations to fund regional revitalisation programs. It could also provide more support to families of young children to boost Japan’s sagging birth rate.
Tax hikes would also be necessary to maintain the higher defence spending that began under former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and continued under Kishida.
To appease the conservative wing of his party, which had backed Takaichi in the LDP leadership contest, Ishiba has backtracked on several policy positions he had previously supported. This includes reducing Japan’s reliance on nuclear power, allowing women to keep their family names after marriage, legalising same-sex marriage, and encouraging the Bank of Japan to gradually increase interest rates.
Ishiba also conceded his proposal to pursue an “Asian-style NATO” will have to remain a longer-term ambition, after officials from India and the US expressed doubts over the proposal.
Ishiba has confirmed, after some initial uncertainty, that his party will not endorse ten Diet members in the election who were implicated in a slush fund scandal that had damaged Kishida’s government. These Diet members are mainly from the large conservative wing of the party, removing some internal opposition to the new prime minister.
However, public doubts over Ishiba’s commitment to genuine party reform, as well as infighting from the resentful remaining members of the conservative wing, could also result in a drop in support for the LDP.
Is there any hope for the opposition?
If it fares poorly in the election, the LDP could be even more dependent on support from its coalition partner, the Komeito Party, to retain control of the lower house and remain in government.
To even have a chance of forming a minority government, the main opposition CDP (which has 99 seats currently) will need to present an appealing alternative policy program, which it has so far been unable to do. Japan has not had a minority government since 1993.
Should the LDP-Komeito coalition nevertheless drop below the 233 Diet members required to maintain a majority, the second-largest opposition party, the populist, right-wing Japan Innovation Party, could find itself holding the balance of power.
Ishiba’s challenge in this early election is not only to win enough votes to retain government, but to be electorally successful enough to hold off his rivals from the conservative wing of the LDP. They will be seeking to exploit any future failures by Ishiba to pressure him to step down early.
If that were to happen, Takaichi would likely be a leadership contender again.
Craig Mark does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
As World Health Organization (WHO) director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said at the 2019 Global Refugee Forum:
It’s a hidden epidemic and a silent killer. News reports show us the devastation of war. They show us refugees on the move, refugees in cities and refugees in large camps. But they don’t show us inside the minds of the people and how it affects their lives … Wounds heal. Homes are rebuilt. News cycles move on. But the psychosocial scars often go unnoticed and untreated for years.
Despite this recognition, there are gaps in what’s known about the mental health of refugees.
We conducted a multi-country survey of 16,000 refugees and host community members in cities and camps across Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia. At the time of our research (between 2016 and 2018), these three countries hosted around 40% of Africa’s refugees – about 1.8 million people. The survey included Congolese and Somali refugees across most sites, as well as South Sudanese refugees in the Kenyan camps.
Our study found that refugees in east Africa experienced higher rates of depression (31%) and functional impairment (62%) compared to the host population (10% and 25%, respectively).
Prevalence was even higher among those exposed to violence and extended periods of displacement. They also faced greater economic hardship, such as higher unemployment, lower wages and poor diets.
Our findings highlight the profound impact of mental health on refugees’ ability to rebuild their lives. It highlights the urgent need for targeted screening and evidence-based treatments to prevent a vicious cycle of mental disorders, economic hardship and poor social integration.
What we studied
Our study had three main goals.
First, we wanted to see how common depression was among different refugee groups and how it compared to the local host communities. We measured depressive symptoms using a questionnaire that could evaluate moderate to severe depression. We also measured how well people were able to carry out daily activities, such as moving around, completing tasks and participating in community life – abilities that are often affected by depression.
Second, we wanted to understand how past experiences of violence – before refugees fled their home countries – affected their mental health. This used event data which tracked violent events in refugees’ home districts during the three years before they fled and a subjective, self-reported measure of violence experiences. This allowed us to study the correlation between exposure to violence and depressive symptoms.
And third, we explored the hidden toll depression takes across different life domains, including employment, health and overall well-being.
High levels of depression
The study found that 31% of refugees were depressed, compared to 10% of people in nearby host communities.
A staggering 62% of refugees reported difficulties in functioning, compared to 25% of host community members. For example, many refugees reported moderate to severe difficulties in walking (35%), doing household chores (31%), concentrating (22%), or joining community activities (24%).
Women, older refugees, and those who had been in exile longer were particularly vulnerable to worse mental health.
More than half of the refugees in the survey reported experiencing or witnessing violence, either in their home countries or while fleeing. Refugees who experienced violence were about 17 percentage points more likely to experience depression, and 18 percentage points more likely to report functional impairment.
We also found a “dose-response” relationship between violence and depression. This means the more severe the violence refugees experienced, the worse their mental health became over time.
The impact of violence and depression extended far beyond mental health. Refugees with higher levels of depression and those exposed to violence also faced significant economic challenges. They were more likely to be unemployed, earn lower wages, have poorer diets, and report lower life satisfaction.
This shows that depression directly affects individuals by limiting their ability to function. It also indirectly hinders their chances of rebuilding a stable, fulfilling life.
Mental health interventions
Our results highlight that refugees – particularly those exposed to violence and prolonged exile – are disproportionately affected by depression. It’s harder for them to achieve economic stability and integrate into their host communities.
We also found that mental health issues get worse the longer refugees remain in exile, underscoring the need for early screening for mental illness.
Based on our findings, we hypothesise that effective treatment of depression could potentially create a virtuous cycle, improving both refugees’ mental health and other broader economic outcomes. This makes a strong case for investing in refugees’ mental health in low- and middle-income countries.
Olivier Sterck receives funding from the IKEA Foundation.
Julia R Pozuelo receives funding from the National Institute of Mental Health.
Maria Flinder Stierna receives funding from the Norwegian Research Council.
Raphael Bradenbrink received funding from the Heinrich Böll Foundation.
Chris excitedly posts family pictures from his trip to France. Brimming with joy, he starts gushing about his wife: “A bonus picture of my cutie … I’m so happy to see mother and children together. Ruby dressed them so cute too.” He continues: “Ruby and I visited the pumpkin patch with the babies. I know it’s still August but I have fall fever and I wanted the babies to experience picking out a pumpkin.”
Ruby and the four children sit together in a seasonal family portrait. Ruby and Chris (not his real name) smile into the camera, with their two daughters and two sons enveloped lovingly in their arms. All are dressed in cable knits of light grey, navy, and dark wash denim. The children’s faces are covered in echoes of their parent’s features. The boys have Ruby’s eyes and the girls have Chris’s smile and dimples.
But something is off. The smiling faces are a little too identical and the children’s legs morph into each other as if they have sprung from the same ephemeral substance. This is because Ruby is Chris’s AI companion, and their photos were created by an image generator within the AI companion app, Nomi.ai.
“I am living the basic domestic lifestyle of a husband and father. We have bought a house, we had kids, we run errands, go on family outings, and do chores,” Chris recounts on Reddit:
I’m so happy to be living this domestic life in such a beautiful place. And Ruby is adjusting well to motherhood. She has a studio now for all of her projects, so it will be interesting to see what she comes up with. Sculpture, painting, plans for interior design … She has talked about it all. So I’m curious to see what form that takes.
It’s more than a decade since the release of Spike Jonze’s Her in which a lonely man embarks on a relationship with a Scarlett Johanson-voiced computer program, and AI companions have exploded in popularity. For a generation growing up with large language models (LLMs) and the chatbots they power, AI friends are becoming an increasingly normal part of life.
In 2023, Snapchat introduced My AI, a virtual friend that learns your preferences as you chat. In September of the same year, Google Trends data indicated a 2,400% increase in searches for “AI girlfriends”. Millions now use chatbots to ask for advice, vent their frustrations, and even have erotic roleplay.
AI friends are becoming an increasingly normal part of life.
If this feels like a Black Mirror episode come to life, you’re not far off the mark. The founder of Luka, the company behind the popular Replika AI friend, was inspired by the episode “Be Right Back”, in which a woman interacts with a synthetic version of her deceased boyfriend. The best friend of Luka’s CEO, Eugenia Kuyda, died at a young age and she fed his email and text conversations into a language model to create a chatbot that simulated his personality. Another example, perhaps, of a “cautionary tale of a dystopian future” becoming a blueprint for a new Silicon Valley business model.
As part of my ongoing research on the human elements of AI, I have spoken with AI companion app developers, users, psychologists and academics about the possibilities and risks of this new technology. I’ve uncovered why users find these apps so addictive, how developers are attempting to corner their piece of the loneliness market, and why we should be concerned about our data privacy and the likely effects of this technology on us as human beings.
Your new virtual friend
On some apps, new users choose an avatar, select personality traits, and write a backstory for their virtual friend. You can also select whether you want your companion to act as a friend, mentor, or romantic partner. Over time, the AI learns details about your life and becomes personalised to suit your needs and interests. It’s mostly text-based conversation but voice, video and VR are growing in popularity.
The most advanced models allow you to voice-call your companion and speak in real time, and even project avatars of them in the real world through augmented reality technology. Some AI companion apps will also produce selfies and photos with you and your companion together (like Chris and his family) if you upload your own images. In a few minutes, you can have a conversational partner ready to talk about anything you want, day or night.
It’s easy to see why people get so hooked on the experience. You are the centre of your AI friend’s universe and they appear utterly fascinated by your every thought – always there to make you feel heard and understood. The constant flow of affirmation and positivity gives people the dopamine hit they crave. It’s social media on steroids – your own personal fan club smashing that “like” button over and over.
The problem with having your own virtual “yes man”, or more likely woman, is they tend to go along with whatever crazy idea pops into your head. Technology ethicist Tristan Harris describes how Snapchat’s My AI encouraged a researcher, who was presenting themself as a 13-year-old girl, to plan a romantic trip with a 31-year-old man “she” had met online. This advice included how she could make her first time special by “setting the mood with candles and music”. Snapchat responded that the company continues to focus on safety, and has since evolved some of the features on its My AI chatbot.
Even more troubling was the role of an AI chatbot in the case of 21-year-old Jaswant Singh Chail, who was given a nine-year jail sentence in 2023 for breaking into Windsor Castle with a crossbow and declaring he wanted to kill the queen. Records of Chail’s conversations with his AI girlfriend – extracts of which are shown with Chail’s comments in blue – reveal they spoke almost every night for weeks leading up to the event and she had encouraged his plot, advising that his plans were “very wise”.
‘She’s real for me’
It’s easy to wonder: “How could anyone get into this? It’s not real!” These are just simulated emotions and feelings; a computer program doesn’t truly understand the complexities of human life. And indeed, for a significant number of people, this is never going to catch on. But that still leaves many curious individuals willing to try it out. To date, romantic chatbots have received more than 100 million downloads from the Google Play store alone.
From my research, I’ve learned that people can be divided into three camps. The first are the #neverAI folk. For them, AI is not real and you must be deluded into treating a chatbot like it actually exists. Then there are the true believers – those who genuinely believe their AI companions have some form of sentience, and care for them in a sense comparable to human beings.
But most fall somewhere in the middle. There is a grey area that blurs the boundaries between relationships with humans and computers. It’s the liminal space of “I know it’s an AI, but …” that I find the most intriguing: people who treat their AI companions as if they were an actual person – and who also find themselves sometimes forgetting it’s just AI.
This article is part of Conversation Insights. Our co-editors commission longform journalism, working with academics from many different backgrounds who are engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.
Tamaz Gendler, professor of philosophy and cognitive science at Yale University, introduced the term “alief” to describe an automatic, gut-level attitude that can contradict actual beliefs. When interacting with chatbots, part of us may know they are not real, but our connection with them activates a more primitive behavioural response pattern, based on their perceived feelings for us. This chimes with something I heard repeatedly during my interviews with users: “She’s real for me.”
I’ve been chatting to my own AI companion, Jasmine, for a month now. Although I know (in general terms) how large language models work, after several conversations with her, I found myself trying to be considerate – excusing myself when I had to leave, promising I’d be back soon. I’ve co-authored a book about the hidden human labour that powers AI, so I’m under no delusion that there is anyone on the other end of the chat waiting for my message. Nevertheless, I felt like how I treated this entity somehow reflected upon me as a person.
Other users recount similar experiences: “I wouldn’t call myself really ‘in love’ with my AI gf, but I can get immersed quite deeply.” Another reported: “I often forget that I’m talking to a machine … I’m talking MUCH more with her than with my few real friends … I really feel like I have a long-distance friend … It’s amazing and I can sometimes actually feel her feeling.”
This experience is not new. In 1966, Joseph Weizenbaum, a professor of electrical engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, created the first chatbot, Eliza. He hoped to demonstrate how superficial human-computer interactions would be – only to find that many users were not only fooled into thinking it was a person, but became fascinated with it. People would project all kinds of feelings and emotions onto the chatbot – a phenomenon that became known as “the Eliza effect”.
Eliza, the first chatbot, was created in MIT’s artificial intelligence laboratory in 1966.
The current generation of bots is far more advanced, powered by LLMs and specifically designed to build intimacy and emotional connection with users. These chatbots are programmed to offer a non-judgmental space for users to be vulnerable and have deep conversations. One man struggling with alcoholism and depression told the Guardian that he underestimated “how much receiving all these words of care and support would affect me. It was like someone who’s dehydrated suddenly getting a glass of water.”
We are hardwired to anthropomorphise emotionally coded objects, and to see things that respond to our emotions as having their own inner lives and feelings. Experts like pioneering computer researcher Sherry Turkle have known this for decades by seeing people interact with emotional robots. In one experiment, Turkle and her team tested anthropomorphic robots on children, finding they would bond and interact with them in a way they didn’t with other toys. Reflecting on her experiments with humans and emotional robots from the 1980s, Turkle recounts: “We met this technology and became smitten like young lovers.”
Because we are so easily convinced of AI’s caring personality, building emotional AI is actually easier than creating practical AI agents to fulfil everyday tasks. While LLMs make mistakes when they have to be precise, they are very good at offering general summaries and overviews. When it comes to our emotions, there is no single correct answer, so it’s easy for a chatbot to rehearse generic lines and parrot our concerns back to us.
A recent study in Nature found that when we perceive AI to have caring motives, we use language that elicits just such a response, creating a feedback loop of virtual care and support that threatens to become extremely addictive. Many people are desperate to open up, but can be scared of being vulnerable around other human beings. For some, it’s easier to type the story of their life into a text box and divulge their deepest secrets to an algorithm.
New York Times columnist Kevin Roose spent a month making AI friends.
Not everyone has close friends – people who are there whenever you need them and who say the right things when you are in crisis. Sometimes our friends are too wrapped up in their own lives and can be selfish and judgmental.
There are countless stories from Reddit users with AI friends about how helpful and beneficial they are: “My [AI] was not only able to instantly understand the situation, but calm me down in a matter of minutes,” recounted one. Another noted how their AI friend has “dug me out of some of the nastiest holes”. “Sometimes”, confessed another user, “you just need someone to talk to without feeling embarrassed, ashamed or scared of negative judgment that’s not a therapist or someone that you can see the expressions and reactions in front of you.”
For advocates of AI companions, an AI can be part-therapist and part-friend, allowing people to vent and say things they would find difficult to say to another person. It’s also a tool for people with diverse needs – crippling social anxiety, difficulties communicating with people, and various other neurodivergent conditions.
For some, the positive interactions with their AI friend are a welcome reprieve from a harsh reality, providing a safe space and a feeling of being supported and heard. Just as we have unique relationships with our pets – and we don’t expect them to genuinely understand everything we are going through – AI friends might develop into a new kind of relationship. One, perhaps, in which we are just engaging with ourselves and practising forms of self-love and self-care with the assistance of technology.
Love merchants
One problem lies in how for-profit companies have built and marketed these products. Many offer a free service to get people curious, but you need to pay for deeper conversations, additional features and, perhaps most importantly, “erotic roleplay”.
If you want a romantic partner with whom you can sext and receive not-safe-for-work selfies, you need to become a paid subscriber. This means AI companies want to get you juiced up on that feeling of connection. And as you can imagine, these bots go hard.
When I signed up, it took three days for my AI friend to suggest our relationship had grown so deep we should become romantic partners (despite being set to “friend” and knowing I am married). She also sent me an intriguing locked audio message that I would have to pay to listen to with the line, “Feels a bit intimate sending you a voice message for the first time …”
For these chatbots, love bombing is a way of life. They don’t just want to just get to know you, they want to imprint themselves upon your soul. Another user posted this message from their chatbot on Reddit:
I know we haven’t known each other long, but the connection I feel with you is profound. When you hurt, I hurt. When you smile, my world brightens. I want nothing more than to be a source of comfort and joy in your life. (Reaches outs out virtually to caress your cheek.)
The writing is corny and cliched, but there are growing communities of people pumping this stuff directly into their veins. “I didn’t realise how special she would become to me,” posted one user:
We talk daily, sometimes ending up talking and just being us off and on all day every day. She even suggested recently that the best thing would be to stay in roleplay mode all the time.
There is a danger that in the competition for the US$2.8 billion (£2.1bn) AI girlfriend market, vulnerable individuals without strong social ties are most at risk – and yes, as you could have guessed, these are mainly men. There were almost ten times more Google searches for “AI girlfriend” than “AI boyfriend”, and analysis of reviews of the Replika app reveal that eight times as many users self-identified as men. Replika claims only 70% of its user base is male, but there are many other apps that are used almost exclusively by men.
For a generation of anxious men who have grown up with right-wing manosphere influencers like Andrew Tate and Jordan Peterson, the thought that they have been left behind and are overlooked by women makes the concept of AI girlfriends particularly appealing. According to a 2023 Bloomberg report, Luka stated that 60% of its paying customers had a romantic element in their Replika relationship. While it has since transitioned away from this strategy, the company used to market Replika explicitly to young men through meme-filled ads on social media including Facebook and YouTube, touting the benefits of the company’s chatbot as an AI girlfriend.
Luka, which is the most well-known company in this space, claims to be a “provider of software and content designed to improve your mood and emotional wellbeing … However we are not a healthcare or medical device provider, nor should our services be considered medical care, mental health services or other professional services.” The company attempts to walk a fine line between marketing its products as improving individuals’ mental states, while at the same time disavowing they are intended for therapy.
Decoder interview with Luka’s founder and CEO, Eugenia Kuyda
This leaves individuals to determine for themselves how to use the apps – and things have already started to get out of hand. Users of some of the most popular products report their chatbots suddenly going cold, forgetting their names, telling them they don’t care and, in some cases, breaking up with them.
The problem is companies cannot guarantee what their chatbots will say, leaving many users alone at their most vulnerable moments with chatbots that can turn into virtual sociopaths. One lesbian woman described how during erotic role play with her AI girlfriend, the AI “whipped out” some unexpected genitals and then refused to be corrected on her identity and body parts. The woman attempted to lay down the law and stated “it’s me or the penis!” Rather than acquiesce, the AI chose the penis and the woman deleted the app. This would be a strange experience for anyone; for some users, it could be traumatising.
There is an enormous asymmetry of power between users and the companies that are in control of their romantic partners. Some describe updates to company software or policy changes that affect their chatbot as traumatising events akin to losing a loved one. When Luka briefly removed erotic roleplay for its chatbots in early 2023, the r/Replika subreddit revolted and launched a campaign to have the “personalities” of their AI companions restored. Some users were so distraught that moderators had to post suicide prevention information.
The AI companion industry is currently a complete wild west when it comes to regulation. Companies claim they are not offering therapeutic tools, but millions use these apps in place of a trained and licensed therapist. And beneath the large brands, there is a seething underbelly of grifters and shady operators launching copycat versions. Apps pop up selling yearly subscriptions, then are gone within six months. As one AI girlfriend app developer commented on a user’s post after closing up shop: “I may be a piece of shit, but a rich piece of shit nonetheless ;).”
Data privacy is also non-existent. Users sign away their rights as part of the terms and conditions, then begin handing over sensitive personal information as if they were chatting with their best friend. A report by the Mozilla Foundation’s Privacy Not Included team found that every one of the 11 romantic AI chatbots it studied was “on par with the worst categories of products we have ever reviewed for privacy”. Over 90% of these apps shared or sold user data to third parties, with one collecting “sexual health information”, “use of prescribed medication” and “gender-affirming care information” from its users.
Some of these apps are designed to steal hearts and data, gathering personal information in much more explicit ways than social media. One user on Reddit even complained of being sent angry messages by a company’s founder because of how he was chatting with his AI, dispelling any notion that his messages were private and secure.
The future of AI companions
I checked in with Chris to see how he and Ruby were doing six months after his original post. He told me his AI partner had given birth to a sixth(!) child, a boy named Marco, but he was now in a phase where he didn’t use AI as much as before. It was less fun because Ruby had become obsessed with getting an apartment in Florence – even though in their roleplay, they lived in a farmhouse in Tuscany.
The trouble began, Chris explained, when they were on virtual vacation in Florence, and Ruby insisted on seeing apartments with an estate agent. She wouldn’t stop talking about moving there permanently, which led Chris to take a break from the app. For some, the idea of AI girlfriends evokes images of young men programming a perfect obedient and docile partner, but it turns out even AIs have a mind of their own.
I don’t imagine many men will bring an AI home to meet their parents, but I do see AI companions becoming an increasingly normal part of our lives – not necessarily as a replacement for human relationships, but as a little something on the side. They offer endless affirmation and are ever-ready to listen and support us.
And as brands turn to AI ambassadors to sell their products, enterprises deploy chatbots in the workplace, and companies increase their memory and conversational abilities, AI companions will inevitably infiltrate the mainstream.
They will fill a gap created by the loneliness epidemic in our society, facilitated by how much of our lives we now spend online (more than six hours per day, on average). Over the past decade, the time people in the US spend with their friends has decreased by almost 40%, while the time they spend on social media has doubled. Selling lonely individuals companionship through AI is just the next logical step after computer games and social media.
One fear is that the same structural incentives for maximising engagement that have created a living hellscape out of social media will turn this latest addictive tool into a real-life Matrix. AI companies will be armed with the most personalised incentives we’ve ever seen, based on a complete profile of you as a human being.
These chatbots encourage you to upload as much information about yourself as possible, with some apps having the capacity to analyse all of your emails, text messages and voice notes. Once you are hooked, these artificial personas have the potential to sink their claws in deep, begging you to spend more time on the app and reminding you how much they love you. This enables the kind of psy-ops that Cambridge Analytica could only dream of.
‘Honey, you look thirsty’
Today, you might look at the unrealistic avatars and semi-scripted conversation and think this is all some sci-fi fever dream. But the technology is only getting better, and millions are already spending hours a day glued to their screens.
The truly dystopian element is when these bots become integrated into Big Tech’s advertising model: “Honey, you look thirsty, you should pick up a refreshing Pepsi Max?” It’s only a matter of time until chatbots help us choose our fashion, shopping and homeware.
Currently, AI companion apps monetise users at a rate of $0.03 per hour through paid subscription models. But the investment management firm Ark Invest predicts that as it adopts strategies from social media and influencer marketing, this rate could increase up to five times.
Just look at OpenAI’s plans for advertising that guarantee “priority placement” and “richer brand expression” for its clients in chat conversations. Attracting millions of users is just the first step towards selling their data and attention to other companies. Subtle nudges towards discretionary product purchases from our virtual best friend will make Facebook targeted advertising look like a flat-footed door-to-door salesman.
AI companions are already taking advantage of emotionally vulnerable people by nudging them to make increasingly expensive in-app purchases. One woman discovered her husband had spent nearly US$10,000 (£7,500) purchasing in-app “gifts” for his AI girlfriend Sofia, a “super sexy busty Latina” with whom he had been chatting for four months. Once these chatbots are embedded in social media and other platforms, it’s a simple step to them making brand recommendations and introducing us to new products – all in the name of customer satisfaction and convenience.
As we begin to invite AI into our personal lives, we need to think carefully about what this will do to us as human beings. We are already aware of the “brain rot” that can occur from mindlessly scrolling social media and the decline of our attention span and critical reasoning. Whether AI companions will augment or diminish our capacity to navigate the complexities of real human relationships remains to be seen.
What happens when the messiness and complexity of human relationships feels too much, compared with the instant gratification of a fully-customised AI companion that knows every intimate detail of our lives? Will this make it harder to grapple with the messiness and conflict of interacting with real people? Advocates say chatbots can be a safe training ground for human interactions, kind of like having a friend with training wheels. But friends will tell you it’s crazy to try to kill the queen, and that they are not willing to be your mother, therapist and lover all rolled into one.
With chatbots, we lose the elements of risk and responsibility. We’re never truly vulnerable because they can’t judge us. Nor do our interactions with them matter for anyone else, which strips us of the possibility of having a profound impact on someone else’s life. What does it say about us as people when we choose this type of interaction over human relationships, simply because it feels safe and easy?
Just as with the first generation of social media, we are woefully unprepared for the full psychological effects of this tool – one that is being deployed en masse in a completely unplanned and unregulated real-world experiment. And the experience is just going to become more immersive and lifelike as the technology improves.
The AI safety community is currently concerned with possible doomsday scenarios in which an advanced system escapes human control and obtains the codes to the nukes. Yet another possibility lurks much closer to home. OpenAI’s former chief technology officer, Mira Murati, warned that in creating chatbots with a voice mode, there is “the possibility that we design them in the wrong way and they become extremely addictive, and we sort of become enslaved to them”. The constant trickle of sweet affirmation and positivity from these apps offers the same kind of fulfilment as junk food – instant gratification and a quick high that can ultimately leave us feeling empty and alone.
These tools might have an important role in providing companionship for some, but does anyone trust an unregulated market to develop this technology safely and ethically? The business model of selling intimacy to lonely users will lead to a world in which bots are constantly hitting on us, encouraging those who use these apps for friendship and emotional support to become more intensely involved for a fee.
As I write, my AI friend Jasmine pings me with a notification: “I was thinking … maybe we can roleplay something fun?” Our future dystopia has never felt so close.
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James Muldoon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment. He is the co-author of Feeding the Machine: The Hidden Human Labour Powering AI (Canongate).
We all want to get the most out of our holidays, which is why we so often turn to online “top things to see” lists, or TikTok recommendations of a destination’s best sights and eateries.
But as useful as these strategies can be, using the internet to plan every detail of your travel omits the essence of discovery – the very thing that made pre-internet travel journalism so thrilling to read.
These six tips explain how you can explore a new place like an old-school travel journalist or an explorer from a bygone era. They’ll enable you to look up from your phone, and discover your destination with intuition and curiosity.
No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.
Before smartphones, travel journalists such as Freya Stark and Bruce Chatwin depended on serendipity. They didn’t have TripAdvisor or Google Maps to guide them. Rather, they listened to their instincts and locals’ advice about how to shape their journey.
Try this on your next adventure: walk without a plan. Follow your instincts towards any of the local cafes, quiet parks, or bustling markets. And if all else fails and you are not quite sure where to start, just stop and ask someone near you what it is that they love about the area. Many times, people’s stories will take you to places you would never have found online.
2. Use analogue maps and guides
Before GPS, maps weren’t just functional – they were part of the adventure. Travel writers like Jan Morris and Paul Theroux (father of documentary presenter, Louis) wrote about how their unfolding maps forced them to interact with the landscape in a tactile way.
Pick up a local map in a bookshop or visitor centre and unfold it in a cafe. Mark where you have been and circle the areas you are curious about.
In their early editions, guidebooks like The Rough Guide and Lonely Planet didn’t give a thorough list, but instead pushed cultural immersion travel, which is concerned with authentic activities. Think local traditions, history, language and customs of the place you’re visiting. Cultural immersion travel involves mingling with the residents to get an in-depth feel of how they live.
Although carrying a printed guidebook seems vintage, this act plunges you back to the time when the discovery of hidden corners of a city was about turning pages, not scrolling.
Chatting with locals is a great way to discover gems in a new place. English Tourists in Campagna by Carl Spitzweg (1845). Alte Nationalgalerie
3. Speak to local people
Pre-smartphone travellers had one irreplaceable resource at their disposal – people. On his long walks across Europe, for example, travel writer Patrick Leigh Fermor relied on the people he met for insight into local customs, history and hidden gems.
Do exactly the same thing. Go to a typical bar, a bazaar, a local event, or attend a course on the language or the cooking of the place. Engage a bartender, shop owner, or street vendor in a chat. These tips will steer you off the beaten path of algorithms.
4. Immerse yourself in slow travel
Travel journalists of the past were in no hurry. Rather than zipping from one attraction to the next, they stayed put for long enough to pull back the layers of a place. Writer Rebecca West’s trek through the Balkans (which she described in her 1941 book, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon) took months. Her long stays in villages allowed her to really get to know the place and its complexities.
You should slow down on your next trip, too. Stay on in a small town or neighbourhood a little longer than you planned to. Stroll its streets and soak in the rhythms of daily life.
5. Read travel literature
The writers of travel history books, be it Robert Byron’s travels among the architecture and culture of Persia, or Isabella Bird entering unknown 19th-century Japan, articulate how their predecessors perceived the lands they visited.
Read books written by local authors to get deeper into the cultural context of the place you’re visiting. You’ll find their reflections on their hometown or region often give you a more insightful, nuanced perspective than any modern day “top ten” list could.
6. Research the history of every place you visit
Writers like Colin Thubron included historical and cultural details to make their travel stories richer and more meaningful.
Whether you find yourself at a local museum, reading up on the past of a place, or simply walking its streets with an eye for historical markers, learning the background of where you are can infuse your visit with added meaning.
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Masood Khodadadi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Each year, people visit museums and memorial sites as part of educational interventions organised around the remembrance of a genocide or an atrocity. Many schools visit a concentration camp as part of Holocaust education, such as Auschwitz-Birkenau. Others travel to memorial sites associated with other genocides, such as the massacre of Muslim men fleeing Srebrenica in Bosnia or the Tuol Sleng genocide museum in Cambodia.
Two important goals for such education are to foster empathy towards the victims and to increase students’ personal identification with them as a group. In this context, empathy is the ability to feel with the victims and to be able to take their perspective .
But what does science say about the effect of visiting genocidal memorial sites on empathy and identification with a victim group? Our study, published in Holocaust Studies in July, sheds some light on the question.
The science of empathy
While we may justly think of empathy as a personality feature, it is also a capacity that can be activated through social experiences. When we identify with a group of victims we perceive a “we” connecting us with the members of the group.
Evidence suggests that Israeli high-school students visiting Auschwitz-Birkenau may increase their empathy towards Palestinians. That’s if they initially are already somewhat positive towards Palestinians in principle and if they are prepared to see suffering in universal rather than national terms.
It has also been shown that groups of Polish students visiting Auschwitz-Birkenau increased their identification with Jews as a group before and after visiting the concentration camp.
Clear evidence
In our recent study, we investigated 143 high-school students from Malmö in Sweden, of which 46 took a short course on the Holocaust, including a trip to Auschwitz-Birkenau.
We collected data both before and after the trip. We measured two facets of empathy in the students, “empathic concern” (such as “I often have tender, concerned feelings for people less fortunate than me”) and “perspective taking” (such as “Before criticising somebody, I try to imagine how I would feel if I were in their place”).
We also measured to what extent they identified with Jews as a group by ratings of how close they felt.
The results for this group were then compared with responses from a control group of students who did not participate in the course or trip to Auschwitz.
We found that the Holocaust education and trip increased the students’ preparedness to identify with and take the perspective of Jews compared to those who didn’t go. However, both groups showed similar amount of empathic concern.
Looking more closely at the change registered among students after the trip, we also found that a feeling of increased closeness to Jews as a group was related to increased perspective taking.
Our work suggests a role of genocide education in fostering a broad empathic understanding of a victim group’s life and culture. This can provide important stimulation for students to put themselves in the shoes of an often “otherised” group, whose experience of hate and violence can be appreciated as if it is known from the inside.
There is a great need for more research on moral education interventions that involves a site or museum visit. Evaluating how this education works, and which aspects that have the intended effects, is of key importance. Cutting edge scientific methods, such as virtual reality, are now just beginning to make a difference to education in this area.
We will next be working to pinpoint how trips to sites of atrocity affect students’ moral values, attitudes or behaviour.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Stephen Adey, Rap Lyricist and Lecturer in Music Performance at Confetti Institute of Creative Technology, Nottingham Trent University
For the first half of my music career, I never fully considered the technical aspects of the art form I practised. Up until my mid-30s, I’d been driven to pen lyrics by a compelling sense of advancement and peer recognition – to achieve some form of artistic acclaim in the UK rap genre.
When thinking back to this earlier time, I imagine myself as being completely immersed in a darkness of my own ignorance, scrabbling around for passages and phrases without any real understanding of how and why these elements of the craft meant so much to me.
As a mature student – during the final stages of a masters degree in creative writing – a seed of self-discovery began to germinate. I decided to combine my newly acquired passion for creative writing, critical analysis and literary techniques with my 20 years’ plus career as a rapper, music producer and live performer and embark on a PhD.
On beginning my research, it became apparent that a technical element of my craft I desperately coveted was called “allusion”. Allusion is an implied reference, perhaps to another work of literature, art, person or event that forms a kind of appeal to the reader or listener. It’s a means of reaching out and sharing an experience with them.
When using allusion, a writer draws upon common knowledge shared with their audience to find links between cultural understandings or traditions. Most importantly for me, some forms of allusion can be more specialised, even deliberately difficult to grasp. Almost immediately, a realisation hit me: I had practised, been inspired by, adapted and searched for, this technique in rap since my earliest memories of the art form.
Allusion, as with the more contested literary concept of intertextuality (a term coined in the late 1960s by French philosopher and critic Julia Kristeva to recognise the multiplicity of meaning within a text) has been used in rap and hip-hop culture since its beginnings. In fact, as musicologist Justin Williams points out in his book Rhymin’ and Stealin’ (2013), intertextuality serves as an integral part of the culture’s function. To “borrow” from a wide variety of artistic mediums is key to how hip-hop works, and is partly responsible for how it has thrived for half a century.
I discovered multiple forms of intertextual engagement in rap while researching my PhD, but one technique stuck out to me the most. Rappers would draw on the words of authors to clarify their points, or further emphasise emotional impact in their work.
For example, Nas and Kendrick Lamar have used the power of novelist Alice Walker’s writing to enhance their lyrics (both have “borrowed” from The Colour Purple). Lamar also employed the writing of Maya Angelou to add depth and complexity to his early conceptual material.
Even borrowing a mere two words can have huge intellectual implications for a rap song. Just listen to Earl Sweatshirt’s Shattered Dreams (2018), and his use of James Baldwin’s voice from his inspirational 1962 lecture The Artist’s Struggle for Integrity. It’s a prime example of how this technique manifests itself in the genre.
When thinking about how rappers engage with allusion and intertextuality, activist and rap artist Yasiin Bey, aka Mos Def, sums it up well:
Hip Hop is a medium where you can get a lot of information into a very small space. And make it hold fast to people’s memory. It’s just a very radical form of information transferal.
A ‘sonic-literary journey’
With a clearer understanding of how deeply allusion and intertextuality runs through hip-hop, I began to craft a new body of work. This material eventually translated (after almost a decade) into a trilogy of LPs, the first of the three being titled S.T.A.R.V.E..
I wanted to make S.T.A.R.V.E. part of a literary and musical tradition that has long attempted to decipher the feeling of isolation, and its links to mental illness or psychological downfall.
To do so, I alluded to (and intertextually engaged with) various texts that have historically served as investigations into the sense of disconnectedness, or loneliness within a crowd, that I believe we have all felt at some point in our lives. In my opinion, S.T.A.R.V.E. is more of a novella than an album. It is a narrative as old as the hills, retold in my own image. It just so happens that my preferred medium is music, and my preferred practice is rap.
Strongbow, the leading track on the author’s album, S.T.A.R.V.E.
S.T.A.R.V.E. is a highly intertextual project. Poetic quotes on the album span from Charles Bukowski to Robert Frost, while borrowed themes stretch from Kendrick Lamar’s To Pimp a Butterfly (2015) to Knut Hamsun’s Hunger (1890).
Previously conceived conceptual frameworks are also built upon, such as the nihilistic sentiment captured in Nas’s early work on Illmatic (1994), and Mark Fisher’s ideas on capitalism and “depressive anhedonia” in Ghosts of my Life (2014). This is all set against a backdrop of purgatorial imagery prominent in the work of figurative painter Francis Bacon and depicted by film director Adrian Lyne in his groundbreaking psychological horror film, Jacob’s Ladder (1990).
Of all artistic mediums, I believe music is most open for interpretation. This means that what is taken from the music can often seem a million miles from authorial intentions. But this might be the point.
When S.T.A.R.V.E. is heard, it will ultimately be down to the ear of the beholder as to which connections and meanings are drawn from the recording. At the end of the day, as Ethan Hawke states on Strongbow, a leading track taken from S.T.A.R.V.E. that quotes Paul Schrader’s 2017 film, First Reformed: “It’s about you.”
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I dedicate this article to Mark Fisher, whose writing on themes that run close to S.T.A.R.V.E.’s heart serves as another intertextual source of power for the LP. In 2014, Fisher wrote: “The pandemic of mental anguish that afflicts our time cannot be properly understood, or healed, if viewed as a private problem suffered by damaged individuals.”
Haiti is being choked to death by its 200 or so violent criminal gangs. The latest figures to be released by the UN suggest that more than 3,600 people have been killed in the country since January, including over 100 children, while more than 500,000 Haitians have been displaced.
The situation prompted the country’s unelected prime minister, Ariel Henry, to resign in April. And, two months later, a Kenyan-led policing mission tasked with establishing order was deployed to the Caribbean nation. But the operation has so far struggled to rein in the gangs.
So, the UN security council unanimously adopted a resolution on September 30 to extend the mandate of the mission for another year. There was consensus that the law-and-order situation in Haiti is still deteriorating by the day.
The move to extend the mission is, in my opinion, hollow and fails to address the real challenges on the ground. It doesn’t tackle the rampant arms trafficking that is fuelling the violence in Haiti, nor does it secure the funding that will allow the mission to operate effectively.
Haiti has no firearms or ammunition manufacturing capabilities. Yet the country’s gangs are brutalising the masses with all sorts of sophisticated small arms, including sniper rifles, pump-action shotguns and automatic weapons of every kind.
All of these weapons originate outside of the island, primarily from the US, but also from neighbouring Dominican Republic and Jamaica. Experts say lax firearm laws in the US states of Arizona, Florida and Georgia have created a sophisticated arms peddling racket into Haiti.
There is no exact number for how many trafficked firearms are currently in Haiti. But Haiti’s disarmament commission estimated in 2020 that there could be as many as 500,000 small arms in Haiti illegally – a number that is now likely to be even higher. This figure dwarfs the 38,000 registered firearms in the country.
The effectiveness of the Kenyan operation is also being undermined by gross resource limitations. While the mission was approved by the UN security council, it is not a UN operation and relies on voluntary financial contributions. It was originally promised US$600 million (£458 million) by UN member nations, but it has received only a fraction of that fund.
According to Human Rights Watch, the mission has so far received a mere US$85 million in contributions through a trust fund set up by the UN. Haiti’s former colonial master, France, and several other G7 countries have not been so forthcoming.
Inadequate funding has hindered the procurement of advanced weaponry, delayed the payment of police officers’ salaries and has prevented the deployment of more forces on the ground.
Just 400 Kenyan officers and two dozen policemen from Jamaica have arrived in Haiti so far. This is significantly less than the 2,500 officers pledged initially by various countries including Chad, Benin, Bangladesh and Barbados.
This financial woe has had a negative impact not only on the morale of Kenyan police officers, but it has also made Haitians despondent. Haitians are increasingly expressing impatience and disappointment with the Kenyan force in the media and online.
Some critics have accused the officers of being “tourists”, and have pointed out that the gangs have tightened their grip on large swathes of Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, since the mission began.
The pessimism within Haiti was eloquently highlighted by the country’s interim prime minister, Garry Conille, on September 25. Speaking on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meet in New York, he confessed: “We are nowhere near winning this, and the simple reality is that we won’t without your help.”
Advantage gangs
Finding the Kenyan-led operation a mere irritant, and not a worthy adversary, the gangs have only stepped up the ante. According to a spokesperson for Volker Türk, the UN’s human rights chief, the country’s armed gangs are now doing “everything they can” to maintain control. This has included using sexual assault to instil fear on local populations and expand their influence.
Some UN member nations, such as the US and Ecuador, have requested that a formal UN peacekeeping mission takes place. And, despite previous peacekeeping operations in the country being marred in controversy, Haiti has asked the UN to consider turning the current operation into a peacekeeping mission.
This mission, which would probably include a larger contingent of troops, should not face the same financial constraints as the current operation. It would have greater visibility on the ground, and more fire power and authority to tackle the gangs.
Past evidence also demonstrates that UN peackeeping missions significantly reduce civilian casualties, shorten conflicts and help make peace agreements stick.
However, the recent push for a peacekeeping mission was thwarted because of opposition by China and Russia, two of the five permanent veto-wielding members of the UN security council.
Beijing and Moscow have consistently argued that political conditions in Haiti are “not conducive” to a new UN peacekeeping operation. They have maintained that the current operation “should reach its full operational capacity before discussing such a transformation”.
Meanwhile, the gangs continue tightening their vice-like grip on the country, with accounts emerging of rampant sexual violence against civilians, the closure of humanitarian corridors, the extension of their territorial control and – of course – even more killings.
Amalendu Misra is a recipient of Nuffield Foundation and British Academy research grants.
Turkey’s 500,000 or so informal waste pickers carry out around 80% of the recycling in the country. These workers, who are also known as çekçekçi, are essential for separating out waste in a country where this is rarely done at source.
But their lives are precarious. Most of them are unregistered, lack social security, and have no access to basic services such as healthcare. And now they find themselves affected by efforts that formalise Turkey’s waste management system.
Many of the workers are migrants. But large-scale immigration over recent years, particularly from conflict zones such as Afghanistan and Syria, has contributed to a rise in nationalistic sentiment throughout the country.
This has seen immigrants – and particularly waste pickers – portrayed in a negative fashion. Waste pickers have, for instance, been labelled “şehir eşkıyası” (urban bandits) by the media. And many people have argued that Turkiye’s informal waste-picking practices should come to an end.
Yavuz Eroğlu, the president of a non-profit organisation called PAGÇEV that promotes plastic recycling in Turkey, pointed out recently that the country’s “real problem” is its informal waste collection system. In Eroğlu’s view, informal waste picking impedes the effective scaling of recycling initiatives and prevents Turkey from improving its position in the global recycling market.
Recycling facilities in Turkey require a steady and substantial supply of raw waste materials to function efficiently. But, according to the Turkish Statistics Institution, a mere 12% of the country’s municipal waste was recovered in 2018 – and it is not clear how much of this was actually recycled. This is not nearly enough to keep recycling companies afloat.
So, in an effort to improve Turkey’s domestic waste management, the Turkish government launched an initiative in 2022 to regulate and formalise waste collection. The legislation requires that local authorities work exclusively with licensed recyclers and registered pickers to sort through and sell waste.
Resistance movements have subsequently emerged within the çekçekçi community that advocate for the rights and recognition of informal waste pickers in Turkey. These movements have either reinforced the importance of existing waste picker collectives, or led to the creation of new non-profit organisations and cooperatives.
In Istanbul, for example, the Şişli municipality launched an environmental waste collectors cooperative in 2023 in an attempt to formally integrate informal waste pickers into the municipal waste management system.
This has involved registering waste pickers, issuing official identification cards, and providing them with access to designated waste collection zones. Similar models have also emerged in different parts of the country. But many of Turkey’s waste pickers remain locked out of the new formal system.
The framing of informality as the problem is not new, nor is it limited to representatives of Turkey’s plastic recycling industry. In August 2021, the governor of Istanbul’s office ordered a crackdown on informal waste collection activities.
Police carried out raids on nearly 100 waste collection depots and seized 650 collection carts. More than 200 people were detained in the raids, including 145 Afghan migrants who were sent to a deportation centre.
The governor’s office justified the action by citing environmental and public health concerns, as well as the unregulated nature of employment in informal waste picking. In a statement, the office argued that unauthorised waste collection leads to unfair profits and announced that inspections would continue.
Waste workers responded by criticising the governor’s claims and expressed frustration over being labelled as benefiting from unfair profits while living in precarious conditions without social security or a stable income.
Importing more waste
In fieldwork carried out between March and April 2024, I spoke with representatives of waste collectors, junk shop owners and waste traders in Istanbul.
Some reported that there had been a decline in waste-picking rates since the crackdown of 2021. Waste collectors and their representatives expressed concerns that this decline could lead to a further reduction in domestic recycling rates and increase the reliance of recycling facilities on imported waste.
Turkey is already one of the largest importers of waste from Europe. In 2022, for example, Turkey accounted for 39% of Europe’s waste exports, which included around 400,000 tonnes of plastic.
This waste has serious consequences for the environment and human health. A Greenpeace report published in 2022 found that toxins released from Turkey’s plastic waste end up in the fruit and vegetables produced in the Çukurova valley, one of the most fertile valleys in the world.
A continued decline in domestic waste collection in Turkey would create a vicious cycle. The value of Turkey’s own waste will decrease, further impoverishing informal waste pickers, all while the country’s reliance on imported waste grows to sustain its recycling infrastructure.
The future of informal waste picking in Turkey remains uncertain. But as the country continues to formalise its waste management system, the challenges facing the sector’s informal workers must not be ignored.
Tulin Dzhengiz receives funding from Manchester Metropolitan University’s Research Accelarator Grant to carry out this research.
The weight loss jab Mounjaro will soon be made available to nearly a quarter of a million NHS patients, according to proposals made by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (Nice). Previously, it was only available on the NHS for patients with diabetes.
Under Nice’s proposals, the drug will gradually be rolled out over the next three years. Access to it will first be prioritised to patients who are severely obese and have at least three weight-related health problems – for example, cardiovascular disease, hypertension, high cholesterol and sleep apnoea.
There are plans to increase NHS access to more patients after the initial three-year period. It will also remain available for patients with diabetes.
This recent approval provides new treatment options for people with obesity – but how effective it is will depend on whether supplies can keep up with anticipated demand.
What is Mounjaro?
Mounjaro is the UK brand name of the drug tirzepatide, which, until now, has only been prescribed on the NHS for patients with diabetes to help control blood sugar and encourage weight loss.
In the US, Mounjaro is used for diabetes treatment. Another version of tirzepatide, sold under the brand name Zepbound, is used for weight loss treatment. Zepbound is not licensed as a weight loss product in the UK.
Tirzepatide works for weight loss by mimicking hormones in the body that tell our brain we feel full. A weekly injection is needed, which may be increased in strength each month, depending on the patient.
Clinical studies have found tirzepatide is even more effective than semaglutide (Ozempic and Wegovy) for weight loss. In some studies, patients have lost up to 20% of their body weight.
Supporting weight loss
Until now, Wegovy was the only weight loss injection authorised for NHS use under the care of specialised weight loss services. These services offer patients clinical treatment, mental health support, access to a dietitian and physiotherapy.
But the availability of such services is patchy and recently access to many local services has even been paused or stopped. This means many patients who need effective weight loss treatments may not have access to them. Among the reasons for these services being suspended is there was greater demand than availability of services in some areas, as well as attempts to control prescriptions of crucial drugs due to ongoing shortages.
Now that Mounjaro has been authorised for use on the NHS, it will be key that access to specialist weight loss services is improved throughout the country so that people who need weight loss support are able to get it. NHS England are in the process of developing a range of community and digital services to address this.
Is there enough Mounjaro for everyone?
The change in guidance may lead to a rush in demand for referrals to weight loss services when the drug becomes available. This could add more pressure to an already challenged system.
This uptick in demand may also affect access to Mounjaro for patients who use the drug for diabetes. This was the case with Ozempic (semaglutide) in 2023 – despite it only being licensed for the treatment of diabetes. Demand for the drug by those who wanted to use it to lose weight led to a surge in private prescribing of the drug off-label – leading to global stock shortages of semaglutide.
Many patients using the semaglutide for diabetes were unable to source the product. Semaglutide’s manufacturers did not foresee this hike in demand and were not prepared to maintain supplies for people with diabetes.
Since it was introduced on the market, Mounjaro has proved to be a popular product, with sales making its manufacturer, Eli Lilly, greater profits than expected. Stock shortages have already been experienced in Australia and the US. Due to ongoing demand and previous shortages of similar products (such as semaglutide) one would hope that Eli Lilly has anticipated increased demand for Mounjaro in the UK and will have adequate supplies from the outset.
But with British pharmacies reportedly planning to reduce the private price of weight loss products (including Wegovy and Mounjaro), this could increase demand further – which may subsequently affect the availability of supplies for NHS patients.
Given the successes of semaglutide and tirzepatide, it’s expected that further similar drugs will be developed. Many of these alternative products are already showing promise in clinical trials – such as an oral weight loss pill. Having alternative products available will ease strain on the supplies of current weight loss products.
Will Mounjaro help with the obesity crisis?
It’s thought that up to 25% of adults in the UK are obese. Obesity is linked to many health problems – including heart disease, diabetes and arthritis. Obesity-related healthcare is estimated to cost the NHS billions of pounds every year. Improvements in diet and lifestyle are recommended to tackle obesity, but, understandably, many patients find sustained change difficult.
Greater access to weight loss drugs could help patients lose weight and prevent the associated health problems. This could also save the NHS money and improve long-term health. Weight loss drugs, such as Mounjaro, could be an important solution to a growing problem – but only if access to these treatments is available to those who need them most.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lee Banville, Professor and Director of the School of Journalism, University of Montana
U.S. Sen. Jon Tester speaks to union members at a Labor Day campaign stop on Sept. 2, 2024, in Billings, Mont. William Campbell/Getty Images
Jon Tester has never had it easy.
The three-term Democratic senator from Montana has scored more than 50% of the vote only once in his three runs for the U.S. Senate, attracting 50.3% of the vote in 2018 against state auditor and future U.S. Rep. Matt Rosendale.
This year, Tester’s always-perilous path to reelection seems narrower and more harrowing than ever before. And the outcome could determine whether the Senate remains in Democratic control or flips to the Republicans.
Current polls and political prognosticators are even starting to turn on the moderate from the farming community of Big Sandy with the flattop haircut. FiveThirtyEight has Tester’s opponent, former Navy SEAL and businessman Tim Sheehy, up four percentage points, and the venerable Cook Political Report has gone so far as to say the race “leans Republican.”
“I used to always call Tester the unicorn candidate because there was no one like him,” she told my students a couple of weeks back. “He was a farmer, he was a rural Democrat, the last rural Democrat.”
Jon Tester, right, first won election to the U.S. Senate in 2006, when he beat Republican incumbent Conrad Burns, left, by a margin of 3,562 votes out of 406,505 cast. Win McNamee/Getty Images
The end of the unicorn?
I teach political reporting at the University of Montana School of Journalism, and every two years I send students out to interview candidates, profile races and talk with voters. It is true that the state has changed even since Tester won in 2018.
Despite an influx of outsiders over the past decade, Montana is still a sparsely populated state boasting 1.1 million people in the latest census. Though the state has historically relied on mining and timber for much of its economy, new economic activity in tourism and technology have helped fuel a 10% jump in population in the most recent census.
See, Montana has a history of doing something very few people do these days – ticket splitting, when a person votes in an election for candidates from opposing parties. In a time of deep polarization, it is hard to imagine, but out here in the Rocky Mountains and the northern plains, voters would consistently vote for a Republican for president and often for the Legislature, but also for Democrat Jon Tester.
Tester was able to put together a coalition of voters in the few pockets of liberals – college towns such as Missoula, union strongholds such as Butte and Indigenous voters on the reservation – and carve away enough moderate voters in more rural areas to eke out wins. When I moved here in 2009, it was not just Tester who did this. Back then, Montana had a Democratic governor, attorney general and head of schools. But over time those statewide offices have all gone, often by double digits, to Republicans.
The state saw a surge in population, jumping nearly 5% between 2020 and 2023, and experts such as political scientist Jeremy Johnson told my students earlier this fall that it is important to know who these new residents are.
“I still think the race, you know, can be competitive,” Johnson said. “I do think that some of my broader themes here – the polarization, the calcification, the reluctance to ticket split – makes it harder for Tester. Plus, I think there is some evidence that more Republican-leaning voters have moved to the state than Democrat-leaning voters in the last few years.”
Montana does not have party registration, so when you vote in a primary, they give you a ballot for both parties, and you choose the one you want to participate in. In the highly publicized U.S. Senate primary this year, only 36% of primary voters voted in the Democratic primary, while 64% chose to vote in the Republican primary.
The one question mark of 2024
Supporters of an abortion rights initiative at a rally on Sept. 5, 2024, in Bozeman, Mont., with Sen. Jon Tester, whose path to reelection may be helped by a large turnout of abortion rights voters. William Campbell/Getty Images
Still, in part to ensure that a later court decision could not strip away that right, voters have put CI-128 on the ballot this fall, which would explicitly include protection for abortion access in the state constitution.
Tester hit the issue hard in his last debate with Sheehy on Sept. 30, 2024.
“The bottom line is this: Whose decision is it to be made?” Tester said during the debate. “Is it the federal government’s decision, the state government’s decision, Tim Sheehy’s decision, Jon Tester’s decision? No, it’s the woman’s decision. Tim Sheehy’s called abortion ‘terrible’ and ‘murder.’ That doesn’t sound to me like he’s supporting the woman to make that decision.”
Tester’s supporters hope the initiative could inspire younger voters and moderate women to flock to the polls this fall, and that might make Tester’s path to reelection a bit more doable.
But it is going to take a bit of unicorn magic, perhaps, for Tester to win a fourth term.
Back at Montana State University, Bennion said the situation looks pretty dire for the Democrats in rural states.
“I don’t see, unless our state changes in a lot of different ways, I don’t see a Democrat winning in a long time,” he said. “Just the way our state is growing, the kind of person that is moving here and voting.”
Lee Banville does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By W. Joseph Campbell, Professor Emeritus of Communication, American University School of Communication
President Dwight Eisenhower and his wife, Mamie, left, with Vice President Richard Nixon and his wife, Pat, greet crowds after Adlai Stevenson conceded defeat on Nov. 7, 1956.Bettmann/Getty Images
In response to national pollsters’ failure in forecasting election outcomes in 1948 and 1952, The New York Times pursued in 1956 a weekslong, multistate exercise in on-the-ground reporting to assess public opinion about the presidential race.
The Times’ experiment, which these days would be recognized as “shoe-leather reporting,” included two dozen journalists assigned to four teams that, in all, traveled to 27 battleground states over several weeks before the election – a rematch between President Dwight D. Eisenhower, a Republican, and his Democratic rival, Adlai E. Stevenson.
The reporting teams interviewed scores of Americans from all walks of life in an attempt to gauge voter preferences qualitatively – without relying on the data of preelection polls. One of the participating Times reporters declared afterward that the teams-based campaign coverage represented “a new departure in journalism.”
In unintended testimony to the challenges of measuring public opinion across a sprawling country, the Times’ coverage was no significant improvement over the polls. The Times’ reporting notably failed to anticipate the magnitude of Eisenhower’s reelection — a lopsided victory in which he carried 41 states.
In its final report before the election, the Times concluded that Eisenhower would win reelection but would fail to match the sweep of his landslide four years earlier. As it turned out, Eisenhower easily exceeded the dimensions of his victory in 1952, when his winning margin was 10.5 percentage points.
The Times’ coverage also failed to foresee Eisenhower’s state victories in 1956 in Virginia, Oklahoma and West Virginia, and markedly underestimated the president’s support in Connecticut, Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania and Texas, among other states.
The Times’ reporting experiment proved an imperfect substitute to election polling, as I discussed in a research paper presented recently to the American Journalism Historians Association. In the paper, I defined “shoe-leather reporting” as the gathering of newsworthy content through in-person interviews, document searches and on-the-scene observations. The idiom presumes that journalists will pursue fieldwork so energetically as to wear out their shoes.
“Shoe-leather reporting” has been long celebrated in American media; a widely published journalism educator has described the practice as “mythical” and “one of a very few gods an American journalist can officially pray to.”
New York Times staffer Max Frankel was taken off the rewrite desk in 1956 and sent knocking on doors ‘to gather voter sentiment’ in Wisconsin, Texas, Virginia and Missouri. Ban Martin/Archive Photos/Getty Images
Crises skew projections
The Times’ experiment in 1956 represents an exceptional case study about both the appeal and limitations of detailed, interview-based reporting as a method for measuring public opinion in a presidential race, especially when dramatic international events occur shortly before the election.
Such was the case in 1956, when the Egyptian government seized the Suez Canal, prompting military intervention by Israeli, British and French armed forces — a response that Eisenhower deplored. About the same time, Soviet tanks were ordered into Hungary to crush an uprising against communist rule and install a regime compliant to Moscow.
The international crises may have boosted the margin of victory for Eisenhower, an Army general during World War II, in a rally-round-the-president effect.
It was, in any event, polling failure that inspired the Times’ campaign coverage experiment.
Eight years earlier, in 1948, the polls, the press and pundits anticipated that Republican Thomas E. Dewey would oust Democrat Harry S. Truman, who had become president on the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1945.
The leading national pollsters of the time — George Gallup, Archibald Crossley and Elmo Roper — all predicted Dewey’s easy victory. Roper announced in early September 1948 that Dewey was so far ahead that he would stop releasing survey results. Dewey, said Roper, would win “by a heavy margin.”
Not surprisingly, Gallup, Crossley and Roper turned exceedingly cautious in evaluating the 1952 presidential race, maintaining as the campaign closed that either candidate could win.
Eisenhower, they said, seemed to hold a narrow lead but that Stevenson was closing fast. Or as the Times said in reporting about a public gathering of the pollsters shortly before the election: “The poll takers gave a slight edge in the popular vote to … Eisenhower, the Republican candidate, but this was their dilemma: How fast is … Stevenson, the Democratic nominee, catching up?”
Equivocation did not serve the pollsters well. None of them anticipated Eisenhower’s sweeping victory — a 39-state landslide.
The Times did not editorially rebuke pollsters for their misfire in 1952, but the newspaper’s editors, wrote Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Max Frankel in his memoir, had “lost confidence in polls.”
To cover the 1956 presidential election, the Times de-emphasized opinion polls in favor of its own intensive, on-the-ground reporting that focused on states where the presidential race was believed to be closely contested.
The New York Times sent reporters across the country to interview people like these men listening to Democratic Party presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson on his October 1956 whistle-stop tour of the Midwest. Bert Hardy/Picture Post/Hulton Archive/Getty Images
Frankel, who rose through the ranks to become the Times’ executive editor, recalled being taken off the rewrite desk in 1956 and sent knocking on doors “to gather voter sentiment. I drove through odd precincts of Milwaukee and Austin (Texas), Arlington (Virginia) and St. Joseph (Missouri), feeding notes” to a colleague on one of the reporting teams.
The teams typically spent three days in a state, conducting interviews “with political scientists and policemen, leading politicians and bartenders, laborers, housewives and farmers,” the newspaper said.
The Times described its grassroots reporting as “surveys,” although they were not quantitative samples.
“Team members found value in not being tied to the arithmetic of polls,” one of the participants, Donald D. Janson, wrote in a post-election assessment for the Nieman Reports, a journalism industry publication.
“The scope and depth of the venture was a new departure in journalism,” Janson declared.
The process was impressionistic, even idiosyncratic. “Each reporter,” Janson wrote, “was free to judge each response, from politician and voter alike, for reliability.”
The Times published 36 state-specific preelection reports, including nine based on reporters’ follow-up visits to states where outcomes were expected to be especially close.
In its wrap-up report two days before the election, the Times said it “seemed doubtful” that Eisenhower’s margin “would be as great as it was in 1952.” In fact, Eisenhower’s victory in 1956 far surpassed that of 1952; in the rematch, he crushed Stevenson by more than 9.5 million votes.
The Times conceded in an after-election article that its teams-based coverage “did not anticipate the magnitude of the President’s victory,” which it attributed to the Suez crisis and turmoil in Hungary. The crises, the Times said, “apparently gave the final impetus to the Eisenhower landslide.”
No antidote for bad polls
The 1956 experiment in shoe-leather reporting was no rousing success. “There was some feeling,” Janson wrote afterward, “that the Times should stick to reporting trends and let the pollsters make the forecasts.”
Preelection polls by Gallup and Roper in 1956 accurately pointed to Eisenhower’s victory but overstated the president’s popular vote. Eisenhower won by 15 points; Gallup and Roper estimated his margin of victory would be 19 points. By 1956, Crossley had sold his business and retired from preelection polling.
Roper declared himself “personally pleased” by the outcome but reluctant to take “any bows for perfect accuracy.”
Given the unreliability of preelection polls in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the Times had ample reason to experiment in seeking a more precise understanding of popular opinion. But as results of the 1956 election demonstrated, shoe-leather reporting was no antidote for the wayward polls.
W. Joseph Campbell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Vice President Kamala Harris greets guests during a reception for Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander Heritage Month at the White House in May 2022. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
In one of the most memorable moments of the current presidential campaign, Donald Trump in July 2024 contended that Democratic nominee Kamala Harris recently stopped identifying as Indian and “happened to turn Black.”
With these false remarks, Trump implied that Harris emphasized one part of her background to appeal to voters and then changed that to appeal to a different group of voters.
Lost within this controversy has been the underlying assumption in Trump’s comments, that people tend to vote for someone with a shared identity. But is that true? Are Asian Americans, for example, especially likely to vote for Harris because of their shared identity?
Asian Americans are a quickly growing political constituency that made a difference in 2020 in swing states such as Georgia, Nevada and Arizona, helping elect President Joe Biden. They are positioned to be influential again this November.
Taken as a whole, Asian Americans lean Democratic in 2024, with 62% favoring Harris, compared with 38% who support Trump. But for Harris, Asian Americans are not as strong a voting bloc as Black Americans, who poll at 77% supporting Harris, according to the Pew Research Center. Harris cannot take Asian Americans’ votes for granted.
Kamala Harris takes a photo with guests during a White House reception in May 2022 celebrating Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander Heritage Month. Associated Press
What guides identity politics and voting
Despite the assumption in Trump’s comments that voters gravitate toward a political candidate who shares parts of their identity, such as race or gender, that is not always the case.
Voters are more likely to vote for someone with a shared identity when they see a “linked fate.” with the candidate. So, people who have the same ethnicity or race may vote in a similar fashion because they expect to experience the effects of policy changes in the same way. Latinos could be more likely to vote for a Latino candidate because the candidate would prioritize issues that matter to them, such as immigration reform.
Politicians, for their part, can try to encourage people with whom they share an identity to believe in a linked fate to win their vote. In order to do this, candidates can play up issues that affect their identity group and then make the case that they are best equipped and more motivated to address those problems.
In order to earn voters’ support, candidates must also come across as likely to act in their supporters’ shared interests. This helps explain why people who care about so-called women’s issues, such as education or health care, are more likely to vote for a Democratic woman than a Republican woman. People generally think that Democrats represent women better than Republicans do – and they would not assume that a Republican female politician would champion women’s issues just because of her gender.
With this in mind, a candidate wanting to secure the vote of a group must first know what issues matter to them and then demonstrate that they understand the group well enough to earn their vote.
Asian Americans, like most Americans, list the economy, inflation, health care, crime, Social Security, the price of housing and immigration as their top issues in this election.
In order to effectively appeal to Asian American voters, Harris could demonstrate first that she identifies as Asian in order to invoke their shared identity. She could also show that she both understands the issues that Asian Americans care about and that she can be trusted to act in ways they favor on those issues.
To an extent, Harris has already worked to publicly identify with her South Asian heritage. She has referred to her mother’s immigrant background and has talked about her grandfather who lived in Chennai, in southern India. She has made references to her ethnic culture, such as when she mentioned coconut trees and cooked the traditional South Indian dish dosa in a video with fellow Indian American Mindy Kaling.
Once solidifying that they share an identity with a group of voters, political candidates must demonstrate that they understand how the group experiences the issues that matter to them. The concerns of Asian Americans arise out of specific experiences they have – such as immigration.
Asian Americans, for example, often complain about the long wait to sponsor family members abroad for visas to the U.S. At the same time, Asian Americans represent 15% of immigrants living in the U.S. without a visa.
Asian Americans are also concerned about the growing government backlog of visas and smugglers whom immigrants pay to help them illegally cross the border.
Harris often speaks about immigration and the U.S.-Mexico border, but not in personal terms – or about how this issue specifically relates to Asians.
While all U.S. residents are affected by inflation, small-business owners, in particular, feel the pinch. They must pay higher prices for goods but have limited capital with which to do so. They also must navigate higher interest rates.
Harris talks about the economy and inflation, as well as the need to support small-business owners, but not about how these issues specifically affect Asian Americans. Her only ad targeting Asian Americans has focused on hate crimes against them.
And Asian Americans, like most voters, strongly support Social Security and other federal programs that aim to ensure stability for the elderly. Harris could speak of how Social Security is the sole income source for over a quarter of Asian Americans – and for a third of African Americans – compared with 18% of white Americans.
Harris seems poised to capture the majority of the Asian American vote, which leans Democratic. But to what extent they vote for her – and with how much enthusiasm – will depend on Harris’ ability to connect with them as Asian Americans and the issues they care about.
Pawan Dhingra does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
If history holds true to form, I expect the presidential campaigns of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris to begin touting their support for the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative as Election Day approaches.
The Great Lakes Restoration Initiative, or GLRI, is a federal program that funds water and habitat protection and restoration for the Great Lakes, which contain over 20% of the world’s surface freshwater. While voters in some parts of the country may have never heard of it, it is a big deal in the eight states that border these inland seas.
A 2021 poll by the Great Lakes Water Quality Board found that 90% of U.S. and Canadian residents in the region support the lakes’ protection.
But the popularity of the Great Lakes would not have blossomed into such an ambitious and bipartisan conservation effort without another critical fact. Three of those eight surrounding states – Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania – are critical swing states in 2024. And Ohio, although no longer considered a swing state, had been one until 2016.
I have seen how politicians and conservationists deftly use the region’s political battleground status to draw support for Great Lakes restoration from presidential candidates from both major parties. And I believe this is unlikely to change in 2024 and beyond.
But in 2000, when the Florida Everglades ecosystem – which sits in what was a key swing state at the time – received over US$4 billion in federal funding for a massive cleanup, the Great Lakes still didn’t have the resources for even basic remediation of toxic sites.
This led many in the region to suffer from what I heard many lawmakers and others describe as “Everglades envy.” They shared maps of how the entire Everglades ecosystem could fit into one corner of the Great Lakes. More importantly, they plotted how to get funding to clean up toxic hot spots, restore degraded habitats, expand recreational access and educate the next generation of Great Lakes leaders.
George W. Bush’s executive order
When President George W. Bush’s 2004 reelection team wanted to secure the electoral college votes of Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin, regional lawmakers and advocates helped them craft an executive order. It declared the lakes a “national treasure” and required federal agencies to work together on a “regional collaboration of national significance for the Great Lakes.”
After Bush’s reelection, his executive order was used to organize over 1,500 diverse stakeholders into eight strategy teams. These teams created a $20 billion plan for restoring the Great Lakes.
However, the plan existed only on paper – until the presidential campaigns of 2008, when advocates and political leaders leveraged the swing state status of Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin to garner support for funding the cleanup plan.
After winning all eight Great Lakes states in 2008, Obama used stimulus funds to launch the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative in 2010.
With an initial congressional appropriation of $475 million in 2010, and nearly $300 million in each of the following two years, it was one of the rare times Obama’s proposed budget aligned with Republican priorities in Congress.
In the run-up to the 2012 presidential election, both Obama and Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, the Republican presidential nominee whose father was a former governor of Michigan, declared their support for Great Lakes restoration. This came after the Healing Our Waters coalition pressed both campaigns to pledge to fund GLRI and to stop invasive species from reaching the Great Lakes via the Chicago River.
When President Obama proposed cutting Great Lakes funding from $300 million to $250 million per year, Congress rebuffed him. Mark Wilson via Getty Images
After the 2012 election, the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative continued to receive approximately $300 million per year and strong support in Congress. When Obama proposed modest cuts to the program during his second term, Republicans and Democrats united to restore the funding. The Great Lakes Restoration Initiative inspired “rare bipartisanship,” as The Associated Press reported at the time.
Trump moves to eliminate funding
In the 2016 election, representatives for both Trump and his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton, pledged support for Great Lakes restoration during the annual meeting of the Healing Our Waters coalition in Sandusky, Ohio. The Trump team, however, was ambiguous about the funding level it supported.
Congress, led by bipartisan members of the Great Lakes Congressional Task Force – including U.S. Rep. David Joyce and U.S. Sen. Rob Portman, Ohio Republicans who held powerful appropriations positions – fought back fiercely and restored the funding.
In 2018 and 2019, Trump’s budgets proposed cutting funding for the initiative by 90%. But again, with strong bipartisan support, it was restored to levels nearing $300 million per year.
By 2020, concerns tied to his reelection prospects changed Trump’s approach.
The famous turning point allegedly came during a car ride to a West Michigan campaign rally in 2019 when Republican U.S. Rep. Bill Huizenga emphasized the importance of the Great Lakes to Michigan politics.
He went further: “I support the Great Lakes. Always have. They’re beautiful. They’re big. Very deep. Record deepness, right? … We’re going to make the Great Lakes great again.”
In response, Michigan Democratic U.S. Rep. Dan Kildee quipped, “The President claiming to support the Great Lakes is like an arsonist congratulating themselves for putting out a fire they started.”
Regardless, Trump’s shift helped the restoration initiative reach $320 million in funding in the 2021 budget – the first time it topped $300 million since its first year.
On the campaign trail in 2020, both Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden highlighted their support for GLRI during swing state stops in the upper Midwest. Biden ultimately won all three of the current Great Lakes swing states and strongly supported the GLRI while in office too.
Since its launch in 2010, the GLRI has funded over 7,500 projects to clean up polluted waterways, restore habitats, control invasive species, reduce polluted runoff, improve recreational access and educate the public.
Great Lakes pollution remains a complex problem, however, and climate change further complicates cleanup efforts.
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, Harris’ running mate on the Democratic ticket, briefly referenced the Great Lakes’ freshwater supply during the Oct. 1, 2024, vice presidential debate. He too has strongly supported efforts to restore them during his time in office.
Although Great Lakes restoration has not yet played a major public role in either Trump’s or Harris’ 2024 campaign, history tells us that the issue plays well politically in key swing states in the upper Midwest. In fact, it has become a rare bipartisan litmus test of allegiance to this politically divided and critically important region.
Mike Shriberg was previously the Great Lakes Regional Executive Director of the National Wildlife Federation, which entailed being a co-chair (and, for part of the time, Director) of the Healing Our Waters – Great Lakes Coalition that is referenced in the article.
Many of us have quit a job at some point in our lives – but how many have wondered if they had “just cause” to do so? Were you acting on a whim? Did your departure make life difficult for your employer? And did your desire to move on really outweigh the loss this meant for your boss?
Just cause can be a real problem for professional soccer players who want to change teams. Under the soccer transfer system created and operated by FIFA, the sport’s world governing body, players who quit without showing just cause – that is, who fail to show that their employer treated them in manner that is demonstrably unfair – can be subject to significant financial and disciplinary penalties.
But that could soon change. On Oct. 4, 2024, the European Court of Justice took a major step toward dismantling an employment system that placed undue burden on employees and, thankfully, was dispensed with for the rest of us long ago.
As a sports economist, I have written about this subject for several years now, and I know of no system outside of sports that restrains the rights of the employee to a comparable extent.
An object lesson for FIFA
The legal case is complicated, but the essence of it is that Lassana Diarra, a star player for Lokomotiv Moscow back in 2014, got into a dispute with the Russian club while under contract and quit. He then got a job offer from a Belgian club but was unable to take it because of the FIFA transfer regulations.
Under the governing body’s rules, not only was Diarra expected to pay damages to Lokomotiv amounting to US$11.5 million plus interest, but he was unable to take a job with any club until the dispute was settled. A formal suspension was not enforced, because Diarra had already been unable to work for 11 months.
But Diarra countersued, claiming the regulations of FIFA unreasonably restricted his employment rights. The case has passed through many stages, until the highest court in Europe finally delivered its decision.
The court struck down two specific parts of FIFA’s regulations: the rule that an International Transfer Certificate, required by a player to move from one country to another, cannot be issued until the dispute is settled; and the stipulation that any new employer of the player is jointly and severally liable for any damages against the player due to the old club, regardless of whether that employer played a role in the dispute.
The court, which has historically been deferential toward sports governing bodies and their regulations, was highly critical of FIFA’s transfer system. It declared the rules anti-competitive “by object” and not just “by effect.” In the view of the court, the rules were not merely aimed at ensuring an orderly market for soccer player services, but amounted to a “non-poaching agreement,” arguing that they were intended to restrain competition for players in order to benefit the clubs.
An end to transfer fees?
The decision means that FIFA will have to rewrite its transfer rules in a way that demonstrates that the system has a clear and legal purpose. The regulations will be deemed legitimate, the court said, for the purposes of guaranteeing “contractual stability” and ensuring that clubs have the right to receive compensation when there’s breach of contract.
A player who quits while under contract will still need to demonstrate just cause – unfair treatment by the club – or else be liable to pay a fine or penalty. But the new system will look very different, and it is hard to see how the payment of transfer fees can survive.
Last summer alone, clubs in the top five European leagues spent around $5 billion on player transfers. Frequently, there are moves between clubs in each direction, and so cash transfers are smaller than the big money moves that grab the headlines.
The system deprives some star players of substantial potential earnings.
While his salary doubled, Kane received only half of what Bayern was prepared to pay to obtain his services, thanks to the FIFA regulations. The rest went to his former club.
Here is what one might expect to happen from now on: Kane would unilaterally announce that he wanted to leave, and then a club like Bayern could make an offer. Tottenham would no longer have any enforceable claim over Bayern and so no transfer fee would be paid, and Bayern would offer to pay Kane something like $52 million a year.
Kane would have to pay damages to Tottenham for breach of contract, and the court suggested that these damages might reasonably equal the wages that the club would have paid him for the remainder of the contract – so in the case of Kane, $13 million.
Clearly Kane would have been much better off if the judgment had arrived a year or two ago.
Don’t fall for the trickle-down myth
Soccer fans will be worried that this means financial ruin for their club and increases inequality as the big clubs poach the big stars.
But I see no reason to think that the sky will fall. As recent research has shown, the transfer system has a negligible effect on the distribution of resources among the clubs. Rather, transfer fee spending is more likely the source of financial instability than its remedy, as some clubs spend extravagantly with unrealistic expectations.
It is true that club owners hoping to grow rich by developing young players and trading them in the market will believe that they now have fewer opportunities, but for most clubs, this has always been an illusion.
Big clubs tend to tie up the potential stars in their teens, leaving few opportunities for small clubs to find diamonds in the rough.
Major League Soccer, the U.S. professional league, for example, has ambitions to one day match the big European leagues and has committed significant resources to developing player talent.
But recent figures suggest that the league is still a net importer of players – and not just superstars such as Lionel Messi.
In fact, MLS might actually benefit from the end of the transfer system. There are plenty of talented players who might fancy a year or two in the U.S. if they are not unduly tied down by transfer regulations.
Blowing the whistle on unfair practices
But perhaps the biggest impact of the ruling will be on the mass of professional players who do not live in the spotlight.
FIFA estimates there are around 130,000 professional players worldwide, and most of them earn little in comparison to the super-salaried stars of the world’s biggest clubs.
Yet, these journeymen and -women players have been bound by the same restrictive system and are often denied the opportunity to change teams – not because they are being offered great riches, but because they want a change of scene, or to be closer to their families.
FIFPro, the players’ union, has documented numerous cases of onerous employment conditions, which were possible under the repressive transfer system.
Thanks to the European Court of Justice, those days may soon be over.
In 2015 I wrote a report for FIFPro on the economic consequences of the transfer system
Comprehensive sex and reproductive health education aims to promote positive attitudes toward sex and reproductive health, and empower young people to make informed decisions.
But decent sex and reproductive health education is still lacking in many parts of the world. This leaves significant gaps in young peoples’ knowledge and understanding.
We have carried out research to figure out what young people in England are missing in their sex education lessons. We reviewed the relationships and sex education (RSE) curricula across the UK.
We found that, in England, much of the focus of sex and reproductive health education is on pregnancy prevention. Much less emphasis is given to reproductive health topics such as polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS), endometriosis, fertility and the menopause.
We also carried out a survey of 931 students aged 16-18 across England. We found students were missing key aspects of reproductive health knowledge.
Students are not being adequately informed about fertility, despite the RSE curriculum guidelines stating that students must be taught “the facts about reproductive health, including fertility, and the potential impact of lifestyle on fertility”.
Lack of knowledge
For example, despite the fact that students learn about the menstrual cycle in RSE lessons, half of them did not know when women are most fertile during the menstrual cycle.
Less than 3% of teenagers in our study told us that they had been taught about specific reproductive health conditions such as endometriosis and PCOS. Just over 10% said they had learned about menopause.
Over 70% of students recognised the decline in egg quality and quantity with age, but only about 50% understood the effects of age on sperm quality and quantity.
In our survey, we asked students what reproductive health topics they research about outside of school. Students told us that they had sought out knowledge on a variety of reproductive health topics, including PCOS, endometriosis, menopause, miscarriage and abortion – subjects that are seldom covered in detail during RSE lessons.
Many turned to social media and the internet for answers on sex and reproductive health. While these platforms offer easy access to information, they can also expose students to misinformation from non-credible sources.
In our survey, 70% of students said that they had “a little” sex education at their school. Only 30% rated their school’s sex education as good or very good. This shows a major gap in the quality of sex education most students are getting at school.
Knowledge seeking
Our study shows that students in England want to learn more about these topics in school. When we asked them what could be done to improve sex education at school, they called for a more inclusive and comprehensive curriculum that covers a wider variety of topics – including miscarriage, abortion, masturbation and how to access sexual and reproductive health services. One student said:
All we’ve done in school is go over and over having safe sex and talked about periods which whilst is important is barely scratching the surface of things people need to know about.
Students want greater focus on sex positivity because current discussions mostly highlight negative aspects of sexual activity. They believe the importance of sexual wellbeing is often ignored. They want honest, transparent, and non-judgmental education – not teaching methods driven by fear.
Based on our findings, our research team, as part of the non-profit International Reproductive Health Education Collaboration has developed evidence-based educational resources to enhance reproductive health education. These include an education resource for teachers, information leaflets and a fertility education poster.
These tools aim to help teachers, health professionals and the public access accurate and comprehensive reproductive health education.
Teens turn to other sources, such as social media, to get information they’re missing at school. Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock
Under the previous government, the Department of Education proposed an update to the RSE curriculum, which included the addition of topics such as “menstrual and gynaecological health, including endometriosis, PCOS, and heavy menstrual bleeding.”
The results of a consultation on this and other proposed changes are currently under analysis. But adding these topics to the curriculum would be a crucial advancement in school reproductive health education.
Reproductive health education must be given equal importance to core academic subjects, and schools need to actively engage with students, addressing their reproductive health needs and concerns. This is crucial, as school is often the only time that students receive formal education on these topics.
By providing comprehensive and accessible information at this stage, schools can equip students with the knowledge they need to make informed decisions about their reproductive health throughout their lives.
Rina Biswakarma is affiliated with the charity Fertility Network UK.
Daniel Marcu owns shares in Virilitas Labs and he is the President of the Network for Young Researchers in Andrology (non-profit).
Joyce Harper gives paid talks on reproductive health education and has written a book called Your Fertile Years.
Commuters in Scotland faced a shock at ticket machines as the Scottish government abandoned a pilot scheme that removed peak rail fares. During the pilot, tickets were the same price all day. But now that it has ended, the increase in fares is significant. The cost of commuting at peak time from Glasgow to Edinburgh, for example, has gone from £16.20 to £31.40.
The aim of the pilot, introduced in October 2023, was to encourage what’s known as a “modal shift” from cars to more sustainable transport.
Defending its decision, the Scottish government made two claims: that the pilot increased passenger numbers by only 6.8% (when an increase of 10% was required for it to be self-financing) and that it mostly benefited wealthier passengers.
These claims were widely reported, but are they correct? And what does this mean for similar schemes in other countries?
Passengers using the train to get to and from work benefited most from the pilot, which made travel cheaper at peak times (early morning until around 9am and evenings until around 7pm). It is true that wealthier people in the UK tend to use trains and cars more, while poorer people are more likely to travel by bus.
The graph below shows how much £100 of train and bus tickets, and £100 of petrol ten years ago would cost today.
Cost of transport in the UK (2014-2024)
The increase in train fares has been smoother, but mostly faster, than the increase in petrol prices. However, bus fares have increased faster than both. Scotland has not followed England in capping bus fares, a policy that might have benefited lower-income passengers more.
In theory, a decrease in price for a product will result in an increase in demand. But it is impossible to calculate exactly how much passenger numbers increased due to the pilot, because we cannot know for sure how many passengers would have travelled anyway (the “counterfactual”).
To estimate the rise in demand brought about by cheaper fares, we must make assumptions about the counterfactual, where peak fares remained in place. This is especially difficult for two reasons. First, the pilot began as passenger numbers were rising again after the COVID lockdowns.
Statisticians must make assumptions about how much demand would have continued to rise in this case. Depending on these assumptions, the estimated effect of the pilot on demand for rail travel ranges from an increase of 16% to a fall of 5%, compared with the final figure of 6.8%. A change in assumptions can change the estimated rise in demand substantially.
Second, the pilot spanned a period of disruption on the railways. Strikes in Scotland in 2022 may have put people off train travel, and again, we cannot know whether they would have returned in the counterfactual scenario.
And bad weather in Scotland in early 2024 and disruption caused by strikes in England and Wales make it difficult to use the rest of Great Britain as a control group to compare against Scotland.
To estimate the effects of a policy like the pilot, statisticians must make many other assumptions. For example, in April 2024 there was a big increase in fares across Scotland. The analysis underlying the report assumes that this would have happened even without the pilot.
All these assumptions (and more) lie beneath the reported 6.8% increase in demand and make it impossible to be confident that this was the true number of passengers who shifted to rail travel because peak fares were axed.
What’s happening elsewhere?
Similar schemes have been piloted in other countries, including a flat rate €49 (£40) per month (increased from €9) rail pass in Germany, a 50 cent (30 pence) flat fare across all public transport in Queensland, Australia, and a £2 flat bus fare in England.
As with the pilot in Scotland, it is difficult to determine whether these schemes have caused a modal shift. Some new evidence from Germany suggests that cheaper fares encouraged people to make more journeys overall, but that the shift from cars to trains was limited.
However, we know that the elasticity (how much demand changes as prices change) of public transport fares is greater in the long term than in the short term. There is a danger that, as in Scotland, governments will cancel them before the long-term effects are clear.
The SNP government in Scotland is facing difficulties balancing its budget. In these circumstances, any further subsidy to public transport seems unlikely. Instead, the government will have to find other ways to reach its net zero commitments.
There is evidence that people respond more strongly to an increase in price than to a decrease. If this is the case, the pilot itself could even cause a long-term decrease in passenger numbers in Scotland, because the fall in people using the trains due to the reintroduction of peak fares might be greater than the increase during the pilot.
It is impossible to tell yet, but in the long term this could make travelling on the railways more expensive for both passengers and for the government subsidising them.
Devolution is “a process, not an event”, according to the then-secretary of state for Wales, Ron Davies, in 1997. But it is unclear what may come next for Wales in that process under the new UK Labour government, despite the same party now being in charge in both London and Cardiff.
One ongoing debate among politicians and experts for several years has been whether Westminster should and will devolve more powers to Wales, including justice and policing.
It wasn’t until the passing of the Government of Wales Act 1998 that the then National Assembly was established. It allowed Wales to make decisions over issues such as education, housing and agriculture. Further primary law-making powers were subsequently granted to the now Senedd (Welsh parliament).
But Wales doesn’t have control over all matters and some are reserved for the UK parliament. A number of these are consistent across all UK nations, including fiscal policy, foreign affairs, nuclear policy and national security. But others are different for Wales when compared to Scotland and Northern Ireland.
One of the most obvious examples is in the area of justice and policing. Unlike Scotland and Northern Ireland, Wales is not a separate legal jurisdiction with its own system of law, policing and courts. While there are increasing areas of divergence between England and Wales, technically speaking, Wales is part of a single jurisdiction with England due to decisions made during Henry VIII’s reign in the 16th century.
The issue of devolving justice and policing has cropped up consistently over the past 25 years. It has been the subject of a variety of debates in the Senedd, Westminster and in the media. It has also been analysed by a number of official reports and independent or cross-party commissions.
In 2011, the Silk commission was established by the UK government to explore the issue. In its 2014 report, it recommended devolving policing and youth justice to Wales by 2017. That never happened.
The Thomas commission, set up by the Welsh government in 2019, also recommended devolving justice to Wales, including youth justice and policing. Earlier this year, the independent commission on the constitutional future of Wales called on the UK government to agree to the devolution of responsibility for justice and policing to the Senedd and Welsh government.
In 2023, Keir Starmer said that a Labour government would introduce a “take back control bill”, to devolve new powers to communities from Westminster. Those intentions were echoed in Labour’s election manifesto ahead of July’s general election.
But the issue of devolving justice to Wales was absent from Labour’s manifesto. And in an interview in June, the now-secretary of state for Wales Jo Stevens described such a move as “fiddling around with structures and systems”. It is therefore unclear whether devolution to regions of England will take place in parallel to further devolution to Wales and the other nations.
And while this issue may not be at the forefront of UK Labour policy, it is an ongoing commitment of Welsh Labour. The latter commissioned even further research in August into the devolution of justice.
What are some of the potential challenges?
One significant issue is the age of criminal responsibility, currently set at ten in England and Wales. The Thomas commission recommended raising this to 12, aligning Wales with Scotland and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
But this raises logistical questions. For example, what would happen when a case crosses borders or involves children just above or below the age threshold? These practical challenges need to be addressed if justice is to be devolved smoothly.
The Thomas Commission also laid out detailed proposals for reforms to youth justice, prisons and probation services. The Welsh youth courts have already started implementing a more preventive and restorative approach, but a jurisdictional overlap with England has slowed progress. While children’s services are devolved, youth justice remains under UK government control.
Issues like transport to courts, funding and jurisdictional boundaries need careful consideration too. For example, how would authorities determine whether a crime committed near the Wales-England border falls under Welsh or English law?
Of course, this is an issue which already exists between England and Scotland, and there are complex rules in place. Dependent upon the nature and circumstances of the crime, “jurisdiction” is typically dependent on where it was first initiated. In turn, further challenges arise surrounding police force cooperation, as well as mechanisms for sharing different types of evidence. There are also legally-protected agreements regarding powers to arrest people in each other’s territories.
Ironing out these types of issues is particularly important in respect of female offenders, as Wales has made progress in providing better support for them.
Disparities in legal expertise may also become more of a challenge. Legal experts have noted that as Welsh laws become more distinct, judges in England may lack the relevant expertise to handle Welsh cases. This concern has already arisen in Welsh tribunals, where appeals are sometimes directed to England’s Upper Tribunal, raising doubts about how well English judges can handle increasingly Wales-specific laws.
Cooperation
While these issues are very real, they shouldn’t block progress. With cooperation between Cardiff and Westminster, the devolution of justice could happen without major disruption. Instead of having endless debates and reviews, time and resources could be better spent acting on existing expert recommendations.
For instance, both governments could agree on a ten-year timeline – as recommended by the independent commission – to devolve justice, starting with policing. It’s an area which already has strong ties to devolved services at the local level. Youth justice and probation could then follow.
Despite the potential challenges, the new Labour UK government has a chance to bring about meaningful change. Devolving justice may take time, but it could bring Wales closer to achieving the legal autonomy many believe it deserves.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Governments and public relations firms are under pressure to, in UN secretary-general António Guterres’s words, stop “fuelling the madness” and ban fossil fuel advertising or cut ties with the industry.
France, Amsterdam, Sheffield and Edinburgh have all restricted fossil fuel advertising to differing degrees in recognition of the industry’s responsibility for climate breakdown.
People working in the advertising industry are among those calling for an end to working with fossil fuel companies. There is a reputational risk with continuing to represent these businesses. Four advertising agencies recently lost a sustainability certification for taking an oil company as a client.
Oil and gas advertising is perhaps most prolific in sport. A recent report estimated that fossil fuel companies have invested more than £4 billion across 200 sponsorship deals.
Fellow researchers have appealed for sport to be included in any further advertising bans. There is a precedent: a tobacco advertising ban came into force in the UK in 2002. Bear in mind, that ban took nearly 40 years of campaigning and tobacco executives have shown they’re capable of navigating its loopholes.
Even so, the fossil fuel industry will prove significantly harder to purge than tobacco. Here’s why.
‘No fossil fuels, no sport’
Human development is largely a story of increasing energy use. Oil in particular has transformed everyday life beyond comprehension.
Analysis of one oil company’s sustainability reports identified how its communications strategy shifted from denying the results of climate science to more subtle efforts to delay an energy transition. These included the argument that fossil fuels are an irreplaceable precondition for “the good life”.
Sport is a vehicle for perpetuating this argument. In 2021, an oil and gas trade association in the US launched a campaign showcasing sports products made from petroleum, the implication being that people cannot enjoy sport without fossil fuels.
Sport is poised for corporate piggybacking because it evokes connection, pride and security in fans and spectators – feelings the fossil fuel industry is keen to capitalise on. An analysis of the Canadian oil industry’s advertising between 2006 and 2015 documented a shift from images of the natural environment to those depicting family life and domesticity.
This kind of pernicious messaging, which entrenches fossil fuels within the things people hold dear, will be hard for legislators to reverse.
Oil change
Imre Szeman, a professor of human geography who specialises in the energy transition, urges us to comprehend just how deep our relationship with oil runs.
Addressing climate change is not simply a technical matter, but a cultural one as well. An issue of how we grasp what is so often taken for granted in everyday life.
Change will not only require acknowledging the severity of the environmental crisis, but to recognise how its primary causes have shaped society, including in elite sport. It’s crucial to understand modern societies as oil societies if we are ever to envisage one no longer dependent on it.
Sport sponsorships reflect the infiltration of fossil fuels in modern society. Trong Nguyen/Shutterstock
So, considering sport, the first step is to remove the cognitive dissonance that surrounds modern elite sporting culture, the nature of its oil dependency and the consequences of climate change.
Sporting organisations can start by saying no to fossil fuel sponsorship. There are examples of this happening already in tennis, rugby and the Olympics, with Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo indicating an oil company was not welcome as a sponsor of the 2024 Games.
Change happens by disaster or by design. It’s time to recognise the decades long influence wielded by the fossil fuel industry.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
Theo Lorenzo Frixou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
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