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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: Local government controls your roads, schools and utilities − but that doesn’t mean the US president doesn’t touch your life in important ways

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Zoe Nemerever, Professor of Political Science, Auburn University

    The top of the ticket often gets the most attention. Alex Brandon/AP Photo

    “All politics is local” is a common refrain – and yet, it is also true that the president has some unique powers.

    I am an expert on state policymaking, and I’m teaching presidential politics at Auburn University during this election season. Researching and teaching about both state and national politics has made me keenly aware of the stakes of the different races up and down the ballot this fall.

    Power close to home

    State and local governments shape our daily experiences in practical ways. State governments determine whether residents have access to expanded Medicaid, reproductive care, parental and family leave, and they set the state property, sales and income taxes, which we are all required to pay.

    City councils, county boards and school boards determine the quality of the roads we travel, the selection of books in school libraries and the prices of utilities such as water and sewer service.

    Most Americans will have the opportunity to vote for a variety of state and local elected officials this November. Yet many voters find their attention drawn to a more captivating contest: the presidential election.

    And it is hard to deny that the president has an outsized influence on American public policy.

    Staffing the government

    So what does the president do?

    It’s a busy job, for sure – including tasks such as signing executive orders, making treaties, vetoing or signing congressional bills, acting as the military’s commander in chief, attempting to build public support for their agenda and fundraising for the party.

    But one other big responsibility is often overlooked – that of passing out thousands of positions in the executive and judicial branches.

    The president’s appointment power is an enumerated power, meaning that it is enshrined in the U.S. Constitution.

    As the size of the judiciary and federal bureaucracy has grown over the past century, this presidential power has ballooned to include 4,000 appointments that turn over at the start of every administration. That doesn’t even include the vacancies that arise during the president’s term – for example, when a federal judge retires or dies.

    Perhaps the most well-known presidential appointment power is the power to nominate Supreme Court justices. These nominations tend to be highly political and dramatic affairs. This is due to their irregular and often sudden timing and to the high stakes of lifetime appointments.

    Some presidents don’t get to exercise this supreme power as much as they would like. But they still get to fill many other judgeships across the district courts, appellate courts and other federal courts.

    The Founding Fathers were adamant that the executive appointment power was not unilateral, as evidenced in Federalist Paper 76 penned by Alexander Hamilton. For 1,200 of the most consequential positions, the president nominates individuals, who are then confirmed – or not – by the U.S. Senate.

    The Founding Fathers perceived this as important for preventing the tyranny of a sole actor, which they had just worked so hard to leave behind under English rule.

    Assembling a Cabinet

    Some of the most consequential of these appointments are members of the presidential Cabinet.

    Much like how a head football coach assembles a team of assistants to enact their vision, the president convenes a team of policy champions to lead the 15 executive departments in the federal bureaucracy.

    Each department is run by a “secretary,” nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate. The president consults with Cabinet members at periodic meetings, but secretaries otherwise enjoy a great deal of autonomy. For this reason, the president tries to pick Cabinet members who share their policy perspective.

    Much of the agenda presidents claim credit for is, in fact, achieved by the Cabinet departments. For example, during the current Biden administration, the Department of Labor increased guaranteed overtime compensation, the Department of Health and Human Services recommended making marijuana a legal but regulated drug, and the Department of Education launched an initiative to tackle the post-COVID surge in chronic absenteeism.

    Cabinet members often fly under the radar of the media, and consequently voters, with a few exceptions. Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg had his moment in the headlines earlier in 2024 when he announced a new federal rule that entitles airline passengers to prompt cash refunds when their flights are canceled or delayed. President Barack Obama’s Secretary of Education Arne Duncan was well known for his bus tours promoting the economic value of education. President George W. Bush’s Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice spearheaded the noteworthy 2008 U.S.-India nuclear agreement.

    Crisis manager in chief, ad hoc

    Presidents also have the power to touch voters’ lives in profound ways by serving as a unifying character during national crises, a role that differentiates the president from other elected officials.

    These crises, unforeseen at the time of the election, require the president to swiftly reassure a distressed nation. For example, after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, President George W. Bush delivered an address that acknowledged the grief of Americans while imparting a stern guarantee that the United States would not cower to terrorists. President Donald Trump provided direction for a national response to an unprecedented global pandemic. President Bill Clinton shared heartfelt remarks at the memorial service of those killed in the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah federal building in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. And Obama honored victims of a racially motivated shooting at a church in Charleston, South Carolina.

    Presidential candidates of course cannot campaign on their ability to handle unpredictable, emergent situations. Instead, they talk up personal traits that will equip them to carry the nation through the next four years – whatever that may bring.

    During the recent 2024 presidential debate between Democratic candidate Kamala Harris and Republican candidate Donald Trump, the candidates tried to demonstrate traits such as strength, humor and mental sharpness – all of which would prove invaluable during whatever the next four years throws our way.

    This November, voters will consider a diverse spread of candidates, from city mayor to president, each with important responsibilities.

    National, state and local governments work together to shape our perceptions, good or bad, about the role public policy plays in our lives – and I’d encourage voters to pay attention to candidates at both the top of the ballot and further down.

    Zoe Nemerever does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Local government controls your roads, schools and utilities − but that doesn’t mean the US president doesn’t touch your life in important ways – https://theconversation.com/local-government-controls-your-roads-schools-and-utilities-but-that-doesnt-mean-the-us-president-doesnt-touch-your-life-in-important-ways-237939

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why do people still back Trump, after everything? 5 things to understand about MAGA supporters’ thinking

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Alex Hinton, Distinguished Professor of Anthropology; Director, Center for the Study of Genocide and Human Rights, Rutgers University – Newark

    Supporters watch Donald Trump speak at a rally in Uniondale, N.Y., on Sept. 18, 2024. Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    For many people, especially those leaning left, Donald Trump’s disqualifications to be president seem obvious, prompting some to question: How could anyone still vote for Trump?

    Some of the evidence Trump’s critics cite include his two impeachments, multiple criminal indictments at the state and federal levels and a felony conviction. Opponents also say that Trump is a threat to democracy, a misogynist, racist, a serial liar and a rapist.

    About 78% of Democrats and Democrat-leaning independent voters say that Trump broke the law when he allegedly tried to overturn the 2020 election results. But less than half of Republicans think he did anything wrong.

    I am an anthropologist of peace and conflict, and I have been studying what I call the Trumpiverse since 2015, when Trump descended a golden escalator and announced his candidacy for president. I later wrote a related book in 2021, called “It Can Happen Here.”

    More recently, I have been examining toxic polarization – and ways to stop it. Many efforts to reduce people’s polarized views begin with an injunction: Listen and understand.

    To this end, I have attended Trump rallies, populist and nonpartisan events and meetings where Democrats and Republicans connect and talk. Along the way, I have spoken with Trump supporters ranging from the Make America Great Again, or MAGA, faithful to moderate “hold the nose and vote for him” conservatives.

    And indeed, many on the left fail to understand who Trump voters are and how they vary. Trump’s base cannot simply be dismissed as racist “deplorables”, as Hillary Clinton famously said in 2016, or as country bumpkins in red MAGA hats. Trump voters trend older, white, rural, religious and less educated. But they include others outside those demographic groups.

    Many people have thoughtful reasons for voting for Trump, even if their reasoning – as is also true for those on the left – is often inflamed by populist polarizers and media platforms.

    Here are five key lines of reasoning that, in varying combinations, inform Trump voters’ choice.

    Donald Trump speaks at a rally on July 31, 2024, in Harrisburg, Pa.
    Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    1. Media distortion

    Where those on the left see Trump’s many failings, those on the right may see what some political observers call Trump Derangement Syndrome, sometimes simply called TDS.

    According to this line of argument, the left-leaning media dissects Trump’s every word, and the media then distorts what he says. I have found that some Trump supporters think that people who feed too much on this allegedly biased media diet can get TDS and develop a passionate, perhaps illogical dislike of Trump.

    I have also heard hardcore Trump supporters argue, with no evidence, that such “fake news” media outlets, like CNN, are part of a larger deep state plot of the federal government to upend the will of the people. This plot, according to those who propagate it, includes not just leftists, government bureaucrats and people who claim to be Republicans, but really aren’t, but also people in law enforcement.

    Some Trump supporters also see merit in his contention that he is being wrongly persecuted, just like some see the Jan. 6 defendants being persecuted.

    2. Bread on the table, money in the bank

    “Are you better off than you were four years ago?”

    For many Trump voters, the answer to Ronald Reagan’s famous question is clear: “No.” They accurately remember Trump’s term as one of tax cuts, economic growth and stock market highs.

    It is true that overall employment numbers and average pay went up under President Joe Biden. But for some Trump supporters, that economic boost pales in comparison to the massive surge in inflation during Biden’s term, with prices rising almost 20%. While the inflation rate has recently abated, prices remain high – as voters are reminded of every day at the grocery store.

    Polls also show that Trump has a strong lead over Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris on how they would handle the economy, which is a top concern for voters, especially Republicans.

    3. A border invasion

    Another reason some Americans want to vote for Trump: immigration.

    Like inflation, the number of people illegally crossing the border soared under Biden.

    This massive influx of “illegal aliens,” as Trump calls them, dropped to its lowest level in four years in July 2024. This happened after the Biden administration made it harder for immigrants to apply for asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border, a policy measure that is in line with many Republicans’ approach.

    In 2022, a poll found 7 out of 10 Republicans worried that “open borders” were part of a Democratic plot to expand liberals’ power by replacing conservative white people with nonwhite foreigners.

    Trump has played into some people’s mostly false concerns that immigrants living illegally in the U.S. are freeloaders and won’t assimilate, as illustrated by recent – untrue – allegations that immigrants are eating pets in Ohio.

    In 2022, 82% of Republicans said they viewed immigration as a “very important” issue. Trump continues to tout his proposed solution, which includes shutting the border, building a wall and deporting 11 million immigrants who are living in the U.S. without legal authorization.

    People attend a Donald Trump rally in Uniondale, N.Y., on Sept. 18, 2024.
    Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images

    4. A proven record

    Some Trump voters simply compare the records of Trump and Biden-Harris and find that the tally tilts firmly toward Trump.

    And it’s not just about the economy and immigration.

    There were no new wars under Trump. Biden-Harris, in contrast, are saddled with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and Israel’s invasion of the Gaza Strip. Trump supporters’ perception is that American taxpayers foot a large portion of the bill, even though other countries are also giving money to Ukraine, and Israel is actually buying weapons from the U.S.

    I have found that Trump supporters also think he is better suited to deal with the rising power and threat of China.

    5. The MAGA bull in a china shop

    While some Harris supporters lament Trump’s destruction of democracy and decency in politics, I have found that Trump voters see a charismatic MAGA bull in a china shop.

    It is precisely because Trump is an unrelenting pugilist, or a fighter – as he showed when he raised a fist after the assassination attempt against him in July – that he should be elected, his supporters believe.

    Some even view him as savior – who will save the U.S. from a “radical left” apocalypse.

    For such Trump stalwarts, MAGA is not simply a slogan. In the Trumpiverse, it is a movement to save an America that is on the brink of failure.

    Alexander Hinton receives funding from the Rutgers-Newark Center for the Study of Politics and Race in America.

    – ref. Why do people still back Trump, after everything? 5 things to understand about MAGA supporters’ thinking – https://theconversation.com/why-do-people-still-back-trump-after-everything-5-things-to-understand-about-maga-supporters-thinking-239031

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What is ‘dark money’ political spending, and how does it affect US politics?

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Emily Lau, Staff Attorney, State Democracy Research Initiative, University of Wisconsin-Madison

    Where exactly did this money come from? Manuel Augusto Moreno/Moment via Getty Images

    Every campaign season brings renewed attention to the amount of money influencing American politics, and who is spending it, and for what purposes. In particular, people are concerned about what is called “dark money.” For instance, recent media coverage has pointed to escalating dark money spending on both the Democratic and Republican sides.

    The term sounds scary and raises the specter of shadowy people manipulating the nation’s politics. As a researcher who studies the American democratic system, I think it’s worthwhile to unpack what dark money is, what concerns it raises and what might be done to address it.

    Unidentified political donors

    When people talk about dark money, they’re usually referring to money spent on elections that comes from sources that cannot be identified.

    Federal and state laws impose some limits on contributions and require some political contributions and expenditures to be publicly disclosed. Candidates for federal office, for example, must report their campaign donors to the Federal Election Commission. The FEC makes these reports available to the public.

    Likewise, super PACs – groups permitted to spend unlimited amounts on independent electoral advocacy – must also report some information about donations, such as the identities of and amounts given by people who donate more than US$200 in a year.

    But campaign finance disclosure laws have gaps.

    Federal law, for example, allows certain entities – most notably nonprofits designated as “social welfare” organizations or trade associations under Sections 501(c)(4) and 501(c)(6) of the tax code – to raise and spend large sums on electoral advocacy without disclosing their donors.

    A CBS News investigation into dark money in U.S. politics.

    Another dark money pathway involves making donations to super PACs through shell companies, which are companies set up for the purpose of hiding the financial activities of other people or groups – in this case, political contributions. Although super PACs are legally required to report who they received the contributions from, if the funds come from shell companies, the super PACs may not know and are not required to disclose where the money actually came from. That information remains hidden from public view.

    A lack of donor transparency raises multiple concerns. Voters may have a harder time assessing the validity of political messages or discerning whether candidates may be beholden to certain interests. Regulators and watchdogs can have trouble detecting illegal activity, such as campaign spending by foreign nationals. And unscrupulous people and groups can spread misinformation or destructive rhetoric without being identified or held accountable.

    Undisclosed political expenditures

    While discussions of dark money usually focus on where it comes from, the term can also describe a lack of transparency about where it goes.

    Under federal law, campaign committees must report their direct disbursements, such as payments to vendors or consultants. These vendors and consultants, however, sometimes function as pass-through entities that receive campaign funds and then purchase undisclosed goods and services. And any of these recipients can be set up as shell companies, making the flow of funds even more difficult to track.

    For instance, Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign and the Democratic National Committee faced FEC complaints for failing to disclose indirect payments made through the campaign’s law firm to researchers who compiled a dossier on Donald Trump’s Russia ties. The Clinton campaign and the DNC paid a fine to settle the matter without conceding wrongdoing.

    But enforcement can be difficult. In 2020, a watchdog group filed an FEC complaint alleging that Trump’s reelection campaign directed hundreds of millions of dollars to a pass-through entity in an improper effort to hide its expenditures – which included payments to top advisers and family members that, by law, would have otherwise been disclosed. The FEC dismissed the Trump complaint in 2022 when commissioners deadlocked 3-3 on whether to pursue it.

    As with a lack of donor disclosure, a lack of expenditure disclosure can deprive voters and regulators of valuable information. Lack of transparency can also invite questionable campaign practices, such as using donated funds in ways that enrich candidates, campaign staff or their associates.

    It can be hard to determine who is really behind shell companies and campaign donors.
    nicodemos/E+ via Getty Images

    Stalled federal reforms

    Proponents of greater campaign finance transparency have had little success pressing federal lawmakers and regulators to address dark money.

    Since 2010, congressional Democrats have been introducing legislation known as the DISCLOSE Act. Among other requirements, it would make dark money groups reveal major donors and restrict the use of shell companies to conceal donors’ identities. While versions of the bill have passed the House, they have repeatedly stalled in the Senate. Opponents maintain that these measures would infringe people’s privacy rights and chill constitutionally protected speech.

    Advocates have also made minimal headway persuading Congress or federal agencies to adopt new disclosure regulations or tighten enforcement.

    The FEC, which has an even partisan split among its six commissioners, has often been unable to get a majority to agree to take action. And the FEC’s most notable recent decisions have been to loosen, rather than tighten, campaign finance rules. Congress has barred the Securities and Exchange Commission from establishing new political spending disclosure rules for public companies, although some companies self-report more than the law requires.

    States’ efforts to curb dark money

    Dark money is also an issue in state and local elections. The strength of state and local transparency laws varies. Because these elections typically receive less attention and scrutiny than federal elections, money sometimes flows even more opaquely.

    Unlike the federal government, a number of states and localities have bolstered their disclosure rules in recent years. Arizona, California, Colorado, New Jersey and Washington, for example, have passed new laws requiring more donor information, including about the original sources of funds that are transferred between multiple groups before being spent on electioneering.

    Meanwhile, states such as Iowa, Massachusetts and Texas have adopted laws requiring campaigns to provide details about how consultants and vendors spend the campaign’s funds.

    Even in these states, disclosure gaps remain. The reality is that efforts to improve transparency can seem like a game of whack-a-mole: Each new round of regulations tends to generate new workarounds. But the experiences in these states and elsewhere may offer models and lessons for other jurisdictions.

    The current Supreme Court has given mixed messages about campaign finance transparency.
    Fred Schilling, Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States

    Constitutional questions

    Beyond the political challenge of getting stronger transparency regulations adopted, proponents of such measures also face potential constitutional challenges by opponents of disclosure.

    In multiple cases, including the 2010 Citizens United v. FEC ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court has rejected First Amendment claims brought by political spenders who wished to conceal their identities. In that case, the court observed that transparency helps the electorate “make informed decisions and give proper weight to different speakers and messages.”

    However, the Supreme Court has also recognized a right to engage in anonymous political speech. And in recent years, the court’s conservative supermajority has become somewhat more skeptical of disclosure rules, including in a 2021 case, Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta, which overturned a state law requiring charities to identify major donors. In her dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor warned that the court’s argument could be applied to campaign finance disclosure regulations.

    Therefore, even if public momentum builds for stronger transparency regulations, the Supreme Court could stand as an obstacle to such reforms.

    Emily Lau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What is ‘dark money’ political spending, and how does it affect US politics? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-dark-money-political-spending-and-how-does-it-affect-us-politics-236294

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Can you change your personality? Psychology research says yes, by tweaking what you think and do

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Shannon Sauer-Zavala, Associate Professor of Psychology & Licensed Clinical Psychologist, University of Kentucky

    Making a personality change could help you live the life you want. lechatnoir/E+ via Getty Images

    Have you ever taken a personality test? If you’re like me, you’ve consulted BuzzFeed and you know exactly which Taylor Swift song “perfectly matches your vibe.”

    It might be obvious that internet quizzes are not scientific, but many of the seemingly serious personality tests used to guide educational and career choices are also not supported by research. Despite being a billion-dollar industry, commercial personality testing used by schools and corporations to funnel people into their ideal roles do not predict career success.

    Beyond their lack of scientific support, the most popular approaches to understanding personality are problematic because they assume your traits are static – that is, you’re stuck with the personality you’re born with. But modern personality science studies find that traits can and do change over time.

    In addition to watching my own personality change over time from messy and lazy to off the charts in conscientiousness, I’m also a personality change researcher and clinical psychologist. My research confirms what I saw in my own development and in my patients: People can intentionally shape the traits they need to be successful in the lives they want. That’s contrary to the popular belief that your personality type places you in a box, dictating that you choose partners, activities and careers according to your traits.

    What personality is and isn’t

    According to psychologists, personality is your characteristic way of thinking, feeling and behaving.

    Are you a person who tends to think about situations in your life more pessimistically, or are you a glass-half-full kind of person?

    Do you tend to get angry when someone cuts you off in traffic, or are you more likely to give them the benefit of the doubt – maybe they’re rushing to the hospital?

    Do you wait until the last minute to complete tasks, or do you plan ahead?

    You can think of personality as a collection of labels that summarize your responses to questions like these. Depending on your answers, you might be labeled as optimistic, empathetic or dependable.

    Research suggests that all these descriptive labels can be summarized into five overarching traits – what psychologists creatively refer to as the “Big Five.”

    As early as the 1930s, psychologists literally combed through a dictionary to pull out all the words that describe human nature and sorted them in categories with similar themes. For example, they grouped words like “kind,” “thoughtful” and “friendly” together. They found that thousands of words could be accounted for by sorting them between five traits: neuroticism, extroversion, conscientiousness, agreeableness and openness.

    Personality traits can be sorted into the ‘Big Five’ categories. They describe how you act but not necessarily the essence of who you are.
    Whale Design/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    What personality is not: People often feel protective about their personality – you may view it as the core of who you are. According to scientific definitions, however, personality is not your likes, dislikes or preferences. It’s not your sense of humor. It’s not your values or what you think is important in life.

    In other words, shifting your Big Five traits does not change the core of who you are. It simply means learning to respond to situations in life with different thoughts, feelings and behaviors.

    Can you change your personality?

    Can personality change? Remember, personality is a person’s characteristic way of thinking, feeling and behaving. And while it might sound hard to change personality, people change how they think, feel and behave all the time.

    Suppose you’re not super dependable. If you start to think “being on time shows others that I respect them,” begin to feel pride when you arrive to brunch before your friends, and engage in new behaviors that increase your timeliness – such as getting up with an alarm, setting appointment reminders and so on – you are embodying the characteristics of a reliable person. If you maintain these changes to your thinking, emotions and behaviors over time – voila! – you are reliable. Personality: changed.

    Data confirms this idea. In general, personality changes across a person’s life span. As people age, they tend to experience fewer negative emotions and more positive ones, are more conscientious, place greater emphasis on positive relationships and are less judgmental of others.

    There is variability here, though. Some people change a lot and some people hold pretty steady. Moreover, studies, including my own, that test whether personality interventions change traits over time find that people can speed up the process of personality change by making intentional tweaks to their thinking and behavior. These tweaks can lead to meaningful change in less than 20 weeks, instead of 20 years.

    Identifying patterns that your thoughts frequently fall into can be the first step toward making a change.
    Maskot via Getty Images

    Cultivating personality traits that serve you best

    The good news is that these cognitive-behavioral techniques are relatively simple, and you don’t need to visit a therapist if that’s not something you’re into.

    The first component involves changing your thinking patterns – this is the cognitive piece. You need to become aware of your thoughts to determine whether they’re keeping you stuck acting in line with a particular trait. For example, if you find yourself thinking “people are only looking out for themselves,” you are likely to act defensively around others.

    The behavioral component involves becoming aware of your current action tendencies and testing out new responses. If you are defensive around other people, they will probably respond negatively to you. When they withdraw or snap at you, for example, it then confirms your belief that you can’t trust others. By contrast, if you try behaving more openly – perhaps sharing with a co-worker that you’re struggling with a task – you have the opportunity to see whether that changes the way others act toward you.

    These cognitive-behavioral strategies are so effective for nudging personality because personality is simply your characteristic way of thinking and behaving. Consistently making changes to your perspective and actions can lead to lasting habits that ultimately result in crafting the personality you desire.

    Shannon Sauer-Zavala receives funding from that National Institute of Mental Health to support her research.

    – ref. Can you change your personality? Psychology research says yes, by tweaking what you think and do – https://theconversation.com/can-you-change-your-personality-psychology-research-says-yes-by-tweaking-what-you-think-and-do-237190

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: America is increasingly dependent on foreign doctors − but their path to immigration is getting harder

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Selma Hedlund, Postdoctoral Associate at Center of Forced Displacement, Boston University

    For immigrant doctors, the path to permanent residency is fleeting and far from guaranteed. Stefano Spicca/iStock via Getty Images

    The COVID-19 pandemic exposed a pressing issue: The U.S. health care system is increasingly dependent on immigrant physicians, but it’s becoming harder for aspiring ones to work and settle in the U.S.

    Today, 1 in 4 doctors are foreign-born, international medical graduates. Their numbers are even larger in underserved areas – essentially, low-income, more rural parts of the country where many American doctors don’t want to work.

    This immigrant workforce is key to offsetting a dire physician shortage. The need for more doctors is due, in part, to America’s growing and aging population; U.S.-born doctors’ unwillingness to move to poorer and more rural areas; and U.S.-born doctors’ lack of interest in going into primary care, which can be less lucrative and prestigious than other areas of medicine.

    As a result, immigrant doctors have become indispensable in hospitals and clinics across the nation. But while they’re in demand, more and more foreign doctors are starting to see the immigration process as a risky endeavor.

    During the COVID-19 pandemic, I wrote my dissertation about how immigrant physicians navigate the U.S. immigration system and foreign licensing procedures. My interviewees described how a combination of stricter immigration policies and more competition for residency spots have made the U.S. a less feasible destination.

    Visa vicissitudes

    U.S. visas can be categorized into two categories: immigrant and nonimmigrant. Nonimmigrant visas, such as tourist, student or exchange visitors visas, prohibit holders from having what’s called “immigrant intent,” meaning that they don’t plan to use their visas to permanently stay in the U.S.

    In order for immigrant doctors to be licensed to practice in the U.S., they need to complete licensing exams. They also need to obtain clinical experience in the U.S. This can be completed while on a tourist visa or a student visa, which are relatively easy to obtain.

    However, all immigrant physicians – even if they’re certified specialists in their home country – need to get accepted into and complete a U.S. residency program in order to practice in the U.S. as specialists. These are intensive, supervised training programs that can last up to seven years.

    Nonetheless, a majority of immigrant doctors in the U.S. will complete their American residencies on nonimmigrant visas, even though by this point in the process they quite clearly have immigrant intent.

    It wasn’t always this way.

    There’s a special work visa called the H-1B that allows for both immigrant and nonimmigrant intent. A few decades ago, many immigrant physicians entered residency programs that sponsored H-1B visas, which served as stepping stones to green cards.

    But drastic restrictions to the number of people admitted into this visa program, coupled with cuts in graduate medical education funding, have directed most foreign-born doctors to what’s called a J-1 exchange visitors visa.

    Challenges of working in underserved areas

    The J-1 not only explicitly prohibits immigration intent, it also requires that doctors return to their home country for at least two years upon completing American residency training.

    Foreign-born doctors nonetheless pursue the J-1 because there’s the opportunity to obtain a waiver, with limited slots that will allow them to remain in the U.S. and adjust to an H-1B visa. If selected for the waiver program, they must commit to a minimum of three years of service in a designated medically underserved area in the U.S.

    Through a special waiver, immigrant doctors can work at rural hospitals that are underfunded and understaffed.
    Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

    While this system can offer short-term relief to physician shortages, it can also lead to exploitation.

    As one interviewee told me, “We hear very scary things about the J-1 waiver. The employers can take advantage and make you work more and pay less.”

    For the duration of the waiver program, immigrant physicians have minimal ability to change employers without violating the conditions of the waiver – and their path to immigration. Underserved areas are often understaffed and underresourced, which can make for stressful working conditions.

    Forced to go above and beyond

    The challenges don’t end with the visa process. There are financial burdens as well.

    International medical graduates often spend tens of thousands of dollars to pay for U.S. medical licensing exams, multiple visa applications, international travel and lodging, residency and green card applications.

    They also spend months in unpaid positions in hospital settings to gain the U.S. clinical experience that’s required to apply for residency. Then, in order to match into residency, immigrant physicians typically need to outperform their American peers on exams. They also need to have more prestigious research qualifications and stronger recommendation letters. Still, immigrant doctors are more likely to match into less competitive residency programs.

    While interviewing immigrant physicians, many testified to the competition getting steeper in recent years.

    “I told a friend, if you don’t have scores in upper 90s in all the exams and you’re not a green card holder, don’t even bother,” an Indian physician who immigrated 20 years ago explained to me. “It’s so tough.”

    Stuck in limbo

    Over the course of my research I noticed a trend: Many international medical graduates will come to the U.S. on student visas to pursue U.S. graduate degrees in health-related fields, such as public health, before they even start the licensing process. This helps them get their foot in the door into a very complicated immigration system and build a stronger resume as they prepare for residency applications. It’s also another expensive investment.

    But even those who match into and complete residency won’t necessarily be able to stay and work in America.

    Those with positive experiences from working in underserved communities often struggle to remain in their positions after their waiver contracts are fulfilled because of the green card backlog.

    The average immigrant’s wait time for a green card has doubled since the national quota system was introduced in the early 1990s.

    By 2018, an applicant had to wait an average of 18 months to get approved for their green card and another five years and eight months to receive it. The COVID-19 pandemic introduced new barriers and delays.

    Indians, one of the biggest nationalities among immigrant physicians, have the longest wait times under the current system, sometimes waiting up to a decade to obtain the security of permanent residence. Among the 1.8 million cases currently stuck in the employment-based green card backlog, 63% are Indian nationals.

    A pending green card application is often formally considered abandoned if the applicant leaves the country, preventing people from visiting loved ones abroad for years.

    No fix on the horizon

    Despite frequent calls for change and reform, these bottlenecks continue to adversely affect both patients and doctors.

    While the current model has its benefits, it also reflects a trend in which much-needed immigrant professionals live in prolonged, demoralizing uncertainty. Work visas have been subject to increasing cuts and restrictions in recent years under both the Trump and Biden administrations. Conditions will likely worsen if Trump returns to office: The “Muslim ban” he enacted in 2017 adversely affected many immigrant doctors and their patients, and his calls for increased vetting will likely exacerbate existing barriers to legal immigration.

    A paradox has emerged: While the U.S. says it wants to attract and retain world class talent, its byzantine immigration system continually discourages potential hires.

    The doctors I interviewed gave a variety of reasons for wanting to work in the U.S., including better lifestyles and opportunities for professional development. But the complexity and sheer unwieldiness of the U.S. visa regime is causing the nation to lose skilled professionals to other countries with more streamlined processes.

    Selma Hedlund does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. America is increasingly dependent on foreign doctors − but their path to immigration is getting harder – https://theconversation.com/america-is-increasingly-dependent-on-foreign-doctors-but-their-path-to-immigration-is-getting-harder-229980

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Diet-related diseases are the No. 1 cause of death in the US – yet many doctors receive little to no nutrition education in med school

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Nathaniel Johnson, Assistant Professor of Nutrition and Dietetics, University of North Dakota

    Nearly 60% of respondents to one medical school survey said they received no nutritional education at all. Peter Dazeley/The Image Bank via Getty Images

    On television shows like “Grey’s Anatomy,” “The Resident” and “Chicago Med,” physicians seem to always have the right answer.

    But when it comes to nutrition and dietary advice, that may not be the case.

    One of us is an assistant professor of nutrition and dietetics; the other is a medical student with a master’s degree in nutrition.

    Both of us understand the powerful effects that food has on your health and longevity. A poor diet may lead to cardiovascular disease, diabetes, obesity and even psychological conditions like depression and anxiety. Diet-related diseases are the leading causes of death in the U.S., and a poor diet is responsible for more deaths than smoking.

    These health problems are not only common and debilitating, but expensive. Treating high blood pressure, diabetes and high cholesterol costs about US$400 billion per year. Within 25 years, those costs are expected to triple, to $1.3 trillion.

    These facts support the need for physicians to give accurate advice about diet to help prevent these diseases. But how much does a typical physician know about nutrition?

    The deficiencies in nutrition education happen at all levels of medical training.

    What doctors don’t know

    In a 2023 survey of more than 1,000 U.S. medical students, about 58% of respondents said they received no formal nutrition education while in medical school for four years. Those who did averaged about three hours of nutrition education per year.

    That is woefully short of the goals set by the U.S. Committee on Nutrition in Medical Education back in 1985: that med students should receive a total of 25 hours of nutrition education while in school – a little more than six hours per year.

    But a 2015 study showed only 29% of medical schools met this goal, and a 2023 study suggests the problem has become even worse – only 7.8% of med students reported 20 or more hours of nutrition education across all four years of med school. If this is representative of medical schools throughout the country, it has happened despite efforts to bolster nutrition education through numerous government initiatives.

    Not surprisingly, the lack of education has had a direct impact on physicians’ nutrition knowledge. In a study of 257 first- and second-year osteopathic medical students taking a nutrition knowledge quiz, more than half flunked the test. Prior to the test, more than half the students – 55% – felt comfortable counseling patients on nutrition.

    Unfortunately, this problem is not limited to U.S. medical schools. A 2018 global study concluded that no matter the country, nutrition education of med students is insufficient throughout the world.

    Bringing nutrition education back

    Even though evidence suggests that nutrition education can be effective, there are many reasons why it’s lacking. Medical students and physicians are some of the busiest people in society. The amount of information taught in medical curricula is often described as overwhelming – like drinking out of a fire hose.

    First- and second-year medical students focus on dense topics, including biochemistry, molecular biology and genetics, while they learn clinical skills such as interviewing patients and understanding heart and lung sounds. Third- and fourth-year students are practicing in clinics and hospitals as they learn from physicians and patients.

    As a result, their schedules are already jammed. There is no room for nutrition. And once they are physicians, it gets no better. Providing preventive care including nutrition counseling to patients would take them more than seven hours per week – and that’s not counting the time they would have to spend on continuing education to keep up with new findings in nutrition science.

    On top of that, the lack of nutrition education in medical schools has been attributed to a dearth of qualified instructors for nutrition courses, as most physicians do not understand nutrition well enough to teach it.

    Ironically, many medical schools are part of universities that have nutrition departments with Ph.D.-trained professors; those academicians could fill this gap by teaching nutrition to medical students. But those classes are often taught by physicians who may not have adequate nutrition training – which means truly qualified instructors, within reach of most medical schools, are left out of the process.

    This doctor said he learned virtually nothing about nutrition in medical school.

    Finding the right advice

    The best source of nutrition information, whether for medical students or the general public, is a registered dietitian, certified nutrition specialist or some other type of nutrition professional with multiple degrees and certification. They study for years and record many practice hours in order to give dietary advice.

    Although anyone can make an appointment with a nutrition professional for dietary counseling, typically a referral from a health care provider like a physician is needed for the appointment to be covered by insurance. So seeing a physician or other primary care provider is often a step before meeting with a nutrition professional.

    This extra step might be one reason why many people look elsewhere, such as on their phones, for nutrition advice. However, the worst place to look for accurate nutrition information is social media. There, about 94% of posts about nutrition and diet are of low value – either inaccurate or lacking adequate data to back up the claim.

    Keep in mind that anyone can post nutrition advice on social media, regardless of their qualifications. Good dietary advice is individualized and takes into account one’s age, sex, goals, body weight, goals and personal preferences. This complexity is tough to capture in a brief social media post.

    The good news is that nutrition education, when it occurs, is effective, and most medical students and physicians acknowledge the critical role nutrition plays in health. In fact, close to 90% of med students say nutrition education should be a mandatory part of medical school.

    We hope that nutrition education, after being devalued or ignored for decades, will soon be an integral part of every medical school’s curriculum. But given its history and current status, this seems unlikely to happen anytime soon.

    In the meantime, those who want to learn more about a healthy diet should meet with a nutrition professional, or at the very least read the 2020-2025 Dietary Guidelines for Americans or the World Health Organization’s healthy diet recommendations.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Diet-related diseases are the No. 1 cause of death in the US – yet many doctors receive little to no nutrition education in med school – https://theconversation.com/diet-related-diseases-are-the-no-1-cause-of-death-in-the-us-yet-many-doctors-receive-little-to-no-nutrition-education-in-med-school-236217

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kenya’s whistleblowers are key to fighting corruption: how a new law could protect them

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Gedion Onyango, Research Fellow, Firoz Lalji Institute for Africa, London School of Economics and Political Science

    Kenya has published a draft bill outlining protections for whistleblowers. Long in the making, the Whistleblower Protection Bill 2024 could help to encourage disclosures in a country where 86% of the respondents to a 2023 survey feared what might happen to them if they reported corruption cases. Gedion Onyango, who researches public accountability reforms, anti-corruption and whistleblowing reforms, sets out what protections are needed and how to change public mindsets.

    What is whistleblowing?

    Whistleblowing is disclosing information about behaviour or misconduct that could harm the public interest – the overall welfare of a society.

    Whistleblowing is primarily associated with disclosing corruption in state institutions. Because the private sector has become a partner in public service and national development processes, emerging laws like Kenya’s whistleblower protection bill and existing ones like Botswana’s Whistleblower Protection Act 2016 have been designed also to expose activities of companies and institutions that directly affect public affairs.

    Several key conditions must be met for whistleblowing to be effective.



    Read more:
    Corruption in South Africa: would paying whistleblowers help?

    Firstly, the society needs to broadly agree on what misconduct is. People should feel obliged to flag and address wrongdoing, and know what is expected when such information is disclosed. Essentially, the disclosure must be made in good faith.

    Secondly, there must be an authority that is expected to and is willing to take action after receiving such information.

    Thirdly, clear procedures or legal processes should be in place for receiving the information and determining the truth.

    The person disclosing the information must find it easy to report, besides having sufficient evidence to support their claims. A thoroughly bureaucratic way of receiving information about wrongdoing is more likely to intimidate and discourage potential whistleblowers.

    Fourthly, a system should be in place to reward individuals who disclose wrongdoing. This could involve recognising their contribution to society or providing financial incentives, often a percentage of money recovered in cases of corruption and asset recovery. Not all countries have this provision. But having such a reward is not always enough. This has been shown in Nigeria, where whistleblowing is declining despite the reward of 5% of recovered funds.

    Finally, there needs to be trust in the authority and the process for it to work.

    Why the focus on whistleblowers?

    Whistleblowers are important sources of information about misconduct, dishonesty and unethical behaviour that would otherwise remain concealed from the public. They are critical in promoting human rights, fighting corruption and addressing governance misconduct and inequalities.

    Many infamous scandals around the world have been brought to light by individuals who disclosed the wrongdoing. These include Kenya’s Anglo Leasing scandal.

    Whistleblowing is essential to ethical public leadership. It is no accident that many developing countries are now enacting laws to encourage and protect whistleblowers. With new laws in Kenya, whistleblowers would no longer have to primarily defend themselves against non-disclosure clauses that outlaw disclosures of a potential wrongdoing. Whistleblowers have previously been targeted by public organisations for releasing information in an unprocedural manner.

    You want to blow the whistle. What next?

    Potential whistleblowers can use internal or external mechanisms to disclose wrongdoing. The choice of mechanism will depend on the whistleblower’s confidence or history with these mechanisms.

    Studies have shown that internal whistleblowing is less desirable, and most whistleblowers prefer anonymous external whistleblowing channels that could prompt an investigation by an authority.



    Read more:
    South Africa’s corporate whistleblowers don’t get enough protection: what needs to change

    What protections should whistleblowers expect?

    Effective whistleblower protection mechanisms include protecting the identities of whistleblowers until the responsible authority has checked that there was wrongdoing.

    Whistleblowers should be protected from retaliation or harm, including social victimisation, physical attacks and disciplinary actions.

    The law should ensure that an insider whistleblower, such as an employee, is protected from being intimidated, disciplined or removed from their position. This should be for a long enough time (for example, at least five years), even if the case ultimately collapses, as often happens.

    In other words, the person should be protected from any loss, including damages that would affect their mental health or their job. This is typical of legislation globally.

    In today’s age of social media, the laws against defamation should be applied strictly to guard against online harassment.

    What would a forward-looking whistleblower policy look like?

    It’s important that whistleblower protection policies are understood and accepted by everyone. The process should start with extensive consultation. It should involve authorities such as religious groups, traditional leaders and government administrators at the lowest levels.

    Including whistleblowing in the country’s school, college and professional curriculum would increase awareness and improve social acceptance.

    It’s often the case that whistleblowers are seen as betrayers or snitches rather than as courageous defenders of public interest and ethical members of society. The reward system for whistleblowers should be included in prestigious national honours such as the Presidential Award.

    Gedion Onyango receives funding from ESRC. He is also affiliated with Afrobarometer East Africa

    – ref. Kenya’s whistleblowers are key to fighting corruption: how a new law could protect them – https://theconversation.com/kenyas-whistleblowers-are-key-to-fighting-corruption-how-a-new-law-could-protect-them-239647

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: South African women face exclusion from society due to gender-based violence – how they’re fighting back

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Amanda Gouws, Professor of Political Science and Chair of the South African Research Initiative in Gender Politics, Stellenbosch University

    When South Africa became a democracy in 1994, a primary goal was to grant citizenship rights to all its people, in particular, to give the majority black South Africans rights they had been denied during colonialism and apartheid. This included the right to vote.

    Apartheid segregated the population into ethnic groups. All but people classified as white were stripped of their rights. The 1996 constitution conferred upon citizens civil liberties such as the right to vote, movement, association and free speech as well as substantive rights such as access to land, health, education and employment.

    But, as I argue in the Palgrave Handbook of Gender and Citizenship, full citizenship is about more than a legal status that grants rights. Full citizenship also means being able to fully participate in a society.

    Based on my research into South African politics and gender politics over the past three decades I argue in a recent chapter that women in South Africa don’t enjoy full citizenship because they face endemic gender-based violence.

    Sexual violence against women has become normalised in South Africa. Everyday spaces are filled with violence, as indicated by the South African Police Service’s quarterly crime statistics.

    I conclude in the book chapter that people who feel excluded turn to protest to claim their rights as citizens. In doing so they become activist citizens.

    Acts of citizenship can occur in many different places – on streets, in courts, at borders, or even through media. They can happen on different scales, from local community action to international movements. These acts may involve protests, organising campaigns, or using digital media to spread awareness. People engaging in these acts might demand a wide range of rights, including political, social, sexual, ecological, or cultural rights.



    Read more:
    Gender apartheid: oppression of women should be made a crime against humanity – feminist academic explains why

    While legal frameworks to enhance citizenship have changed over the past 30 years in South Africa, deep-seated inequalities and exclusions persist. Law reform cannot address high levels of unemployment (that need to be rectified through economic growth), neither can it address poverty that is endemic because of the legacies of apartheid, such as the exclusion from decent education and health care.

    Acts of citizenship – whether through protest (such as service delivery protest), art, or everyday actions – continue to play a crucial role in expanding the boundaries of who is considered a citizen and what rights citizens can claim.

    By understanding citizenship as something that is actively performed and claimed, rather than simply granted, society can better appreciate the ongoing struggles for equality and recognition.

    Acts of citizenship

    Emotions play a significant role in these citizenship actions, a concept known as “affective citizenship”. Expressions of fear, happiness, loneliness, anger, or grief can all be part of how people assert their rights and demand recognition. These emotional displays can be disruptive or more conventional, but they all focus on exclusions from citizenship.

    Some acts of citizenship involve a “politics of refusal” – rejecting unfair conditions or norms. This refusal can expose hidden issues within citizenship, such as specific forms of gendered violence or discrimination. By disrupting “business as usual”, these acts force society to confront uncomfortable truths.

    It’s important to note that acts of citizenship aren’t always large-scale or dramatic. They can also involve everyday actions that challenge norms or assert rights in smaller ways. What matters is that these acts transform the actors from passive subjects into active citizens claiming their rights.

    Examples include the #EndRapeCulture campaign of 2016, when women protested against pervasive sexual violence on university campuses. At the same time, transgender students also protested against marginalisation.

    Both groups of students used naked protests to show their refusal to be treated as though they were not citizens. Through their campaign, the students rejected behaviour and attitudes that normalise sexual violence on campuses.

    Women students disrupted public spaces by protesting topless or in their underwear, sometimes brandishing sjamboks (plastic whips). These actions expressed anger at university authorities’ failure to address sexual violence. The activists were refusing to be treated as though they were not citizens.

    By using their bodies in these acts of citizenship the protesters made visible the rage many South African women feel about sexual violence committed with seeming impunity. They highlighted how women’s bodies are vulnerable to violence due to neglect by authorities in implementing their own laws, such as the Sexual Offences Act and the Domestic Violence Act.



    Read more:
    Victory for women’s rights in Ghana as affirmative action law is passed – what must happen next

    For its part the Trans Collective, a group of transgender students at the University of Cape Town, used a provocative art intervention to highlight the erasure or the making invisible of transgender experiences within the broader student movement during the same 2016 period.

    They smeared red paint on photographs at an exhibit about student activism and used their naked, paint-covered bodies to block the entrance of the art gallery at the university to force visitors to confront the physical reality of how transgender rights are often “trampled” or ignored, even within progressive movements.

    Impact

    Acts of citizenship – whether through naked protests, art interventions, or other forms of activism – serve multiple purposes:

    • They make visible groups and issues that are overlooked or deliberately ignored.

    • They challenge conventional understandings of how citizens should behave or what citizenship looks like.

    • They create new spaces for political action and discourse.

    • They force society and authorities to confront uncomfortable truths about exclusion and violence.

    • They assert the agency of marginalised groups in defining and claiming their rights.

    Amanda Gouws receives funding from the NRF through her SARChI Chair in Gender Politics.

    – ref. South African women face exclusion from society due to gender-based violence – how they’re fighting back – https://theconversation.com/south-african-women-face-exclusion-from-society-due-to-gender-based-violence-how-theyre-fighting-back-237493

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Dutton’s nuclear plan would mean propping up coal for at least 12 more years – and we don’t know what it would cost

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alison Reeve, Deputy Program Director, Energy and Climate Change, Grattan Institute

    Opposition leader Peter Dutton has revealed the Coalition’s nuclear energy plan relies on many of Australia’s coal-fired power stations running for at least another 12 years – far beyond the time frame officials expect the ageing facilities to last.

    The claim has set off a new round of speculation over the Coalition’s plans – the viability of which has already been widely questioned by energy analysts.

    Dutton offered up limited detail in a speech on Monday. He also revealed the plan relies on ramping up Australia’s gas production.

    It seems increasingly clear the Coalition’s nuclear policy would prolong Australia’s reliance on coal, at a time when the world is rapidly moving to cleaner sources of power.

    Coal: old and tired

    The Coalition wants to build nuclear reactors on the sites of closed coal plants. It says the first reactors could come online by the mid-2030s. However, independent analysis shows the earliest they could be built is the 2040s.

    Now it appears the Coalition’s plan involves relying on coal to provide electricity while nuclear reactors are being built. On Monday, Dutton suggested coal-fired electricity would be available into the 2030s and ‘40s.

    But this is an overly optimistic reading of coal’s trajectory. The Australian Energy Market Operator says 90% of coal-fired power in the National Electricity Market will close by 2035.

    All this suggests the Coalition plans to extend the life of existing coal plants. But this is likely to cost money. Australia’s coal-fired power stations are old and unreliable – that’s why their owners want to shut them down. To keep plants open means potentially operating them at a loss, while having to invest in repairs and upgrades.

    This is why coal plant owners sought, and received, payments from state governments to delay exits when the renewables rollout began falling behind schedule.

    So who would wear the cost of delaying coal’s retirement? It might be energy consumers if state governments decide to recoup the costs via electricity bills. Or it could be taxpayers, through higher taxes, reduced services or increased government borrowing. In other words, we will all have to pay, just from different parts of our personal budgets.

    Labor’s energy plan also relies on continued use of coal. Dutton pointed to moves by the New South Wales and Victorian governments to extend the life of coal assets in those states. For example, the NSW Labor government struck a deal with Origin to keep the Eraring coal station open for an extra two years, to 2027.

    However, this is a temporary measure to keep the electricity system reliable because the renewables build is behind schedule. It is not a defining feature of the plan.

    Eraring was given a two year extension.

    New transmission is essential under either plan

    Dutton claims Labor’s renewable energy transition will require a massive upgrade to transmission infrastructure. The transmission network largely involves high-voltage lines and towers, and transformers.

    He claims the Coalition can circumvent this cost by building nuclear power plants on seven sites of old coal-fired power stations, and thus use existing transmission infrastructure.

    Labor’s shift to renewable energy does require new transmission infrastructure, to get electricity from far-flung wind and solar farms to towns and cities. It’s also true that building nuclear power stations at the site of former coal plants would, in theory, make use of existing transmission lines, although the owners of some of these sites have firmly declined the opportunity.

    But even if the Coalition’s nuclear plan became a reality, new transmission infrastructure would be needed.

    Australia’s electricity demand is set to surge in coming decades as we move to electrify our homes, transport and heavy industry. This will require upgrades to transmission infrastructure, because it will have to carry more electricity. Many areas of the network are already at capacity.

    So in reality, both Labor’s and the Coalition’s policies are likely to require substantial spending on transmission.

    Gas is not an easy answer

    Both Labor and the Coalition acknowledge a big role for gas in their respective plans.

    Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen says gas, along with storage, is needed to help back up to the grid, when solar and wind farms are not producing electricity.

    Dutton spoke of plans “to ramp up domestic gas production” in the short term, “to get power prices down and restore stability to our grid” – presumably until nuclear comes online.

    But the issue isn’t a lack of gas. It’s that the gas is in the wrong places. There’s a gas shortage because southern reserves are declining and all the gas production is in the north of the continent.

    An increased role for gas means getting someone to pay for new infrastructure, such as pipelines or LNG terminals. That will make for expensive gas, and expensive gas means expensive electricity.

    Many unanswered questions

    It’s now three months since the Coalition released its nuclear strategy. Detail was thin then – and Monday’s speech shed little light.

    Many unanswered questions remain – chief among them, costings of the nuclear plan, and how much of that will be born by government. CSIRO says a nuclear reactor would cost at least A$8.6 billion.

    We also don’t know how the Coalition would acquire the sites, or get around nuclear bans in Queensland, NSW and Victoria.

    We still don’t know how the Coalition plans to keep the lights on in the coming decade, as coal exits.

    And crucially, we don’t know what it will cost households and businesses. It is unlikely to be cheap.

    Alison Reeve does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article. Since 2008, Grattan Institute has been supported in its work by government, corporations, and philanthropic gifts. A full list of supporters is published at www.grattan.edu.au.

    – ref. Dutton’s nuclear plan would mean propping up coal for at least 12 more years – and we don’t know what it would cost – https://theconversation.com/duttons-nuclear-plan-would-mean-propping-up-coal-for-at-least-12-more-years-and-we-dont-know-what-it-would-cost-239720

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The design tricks keeping your kids hooked on games and apps – and 3 things you can do about it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Zomer, Associate Research Fellow at the Centre of the Digital Child, Deakin University

    This article is part of a series on the great internet letdown. Read the rest of the series.

    Ever found yourself unable to resist checking out a social media notification? Or sending a random picture just to keep a Snapchat “streak” going? Or simply getting stuck staring at YouTube because it auto-played yet another cute cat video?

    If so, you’re far from alone. And if we adults can’t resist such digital temptations, how can we expect children to do any better?

    Many digital environments are not designed with the best interest of users in mind – and this is especially true of games, apps and platforms commonly used by kids and teens.

    Designers use persuasive design techniques to make users spend more time on apps or platforms, so they can make more money selling ads. Below, we explain some of the most common design tricks used in popular games, social media and apps.

    Decision-making made easy 🔀

    Social media and streaming platforms strive to provide “seamless” user experiences. This makes it easy to stay engaged without needing to click anything very often, which also minimises any obvious opportunities where we might disengage.

    These seamless experiences include things such as auto-play when streaming videos, or “infinite scrolling” on social media. When algorithms present us with a steady flow of content, shaped by what we have liked or engaged with in the past, we must put in extra effort to stop watching. Unsurprisingly, we often decide to stay put.

    Rewards and dopamine hits 🧠

    Another way to keep children engaged is by using rewards, such as stars, diamonds, stickers, badges or other “points” in children’s apps. “Likes” on social media are no different.

    Rewards trigger the release of a chemical in our brains – dopamine – which not only makes us feel good but also leaves us wanting more.

    Rewards can be used to promote good behaviour, but not always. In some children’s apps, rewards are doubled if users watch advertisements.

    Loot boxes and ‘gambling’ 💰

    Variable rewards have been found to be especially effective. When you do not know when you will get a certain reward or desired item, you are more likely to keep going.

    In games, variable rewards can often be found (or purchased) in the form of “loot boxes”. Loot boxes might be chests, treasures, or stacks of cards containing a random reward. Because of the unpredictable reward, some researchers have described loot boxes as akin to gambling, even though the games do not always involve real money.

    Sometimes in-game currency (fake game money) can be bought with real money and used to “gamble” for rare characters and special items. This is very tempting for young people.

    In one of our (as yet unpublished) studies, a 12-year-old student admitted to spending several hundred dollars to obtain a desired character in the popular game Genshin Impact.

    The lure of streaks 🔥

    Another problematic way of using rewards in design is negative reinforcement. For instance, when you are at risk of a negative outcome (like losing something good), you feel compelled to continue a particular behaviour.

    “Streaks” work like this. If you do not do the same task for several days in a row, you will not get the extra rewards promised. Language learning app DuoLingo uses streaks, but so does Snapchat, a popular social media app. Research has shown a correlation between Snapchat streaks and problematic smartphone use among teens.

    Streaks can also make money for apps directly. If you miss a day and lose your streak, you can often pay to restore it.

    Loss of reputation 👎

    Reputation is important on social media. Think of the number of Facebook friends you have, or the number of likes your post receives.

    Sometimes designers build on our fear of losing our reputation. For instance, they can do this by adding a leaderboard that ranks users based on their score.

    While you may have heard of the use of leaderboards in games, they are also common in popular educational apps such as Kahoot! or Education Perfect. Leaderboards introduce an element of competition that many students enjoy.

    However, for some this competition has negative consequences – especially for those languishing low in the ranks.

    Similarly, Snapchat has a SnapScore where reputational loss is still at play. You do not want a lower score than your friends! This makes you want to keep using the app.

    Exploiting feelings of connection 🥰

    Another tool in the designers’ bag of tricks is capitalising on the emotional ties or connections users form with influencers or celebrities on social media, or favourite media characters (such as Elmo or Peppa pig) for younger children.

    While these connections can foster a sense of belonging, they can also be exploited for commercial gain, such as when influencers promote commercial products, or characters urge in-app purchases.

    What can parents do? 🤷

    Persuasive design isn’t inherently bad. Users want apps and games to be engaging, like we do for movies or TV shows. However, some design “tricks” simply serve commercial interests, often at the expense of users’ wellbeing.

    It is not all bleak, though. Here are a few steps parents can take to help kids stay on top of the apps:

    • have early and ongoing discussions with children about ideas such as the underlying commercial intent of what they are engaging with

    • model good digital choices of not giving in to persuasive design, such as by avoiding digital distractions yourself

    • use trustworthy resources to help in digital decision-making, such as Common Sense Media and Dark Pattern Games.

    For the moment, the responsibility for managing children’s interactions with the digital realm falls largely on individuals and families.

    Some governments are beginning to take action, but measures such as blanket age-based bans on social media or other platforms will only shield children temporarily. A better approach for governments and regulators would be to focus on safety by design: the idea that the safety and rights of users should be the starting point of any app, product or service, rather than an afterthought.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The design tricks keeping your kids hooked on games and apps – and 3 things you can do about it – https://theconversation.com/the-design-tricks-keeping-your-kids-hooked-on-games-and-apps-and-3-things-you-can-do-about-it-239493

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Where do we stash the equivalent of 110 Sydney harbour bridges? That’s the conundrum Australia faces as oil and gas rigs close

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darryn Snell, Associate professor, School of Management, RMIT University

    James Jones Jr, Shutterstock

    Oil and gas wells are dotted off Australia’s shores. They involve huge steel structures fixed firmly to the sea floor, and thousands of kilometres of pipelines.

    Most of Australia’s offshore oil and gas projects will be decommissioned in the next 30 years – some in the next decade. An estimated 5.7 million tonnes of material will need to be removed – the equivalent of 110 Sydney harbour bridges.

    Australia desperately needs the skills and equipment to conduct these complex decommissioning operations. The Albanese government says a high-capacity decommissioning facility is required by the early 2030s. At present, no such facilities exist.

    We hope the nation welcomes the opportunity to build a new multi-billion dollar demolition and recycling industry, with skilled jobs for workers. Rather than letting companies abandon structures for so-called “artificial reefs”.

    What would a decommissioning industry look like?

    Australia has two main offshore oil and gas producing areas: the North West Shelf in Western Australia and the Bass Strait off Gippsland, Victoria.

    WA and the Northern Territory have 35 platforms, 11 floating facilities and 6,076km of pipelines offshore. Victoria has 22 platforms and 2,089km of pipelines. Altogether, more than a thousand wells will need to be plugged and abandoned.

    Many of these facilities have already reached the end of their lives, or soon will. Less demand for fossil fuels in the future means we don’t need to refurbish or extend them. The only other option is to decommission them.

    Federal law requires the complete removal of offshore oil and gas infrastructure and plugging of wells, unless companies can come up with a better option.

    About 60% of the material requiring removal is steel, which could be recycled. A further 25% is concrete. The remainder includes plastics, hazardous metals and naturally occurring radioactive materials.

    But decommissioning is expensive, complex and time consuming, and the weak regulations are poorly enforced. Companies often present proposals that fail to meet community expectations.

    The Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility argues “further regulation is needed to ensure greater transparency, disclosure, and public consultation on decommissioning”.

    The Albanese government has been developing a plan for a decommissioning industry in Australia. It would be worth A$60 billion over the next 30 to 50 years.

    The industry would reclaim the materials and transport them to dismantling yards, for safe sorting and recycling. It would create highly skilled jobs, many of which overlap with skills needed for building offshore wind farms. These include:

    • electricians and mechanical fitters
    • specialist engineering roles
    • various management and contract management roles
    • health, safety and environmental specialists
    • specialist offshore operators, including for cranes and drilling activities.

    Currently only a few countries such as Norway and Turkiye have such dedicated decommissioning industries. Some also accept materials from oil and gas fields further afield. Scottish oil and gas rigs, for example, were controversially transported to Turkiye for dismantling and recycling in 2022-23.

    Plenty of work to be done

    In Gippsland, there may be ways to decommission not just offshore oil and gas, but also coal-fired power stations in the Latrobe Valley, which are scheduled to close in coming years.

    Some 30,000 tonnes of steel and 65,000m³ of asbestos was removed when Hazelwood Power Station was demolished. A further 100,000 tonnes of steel and 100,000 tonnes of concrete was recycled.

    Much recycling work was done on site. This provided more than 1.1 million hours of work employment badly needed in a region that had lost one of its largest employers.

    The WA state government allocated $5 million to a local decommissioning industry in its 2022-23 budget. This funds the Centre of Decommissioning Australia’s research, including a study investigating how to develop a dismantling hub in WA.

    Unfortunately, Victoria has not shown similar interest. This is despite decommissioning work by Esso in Bass Strait raising ongoing community concerns. They relate to the marine environment, human safety – for fishing, beach and tourism activities – and the loss of other potential industry and job opportunities.

    Whether to remove oil and gas structures or leave them in place is hotly debated. Some people argue the structures should be left to serve as artificial reefs. Others say the material is dangerous and potentially toxic.

    Given the immense size and number of oil and gas platforms around the world, a lot of material could be left to decay in the oceans with unknown consequences.

    Gas in the Bass Strait is running out but what will happen to the offshore rigs? | 7.30.

    Challenges and opportunities

    Renewable energy promises to create jobs and revitalise many fossil-fuel dependent regions. Setting up a decommissioning industry in the oil and gas regions of WA and Victoria would provide further opportunities during the transition.

    Ideally, the decommissioning process would deliver positive social and environmental benefits, not just cost savings. But that requires managing decommissioning as part of policies aimed at supporting workers and communities to adjust to a low carbon economy.

    The Future Made in Australia policy, for instance, could consider including support for a decommissioning industry.

    Regulations for decommissioning of oil and gas infrastructure must be strengthened. Environmental groups and unions are increasingly campaigning for these changes. Australia’s oil and gas companies are powerful and will likely resist further regulation.

    Abandoning oil and gas infrastructure on the ocean floor would result in lost opportunities for regions, communities and workers. It would also set a precedent for the dumping of yet more industrial waste into the ocean.

    We must get decommissioning right. Otherwise, it may prove another environmental harm imposed on the planet by the oil and gas industry.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Where do we stash the equivalent of 110 Sydney harbour bridges? That’s the conundrum Australia faces as oil and gas rigs close – https://theconversation.com/where-do-we-stash-the-equivalent-of-110-sydney-harbour-bridges-thats-the-conundrum-australia-faces-as-oil-and-gas-rigs-close-235867

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Humanity needs more rare earth elements. Extinct volcanoes could be a rich new source

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Anenburg, Research Fellow in Earth Sciences, Australian National University

    Phawat/Shutterstock

    Extinct volcanoes are hard to study – we never see them erupt. Using a unique experimental technique, we were able to recreate a certain type of extinct volcano in a lab, learning more about the magma these volcanoes produce.

    We found that some rare magma types are surprisingly efficient at concentrating rare earth elements. This is a group of metals with crucial applications in several high-tech industries, such as magnets for electric vehicles and wind turbines.

    Demand for rare earths is soaring as society moves away from fossil fuels and electrifies energy production and transport. Despite the name, rare earths aren’t particularly rare. The biggest challenge is finding rocks in which these metals are concentrated enough to be economically viable to extract.

    Our new research, published in the journal Geochemical Perspectives Letters, shows certain extinct volcanoes are a great place to look.

    Iron-rich magma in extinct volcanoes

    There is an enigmatic type of magma that contains unusually large amounts of iron. It is so rare, no eruptions featuring this type of magma have happened in recorded history.

    Instead, it is only known from extinct volcanoes that were active many millions of years ago.

    The most famous example of such a volcano is El Laco in Chile. Another notable example is Kiruna in Sweden, mined for iron ore for many decades. Last year, its operating company LKAB announced Kiruna as the largest rare earths resource in Europe.

    The discovery at Kiruna made us (and many others) wonder why there would be a rare earth resource at a volcanic iron mine. We already know of many other rock types containing rare earths, and none of them are like Kiruna and other extinct iron-rich volcanoes.

    Was this just a geological serendipity, or is there something inherent to iron-rich magmas that make them rare-earth rich, too? After all, many of those iron-rich extinct volcanoes are known, but no one ever bothered to check whether they have a rare earth resource in them.

    Additionally, iron-rich rocks are often easy to find because of their strong magnetic signal, despite their rarity. Should they be added to the target list of rare earth explorers?

    Recreating volcanism in a bottle

    To test this hypothesis, we used a machine called a piston cylinder. We put synthetic material akin to volcanic rocks and magmas into small capsules or “bottles” made of noble metals such as platinum. We then pressurised them to depths equivalent to 15 kilometres deep in Earth’s crust and heated them up to 1,100°C, melting them into a liquid.

    At these extreme conditions, we found the iron-rich magma exists as bubbles inside a more common magma type known from virtually all modern active volcanoes. The iron-rich magma absorbs rare earths from the surrounding liquid.

    These iron-rich bubbles will have a different density and viscosity, and will separate from their iron-poor environment, similar to how water and oil mixed together will eventually separate into distinct layers.

    Iron-rich magmas absorb the rare earths so efficiently, their rare earth contents are almost 200 times greater than the regular magmas around them.

    This means the discovery at Kiruna wasn’t an accident. It’s something we can expect from most, if not all, iron-rich volcanoes.

    An experimental platinum capsule (4 mm in length) containing round bubbles of iron-rich and iron-poor magma. The capsule also contains abundant iron oxide crystals in light grey and blue, similar to the material making the iron ore in active mines.
    Shengchao Yan

    Why do we need more rare earth deposits?

    Production of rare earth elements is concentrated in just a handful of countries – mostly China, along with the United States, Myanmar and Australia.

    Rare earths are therefore classified as “critical minerals”: they have important uses, but suffer from a supply chain risk due to geopolitical factors.

    As demand for rare earths has surged, this has led to substantial investment in research and exploration for additional deposits. The more deposits are known, the better industry can pick deposits that will yield rare earths at the lowest financial, environmental and societal cost.

    Extinct iron-rich volcanoes are often mined for iron ore. Our results indicate existing mines at such locations can potentially be modified to produce rare earths as well.

    This would be a positive outcome – an existing mining operation can gain additional value. In some cases, mine waste can be reprocessed to extract these critical metals. This would mean new mines for rare earth elements may not even be required, preventing unnecessary disruption of natural environments.

    Michael Anenburg receives funding from the Australian Research Council for an Industry Fellowship co-funded by BHP Olympic Dam.

    – ref. Humanity needs more rare earth elements. Extinct volcanoes could be a rich new source – https://theconversation.com/humanity-needs-more-rare-earth-elements-extinct-volcanoes-could-be-a-rich-new-source-239410

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: AI is fuelling a deepfake porn crisis in South Korea. What’s behind it – and how can it be fixed?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sungshin (Luna) Bae, PhD student, Gender Equality Policy Special Public Officer at the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office in South Korea, Monash University

    It’s difficult to talk about artificial intelligence without talking about deepfake porn – a harmful AI byproduct that has been used to target everyone from Taylor Swift to Australian school girls.

    But a recent report from startup Security Heroes found that out of 95,820 deepfake porn videos analysed from different sources, 53% featured South Korean singers and actresses – suggesting this group is disproportionately targeted.

    So, what’s behind South Korea’s deepfake problem? And what can be done about it?

    Teenagers and minors among victims

    Deepfakes are digitally manipulated photos, video or audio files that convincingly depict someone saying or doing things they never did. Among South Korean teenagers, creating deepfakes has become so common that some even view it as a prank. And they don’t just target celebrities.

    On Telegram, group chats have been made for the specific purpose of engaging in image-based sexual abuse of women, including middle-school and high-school students, teachers and family members. Women who have their pictures on social media platforms such as KakaoTalk, Instagram and Facebook are also frequently targeted.

    The perpetrators use AI bots to generate the fake imagery, which is then sold and/or indiscriminately disseminated, along with victims’ social media accounts, phone numbers and KakaoTalk usernames. One Telegram group attracted some 220,000 members, according to a Guardian report.

    A lack of awareness

    Despite gender-based violence causing significant harm to victims in South Korea, there remains a lack of awareness on the issue.

    South Korea has experienced rapid technological growth in recent decades. It ranks first in the world in smartphone ownership and is cited as having the highest internet connectivity. Many jobs, including those in restaurants, manufacturing and public transport, are being rapidly replaced by robots and AI.

    But as Human Rights Watch points out, the country’s progress in gender equality and other human rights measures has not kept pace with digital advancement. And research has shown that technological progress can actually exacerbate issued of gender-based violence.

    Since 2019, digital sex crimes against children and adolescents in South Korea have been a huge issue – particularly due to the “Nth Room” case. This case involved hundreds of young victims (many of whom were minors) and around 260,000 participants engaged in sharing exploitative and coercive intimate content.

    The case triggered widespread outrage and calls for stronger protection. It even led to the establishment of stronger conditions in the Act on Special Cases Concerning the Punishment of Sexual Crimes 2020. But despite this, the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office said only 28% of the total 17,495 digital sex offenders caught in 2021 were indicted — highlighting the ongoing challenges in effectively addressing digital sex crimes.

    In 2020, the Ministry of Justice’s Digital Sexual Crimes Task Force proposed about 60 legal provisions, which have still not been accepted. The team was disbanded shortly after the inauguration of President Yoon Suk Yeol’s government in 2022.

    During the 2022 presidential race, Yoon said “there is no structural gender discrimination” in South Korea and pledged to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, the main ministry responsible for preventing gender-based violence. This post has remained vacant since February of this year.

    Can technology also be the solution?

    But AI isn’t always harmful – and South Korea provides proof of this too. In 2022, a digital sex crime support centre run by the Seoul metropolitan government developed a tool that can automatically track, monitor and delete deepfake images and videos around the clock.

    The technology – which won the 2024 UN Public Administration Prize – has helped reduce the time taken to find deepfakes from an average of two hours to three minutes. But while such attempts can help reduce further harm from deepfakes, they are unlikely to be an exhaustive solutions, as effects on victims can be persistent.

    For meaningful change, the government needs to hold service providers such as social media platforms and messaging apps accountable for ensuring user safety.

    Unified efforts

    On August 30, the South Korean government announced plans to push for legislation to criminalise the possession, purchase and viewing of deepfakes in South Korea.

    However, investigations and trials may continue to fall short until deepfakes in South Korea are recognised as a harmful form of gender-based violence. A multifaceted approach will be needed to address the deepfake problem, including stronger laws, reform and education.

    South Korean authorities must also help to enhance public awareness of gender-based violence, and focus not only on supporting victims, but on developing proactive policies and educational programs to prevent violence in the first place.

    Sungshin (Luna) Bae does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. AI is fuelling a deepfake porn crisis in South Korea. What’s behind it – and how can it be fixed? – https://theconversation.com/ai-is-fuelling-a-deepfake-porn-crisis-in-south-korea-whats-behind-it-and-how-can-it-be-fixed-238217

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why do people breach their bail? Our research shows it’s not because they’re committing more crimes

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natalie Gately, Associate Professor, Edith Cowan University

    Shutterstock

    In Australia and most countries, everyone is innocent until proven guilty. Because of this, keeping someone in detention before trial comes with serious legal, practical and human-rights consequences, not just for the person accused but also for their family and for society.

    That’s why most people accused of a crime are usually released on bail.

    Bail is essentially a written promise where a person is released, on the agreement they return to court on a set date. It can also be granted to those who have been found or pleaded guilty while they wait for sentencing.

    Bail allows the accused to keep their job, maintain their home, and support their family, while eliminating the costs of imprisonment.

    However, bail comes with conditions that the person must follow, including curfews, regular check-ins, restrictions on whom they can talk to or where they can go, drug or alcohol testing, and staying at a specific address.

    These conditions may seem easy to understand and follow, but breaches of orders were the third most common offence in Australian courts in 2022 and 2023. They made up 10% of adult court appearances, using valuable time and resources.

    There’s a widespread belief that people on bail who breach their conditions commit more crimes – sometimes violent ones – that put others at risk and threaten public safety. This has fuelled demands for stricter bail laws or to stop granting bail altogether.

    Many also think that when someone breaches their bail conditions, it’s because they’re deliberately defying or ignoring the rules. With this in mind, we wanted to look deeper.

    We spoke to 230 police detainees about what led to their bail breaches. The results were surprising: very few (just 11%) breached by committing new offences.

    Instead, most explained their breaches happened because of things beyond their control.

    Homelessness

    A fixed residential address is a fundamental condition for getting bail.

    However, many of our participants shared that becoming homeless or returning to homelessness was common for them. Some said they left the address they provided because of family tensions:

    I’m meant to stay at my sister’s house under my bail conditions, it’s for my curfew […] she kicked me out because we had an argument. Now I’ve breached my conditions and have nowhere to go.

    It’s well known that chronic homelessness makes it tough to comply with bail conditions, and we found the same. A detainee told us:

    It was an honest mistake and a mix-up of the days.

    Another said:

    I was homeless at the time I was meant to go to court and dealing with a lot.

    A third person told us:

    I’m homeless and I’ve got bigger issues than going to court. I’m living in a tent in the park at the moment with no job.

    The mental stress meant people focused on meeting basic needs such as food and shelter, which took priority over following bail conditions.

    Family responsibilities

    Participants also shared their personal responsibilities of caring for sick children, parents or other dependants. This often prevented them from attending court or reporting. One person told us:

    I’m my nan’s carer […] I needed to look after her and my brother wasn’t there. I couldn’t go to court or make it. I’m the one who washes her and does everything for her […]

    Family commitments clashing with reporting requirements led to feelings that the system was stacked against them and they had few options but to breach.

    Work commitments

    Employment often interfered with reporting on time and attending court.

    I have to report Monday, Wednesday and Friday but I’m a truck driver. I have no problems with coming in to report, but I couldn’t make it because I was working. When I went in to report, they arrested me […]

    Keeping a job is crucial for financial and housing stability. Having a stable job also deepens community connections to reduce the chances of getting involved in criminal activity.

    Procedural barriers

    When these kinds of everyday issues derailed compliance, many said they had tried to let the court, police or their lawyer know, either before or right after they missed reporting in or a court date but were faced with an inflexible system.

    For some, even when they did manage to get through, they were told that by not reporting or attending court they had already breached their bail and a warrant would be issued for their arrest. A study participant told us:

    I told them (the police) that I’d been kicked out (of the nominated accommodation) and wasn’t there and they locked me up here. I’ve got an extra charge now because I breached bail and probably won’t get let back out tomorrow. It wasn’t in my control. I was meant to be doing my medical to start work on the mines too tomorrow, so I won’t be working there now.

    We recommend considering of the complexities of bailees’ lives when setting bail. More flexible reporting conditions for when “life happens” will reduce charge pile ups and pressures on the criminal justice.

    Natalie Gately received funding from Western Australian Office of Crime Statistics and Research for this project.

    Suzanne Rock received funding from Western Australian Office of Crime Statistics and Research for this project.

    – ref. Why do people breach their bail? Our research shows it’s not because they’re committing more crimes – https://theconversation.com/why-do-people-breach-their-bail-our-research-shows-its-not-because-theyre-committing-more-crimes-239198

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ontario’s closure of youth detention facilities has not resulted in more support for young people

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jessica Evans, Assistant Professor, Criminology, Toronto Metropolitan University

    The closure of youth detention centres is a positive development. However, without adequate investment in community organizations that serve youth, it is a move set up to fail.
     (Shutterstock)

    The Ontario government said it would save $40 million per year by closing 26 youth detention centres in 2021, with promises to use those savings to support community services for youth.

    Framed as a cost-savings strategy aligned with the objectives of the Youth Criminal Justice Act, the money saved through the closures would be reinvested in community-based services and alternatives to youth detention.

    Since these closures, however, there has been no government reporting on where or when this $40 million will be reinvested. Meanwhile, organizations that serve youth report ongoing resource constraints.

    The closure of youth detention centres is a positive development. However, without adequate investment in community organizations that serve youth, it is a move set up to fail.



    Read more:
    Ontario closes half of its youth detention centres, leaving some young people in limbo

    Youth detention in Ontario

    Between 2018 and 2022, youth imprisonment numbers fell by around 50 per cent in Ontario. That continued a longer trend which has seen youth detention numbers fall by over 85 per cent over a 25-year period from 1997 to 2022. There has also been a recent uptick in youth imprisonment numbers, increasing from 9,654 in 2021-22 to 10,960 in 2022-23.

    Currently, Ontario’s youth prisons are at overcapacity, and the Sudbury youth detention centre is set to close next year.

    Several of the 26 youth detention centres that were closed were situated in northern Ontario. The Ontario Ombudsman, Nishnawbe Aski Nation and Grand Council Treaty #3 have said the abrupt closures would disproportionately impact Indigenous youth in detention.

    A CBC News report on overcrowding in Ontario’s youth detention centres.

    Community organizations overwhelmed

    We have examined the annual reports for 2019-24 from 46 organizations serving youth in the justice system from Kenora, Thunder Bay and Kingston where a significant number of the youth detention closures occurred.

    While many community organizations believe closing detention centres is a good long-term decision, there are many immediate concerns. We found consistent reporting of limited funding to support all youth in need.

    Organizations are impacted by record-high numbers of youth seeking access to services, with some organizations seeing a significant increase in the number of youth accessing their services — especially mental health programs. This has resulted in some organizations increasing the hours and days they are open to accommodate as many youth as possible, while also balancing staff burnout.

    Organizations did not report any substantial increase in funds from the government due to the closure of youth detention centres. Some noted challenges around fundraising, as many events were put on hold during the pandemic. This has resulted in organizations being unable to hire new staff or increase their services. In some cases this has also led to staff layoffs.

    Investing in community

    Deinstitutionalization refers to the period when institutions that housed or confined people with mental, cognitive, intellectual and physical disabilities were shut down, and people were released to live in communities.

    However, this process is often not met with sufficient funding for social supports. Inevitably, more people struggling with mental health end up in hospital emergency departments and in conflict with the law. This shift in responsibility has been referred to as transinstitutionalization.

    We have written about these trends in Ontario following the 2021 youth detention centre closures. Many of the young people in these centres struggle with mental health issues, neurodivergence and addictions.

    Significant investments in community supports are needed. Otherwise, many youth will continue to be funneled into other institutions, including hospitals and adult prisons.

    Since 2009, Ontario has seen a significant increase in hospital emergency room visits for mental health or substance-related concerns, especially among 14–21 year olds. Mental illness and drug dependence are some of the most prevailing health problems for criminalized Canadians. In a study of 1,770 young people in Québec, researchers found those struggling with alcohol or drugs and familial problems are more likely to face re-imprisonment.

    The Brookside Youth Justice Centre in Cobourg, Ont., was among the facilities the provincial government closed in March 2021.
    (Infrastructure Ontario)

    Helping youth in detention

    In 2023, a justice centre was opened in Kenora, and in 2024, funding was announced for child and youth mental health in Ontario. Yet, more support is needed. In many northern, rural and remote communities, services for children and youth with intensive needs simply do not exist.

    Youth face a number of additional barriers accessing support and treatment. These include long wait lists, overemphasis on illness-based and medical models, fragmented services, lack of developmentally and culturally appropriate services, and support that fails to consider the preferences and perspectives of youth and families.

    Strains on youth community supports are also felt in other provinces. Researchers interviewed youth justice community workers in Alberta who reported inadequate funding with impacts on resources for youth, including psychological support and the ability for staff to give enough attention and time to youth. Conditions also lead to staff burnout and exit from the sector altogether.

    The move to shift youth in the justice system away from confinement and towards community is a positive one. However, without investment in community-based service providers to support youth being transitioned out of custodial settings, it is unlikely that youth will thrive.

    Such failures are likely to increase acute mental health crises and demands on ambulatory care within general medicine and psychiatric hospitals. These gaps are also likely to increase the number of youth who will come into conflict with the criminal legal system as adults.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ontario’s closure of youth detention facilities has not resulted in more support for young people – https://theconversation.com/ontarios-closure-of-youth-detention-facilities-has-not-resulted-in-more-support-for-young-people-238748

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Reproductive coercion is a form of gender-based violence. It’s likely more common than we realise

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Desireé LaGrappe, PhD Candidate & Coordinator, Reducing Gender-based Violence Network | NHMRC and Fulbright grantee, La Trobe University

    Peopleimages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    From contraception access to safe abortion, there is growing awareness about reproductive health and rights.

    Around the world, reproductive rights and justice are issues of political debate and on the electoral ballot. But for some, the greatest threat to their reproductive autonomy is being wielded by those closest to them.

    Last week, preliminary findings were presented from the Australian Study of Health and Relationships on the prevalence of reproductive coercion and abuse nationally. This form of gender-based violence is where someone seeks to control another person’s reproductive choices using physical, sexual, and/or emotional violence or threats. The study included 4,540 participants aged 16–69 years.

    Early analysis showed one in 20 reported experiencing controlling behaviours over contraception, pregnancy and abortion.

    So what makes these controlling behaviours different from other forms of abuse? And how can we find out more?

    What is it?

    Reproductive coercion and abuse is mostly perpetrated against women, girls and LGBTQIA+ people, usually by a partner, parent or in-law.

    Someone might do this by trying to coerce or force the other person to become pregnant or have an abortion. This can look like:

    • relentlessly pressuring the person to have a baby when they don’t want to

    • refusing to let them use birth control, or withholding or destroying it

    • harassing or stalking them to find out if they had an abortion.

    The recent rapid review for government on approaches to prevent gender-based violence does not mention the words “reproductive coercion and abuse”. But it has been clearly identified in several domestic and family violence-related deaths in Australia.

    These controlling behaviours intersect with domestic, family and sexual violence. However, reproductive coercion is unique, because it weaponises someone’s reproductive capacity in order to control them.

    Partners can be coerced into going through with a pregnancy against their wishes.
    Tapao/Shutterstock

    What we don’t know

    The Australian Study of Health and Relationships is only undertaken every ten years and the latest survey is the first to estimate how common controlling another person’s reproductive rights might be on a national scale. The results of the survey provide essential data for sexual and reproductive health policies and programs across Australia.

    However, there are no data for comparison yet to look for trends over time.

    The reported one-in-20 prevalence is likely an underestimation. This is because we know people tend to under-report abuse and might not recognise or process what’s happening to them at the time, a typical trauma response.

    And subtle emotional manipulation or pressure can be difficult to capture in broad population surveys.

    Previous studies have conflated reproductive coercion and abuse with sexual violence or have failed to ask about abortion or the different types of relationships where this abuse occurs.

    Any measure should be developed with people with lived experience and designed so communities like First Nations Australians, LGBTQIA+ people, people living with disability, migrants and refugees, and young people are properly represented. Too often they are not included in co-design processes or their experiences are made invisible by data gaps.

    Last month, the report into Missing and murdered First Nations women and children revealed that Closing the Gap data on violence against women and children is out of date and the actual number of Indigenous women and children murdered or disappeared is unknown.

    Last year’s Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability similarly drew attention to the increased prevalence of abuse suffered by women with disability and the lack of proper consultation to involve them in solutions.

    Our La Trobe and University of Melbourne team is developing a new rigorous measure to better capture the complex behaviours missed by other measures. It’s intended to compare reproductive coercion and abuse prevalence across different countries and strengthen how we measure the effect of future interventions.

    Once developed, testing will start in maternal and child health settings. This is because the risk of abuse is heightened around childbirth and nurses and midwives are well positioned to safely identify and support patients.

    Additional steps will be needed to determine what questions are best for health-care workers to ask to identify at-risk patients and respond – without putting them in more danger.

    Coercion is happening within a global context – a fight for reproductive rights.
    Benjamin Clapp/Shutterstock

    Where to from here? And where to get help

    Reproductive coercion and abuse needs to have a larger focus in the current national discussion on gender-based violence and prevention.

    A 2023 Senate inquiry into universal access to reproductive health care called for more research into reproductive coercion and abuse to inform guidelines and training for health-care workers. This will require better measurement of the full extent and patterns of the problem. We hope policy makers appropriately resource these areas critical to ending gender-based violence.

    People experiencing reproductive coercion and abuse can contact 1800 My Options (VIC), Children by Choice (QLD) or 1800 Respect (National) for professional help.

    Desireé LaGrappe is a PhD candidate of La Trobe University and the SPHERE CRE. She is employed casually by La Trobe and receives funding for this research from the NHMRC and previously from the US Dept. of State Bureau of Education and Cultural Affairs. She is affiliated with the SPHERE Coalition, Family Planning Australia, the Nursing Network on Violence Against Women International, Sigma, and the Australian Fulbright Alumni Association.

    Angela Taft received funding from NHMRC as a CI on the SPHERE Centre for Research Excellence (CRE) on Sexual and Reproductive Health and the Safer Families CRE. She is affiliated with the SPHERE Coalition and PHAA.

    Kristina Edvardsson receives funding from the NHMRC as an investigator on the SPHERE CRE.

    Laura Tarzia receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) and is an investigator on the SPHERE CRE. She is collaborating with the ASHR team on their research into reproductive coercion and abuse. She is affiliated with the Safer Families Centre and the Royal Women’s Hospital.

    Leesa Hooker receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Department of Social Services. She is affiliated with the SPHERE CRE and the Safer Families Centre.

    – ref. Reproductive coercion is a form of gender-based violence. It’s likely more common than we realise – https://theconversation.com/reproductive-coercion-is-a-form-of-gender-based-violence-its-likely-more-common-than-we-realise-239606

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Can we find hidden graves of murder victims with soil imaging? New Australian study gives it a try

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Berezowski, Lecturer, Forensic Science, Deakin University

    Kyle Towns/Shutterstock

    To avoid being caught, murderers often attempt to hide bodies using various methods. This can include shallow or deep burials, submersion in water, encasing in concrete or even disposing of remains in rubbish bins and suitcases.

    Finding the body is a key part of any murder investigation, as it helps to identify, prosecute and charge the killer. Unfortunately, the task can be immensely difficult.

    To help tackle the problem of locating hidden graves, we have trialled two innovative techniques for searching underground: ground-penetrating radar and electrical resistivity tomography, or ERT. Our results are now published in the journal Remote Sensing.

    Borrowing tools from geology

    The tools we used are known as geophysical methods because they measure the physical properties of materials in the soil under the surface.

    The use of geophysical techniques for peering under Earth’s surface is not new – engineers, geologists and archaeologists have used the tools we tested for decades.

    But geophysical techniques are not typically used for forensic investigations because directly finding a body with these methods is very difficult.

    However, both of the tools we tested can help to locate a grave indirectly – by looking at the differences between the disturbed soil of the grave and the undisturbed soil around it. When the techniques encounter disturbed soil and/or the presence of body fluids, the resulting data will show as an anomaly – something different to the areas surrounding it.

    To figure out whether the identified anomaly is a grave, researchers can then consider the size, shape and depth of the anomaly to make sure it correlates with a human body.

    Tori Berezowski using a ground penetrating radar to survey the ‘hidden’ graves.
    Author provided

    Pigs at the ‘body farm’

    At the Australian Facility for Taphonomic Experimental Research (AFTER), Australia’s only “body farm” – a facility that uses donated bodies for forensic research – we buried five pigs in various configurations to mimic clandestine graves.

    This included two single graves (a “shallow” grave of just half a metre, and a “deep” grave of almost two metres) and a mass grave with three pigs at one metre deep. We used pigs as they are a good body analogue in terms of size and mass to humans.

    We surveyed the graves with ground-penetrating radar and ERT before and directly after burial, and then one, eight, 14, and 20 months later.

    In forensic research, pig cadavers are a suitable proxy for human bodies, as they have a similar size and mass.
    Author provided

    Our findings revealed that geophysical imaging of hidden graves can work, but with varying results. This depended on the size, depth and age of the burial, and the amount of rainfall before the survey.

    The grave containing the three pig cadavers was the easiest to observe due to its larger size and volume. This indicates geophysical techniques may be particularly useful in humanitarian investigations that involve searching for mass graves.

    A shallow single grave was the next most observable. This is also an encouraging finding because most graves of hidden victims are only around half a metre deep. For both techniques, the two-metre-deep single grave was the most difficult to image.

    Although both tools could detect some graves on some occasions, neither located all of the graves during the entire length of our survey. This was likely due to a combination of factors, including the soil type at the site and unprecedented weather conditions during the research period – La Niña flooded the research site multiple times.

    We did, however, confirm that pig cadaver graves are good proxies to human donor graves when investigating geophysical techniques for finding them.

    To do this, we compared the ground-penetrating radar and the ERT responses of the pig burials to those of human burials (all part of existing research projects at AFTER). We found no obvious differences between the two.

    This is a very important result, because it means we can further test these tools in Australia and worldwide without being constrained by highly limited access to human donors.



    Read more:
    Secrets wrapped in fabric: how our study of 100 decomposing piglet bodies will help solve criminal cases

    More work needed

    Similar studies have been done in the United Kingdom, the United States and South America. However, ours is the first systematic, multi-technique, geophysical survey of covert graves in an Australian environment. The only other similar Australian study was in 2004, however, it only used ground-penetrating radar and didn’t check back on the graves at multiple time points.

    Our results clearly demonstrate that geophysical methods can be effective for locating unmarked graves under some circumstances, but don’t always work. To try and work out why, we will continue our research using the latest geophysical instruments and monitoring the moisture conditions inside the graves.

    Ultimately, we believe using these tools can increase the chances of locating missing and murdered victims. Then, we can finally provide answers to their families and loved ones, and increase the chances of prosecuting their killers.

    The team would like to thank Justin Ellis, Gabriel C Rau, Dilan Seckiner, and Isabella Crebert for their contributions to this research. Additionally, we would like to thank AFTER for the space to conduct the research and to Soren Blau and Jon Sterenberg for allowing us to scan your graves.

    Victoria Berezowski receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. This work was also funded by a Vice Chancellor Higher Degree by Research PhD Training Scholarship from the University of Newcastle.

    Ian Moffat receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation and Flinders University.

    Xanthe Mallett has received funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. Can we find hidden graves of murder victims with soil imaging? New Australian study gives it a try – https://theconversation.com/can-we-find-hidden-graves-of-murder-victims-with-soil-imaging-new-australian-study-gives-it-a-try-224274

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fostering a love of stories in a child’s first years is key to lifelong reading

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elaine Reese, Professor of Psychology, University of Otago

    Children’s literacy rates are falling around the globe. In response, a number of governments, including New Zealand’s, are overhauling the way reading is taught in primary school.

    One key change is a renewed focus on phonics (mapping sounds to letters).

    But an overemphasis on phonics could dampen children’s motivation to read for enjoyment and understanding.

    In my new book, I show how important it is to foster a love of books and stories in young children if they are to become lifelong readers.

    The science of reading

    Reading isn’t natural for humans. Instead, it is a recent skill in our evolutionary history.

    Today, children’s lifelong academic and occupational success depends on becoming literate.

    Learning to read in English is devilishly difficult. Many words that sound the same are spelled differently (team and teem, for example) and the same group of letters can be pronounced differently (dough versus through).

    Most reading scientists and teachers agree direct instruction in letter-sound relationships (phonics) is necessary for children to become readers. Skilled reading also involves comprehending the meaning of words.

    But because reading is difficult and requires practice, children must also want to put in the time and effort needed to become a fluent reader.

    This motivation to read begins much earlier than the first day of school.

    Reading instruction needs to connect with the ingrained human love of oral stories if it is to turn into a love of reading.

    Growing a love of books

    Children’s love of the sounds, melodies and emotions in stories is innate and has existed throughout human history. Hunter-gatherer tribes with a higher per capita rate of storytellers were more likely to thrive.

    In my book, I drew on findings from Growing Up in New Zealand, Aotearoa’s largest longitudinal study of child health and wellbeing. I also included the latest data from Origins of Language and Memory of New Zealand children – the longest-running study in the world of children’s story development.

    My findings highlight the critical role that families play in turning a love of oral stories into a love of books.

    Although a love of stories starts in the womb, most parents wait until their babies are born to start reading books to them.

    To successfully share a picture book with a baby, the adult needs to follow the infant’s gaze and react to what is on the page, then wait to let the baby take a turn – whether through a coo, a look or a smack of the book.

    At this tender age, the goal is to establish a book-sharing routine and enjoy back-and-forth “stories” rather than to get through a whole book.

    In the toddler years, stories begin to flow more fluidly. Toddlers who have experienced stories from books and conversations will initiate stories readily with an adult, either by talking about a recent event or by bringing their favourite book to read together.

    If these conversations are responsive, both types of stories strengthen children’s language, literacy, and social and emotional development.

    In the preschool years, children with consistent book-sharing and reminiscing routines will acquire advanced skills including abstract vocabulary, print concepts, awareness of the sounds of words and understanding of characters’ emotions and actions. They are also able to link stories from books to their own lives.

    All these skills are critical for their later reading success.

    Time to read

    Even children with this solid foundation may find it challenging to learn to read in the first year of school.

    The goal is to help them “crack the code” (mapping sounds to letters) as quickly as possible. Only then will a child be able to integrate their knowledge and love of stories with the sounds of words on a page.

    For this leap to happen, a child must want to read on their own. Children with a rich story bank will be able to push past the difficulty of decoding to reading for understanding and enjoyment.

    Phonics is a necessary step in the lifelong timescale of literacy development. Yet, according to reading expert Sebastian Suggate, early reading instruction with a child who doesn’t love stories or books is like sowing seeds on parched earth.

    For children to become successful readers, we need to enrich the soil by instilling a love of stories and books in the first five years of life and beyond — long after the phonics work is finished.

    Elaine Reese has received funding from the Marsden Fund of the Royal Society of New Zealand.

    – ref. Fostering a love of stories in a child’s first years is key to lifelong reading – https://theconversation.com/fostering-a-love-of-stories-in-a-childs-first-years-is-key-to-lifelong-reading-239495

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Octopuses work together with fish to hunt – and the way they share decisions is surprisingly complex

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Culum Brown, Professor, Macquarie University

    Karen Willshaw/iNaturalist, CC BY-NC

    A new study published in Nature Ecology & Evolution lifts the veil on what happens when octopuses and fish hunt together. As it turns out, this cross-species relationship is more complex than anyone expected.

    Animals of the same species often cooperate – work together to reach some kind of goal. But it’s relatively rare to find cooperation between individuals from different species.

    A classic example you’ll be familiar with is the close relationship between dogs and humans, whether in the context of herding sheep or hunting. In these situations, the dog and the human work together to achieve a goal.

    That’s mammals. But underwater species also sometimes cooperate. A nice example is the joint hunting behaviour of moray eels and grouper. The grouper approaches the moray and signals that it wishes to hunt. The eel responds in kind, and off they go.

    During these hunting forays, the grouper uses signals to indicate where prey may be hidden in the coral matrix. It’s a synergy made in heaven: the eel can scare the prey fish from hiding places among the coral, while the grouper patrols over the top. There is literally no place for prey to hide.

    For the eels and grouper, the chances of catching their dinner are greatly improved when hunting together compared to hunting on their own.

    Who’s in charge here?

    While researchers have described these behaviours before, one question remains unanswered. Who, exactly, is in charge of these cross-species interactions?

    Who decides what they are going to do, where and when? Are the different players “democratic”, in that they come to some form of compromise, or does one species take the lead and the other simply follows (that is, they are “despotic”)?

    In an international collaboration, biologist Eduardo Sampaio and colleagues have investigated cross-species interactions between the usually solitary day octopus (Octopus cyanea) and several fish species, such as goatfish and groupers.

    A day octopus hunting with a blacktip grouper and a gold-saddle goatfish.
    Eduardo Sampaio and Simon Gingins

    The fish and the octopus share a common goal – to increase their hunting efficiency. The traditional view of octopus-fish hunting groups assumed that the octopus is the producer, and the fish simply follow along and opportunistically pick up the scraps.

    With its long, flexible arms, the octopus explores all the nooks and crannies of the hunting ground, flushing out prey the fish can then take advantage of. In this scenario, the octopus would be solely in charge of decisions and the fish just follow (that is, it’s an exploitative, despotic relationship).

    However, when researchers took a closer look, it appeared perhaps this relationship is not as simplistic as previously believed. But without fine-scale analysis providing hard evidence, it is difficult to work out the precise details of how this cooperation works.

    A day octopus hunting with a blue goatfish, while a blacktip grouper waits.
    Eduardo Sampaio and Simon Gingins

    What did the new study find?

    Using sophisticated behavioural analyses of 3D videos captured from 120 hours of diving, Sampaio and team found that each partner in the interaction plays a specific role. There was, in fact, no true leader – they are democratic.

    The fish were responsible for exploring the environment and deciding where to move, while the octopus would decide if and when to move. Interestingly, controlled experiments showed the octopuses were guided by social information provided by the fishes.

    When partnered with blue goatfish, the octopus foraging tactics where more focused and efficient. When partnered with blacktip groupers, they were less so. So, the nature of the hunting relationship varied depending on who’s involved.

    The researchers concluded that, overall, success rates for capturing prey were higher for the octopus when foraging with fishy partners.

    The details revealed by this study suggest this relationship is far more sophisticated than other cross-species hunting associations examined to date.

    Despite the huge evolutionary gap between these animals (the equivalent of about 550 million years), both fish and octopus show clear signs of social competence and advanced cognition.

    Culum Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Octopuses work together with fish to hunt – and the way they share decisions is surprisingly complex – https://theconversation.com/octopuses-work-together-with-fish-to-hunt-and-the-way-they-share-decisions-is-surprisingly-complex-239723

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How do women with disability and LGBTQIA+ people experience menopause?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate O’Reilly, Director International (Programs & Engagement) | Lecturer School of Nursing and Midwifery, Western Sydney University

    pikselstock/Shutterstock

    After hearing about the experiences of the diverse spectrum of people across Australia, the Senate inquiry into issues relating to menopause and perimenopause has released its final report with 25 recommendations.

    The first recommendation is to establish a comprehensive evidence base to better understand the experiences of under-served groups, including LGBTQIA+ people and women with disability.

    Gaps in knowledge of menopause can be significant barriers to diagnosis and treatment. More than 85% of people with distressing menopause symptoms do not receive appropriate care. These barriers can be compounded for people, women and those presumed female at birth who have a disability and/or are LGBTQIA+.

    Here’s what we know so far about how people from diverse groups experience menopause and the health-care gaps they face.

    Remind me, what is menopause?

    Generally menopause is experienced across three phases.

    Perimenopause (meaning around menopause) starts when hormones, particularly oestrogen, fluctuate.

    Menopause occurs when a person has their final menstrual period. These stop because the person’s ovaries no longer release eggs. This definition reflects the different ways menopause can occur (natural menopause, premature ovarian insufficiency, surgery or cancer treatment).

    Post-menopause is the stage after menopause marking the end of the reproductive stage.

    We experience it differently

    Everyone’s experience of menopause is different. People living with disability can experience unique symptoms and challenges.

    Autistic people, for example, may describe the experience of menopause as turbulent or catastrophic. Symptoms for this group include intensified sensory stimuli and increased difficulty with:

    • executive functioning (planning, concentrating and multitasking)
    • recognising or regulating emotions and internal body cues
    • communication
    • socialising.

    As one research participant explained:

    [O]ur society doesn’t talk about, address, understand women our age (menopausal onset) in general very well. And so when you have the added dimension of autism […] there’s no resource […] to tell me how to handle that. And there’s no room in society for it either […] we don’t talk about menopause, let alone autistic menopause.

    LGBTQIA+ experiences of menopause and ageing are diverse and are often absent in media, health care and research.

    For some trans and gender diverse people, menopause can be positive and affirming. For others, the distress can be profound. As one research participant explained:

    Personally I was fine (gender-identity-wise) with experiencing periods and pregnancy/childbirth, but I have found menopause much more conceptually difficult. I think in large part because the social narrative is so much about ‘menopausal women’ and also often denigratory or shame-laden.

    Barriers to menopause diagnosis and care

    LGBTQIA+ people and people with a disability can face assumptions about their gender, sexuality or anatomy which interfere with the care they require.

    When people have had prior negative experiences of health care, and have experienced stigmatisation and pathologising of their disability, intersex variations, diverse gender or their sexuality, they may delay accessing care for menopause. Such a delay can result in poorer physical and mental health outcomes.

    People with disability can experience earlier menopause with more profound symptoms. And as Women with Disabilities Australia highlighted, when there are pre-existing health concerns, impairments, or other support needs, as is the case with disability, menopause symptom management can be particularly complex.

    Women living with a disability in Australia are far less likely to access health care due to stigma and lack of specialist care. They are not always screened for or routinely asked about their reproductive or menopausal health experiences.

    Lack of clinician education and provider bias can result in a tendency to either ignore menopausal symptoms or attribute them to mental health concerns. This can lead to misdiagnosis, inappropriate treatment or a complete denial of care for cisgender women and people who live with disability, and LGBTQIA+ folk.

    The absence of inclusive, accurate language in health promotion information that does not recognise the diversity of experiences of menopause for people who identify as LGBTQIA+ or live with disability can make them more vulnerable to misinformation and contribute to increased health-care disparities.

    What can we do about it?

    Policy responses to reducing health-care disparities must be led by those with lived experience, and focus on:

    Inclusive and accurate language

    Language around menopause should reflect the diverse populations who experience it. Terms such as women and those presumed female at birth can be used to acknowledge trans and gender diverse folk, however all identities should be listed where possible.

    Education

    Undergraduate and postgraduate university and clinical education on menopause and perimenopause is lacking and should include the lived experience of menopause among diverse groups. This may reduce provider bias and prevent assumptions that could result in missed care and poor health outcomes.

    At the individual level, content on menopause should be included in sexual health education programs in schools. This education should reflect the diverse experiences of menopause and use age-appropriate language.

    Affirming and specific care

    Welcoming clinical environments for LGBTQIA+ people who may have had prior negative experiences can ease past concerns. Peer-led credentialed online support networks can provide alternative and complementary safe spaces to seek care.

    For people living with disability specific information for support workers and family carers can help facilitate ongoing affirming care.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How do women with disability and LGBTQIA+ people experience menopause? – https://theconversation.com/how-do-women-with-disability-and-lgbtqia-people-experience-menopause-239485

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: With The Puzzle, David Williamson shows his continual capacity to satirise the middle-class

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Russell Fewster, Lecturer in Performing Arts, University of South Australia

    Matt Byrne/State Theatre Company South Australia

    Fun, sex, Renoir and a reckoning might be a succinct way to introduce the new play by David Williamson, The Puzzle. As Williamson noted to me in the foyer, “life would be pretty boring without sex”. However, he writes, in the production program that this comes with a proviso that licentiousness without any moral grounding can lead to human beings inadvertently “upending their lives”.

    In other words: be grateful for what you’re got.

    Just last month New Wave Australian playwright Jack Hibberd passed away. Hibberd, in writing one of his best-known works, Dimboola (that Williamson directed for the Pram Factory in 1973), spoke of needing to find a human ritual by putting two competing families together in his rural comedy.

    Williamson, of the same generation of playwrights, similarly has pointed out “the essence of drama – [is] you put people in a room that should never be in a room together and things happen”.

    While Hibberd found this in a country wedding, Williamson has found it, in this instance, in a holiday cruise that appeals as a “lifestyle” change.

    Post-COVID has seen an increase in holiday cruises. Though there are comparatively small offerings of adult only cruises euphemistically titled “lifestyle cruises” (or, to be blunter, swingers cruises), they are subject to increasing demand from both young and old.

    A lively production

    The play’s title is taken from the large Renoir jigsaw puzzle found in the games room of a cruise ship that brings together those wanting to shake up their monotonous lives.

    Of course, this becomes a metaphor for how the middle-aged negotiate themes of sexual boredom, polygamy and parenthood. With shades of Williamson’s earlier satirical get-together Don’s Party (1971), the ensemble expertly navigate the promises that “swinging” might do to enliven their character’s sex lives, trapped as they are in close proximity to each other.

    This is a lively production with uniformly good performances.
    Matt Byrne/STCSA

    This is a lively production with uniformly good performances. Erik Thomson plays Drew, the father trying to improve his relationship with his daughter and provides a solid anchor for the promiscuousness that occurs around him. Ahunim Abebe brings rhythmic physicality to his daughter Cassie as she shocks the father with her own sexual adventures.

    The two would-be swinging couples bring verve and vivacity to their performances. Chris Asimos delights as Brian who flips from depression to reinforced post coital vitality. Anna Lindner brings a refreshing groove as she sashays around the cruise ship as Brian’s wife, Michele.

    Williamson has found the drama in a holiday cruise that appeals as a ‘lifestyle’ change.
    Matt Byrne/STCSA

    Ansuya Nathan’s Mandy provides a moral counterpoint as her character struggles with the concept of swinging, while her onstage partner Craig, played by Nathan O’Keefe, provides both earnestness and excellent comic timing. At one point during the night O’Keefe toasts his glass too hard and loses his slice of lemon on the floor – which he promptly sucks on to the great amusement of the audience. Clearly an accident, but perhaps worth keeping.

    Steady chuckles

    Shannon Rush directs with panache, providing some excellent moments of physical vignettes interlaced with the increasing sexual frisson, accompanied by brisk and sharp lighting from Mark Shelton. This in turn is ably supported by the 70s-style guitar soundtrack from composer Andrew Howard and sound designer Patrick Pages-Oliver.

    Williamson alludes to the garish décor found aboard cruise ships and Ailsa Paterson’s design doesn’t disappoint. She makes spectacular use of colour and proportion that beckons with promises of a new adventure.

    The multi-layered set features tables and chairs with retro 70s/80s feel. The backdrop is a stylised view of the horizon changing with time passing – this is in the form of the Renoir style of brush stroke, neatly linking it to the jigsaw we see being slowly completed.

    Williamson alludes to the garish décor of cruise ships, and Paterson’s design doesn’t disappoint.
    Matt Byrne/STCSA

    The play draws steady chuckles and the occasional guffaw as Williamson builds the expectations of the passengers. In the second half, naturalism gives way to farce as the characters experience both comic and life changing reversals. This comes with the moral reckoning of the unintended consequences intercouple sex may bring.

    Williamson’s capacity to introduce ideas and return to them in new ways in the dialogue demonstrates his expert craft in constructing witty and challenging dialogue.

    This grand old man of Australian theatre shows his continual insight and capacity to satirise the middle-class.

    Kudos should also go to outgoing artistic director Mitchell Butel who had the foresight to see the potential in the finished script submitted by Williamson, followed by further development between playwright and company to bring the play to the stage.

    The playwright, actors and director gain much from being able to work together over a period of time.

    Like the new wave of the 1970s, artists don’t grow in isolation but blossom within a supportive community. In this instance a community Butel has fostered, evident in another fine offering.

    The Puzzle is at the State Theatre Company South Australia, Adelaide, until October 12.

    Russell Fewster co-ordinates the 2nd year course: State Theatre Masterclass in the Performing Arts Major at the University of South Australia. This is a collaboration between the State Theatre of SA and the University of South Australia.

    – ref. With The Puzzle, David Williamson shows his continual capacity to satirise the middle-class – https://theconversation.com/with-the-puzzle-david-williamson-shows-his-continual-capacity-to-satirise-the-middle-class-239195

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why is the Reserve Bank independent from government, and why does it matter?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Henry Maher, Lecturer in Politics, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney

    Negotiations over reforms to the Reserve Bank of Australia this week took an unprecedented turn when the Greens demanded the government use its reserve powers to immediately cut interest rates.

    Labor had initially hoped to pass the reforms with the support of the Coalition. However, after a year of negotiations, they decided against it. Labor’s attempts to salvage the reforms by negotiating with the Greens now seem doomed to failure.

    The Greens’ proposal that the government immediately cut interest rates might sound attractive, especially to the millions of mortgage holders struggling to service loans amid a cost-of-living crisis.

    Yet government taking direct control of setting interest rates would run contrary to both long-standing historical trends and international financial norms, including the independence of the central bank.

    Where did this independence come from?

    The idea of central bank independence has a long history.

    The classical political economist David Riccardo warned as early as 1824 that:

    government could not be safely entrusted with the power of issuing paper money; that it would most certainly abuse it.

    Even the authoritarian French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte claimed in creating the Banque de France that:

    I want the bank to be more in the hands of the government but not too much.

    However, for most of the 20th century, the commonsense view was that monetary policy was an important tool for government management of the economy. According to the Keynesian worldview of the time, it would be absurd for governments to give up such an important economic lever as control over interest rates.

    Even Napoleon Bonaparte thought some degree of separation between the central bank and the government was a good idea.
    Shutterstock

    The prevailing wisdom began to change following the stagflation crisis of the 1970s. Stagflation is the term for high inflation at the same time as high unemployment.

    Neoclassical economists such as Milton Friedman argued that only repeated and long-term increases to interest rates could end the stagflation crisis.

    However, Friedman suggested governments could not be trusted to maintain high interest rates because they would also cause unemployment. Accordingly, an independent central bank was needed. It would be insulated from partisan political control and could do what was necessary to stabilise the economy.

    What about in Australia?

    In Australia, central bank independence emerged slowly and informally.

    The Reserve Bank of Australia was separated from the Commonwealth Bank and started independent operations in 1960. It set up its headquarters in Sydney to increase its autonomy from politicians in Canberra.

    The RBA gained de facto independence from the government following financial deregulation under the Hawke government in the early 1980s. Subsequent declarations from federal treasurers Peter Costello and Wayne Swan affirmed the government’s recognition of RBA independence.

    The government still maintains the power to overrule the RBA on interest rates, but this “emergency power” has never been exercised.

    Why independence matters

    Though central bank independence is generally associated with lower inflation, the historical performance of independent central banks is not without blemish.

    For example, unemployment rates in Australia were historically lower prior to RBA independence. This reflects the willingness of the RBA to use higher unemployment as an inflation-busting mechanism.

    Independent central banks were also partly responsible for the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2007. Many commentators have suggested the then US Federal Reserve Governor Alan Greenspan’s decision to hold interest rates at artificial lows was responsible for the US sub-prime housing bubble. That eventually unravelled into a global recession.

    However, the Greens’ attempt to use an interest rate cut as a negotiating chip ironically reinforces the importance of central bank independence. Were governments to take direct control of setting interest rates, we might expect monetary policy to be influenced by short-term electoral concerns, rather than the long-term health of the economy.

    Creating a precedent that interest rates could be cut to suit the government of the day would also have long-term inflationary effects.

    Further, it would likely continue to drive up house prices. This would exacerbate the housing crisis.

    In contrast, the initial reforms proposed by Labor look to strike a balance. They recognise the competing political interests involved in the development of monetary policy while avoiding partisan interference in the day-to-day running of the RBA.

    Though the Coalition has raised concerns about Labor using the reforms to stack the RBA board, both the governor and board are already appointed by the government of the day, acting on the advice of the RBA.

    Finding a workable compromise that improves the bank while preserving political independence should be possible.

    If the alternative is the complete abrogation of central bank independence, the Coalition would do well to return to the negotiating table.

    Henry Maher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why is the Reserve Bank independent from government, and why does it matter? – https://theconversation.com/why-is-the-reserve-bank-independent-from-government-and-why-does-it-matter-239717

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What are ‘rent tech’ platforms? Action on reining in these exploitative tools is long overdue

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Przhedetsky, PhD Candidate, Faculty of Law, University of Technology Sydney

    Bernard Hermant/Unsplash

    This week the New South Wales government announced it would introduce legislation that ensures renters are offered convenient, fee-free options to pay their rent.

    The announcement is just one of many state and territory reforms that aim to address issues arising from the use of rental technology platforms.

    In recent years these platforms and the landlords who use them have come under fire for intruding on renters’ privacy and charging additional fees. While practices such as “rent bidding” have already been outlawed around Australia, governments are now starting to turn their attention to other harmful practices facilitated by new technologies.

    Action on these issues is long overdue, and there’s much more that needs to be done to ensure rental technology platforms actually benefit consumers.

    An expanding industry

    A wide range of digital technology platforms are used to facilitate the use, trading, operation and management of real estate assets. A well-known example is AirBnb, a technology platform that facilitates short-term rentals by connecting hosts with guests.

    The property technology industry in Australia is rapidly expanding. In 2023, there were more than 478 products, start-ups and established companies ranging from marketing tools to data analytics platforms. This was up from 188 in 2019.

    A portion of these companies make services typically designed to be used by renters, real estate agents or landlords.

    A major selling point of rental technology platforms is that they promise to streamline a range of processes. To renters, these technologies are billed as quick, easy and effective ways to submit property applications, request maintenance or pay rent.

    If designed well, these platforms can certainly offer convenience. But many have expressed dissatisfaction with rental technology businesses that pressure renters to pay for costly background checks, collect too much personal data, or use opaque algorithms to “score” applicants.

    People who struggle to access or use technologies may also find these platforms difficult to use. This makes it harder for them to access an essential service.

    Some 41% of renters report feeling pressured to use a third-party rental technology platform to apply for a property. And 29% say they have opted not to apply for particular rentals because they do not trust rental technology platforms. This suggests that the use of these technologies may sometimes deter, rather than attract, applicants.

    Additional fees

    Over 30% of Australians rent their homes, a figure that continues to grow as people find themselves priced out of home ownership. Rising rents and the overall increase in the cost of living have put many renters under substantial financial pressure.

    With this in mind, it’s concerning that some renters have found themselves with little choice but to use rental technology platforms that charge fees to process rental payments.

    For example, renters using a popular platform called Alio are typically charged between 0.25% to 1.50% to make automated rental payments, depending on the method of payment they use. A rough estimate shows that a household paying the median weekly rent (A$627 per week) on a fortnightly basis might see themselves paying between $81.51 and $489.06 in additional fees each year.

    As required by law, Alio does offer a fee-free option to pay rent. But this option is highly inconvenient: it requires renters to enter their bank details anew every month.

    The fee-free options offered by some other rental technology platforms are equally inconvenient. They include paying rent in cash at the local post office.

    For renters who have been asked to use a rental payment platform, this may mean spending additional time and effort every time they pay their rent to avoid paying additional fees.

    The NSW government already requires lessors to offer fee-free ways to pay rent (similar protections are legislated in other states and territories). However, the key element of this week’s announcement is a commitment to making sure these fee-free methods are actually convenient. This should hopefully close the legislative loophole that is enabling these rental technologies to unfairly profit at renters’ expense.

    While the draft legislation is yet to be seen, these reforms might see renters reverting to tried and tested payment methods such as bank transfers and bypassing rental technology payment platforms altogether.

    Effective enforcement

    Introducing laws that ensure renters have access to convenient, fee-free ways to make rental payments is a no-brainer. The next step is ensuring these laws are enforced effectively.

    To achieve this, the regulator must be well resourced to carry out compliance and enforcement activities that ensure lessors and rental technology businesses comply with these protections.

    Beyond these reforms, there is more work to be done to ensure renters are effectively protected from a range of harms that are created or exacerbated by rental technology platforms.

    Issues such as discrimination and unfair treatment through rental technology platforms warrant further attention.

    The key challenge for governments and regulators is to keep up with technological developments so they can identify and address issues as they arise.

    Linda Przhedetsky is a Board Member at the NSW Tenants’ Union, and is a member of the NSW Fair Trading’s Industry Reference Group on Protecting Renter Information. She receives funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute.

    – ref. What are ‘rent tech’ platforms? Action on reining in these exploitative tools is long overdue – https://theconversation.com/what-are-rent-tech-platforms-action-on-reining-in-these-exploitative-tools-is-long-overdue-239602

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: At 2.7%, Australian inflation is back within the RBA zone. Here’s why that matters

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

    Jeremy Ng/Shutterstock

    A closely watched measure of Australian inflation dived in the month of August, plunging from 3.5% in July to just 2.7%.

    The dip below 3% puts the monthly measure of annual inflation back within the Reserve Bank’s target band of 2-3% for the first time since August 2021.

    The longer-running quarterly measure of annual inflation is also likely to be back within the 2-3% band when the September-quarter figure is released next month.

    The dramatically lower inflation rate puts Australia in the same league as the United States, whose inflation rate is 2.5%, and the United Kingdom, whose inflation rate is 2.2%.

    The US and the UK have inflation targets of 2%, meaning their inflation rates are still somewhat above target. Australia’s monthly measure of inflation is on target, close to the middle of the band.

    Electricity prices down 17.9%

    Inflation has been trending down since late 2022, as shown on the graphs, but the sharp drops in the past two months are largely due to electricity rebates offered by the federal and state governments.

    The rebates will be applied automatically to electricity bills in this and each of the next three quarters. A staged rollout means they hit bills in only Queensland and Western Australia in July and hit other states in August.

    The Bureau of Statistics says these rebates took 6.4% off the average national power price in July and a further 14.6% off in August.

    Household electricity prices were down 17.9% over the year to August. The Bureau of Statistics describes this as the largest annual fall on record.

    Also helping bring down inflation were lower petrol prices and cheaper public transport, aided by Brisbane’s pre-election six-month trial of 50 cent fares.

    The jump in the monthly measure to 4% in May, which had excited some commentators, now looks like a misleading blip.

    A takeaway is to be cautious in interpreting the less-comprehensive monthly indicator, as is the Reserve Bank, which puts it in small print at the top of its website under the quarterly index, which it headlines in big print.

    For what it’s worth, I am expecting the quarterly index to show annual inflation of 2.8% in the year to September, down from 3.8% for the June quarter.

    Governor Bullock isn’t impressed

    Reserve Bank Governor Michele Bullock says that at the moment she is paying more attention to the “underlying” rate of inflation, which looks through temporary measures such as subsidies.

    But the Reserve Bank’s preferred measure of underlying inflation, the so-called trimmed mean, also fell in August, to 3.4%, down from 3.8% in July.

    Australia’s weak economy – right now it’s the weakest outside of a recession – means the underlying measure of inflation is likely to continue to fall, unless the tax cuts that started in July have a big effect.

    Why do we target 2-3% anyway?

    Reserve Bank set its target of 2-3% inflation in the early 1990s without a lot of science. It was about where inflation was, close to the targets adopted by other countries, and was a range rather than a specific number in order to give the authorities some flexibility.

    But it happens to be a sensible target, as last year’s independent review of the Reserve Bank confirmed.

    The bank wants to target an inflation rate low enough to not be noticed much and to not much distort decisions.

    Evidence from Google searches suggests that when inflation is around the 2-3% range, people don’t much notice it, but when it climbs up to 4% or 5%, they notice it a lot and search for the word a lot.

    Although zero is (literally) a round number, zero inflation would be too low a target. It would mean deflation (prices falling) as often as not to balance out the prices that were climbing. Deflation is associated with recessions and poor economic performance.

    An inflation rate of 2-3% also allows some real wages to fall (because they can increase by less than the inflation rate), which can be useful in encouraging workers out of declining industries into ones that are expanding.

    In particularly bad times, the Reserve Bank might want to push interest rates down below the inflation rate. This is hard to do if the inflation rate is zero.

    In theory, there is a case for increasing Australia’s inflation target to about where inflation is at the moment, but if that happened, Australia’s inflation target and future inflation targets would have less credibility.

    And in any event, we are moving quickly back towards the target, and on Wednesday’s measure have already hit it.



    Read more:
    No RBA rate cut yet, but Governor Bullock is about to find the pressure overwhelming

    John Hawkins was formerly a senior economist and forecaster in the Reserve Bank and the Australian Treasury.

    – ref. At 2.7%, Australian inflation is back within the RBA zone. Here’s why that matters – https://theconversation.com/at-2-7-australian-inflation-is-back-within-the-rba-zone-heres-why-that-matters-237650

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Swing and a miss? Why golf in Australia is struggling to attract women and girls

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle O’Shea, Senior Lecturer, School of Business, Western Sydney University

    kasakphoto/Shutterstock

    Prestigious Victorian golf club 13th Beach Golf Links, famed for award-winning courses and hosting the Victorian Open, has found itself in the middle of a controversy.

    In a bid to bolster membership, diversity and revenue, the club has introduced additional membership categories for women. These memberships form part of a dedicated campaign to get more women on the greens, following a member and board supported strategic plan to grow women’s membership from 18% to 30% by 2027.

    Despite the club’s commitment to gender representation, its status as a signatory to The Royal & Ancient Golf Club of St Andrews (R&A)’s Women in Golf Charter and recognition as a 2023 Visionary of the Year by Golf Australia for its “whole-club approach to gender equity”, support among some members remains wanting.

    A stunt that made waves

    Controversy erupted at 13th Beach after its new women’s memberships were launched.

    One male member, wearing a blonde wig and skirt, was captured approaching club staff to inquire about the new women’s membership options, remarking:

    I’m identifying as a female now and I’m just about to inquire about the new membership deal.

    The male member, and two others who filmed and shared the footage, were temporarily suspended from the club.

    A key element to the controversy is the discounted membership compared to male golfers.

    After the stunt, some men and women claimed:

    [The club] openly discriminates against males […] it is both fair and just for female members to pay the same subs as their male counterparts, as equality is a fundamental principle that we should uphold.

    However, this statement conveniently denies the sport’s current and past issues with gender, race and class.

    Historical and current barriers

    Globally year-on-year, the growth of male golf participation outnumbers women, with women making up 23% of adult registered golfers worldwide.

    In Australia, golf participation rates continue to rise. Among women and girls, Golf Australia reported a near 13% increase from 2022–23.

    Despite this rise, access issues and barriers to full participation for women and girls run deep.

    A lack of visibility of female golfers can reinforce stereotypes of golf as a men’s game, while women can struggle with amenities and equipment designed for men.

    Golf is steeped in gendered, raced and classed exclusion, and was traditionally a sport for men of similar social standing.

    Women were confined to secret games or putting activities, away from the “real” golf played by men.

    Women were banned from golf’s spiritual home, St Andrews in Scotland, for 260 years – until a 2014 vote when female membership was finally permitted.

    Two years earlier, premier United States course Augusta National welcomed its first women members.

    Golf Australia is trying to attract more women and girls to the sport.

    An uneven playing field

    Despite recent improvements, women’s golf participation and membership access frequently remain conditional.

    Traditionally in Australia, women and girls have been restricted to “associate” or “lady” memberships – which often have lower status and fewer benefits.

    Course access can also be problematic, with Saturdays often reserved for male players.

    At many Australian clubs, Tuesdays are often referred to as “ladies day” which assumes women don’t have work or other commitments.

    A poster on the Reddit forum, r/WomenGolf, has queried the different options for men and women’s golfers.
    Reddit

    Women members are often allotted less popular tee times while overall, some club cultures can render golf courses chilly climates for women.

    Being scrutinised and surveilled on the greens by male golfers is reported by women as a barrier – feelings of hyper-visibility, being mocked for their play and their bodies frequently undermines women’s enjoyment.

    At the professional level, while the women’s game is increasing in prize money, media coverage and sponsorship, there is still significant room for change.

    For female professional golfers, research also highlights a male-dominated and “sexist environment”.

    Inclusivity is good for everyone

    In a bid to increase participation among more diverse groups, Golf Australia is inspiring people to “go play and enjoy golf in their own way”.

    As part of its “own way campaign,” programs have been designed for seniors, women and disabled players.

    Recognising how differences such as race and culture shape golf participation, more community-facing programs are targeting improved diversity.

    Off the greens, golf leadership and administration is also under the spotlight.

    Including women’s voices in decision making is key to realising meaningful change – research clearly finds boards with diversity of thought and representation perform better.

    Beyond the important inclusivity debates, there are clear commercial reasons to enable women’s participation.

    Very recent industry research states there are an estimated 36.9 million latent women golfers around the world, and this group may be worth up to US$35 billion (A$51 billion) to the golf industry should they take up the sport more permanently.

    Golf has a lucrative opportunity.

    Valuing and enabling diversity in all areas should fill the coffers and genuinely position golf as a sport for all.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Swing and a miss? Why golf in Australia is struggling to attract women and girls – https://theconversation.com/swing-and-a-miss-why-golf-in-australia-is-struggling-to-attract-women-and-girls-239202

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: War affects girls and boys differently: what we found in our study of children in the DRC

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Roos van der Haer, Assistant professor of International Relations at the Institute of Political Science, Leiden University

    War has become a regular part of life for many children. Millions are victims and witnesses to the horrors of war. Recent estimates by researchers at the Peace Research Institute Oslo show that one in six children globally lives in a conflict zone, and Africa has the highest number of conflict-affected children.

    Many children are forced to become child soldiers. In other cases, such as during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, violence is aimed at children.

    In recent years, researchers from various fields have been studying the impact on children of growing up in war zones. Psychologists, for example, have been researching how conflict affects children’s mental health and behaviour. Economists have examined, among other issues, how growing up in these environments can limit future earning capabilitites. Other scholars have investigated how war shapes the long-term (political) attitudes of these children.

    Despite this growing body of research, we – a group of researchers who look into the causes and consequences of armed conflict for children – spotted two key gaps.



    Read more:
    Why some rebel groups force kids to fight: it depends on how they are funded

    First, much of the literature treats children’s experiences as if they were the same across different contexts. Few studies have considered the distinct experiences of girls as soldiers or how these differ from boys’ experiences.

    Second, while some research does explore these gender differences, it often focuses only on what happens during the conflict. It doesn’t consider how these experiences affect social relationships when the conflict ends. This is despite scholars and policymakers highlighting that girls’ experiences in war are fundamentally different from those of boys due to their different status and role in society.

    To address these gaps, we conducted an exploratory study from 2018 to 2019 on the experiences of boys and girls during conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). We studied how these gendered experiences might have affected their social relationships after the war. We interviewed 315 children aged between 12 and 18, with different levels of exposure to conflict. This included 186 respondents who had been involved in armed groups.

    Our recently published analysis revealed, as expected, that many children had witnessed or experienced various conflict-related events during their life-time. Most children reported seeing homes and property destroyed, and many had witnessed people being beaten or tortured by armed forces. Fewer children reported being sexually assaulted or raped or injured by weapons such as gunshots or stabbings, though sadly these were not rare occurrences either.

    We found that boys were generally more exposed to conflict than girls. This difference is largely due to boys being more involved with armed groups and more likely to perpetrate violence.

    These experiences of conflict can have lasting effects on children’s relationships with their families, friends, teachers and other important social groups. These connections are crucial for a child’s development and wellbeing.

    The differences between how boys and girls are affected are important considerations in building appropriate and effective psychosocial support programmes, with tools that address gender-specific needs in conflict or post-conflict situations.

    The study

    We gathered information from 315 structured interviews with Congolese children. Some of these boys and girls had been actively involved with armed groups in the eastern provinces of the DRC, while others had less direct exposure to the conflict.

    Conflict and human rights violations are widespread in the DRC. World Vision has called the decades-long conflict in the country “one of the worst child protection crises in the world”. Further, in a recent UN report on children and armed conflict, 3,377 verified grave violations against children in the DRC were identified. Of these, 46% involved the recruitment of children – some as young as five – by armed forces or groups.

    To examine how the armed conflict has affected Congolese boys and girls, we collected data between 2018 and 2019 in the South Kivu province of eastern DRC. We selected our participants with the help and consent of five local child protective organisations.

    Our analysis first explored what the boys and girls had experienced during conflict. Then we associated these gendered experiences with differences in social behaviour. We looked at whether there were gender differences in the children’s key relationships with family, friends (and other social groups) and their teachers.



    Read more:
    War devastates the lives of children: what the research tells us, and what can be done

    First, we found that war disrupted the family’s ability to provide safety and security, and both children and their caregivers might suffer from the emotional and psychological toll of the conflict. Our study found that girls tended to have a stronger relationship with their family and caretakers compared to boys after conflict. This aligns with previous research suggesting boys may face more challenges in maintaining family relationships. This is particularly the case for those that were active as child soldiers.

    Second, our analysis found that boys tended to have more diverse friendship networks than girls, even when comparing former boy soldiers to girl soldiers. Friendships are vital for a child’s wellbeing. Strong and diverse friendships are linked to better mental health, tolerance and understanding.

    Lastly, we looked at how gender and war experiences might affect relationships between students and teachers. Armed conflict can have devastating effects on the educational attainment of children. Education, however, supports war-affected children and adolescents in several important ways. Structured school rules, regulations and activities establish a sense of normality, which is crucial to the healing process and wellbeing of children. Overall, the children interviewed had a very positive view of their schools or training programmes. They felt safe, enjoyed spending time with their classmates and viewed their teachers as helpful and caring. However, girls – especially former girl soldiers – were significantly more likely than boys to report that their teachers were sympathetic and supportive.

    Why the findings matter

    Our research is one of the first to highlight significant differences in how boys and girls experience war, and how these experiences shape their social relationships.

    Addressing the differences in the needs of boys and girls after conflict not only improves their wellbeing, but is also likely to positively affect entire households, post-conflict regions and post-conflict countries. While our study sheds light on these differences, more research is needed to understand them in greater depth and, most importantly, to explain why they occur.

    Are these differences the result of psychological trauma, behavioural changes, or specific events that happened before or during the conflict? Moreover, we know very little about the long-term effects of war exposure – do these differences fade over time, or do they persist? And how can communities play a role in helping children to overcome these challenges? Do we also observe these differences in other conflicts at other periods?

    Understanding these differences is key for policymakers working to develop effective support programmes. Developing and increasing the availability of gender-responsive approaches can help strengthen the resilience of children after conflict. It may also work to strengthen their agency and resilience before conflict.

    We would like to thank the Gerda Henkel Stiftung for their extensive support of this research.

    Kathleen J. Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. War affects girls and boys differently: what we found in our study of children in the DRC – https://theconversation.com/war-affects-girls-and-boys-differently-what-we-found-in-our-study-of-children-in-the-drc-238789

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ludwig: in this comic BBC detective drama, puzzles are key to solving a murder – and understanding other people

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Deborah Klika/Klikova, Academic Portfolio Lead in Film & Television Production, University of Greenwich

    “It makes no sense. It’s impossible to solve” – so decries John “Ludwig” Taylor (David Mitchell) when trying to solve a murder using puzzle techniques in the new six-part BBC detective series, Ludwig.

    Each week puzzle designer John uses his skill to solve a crime. The show, also starring Anna Maxwell Martin, is guided by the thematic question: “how do we solve life’s puzzles?”

    John’s twin brother James (also portrayed by Mitchell) has suddenly gone missing. Enlisted by his sister-in-law Lucy (Maxwell Martin) to help find James, John reluctantly moves in with her and her son, leaving behind his ordered and self-contained (but lonely) world. Lucy wants John to pose as his brother to get some information from James’ office about a case that he was working on, which she suspects is related to his disappearance.

    What begins as a benign task very quickly escalates into John taking on James’ role as DCI James Taylor with Cambridge’s Major Crime Squad. John is swept along to crime scenes wherein he proceeds to solve murders using various puzzle techniques: logic puzzles, spot the difference, coincidences (three to be statistically relevant) and even reverse chess (where maths, probability and reason are used to determine prior moves in the middle of a chess game).

    The situation creates a bind plot. John wants the love of a family – specifically James’ family – but if he finds James, he will lose the “family” he has found. He is caught between his want (to have a family and Lucy) and his flaw (to learn to engage with people and the world).

    In my research, I posit that the bind plot is more prevalent in comedy than in drama. The tension between the want and the flaw is what underpins the comedy.

    John is navigating life on two levels: as an imposter detective and as a lonely man with signs of neurodiversity, such as an inability to understand and express feelings, and the need to follow certain rules. This results in misunderstanding and confusion for some of those around John, but not for John himself.

    The trailer for Ludwig.

    This duality is a common technique in comedy writing. As comic writer Steve Kaplan notes in The Hidden Tools of Comedy (2013), comedy emerges in the gap between the wavy-line character (the confused one) and the straight-line character (with a fixed view on life).

    What is interesting in Ludwig is John’s character arc. He begins as a straight-liner, but both his interactions with Lucy and her determination to find her husband force him to question his own life. His increasing confusion about, and interaction with, other people result in him becoming a wavy-line character.

    In my book Situation Comedy, Character, and Psychoanalysis (2019) I label the straight-liner as “echo characters”. That’s because they echo the unconscious fear of the main character, while maintaining their own fixed view of the world. It is because the main character is unconscious of this behaviour in themselves that such characters become “trapped” in their dynamic.

    These kinds of relationships define the sitcom. Think Phoebe in Friends, who echoes Rachel’s fear of commitment. In the first episode of Friends, Rachel is a runaway bride and Ross is recovering from a failed marriage, setting both these characters up as commitment-phobic. Phoebe, however, embraces life and all its alternatives, no matter how kooky or off-beat.

    Moss in The IT Crowd, echoes in a different way. His attention to detail and focus are the antithesis of Roy’s approach to work and Jen’s lack of knowledge of anything to do with IT. Roy fears work and Jen fears being exposed as ignorant, making Moss their perfect echo character.

    Maintaining the pretence

    The challenge for Ludwig’s head writer and creator, Mark Brotherhood, is to ensure that John can keep up the pretence of being his twin brother, while at the same time ensuring the pretence is believable.

    Brotherhood’s previous credits (Father Brown, Death in Paradise, Benidorm and Mount Pleasant) have shown his ability to merge genres such as crime and drama with comic moments.

    Set-ups such as characters having recently joined the crimes unit (who did not know James), and fleeting interactions with other characters (who do know James), save John from exposure. But they also distract the audience from the central question – “why don’t other people see that John is a different person?”. Instead we are drawn into the world of puzzles and how they can help solve crimes – and maybe help us solve problems in our own lives.

    Dramatic irony enables the audience to be in on the conceit. We know John is not James, but we also know that John is a puzzle master, and we revel in his ability to solve crimes. However, being in on the deception prompts the question: what will happen when John is exposed?

    In the vein of Poirot or Miss Marple, John is dedicated to solving murder through reasoned logic as well as increasingly astute observations of human behaviour – something he has avoided until now.

    Ludwig is an engaging (and at times puzzling) drama with comic moments, governed by a thematic premise – to understand puzzles is to understand life.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Deborah Klika/Klikova does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ludwig: in this comic BBC detective drama, puzzles are key to solving a murder – and understanding other people – https://theconversation.com/ludwig-in-this-comic-bbc-detective-drama-puzzles-are-key-to-solving-a-murder-and-understanding-other-people-239626

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The rise of the ‘megapub’: is bigger really better?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachael. E. Rees-Jones, Lecturer in Strategy, University of South Wales

    shutterstock niksdope/Shutterstock

    Wetherspoons has unveiled its latest venture at London’s Waterloo Station – a vast new pub called The Lion & The Unicorn. This so-called “Superspoons” is part of a growing trend in the UK’s hospitality industry, where ever-larger venues are reshaping traditional experiences.

    With its prime location and expansive layout of 5,000 sq ft and almost 600 seats, the venue’s opening marks what some business commentators are describing as the dawn of the “megapub” era, where bigger seems to mean better for chains like Wetherspoons.

    Megapubs are designed to offer more than just a quick pint. These vast, multi-purpose venues aim to cater to a variety of needs throughout the day, from morning coffee and business lunches to evening meals and live entertainment. The inclusion of extensive seating, diverse menus and designated zones for different activities – such as socialising or working on a laptop – aim to attract a broad range of customers.

    By offering an all-in-one experience, they are deliberately designed to stand apart from the traditional pub model. And they are positioning themselves as destinations rather than typical pubs.

    True to Wetherspoons’ business model, the new megapub promises competitive prices on food and drink, which may make it an attractive option for budget-conscious customers. By offering a variety of experiences under one roof, megapubs are attempting to tempt customers inside with convenience, variety and affordability all in one package, while also feeling part of a community.

    What could it mean for the hospitality sector?

    One major concern over the onset of the megapub is the potential impact on smaller, independent pubs and restaurants. Over the last ten years, pubs have been closing at an alarming rate, as publicans struggle with rising supply costs and overheads. A growing number of young people are also choosing to abstain from alcohol. Such factors have reduced the demand for traditional pubs.

    Megapubs, with their size and pricing power, could exacerbate these challenges by drawing customers away from independent venues that struggle to compete on price or scale. This may be especially true of those relying on niche markets or unique experiences.

    While it is still early days, and the effects of the megapub are yet to unfold, experts are already questioning whether this could change the way we socialise. By combining affordability with a range of amenities, megapubs like the new “Superspoons” may set new expectations for what a pub experience should be. Instead of visiting multiple locations for different activities, people may prefer to spend their leisure time in a single, multi-functional venue where they can socialise, dine and work.

    Wetherspoons is not the only company experimenting with this new model. Across the hospitality and retail sectors, businesses are increasingly seeking to create more versatile spaces to attract a broader customer base.



    Read more:
    Youth drinking is declining – myths about the trend, busted

    So, could we see more companies following Wetherspoons’ lead? Given the current economic conditions, where many consumers are tightening their belts, it seems probable. This could be the beginning of a long-term shift towards larger, multi-functional venues. Of course, it may just be a temporary response to the challenges of the present market.

    Economically, this concept appears to be well-suited to the financial challenges and uncertainty of our current times, as increasingly isolated people look for cost-effective ways to dine and socialise. Offering both affordability and a wide range of options, these venues could thrive during economic downturns by drawing in budget-conscious consumers.

    Whether you’re a fan of the traditional pub or intrigued by new concepts like the “Superspoons”, it’s clear that the way we socialise is evolving. As hospitality businesses continue to push boundaries, we may see a significant change in how we spend our leisure time and money.

    Rachael. E. Rees-Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The rise of the ‘megapub’: is bigger really better? – https://theconversation.com/the-rise-of-the-megapub-is-bigger-really-better-238629

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: His Three Daughters: an honest reflection on death and the meaning of family

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Shelley Galpin, Lecturer in Culture, Media and Creative Industries, King’s College London

    How do you communicate death? This is the question posed towards the end of His Three Daughters – a rather audacious move considering that it revolves around the last days of a father whose titular daughters have all gathered to be present for his passing.

    Set almost entirely within the apartment that is home to dying Vincent and daughter Rachel, the film captures a palpable sense of claustrophobia. Here, controlling, uptight Katie (Carrie Coon playing the modern-day equivalent of her character from The Gilded Age), emotional Christina (Elizabeth Olsen) and slacker Rachel (Natasha Lyonne) are unwillingly thrown together, all with their own personal but conflicting senses of duty to their father.

    With its restricted setting and small cast of characters, the film by writer and director Azazel Jacobs, risks feeling stagey at times, as the small dramas play out in the crucible of the apartment. However, the striking camera work, in which the three women are frequently shot in direct, single mid-shots, almost as if they are talking heads in a documentary, creates an uncomfortable sense of isolation.

    The family dynamics are immediately clear. Katie and Christina have moved into Rachel’s home and have instantly dominated the space. Katie doesn’t attempt to conceal her judgment of weed-smoking, professional gambler Rachel, literally forcing her out of her own home in order to smoke. Frequently, scenes play out for some time before it’s clear that Rachel is even in the room. This is due to the fragmenting camera work that creates a confessional tone but denies the intimacy of showing the sisters together – an intimacy it is clear these women so desperately crave.

    The character work is not subtle. Katie’s obsession with obtaining a “do not resuciate” form for her dying father is controlling bordering on the macabre. Her turning to alcohol while still pouring judgment on Rachel’s substance use highlights her hypocrisy, while also hinting that these two apparently different women have more in common than it would seem.

    Despite Christina’s self-appointed role as peacemaker and emotional support, she also uncomfortably goes along with Katie’s exclusionary behaviour. The two sisters occasionally fall into their own (slightly bizarre) language, and routinely refer to Rachel as “she”. As the film progresses the reason for this is gradually revealed, with the title taking on extra resonance when it becomes clear that Rachel is Vincent’s step-daughter.

    At its heart, the film is an exploration of family, blended or otherwise. Through the laboured task of attempting to write a eulogy for their father, the three women realise that despite coming from the same home, their experiences of it have been very different.

    The character arcs, as each wrestles with the person they have become and the past that made them that way, are not original, with the emotional journeys following well-trodden tracks. However, the cast give it their all. Natasha Lyonne is excellent as the silent heart of the family and Elizabeth Olsen captures Christina’s suppressed fragility nicely. Carrie Coon also fulfils her role in the mismatched triumvirate well, suitably scary as the micro-managing Katie, although the role hardly feels like a stretch for her considerable talents.

    In answer to the question of how one communicates death, the film proposes that this is most effectively done through absence. In one of the more “on the nose” moments this is unnecessarily stated through the sisters’ dialogue. Infinitely more effective, though, is the film’s conceit of having the father almost entirely off-screen, both dominant and absent at the same time.

    Yet this absence also manifests itself in the sister’s relationships with each other, as they frequently comment that each other’s lives are “not my business” and converse as you would with a vague acquaintance. Ultimately, the film is a refreshingly downbeat and honest reflection on the nature of families, and what being part of a family even means when all members have matured into diverse and full adult lives.

    When the inevitable finally happens, the film attempts a brave rug pull with real emotional heft. Characters, and viewers, are left reflecting on what it really means when the time, which had felt like it could go on forever, finally runs out. Although it is sometimes a little heavy-handed, His Three Daughters will get you at the end, which, given the film’s subject matter, feels entirely fitting.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Shelley Galpin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. His Three Daughters: an honest reflection on death and the meaning of family – https://theconversation.com/his-three-daughters-an-honest-reflection-on-death-and-the-meaning-of-family-239664

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Exploding pagers and walkie-talkies are a reminder of how easily your devices can be hacked – here’s how to make sure they are safe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Hajli, AI Strategist and Professor of Digital Strategy, Loughborough University

    Quality Stock Arts/Shutterstock

    The recent attacks on walkie-talkies and pagers in Lebanon have highlighted the hidden vulnerabilities in everyday technology. These incidents underscore the need for individuals to understand the potential risks associated with their devices and to take proactive steps to protect themselves in an increasingly digital world where safety can be compromised.

    Research shows that many people have significant concerns about security and privacy as technology advances. Statistics reveal an alarming rise in cyber threats and privacy breaches, underscoring the urgency of addressing these issues. According to IBM, the average cost of a data breach worldwide reached US$4.88 million (£3.65 million) in 2024, demonstrating the severe consequences of technological vulnerabilities.

    So, are our smartphones and devices truly safe? With numerous reports of data breaches and privacy violations linked to technological development – especially concerning artificial intelligence (AI) – the recent attacks in Lebanon raise new concerns about the security of technology in an era where AI introduces complex challenges.

    The pressing question for consumers is whether any of our devices can genuinely be deemed safe. If Israel can launch such an attack (and it has not confirmed it was behind the device attacks – but neither has it denied widespread reports insisting it was) other states may very well follow suit.

    The Lebanon device attacks should serve as a crucial wake-up call regarding the vulnerabilities in devices we often take for granted. Part of the challenge lies in the less discussed impact of AI, which can track, analyse, and act on information in ways that pose risks to privacy and security. While AI brings substantial benefits to society, it also creates complex challenges, particularly in terms of democratic integrity and personal safety.

    As technology increasingly becomes an indispensable part of our everyday lives – through smartphones, tablets, and smart home devices – it’s really important to understand the risks associated with our dependency on this tech. There are some practical steps that we can all take to enhance our security and take control of our digital lives.

    What you can do

    1. Be careful who you buy from: One critical lesson is to be mindful of where you purchase your products. As technology advances, consumers often turn to price comparison apps to find cheaper options. But these less expensive products frequently originate from distant countries with complex supply chains. For example, in 2020, it was revealed that some Huawei and ZTE devices used in telecom infrastructure contained back doors, which led to allegations of espionage and resulted in some countries banning or limiting their use.

    It’s worth thoroughly researching the manufacturer before making a purchase. Before buying, check reviews and security certifications, and find out if the company has a history of security breaches or privacy concerns. Ensuring the manufacturer is reputable adds an extra layer of protection.

    It’s vital to ensure the security of your mobile device is not compromised.
    OLE.cnx/Shutterstock

    2. Understand potential risks: Older devices, such as pagers, often lack modern security features such as regular updates, making them more vulnerable to interception. Additionally, recent advances in AI raise concerns about the security of newer devices. For instance, AI algorithms used in smart home devices can learn user patterns and behaviours.

    If these devices are compromised, hackers could use this information to orchestrate targeted attacks or gain unauthorised access to homes. It’s crucial to assess the risks associated with both old and new technologies – and if you think them unsafe, it’s best to just not use them.

    3. Update devices regularly: Ensure you regularly update your software and firmware to benefit from the latest security patches. Stick to devices that are still supported by their manufacturers, as unsupported devices may stop receiving vital security updates, leaving them vulnerable.

    4. Keep your eyes on your tech: Anyone who is able to gain physical access to your device could tamper with it. Always store your devices securely when not in use, minimising the risk of unauthorised access.

    5. Stay informed on cybersecurity issues: Keep yourself updated on the latest cybersecurity threats and learn how attackers exploit various technologies. Familiarise yourself with basic defensive practices, such as using strong, unique passwords and enabling two-factor authentication. Remember that many modern devices are interconnected, making them potential gateways for attacks. For example, a compromised smartphone could potentially infect your laptop or other devices on the same network.

    Exercise caution with smart devices such as speakers, cameras, and wearables by ensuring they are properly configured, using encrypted connections, and limiting unnecessary data sharing.

    By taking these steps, you can enhance your security and navigate the complexities of our technology-driven world with greater confidence.

    Nick Hajli does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Exploding pagers and walkie-talkies are a reminder of how easily your devices can be hacked – here’s how to make sure they are safe – https://theconversation.com/exploding-pagers-and-walkie-talkies-are-a-reminder-of-how-easily-your-devices-can-be-hacked-heres-how-to-make-sure-they-are-safe-239657

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –