Category: Baltics

  • MIL-OSI: NOTICE ON CALLING ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING OF SHAREHOLDERS

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    The Management Board of AS LHV Group (hereinafter LHV Group) hereby calls the general meeting of the shareholders (hereinafter the General Meeting), to be held on 26 March 2025 starting at 13:00 (Estonian time) at Hilton Tallinn Park Hotel (Fr. R Kreutzwaldi 23, Tallinn).

    The list of shareholders entitled to participate in the General Meeting will be determined as of 7 (seven) days before the General Meeting, i.e., as at 19 March 2025 EOD of Nasdaq CSD settlement system.

    Pursuant to the resolution adopted by LHV Group’s Supervisory Board on 19 February 2025, the agenda of the General Meeting will be following, and the proposals of the Management Board and the Supervisory Board in regard to the agenda items are specified by each agenda item as follows, whereas the Supervisory Board has proposed to vote in favour of all draft resolutions specified under the agenda items.

    1. Annual Report 2024

    Approve the Annual Report of LHV Group for the financial year 2024 as submitted to the General Meeting.

    2. Profit Distribution for Financial Year 2024

    The consolidated net profit attributable to LHV Group as the parent company of the consolidation group in the financial year 2024 amounts to EUR 152,405 thousand. Transfer EUR 0 to the legal reserve. Approve the profit allocation proposal made by the Management Board and pay dividends in the net amount of 9 euro cents per share. The list of shareholders entitled to receive dividends will be established as at on 9 April 2025 EOD of Nasdaq CSD settlement system. Consequently, the day of change of the rights related to the shares (ex-dividend date) is set to 8 April 2025. From this day onwards, the person acquiring the shares will not have the right to receive dividends for the financial year 2024. Dividends shall be disbursed to the shareholders on 10 April 2025.

    3. Financial Results of First Two Months of 2025

    An overview of the economic results of LHV Group for the first two months of 2025.

    4. Five-Year Financial Forecast

    An overview of the five-year financial forecast of LHV Group.

    5. Amendments to 2020–2024 Share Option Program

    Approve the amendments of LHV Group’s 2020–2024 share option program as presented to the General Meeting and authorize LHV Group’s Supervisory Board to implement the 2020–2024 share option program in accordance with the program’s terms.

    6. 2025–2029 Share Option Program

    Approve LHV Group’s 2025–2029 share option program as presented to the General Meeting and authorize LHV Group’s Supervisory Board to implement the 2025–2029 share option program in accordance with the program’s terms.

    7. Conditions of Performance Pay

    As of 1 January 2026, to prospectively raise for the next five (5) years, i.e., for the period of the 2025–2029 share option program, the percentage of performance pay payable to the management members and equivalent staff of LHV Group and its group companies up to two hundred percent (200%) of their basic salary in accordance with the rationale presented to the General Meeting.

    8. Acquisition of Own Shares

    Approve the acquisition of LHV Group’s own shares under the following conditions:

    • The purpose of acquiring own shares is to create value for shareholders by using the acquired shares for the execution of applicable General Meeting’s approved share option programs.
    • The acquisition shall be executed within a period of up to five (5) years from the adoption of this resolution. The acquisitions may take place in one or multiple transactions within thirteen (13) months from each LHV Group’s Supervisory Board decision to execute the acquisition of own shares.
    • LHV Group is entitled to acquire a maximum of its own shares necessary for fulfilling the commitments arising from the General Meeting’s approved share option programs. The acquisition may take place in portions corresponding to the required volume for a single year, multiple years, or the full duration of the applicable share option programs. This resolution shall also apply if the shareholders approve amendments to the share option programs that affect the acquisition volume. In any case, the total nominal value of the shares owned by LHV Group does not exceed 1/10 of the share capital.
    • The price per share to be paid for own shares shall be no less than EUR 0.00 and must not exceed the closing price of the Nasdaq Tallinn Stock Exchange on the previous trading day, as determined before the execution date of each respective acquisition (or the date of announcement of the execution of the acquisition). The purchase price per share shall not exceed the average market price of the last 30 trading days by more than fifty percent (50%). The acquisition of shares shall be executed under market conditions in accordance with the rules of Nasdaq Tallinn Stock Exchange.
    • The acquisition of own shares must not cause the net assets to become less than the total of share capital and reserves which pursuant to law or the Articles of Association shall not be paid out to shareholders.

    Authorize LHV Group’s Supervisory Board, in accordance with this resolution, applicable legislation and the General Meeting’s approved share option programs, to decide and execute own shares acquisitions, determine the acquisition price, procedure, and other conditions, and to carry out all necessary actions related to the own shares acquisition. The Supervisory Board may delegate technical and procedural tasks related to the execution of the acquisition to the Management Board. The execution of the own shares acquisition shall be conditional upon the European Central Bank’s consent.

    9. Amendments to Articles of Association

    Approve the new redaction of the Articles of Association of LHV Group, thereby amending clauses 4.1.5 and 4.1.6. with the following wording:
    “4.1.5.    The Supervisory Board has set up the Audit Committee, the Risk and Capital Committee, the Nomination Committee and the Remuneration Committee and established the relevant terms of reference.”
    “4.1.6. The Supervisory Board shall be authorized, for a period of 3 (three) years from the entry into force of this version of the Articles of Association, to increase the share capital through contributions 1 (once) per year by up to 2% (two percent) of the share capital as valid at the time of the respective resolution. If the full 2% (two percent) limit has not been used in previous years, the unused portion may be carried forward within the authorization period. However, if the limit has been fully utilized, the increase in any following year shall not exceed 2% (two percent).”

    The registration of the participants of the General Meeting will take place on the day of the meeting, 26 March 2025, between 12:00 and 12:45. The organizers of the General Meeting have the right not to consider later requests for registration and participation in the General Meeting. Registration of participation ensures the exercise of shareholder’s rights during the General Meeting, including electronic voting for draft resolutions on the agenda of the General Meeting.

    Shareholders who cannot or do not wish to take part in the General Meeting can vote on the draft resolutions on the agenda of the General Meeting before the General Meeting (hereinafter pre-voting) in the period from the determination of the circle of shareholders entitled to participate in the General Meeting (i.e., as of the end of the business day of the Nasdaq CSD settlement system on 19 March 2025) until 24 March 2025 at 17:00, whereas the simplified pre-voting via the website vote.lhv.ee/ (hereinafter meeting website) will be opened at 10:00 on 21 March 2025. A shareholder who has pre-voted is considered to be participating in the General Meeting, and the votes represented by the shares that shareholder holds are accounted as part of the General Meeting quorum.

    Pre-voting under simplified procedure and registering participation and electronic voting during the General Meeting takes place through the meeting website. Shareholders who cannot or do not wish to participate in the pre-voting or register their presence electronically, will be allowed to register and vote at the meeting venue, as long as they arrive at the venue with sufficient time for registration. It is possible to pre-vote on the draft resolutions on the agenda of the General Meeting using the pre-voting ballots, which are available on LHV Group’s website investor.lhv.ee/en/ (hereinafter investor website).

    Shareholders whose rights are exercised by a representative at the General Meeting, must ensure that before the General Meeting takes place, the document(s) proving their right of representation are presented in writing to LHV Group’s e-mail address group@lhv.ee or on working days between 9 to 17 to LHV Group’s address Tartu mnt 2, Tallinn 10145, 1st floor no later than 17:00 on 25 March 2025. All documents submitted in a foreign language must be in English or translated into English by a sworn translator or an official equivalent to a sworn translator, certified and legalized or apostilled, unless otherwise provided by legal acts in force. LHV Group must also be informed of the withdrawal of the given authorization by the same deadline. LHV Group asks to take into account that shareholder’s rights can be exercised via the meeting website by a person who has the right of sole representation of the shareholder. Holders of nominee accounts who wish to vote on a draft resolution in a proportion other than the total number of votes belonging to the respective shareholder, i.e., to distribute the votes belonging to the respective shareholder on the draft resolution between several predetermined options, will have the opportunity to do so on the meeting website. Such proportional voting is also possible with the pre-voting ballots published on the investor website.

    In the counting the votes given by pre-voting and electronic voting during the General Meeting, only votes that followed the procedure for pre-voting and electronic participation will be counted. The procedure can be found on the investor website.

    Shareholders can remotely watch the General Meeting’s live stream and participate in discussions through the website investor.lhv.ee/uldkoosolek/. Access to the live stream does not require authentication or registration. Instructions for watching the broadcast and submitting questions can be found on the investor website. 

    Up to and including the day of the General Meeting, shareholders have the option of examining all documents submitted to General Meeting (including the notice on calling the General Meeting, draft resolutions, LHV Group’s annual report for 2024, including the independent auditor’s report, proposal for the profit distribution, the remuneration report, the Supervisory Board’s report on its activities and assessment of the 2024 annual report and proposals for approving of the terms of performance pay, LHV Group’s share option programs and LHV Group’s Articles of Association) on the investor webpage. The procedure for pre-voting and electronic participation, instructions for watching the video broadcast, pre-voting ballots, and authorizations for appointing a representative at the General Meeting can also be found on the same page.

    Before the General Meeting, shareholders can ask questions about the agenda items of the General Meeting by email group@lhv.ee, provided that the questions are received by LHV Group at least 1 (one) working day before the General Meeting, no later than 13:00 on 25 March 2025. 

    At the General Meeting, shareholders have the right to receive information from the Management Board, to request that additional items be included on the agenda, and to submit draft resolutions in regard to each agenda item. In regard to the procedure and term for exercising these rights, LHV Group proceeds from the provisions of section 287, subsections 293 (2) and 2931 (4) of the Commercial Code and requests that the corresponding applications be sent by e-mail to group@lhv.ee or to LHV Group’s location at Tartu mnt 2, Tallinn 10145.

    Within 7 (seven) days of the General Meeting, the minutes of the General Meeting will be made available to shareholders on the investor website.

    Sincerely,
    Madis Toomsalu
    Chairman of the Management Board of AS LHV Group

    Marthi Lepik
    Communication Specialist
    Phone: +372 5666 2944
    Email: marthi.lepik@lhv.ee 

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: President Lai attends ceremony marking 78th anniversary of 228 Incident

    Source: Republic of China Taiwan

    Details
    2024-12-10
    President Lai attends 2024 Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award ceremony
    On the morning of December 10, President Lai Ching-te presented the 2024 Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award to Bangladesh-based human rights organization Odhikar. In his remarks, President Lai recognized Odhikar’s dedication to promoting the human and political rights of the citizens of Bangladesh and courageously forging ahead in the pursuit of democracy and human rights. The president emphasized that defending democracy requires all the strength we can muster. He stated that the government of Taiwan will continue its efforts to strengthen Taiwan’s ability to defend democracy, and deepen partnerships with various countries to make global democracy more resilient. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: First, on behalf of the people of Taiwan, I want to offer sincere congratulations to Bangladesh-based human rights organization Odhikar, winner of the 2024 Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award. The Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) upholds that in Taiwan, human rights are a pillar of the nation. The TFD established the Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award in 2006, and thanks to the leadership of its successive chairmen and presidents, this award has now become one of Asia’s highest honors. And under the leadership of Chairman Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜), it will continue to strengthen Taiwan’s links with the world. This award recognizes individuals or groups that have promoted democracy and defended human rights in Asia, and also conveys the values that Taiwan upholds. Recipients of this award, just like Odhikar, have fought valiantly for freedom and human rights. Since its founding in 1994, Odhikar has been dedicated to promoting the human and political rights of the citizens of Bangladesh. The organization not only provides oversight and promotes accountability, but also publishes an annual human rights report that exposes neglected human rights abuses, so that unjust practices hidden in darkness can be brought to light. Members of Odhikar’s team have long faced severe difficulties while conducting human rights work, including harassment, imprisonment, and surveillance. Nevertheless, all have maintained an indomitable fighting spirit, courageously forging ahead in the pursuit of democracy and human rights, which is truly admirable. Taiwan, like Bangladesh, has experienced the suppression and coercion of authoritarian rule. But thanks to the dedication of many democracy activists and defenders of human rights, the people of Taiwan now enjoy a free and democratic way of life, and can use their ballots to determine the future of their own country. Taiwan is now a vibrant democratic society on the frontline of the defense of democracy. In recent years, disinformation and cognitive warfare have become challenges for all democracies. Through the Global Cooperation and Training Framework (GCTF), Taiwan has continuously expanded cooperation with various partner countries, exchanging experiences and strategies to counter disinformation. In September this year, for example, a GCTF overseas workshop was held in Lithuania for the first time, exploring how to deal with foreign information manipulation and interference during elections. Looking ahead, the government of Taiwan will continue its efforts to strengthen our ability to defend democracy, and deepen our partnerships with various countries to make global democracy more resilient. I also want to emphasize that defending democracy requires all the strength we can muster. So today, on Human Rights Day, I am honored to congratulate Odhikar in person, and thank you all for sharing your ideas and experiences with Taiwan’s society to forge an even greater force for progress. I look forward to a world with more civil society organizations like Odhikar to strengthen the bulwarks of freedom and human rights, and I firmly believe that into the future, your courageous convictions will be carried forward here in Taiwan. Let’s continue our efforts. Members of the foreign diplomatic corps stationed in Taiwan were also in attendance at the event.

    Details
    2024-05-10
    President Tsai attends 2024 Human Rights Press Awards ceremony
    On the evening of May 10, President Tsai Ing-wen attended the 2024 Human Rights Press Awards ceremony. In her remarks, President Tsai thanked the media for reporting on and bringing awareness to many important human rights issues. The president stated that Taiwan remains committed to advancing human rights. In 2019, she said, Taiwan became the first Asian country to legalize same-sex marriage, and in the following year, we established the National Human Rights Commission to better monitor and secure human rights protections at home. The president also stated that in 2022, Taiwan rolled out our first National Human Rights Action Plan, and in February, the Executive Yuan passed the UN International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, marking another major milestone for Taiwan’s human rights development, achieved by our people and government working together. President Tsai stated that Taiwan now is rated as one of the freest countries when it comes to press freedom, and is an important hub for international media. This growing presence of international journalists, she said, is evidence that Taiwan is a country where transparency, freedom of expression, and easy access to information are ensured. The president said she is looking forward to Taiwan continuing to be the home for free press in Asia, and that Taiwan will continue to stand up for democracy, freedom, and human rights, and endeavor to build a world where all can live in dignity. A transcript of President Tsai’s remarks follows: It is my pleasure to join you all today at this important awards ceremony to congratulate the recipients of the Human Rights Press Awards. I am also happy about the fact that this event is being held in Taiwan for the very first time.  Your presence here is testament to Taiwan’s hard work on safeguarding media freedom and human rights. This event is also a demonstration to the world just how deeply Taiwan values these important pillars of democracy. I would like to thank the organizers of this event: Human Rights Watch, the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication at Arizona State University, the foreign correspondents’ clubs of Taiwan and Thailand, and the Reynolds Center for Business Journalism. I applaud you for taking up this important mission of maintaining this award at a time when journalists are under unprecedented pressure and repression in carrying out their duties.  Tonight, I want to congratulate the recipients of the Human Rights Press Awards.  Congratulations to you all, and thank you for reporting on, and bringing awareness to many important human rights issues.  This includes the persecution of religious minorities in Myanmar, the rising number of suicides among Afghan women living under Taliban rule, and the Chinese government’s treatment of White Paper protesters, who stood up against COVID-19 lockdowns.  In an era of rising authoritarianism, with an increasing number of autocratic leaders and disinformation campaigns, your role as journalists in exposing the truth is more critical than ever. And through a variety of forms, such as writing, photography, video, audio, and multimedia, your courage and effort not only inspire us. You also help raise awareness in the international community, and prompt us to take action to tackle these pressing human rights issues. More importantly, by exposing injustices, you give hope to those whose stories that you told.  In Taiwan, we experienced the injustices of authoritarian rule, under nearly four decades of martial law. Some even sacrificed their lives for media freedom. Through our hard work, Taiwan now is rated as one of the freest countries when it comes to press freedom. In Freedom House’s report on Freedom in the World this year, Taiwan scored 94 out of 100. Under the Civil Liberties category, Taiwan received a perfect score for Freedom of Expression and Belief. Our news media is described as “generally free, reflecting a diversity of views and reporting aggressively on government policies.” Of course, in a critical way. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index 2023, Taiwan ranked 10th in the world and first in Asia, and was one of only 24 countries in the world evaluated as a “full democracy.” And, in this year’s World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders, Taiwan ranked 27th in the world, rising eight spots from last year. Despite these achievements, in recent years, there have been authoritarian forces targeting the freedom we have worked so hard to achieve. We found that there are constant attempts from authoritarian forces to influence our media environment. There are also well-funded, large-scale disinformation campaigns making extensive use of internal and external propaganda to influence Taiwan’s democracy. The freedoms enjoyed by Taiwanese citizens on the internet, media, and social media are now being utilized to erode Taiwan’s democracy.  Eleven years in a row, Taiwan has exceeded every other country in the world, on the amount of false information disseminated within its borders by other governments, according to the research by V-Dem. There are several goals of such campaigns. They want to further polarize our society, pitting citizens against one another. They also want to erode trust in democratic institutions and government officials. They aggressively promote the narrative that democracy is chaotic and inefficient. Such disinformation campaigns have become one of the most difficult challenges for democracies like Taiwan. Moreover, the rise of AI has benefited all of us. On the other hand, this rise has also allowed disinformation to be generated and distributed at an unprecedented rate. This makes deterring it much more difficult. This also makes defending our right to know the facts all the more important.  A democracy has limited means to deal with disinformation campaigns. This is out of the concern of causing harm to freedom of speech, if measures are taken to limit, restrict, or control the free flow of information. In Taiwan, in order to counter disinformation campaigns, we encourage all parts of our society to act together. As timeliness and transparency are keys to an effective defense against disinformation, the Taiwanese government holds news briefings and releases real-time official clarifications on a regular basis. Taiwan’s vibrant civil society also contributes quite a lot to combat disinformation. Some publish thoroughly researched and detailed reports on disinformation campaigns. They also identify playbooks on authoritarian information manipulation. This is accompanied by media literacy lesson plans and offering education to citizens. The civil tech community has also developed chatbots for chat applications to make fact-checking much easier.  Other than countering information warfare from authoritarian regimes, Taiwan remains committed to advancing human rights. In 2019, we became the first Asian country to legalize same-sex marriage. The following year, we established the National Human Rights Commission to better monitor and secure human rights protections at home. And in 2022, we rolled out our first National Human Rights Action Plan, with the aim of continually improving human rights standards. Although Taiwan is not a member of the United Nations (UN), we have voluntarily incorporated six international covenants on human rights into domestic law, and issued national reports on their implementation.  In February, the Executive Yuan passed the UN International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. This marked another major milestone for Taiwan’s human rights development, achieved by our people and government working together. As the result of our work on safeguarding freedom, Taiwan is now an important hub for international media. In recent years, we have received increasing numbers of resident correspondents and visiting journalists from international media agencies. As of last month, Taiwan is home to 176 correspondents from 86 media outlets originating in 22 countries – this is roughly double the figure from 2016. This growing presence of international journalists is evidence that Taiwan is a country where transparency, freedom of expression, and easy access to information are ensured. I am proud and looking forward to Taiwan continuing to be the home for free press in Asia. Despite the new and growing challenges in the region, Taiwan will continue to stand up for democracy, freedom, and human rights. Now more than ever, it is essential that we unite and support one another, as we address these challenges together and endeavor to build a world where all can live in dignity. I want to close by thanking you all again for joining me to honor the recipients of the Human Rights Press Awards. At a time when many journalists in Asia and from around the world must put their safety at risk for doing their job, you have our utmost respect for your professionalism and courage. Once again, congratulations to all the award-winners. Also in attendance at the event were European Economic and Trade Office Head Filip Grzegorzewski and British Office Taipei Representative John Dennis.

    Details
    2024-04-17
    President Tsai delivers remarks at International Holocaust Remembrance Day event
    On the afternoon of April 17, President Tsai Ing-wen attended an International Holocaust Remembrance Day event and delivered remarks, in which she said that unity is imperative in combating hatred and developing understanding. The president stated that as we are confronted with the growing threats of terrorism and authoritarianism, Taiwan has been taking initiatives, through collaboration with our international partners, to enhance regional religious freedom, to fight against discrimination, and to promote equality. She stated that Taiwan will continue to be a strong advocate for human rights and democracy, so we can leave the world a better place for future generations. Upon arrival, President Tsai took in a musical performance and watched as a rabbi recited a prayer before joining other distinguished guests to light candles in memory of the Holocaust’s victims. A transcript of President Tsai’s remarks follows: I would like to begin by thanking the Israel Economic and Cultural Office (ISECO) in Taipei, the German Institute Taipei, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy for co-organizing this important event. I also want to thank you all for making time to come here today to remember those who lost their lives in the Holocaust. We are also here to pay tribute to those who survived, and to acknowledge the sufferings of all who were affected by this dark chapter of human history.  I also want to take a moment to acknowledge Mr. Peter Gaspar, who is joining us virtually today. I am grateful for his participation in this year’s event and for sharing his harrowing experience with all of us. Every year, we come here together to remember those who perished in the Holocaust, as well as those who endured unimaginable sufferings because of this tragedy. We must pledge to never forget this period in history, when human dignity was cast aside for political ideology. We should also never stop fighting against discrimination and bigotry. We must also be reminded that there are still countless people who continue to suffer at the hands of authoritarian regimes and dictatorships, just because they are of different ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, religion, or political ideology. In other words, there is still much work needed to be done. In the pursuit of justice and truth, we can learn from Israel and Germany – Israel in its efforts to preserve the historical accounts of the Holocaust, especially its victims, and Germany in its courage to face the past.  In Taiwan, we have been working to ensure that we address the injustices of the past and uncover the truth of atrocities in the authoritarian era. In addition to the annual commemoration of the 228 Incident, my government has built a solid foundation for the realization of transitional justice. We elevated transitional justice as a priority at the highest government level. The Executive Yuan established government bodies to further emphasize the values of transitional justice in policy implementation. The newly amended Political Archives Act came into effect this year, on the 77th anniversary of the 228 Incident. This is an important element in my government’s effort to restore truth in the pursuit of transitional justice. We hope this will further help bring some closure and comfort to the victims of the White Terror era and their families. Even though we have come quite a long way on upholding human rights and fighting against bigotry, the world must continue to confront antisemitism and authoritarian aggression. We are also seeing the horrifying effects of such aggressions in Ukraine and in Hamas’ terroristic attack on Israel. This is why we stress the importance of working alongside the international community to safeguard what we fought so hard to achieve, that is, democracy, freedom, equality, and peace. As part of our collaborative efforts, starting from 2021, the Israel office here, our Ministry of Education’s human rights resource center, and Yad Vashem, Israel’s World Holocaust Remembrance Center, co-organized workshops and held traveling exhibitions to raise awareness on the history of the Holocaust. We also continue to donate to Yad Ezer Lechaver, an NGO that works with our representative office in Tel Aviv, to help provide daily necessities to Holocaust survivors. Through collaboration with our international partners, Taiwan has been proactively taking initiatives to enhance regional religious freedom, to fight against discrimination, and to promote equality. Taiwan will continue to be a strong advocate for human rights and democracy. History has taught us time and again that unity is imperative in combating hatred and developing understanding. As we are confronted with the growing threats of terrorism and authoritarianism, it is even more important that we work together, so we can leave the world a better place for future generations. We owe it to the memory of those who lost their precious lives to a tragedy like the Holocaust and those who sacrificed themselves to protect the value of democracy. We should also remind ourselves to remain vigilant, while we reaffirm our vow to not let this tragedy happen again. In closing, I want to thank everyone for taking part in this meaningful event, and for keeping the names and stories of the victims of the Holocaust living in our memory. Also in attendance at the event were Chair of the Knesset Taiwan friendship group Boaz Toporovsky, ISECO Representative Maya Yaron, and German Institute Taipei Director General Jörg Polster.

    Details
    2024-02-28
    President Tsai attends ceremony marking 77th anniversary of 228 Incident
    On the morning of February 28, in Chiayi County, President Tsai Ing-wen attended the nation’s main memorial ceremony marking the 77th anniversary of the 228 Incident. The president offered a floral wreath in memory of the victims, and stated that over the past eight years the government has worked systematically to advance work in transitional justice, pointing out that it has completed four fact-finding investigation reports to restore historical truths and has helped victims to restore their reputations and receive compensation. She said that nearly 2,000 applications for compensation have been accepted for processing, and the government has already paid out a total of more than NT$4 billion in compensation. The government’s effort last year to pass an amendment to the Political Archives Act saw support from both the ruling and opposition parties, she said, and that amendment enters into force today. The president emphasized that transitional justice is not intended to be directed at any particular political party. Rather, she said, it is that the government in a democratic system must take responsibility for illegal acts committed by the state during an earlier period of authoritarian rule and make amends for past harms. She said that honestly facing up to our history is the only way Taiwan’s democratic institutions can become more deeply rooted and continue to evolve. Emphasizing that there is no shortcut to transitional justice, and that scars in the memory do not easily fade, the president said that our generation must take concrete action to find ways to peacefully coexist with history and build an even more open society. She said that to face the past, we must not forget the past, much less fear to remember it; and to face the future, we must continue to deepen our discussions as we pursue a more democratic, sustainable social community. A translation of the president’s remarks follows: The February 28 Incident filled the people of Taiwan with a desire for democracy and freedom, but authoritarianism and heavy-handed rule stymied the seeds of democracy and ushered in the White Terror era. This difficult period of the past left a scar on Taiwan’s history. To help this scar to heal, we must first understand the nature of the wound. Until we honestly face facts and listen to one other, we cannot close our wounds and reach the genuine reconciliation that ends our history being a cause of division in Taiwan. Once we do this, the people of Taiwan will be better able to join together in defense of democracy and move forward together. Over the past eight years, we have worked systematically to advance work in transitional justice. In the area of legislative action, we began with reinforcing the foundation for transitional justice by amending the Act Governing the Settlement of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations, the Act on Promoting Transitional Justice, the Organizational Act of the National Human Rights Museum, the Political Archives Act, and the Act to Restore Victim’s Rights Infringed by Illegal Acts of the State During the Period of Authoritarian Rule. We have also established specialized organizations and mechanisms that form the engine moving our transitional justice project forward. Now that the Transitional Justice Commission has completed its mission, the Executive Yuan is coordinating the efforts of six central government agencies that have taken over the task of implementing transitional justice work. Building on this foundation, our government has completed four fact-finding investigation reports to restore historical truths, and we have amended legislation to improve the handling of political archives and ill-gotten assets in the possession of political parties. From the ill-gotten party assets that have been appropriated by the state, a special fund has been established to support public welfare and transitional justice-related work. We have also helped victims restore their reputations and receive compensation. Nearly 2,000 applications for compensation have been accepted for processing by the Restoration of Victim’s Rights Infringed by Illegal Acts of the State During the Period of Authoritarian Rule Foundation since it was established over a year ago. Last year, for the first time ever, our government returned property to a victim from whom it had been illegally confiscated by the state during the period of authoritarian rule. In total, the government has already paid out more than NT$4 billion in compensation. Transitional justice is not intended to be directed at any particular political party. Rather, it is that the government in a democratic system must take responsibility for illegal acts committed by the state during an earlier period of authoritarian rule and make amends for past harms. Honestly facing up to our history is the only way Taiwan’s democratic institutions can become more deeply rooted and continue to evolve. After years of hard work, the 228 Memorial Foundation has identified 2,340 victims of the 228 Incident, and has additionally identified more than 4,000 possible victims. In a short while, acting on behalf of the government, I will be awarding “certificates of restored reputation” to the family members of several victims of the 228 Incident. Two of these individuals had originally been classified as “possible victims,” but after historical archives were made available for public access it was confirmed that they had indeed been victims. Our experience in this case showed us that there remain more historical truths for the government to help bring to light. This is why the government saw support from both the ruling and opposition parties last year when it worked to pass an amendment to the Political Archives Act. That amendment did pass, and it enters into force today. Political archives provide many important pieces in the puzzle of our historical past, so I would like to ask our national security officials to adopt an open-minded attitude. I would like for them to declassify more political archives and make them publicly accessible to the greatest possible extent. Our transitional justice work encompasses truth, justice, reparation, memorialization, and, most importantly, guarantees of non-recurrence. These are the five internationally recognized pillars of transitional justice. We have also seen different sectors of Taiwanese society contribute to transitional justice, each in its own way. In Search of a Mixed Identity, a film about a victim of the 228 Incident, will premiere next month, and the Gongsheng Music Festival, which is held annually to commemorate the incident, marked its 12th year in 2024. I want to thank the many civil society organizations and young people who have worked so long and hard to further the cause of transitional justice. You have given of yourselves for the nation, providing fresh tinder to keep the torch of democracy alight and keep it glowing ever stronger. I must also thank the Executive Yuan, the Transitional Justice Commission, the Ill-Gotten Party Assets Settlement Committee, and the various central government agencies and civil society organizations that have accompanied us on this undertaking every step of the way. Together we have worked on behalf of those who suffered the indignities of the 228 Incident and the White Terror era so that they can put the darkness behind them. But I know full well that our efforts pale in comparison to what the victims and their family members have been through. There is no shortcut to transitional justice, and scars in the memory do not easily fade. Our generation must take concrete action to find ways to peacefully coexist with history and build an even more open society.  I have spoken with the Executive Yuan about the three points that Chiang Jung-sen (江榮森) just raised. As a matter of fact, these three points are related to issues the Executive Yuan is actively addressing right now, and I am confident that the Executive Yuan will come forward with public statements at the proper times. These matters are all part of the government’s work, and we will continue doing our best to address them. To face the past, we must not forget the past, much less fear to remember it. To face the future, we must continue to deepen our discussions as we pursue a more democratic, sustainable social community.

    Details
    2023-12-07
    President Tsai attends 2023 Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award ceremony
    On the morning of December 7, President Tsai Ing-wen presented the 2023 Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award to Amihan Abueva, regional executive director of the Child Rights Coalition Asia (CRC Asia). In remarks, President Tsai recognized Ms. Abueva’s long-term contributions to advocacy for the rights of children in her battle against all forms of child violence. The president pointed out that Taiwan has endeavored for nearly a decade now to incorporate international standards for the rights of the child into domestic law to ensure more protections for children’s rights. The president said that Taiwan will remain vigilant to protect our hard-earned democracy, freedom, and human rights, and by doing so, help further entrench the rights of the child here and globally. A transcript of President Tsai’s remarks follows: Today, I would like to begin by congratulating Ms. Amihan Abueva on receiving this year’s Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award, established by the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. Ms. Abueva has been a powerful advocate for the rights of children in her decades-long battle against all forms of child violence, especially trafficking and sexual exploitation. Throughout her career, she has epitomized selflessness and courage, tirelessly fighting to secure a safer world for our children and our future. Whether in her former roles as executive secretary and president of ECPAT International [End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes], or in her current position as the regional executive director of the Child Rights Coalition of Asia, Ms. Abueva has pushed for more child participation, in society and in policy-making for child welfare. She has also contributed to the strengthening of the relevant legal framework at the national and international levels. As she once said, “Children’s rights are everybody’s business.” Ms. Abueva has also played an important role in government efforts by serving as Philippine representative to the ASEAN Commission on the Rights of Women and Children. And her leadership today at CRC Asia has helped connect child rights organizations throughout Asia, including our own Child Welfare League Foundation in Taiwan. The network she built has brought the public sector and private society together to work toward the improvement of children’s rights. While advocating her cause, Ms. Abueva has also devoted herself to awareness raising, through speeches and reading materials, helping both adults and children see the warning signs so that they can prevent trafficking from taking place. Throughout her storied career, her mission has remained the same: to protect children, their rights, and their future, by giving them a voice and making sure their stories are heard. Taiwan also strives to do its part to protect our children and their rights. As with most rights advocacy, we owe our thanks to our civil society in spearheading grassroots efforts and working in coordination with the government. And a crucial part of that is making sure we have sound legislation. For nearly a decade now, we have endeavored to incorporate international standards for the rights of the child into domestic law. In 2014 we passed legislation to bring the principles of the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), the most ratified human rights treaty in history, into our own legal framework. And to bring Taiwan more in compliance with the UNCRC, we hold discussions and reviews on our implementation efforts, which help us formulate future policy and further protect the rights of children. To date, we have submitted two national reports, each followed by a review meeting. To these, we invite international experts to discuss the state of children’s rights in Taiwan with our government agencies and NGOs. Most importantly, and as Ms. Abueva has long championed, children and the youth are represented in these meetings to ensure that they have a voice in the protection of their own rights. Aside from overarching legislation, we want to ensure that children’s rights are covered by relevant laws. Under these laws, Taiwan has not only addressed traditional forms of violence done to children, in both home and school environments; we have also taken a forward-looking approach to prevent novel forms of child violence. With the addition to our Criminal Code of a chapter on offense against sexual privacy this year, we aim to protect the sexual privacy of every individual in the digital age. And this is particularly beneficial for children and young people, a large and vulnerable demographic of Internet users. As proclaimed in the UNCRC, children are entitled to the very rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. With this in mind, Taiwan will remain vigilant to protect our hard-earned democracy, freedom, and human rights, and by doing so, help further entrench the rights of the child here and globally. Once again, I extend my sincere congratulations to Ms. Abueva, and thank her for her selfless efforts. With the inspiration of such outstanding advocates as Ms. Abueva, I look forward to more people joining forces in the fight to protect the rights of the most vulnerable. Members of the foreign diplomatic corps in Taiwan were also in attendance at the event.

    Details
    2025-02-14
    President Lai holds press conference following high-level national security meeting
    On the morning of February 14, President Lai Ching-te convened the first high-level national security meeting of the year, following which he held a press conference. In remarks, President Lai announced that in this new year, the government will prioritize special budget allocations to ensure that Taiwan’s defense budget exceeds 3 percent of GDP. He stated that the government will also continue to reform national defense, reform our legal framework for national security, and advance our economic and trade strategy of being rooted in Taiwan while expanding globally. The president also proposed clear-cut national strategies for Taiwan-US relations, semiconductor industry development, and cross-strait relations. President Lai indicated that he instructed the national security and administrative teams to take swift action and deliver results, working within a stable strategic framework and according to the various policies and approaches outlined. He also instructed them to keep a close watch on changes in the international situation, seize opportunities whenever they arise, and address the concerns and hope of the citizens with concrete actions. He expressed hope that as long as citizens remain steadfast in their convictions, are willing to work hand in hand, stand firm amidst uncertainty, and look for ways to win within changing circumstances, Taiwan is certain to prevail in the test of time yet again. A translation of President Lai’s remarks follows: First, I would like to convey my condolences for the tragic incident which occurred at the Shin Kong Mitsukoshi department store in Taichung, which resulted in numerous casualties. I have instructed Premier Cho Jung-tai (卓榮泰) to lead the relevant central government agencies in assisting Taichung’s municipal government with actively resolving various issues regarding the incident. It is my hope that these issues can be resolved efficiently. Earlier today, I convened this year’s first high-level national security meeting. I will now report on the discussions from the meeting to all citizens. 2025 is a year full of challenges, but also a year full of hope. In today’s global landscape, the democratic world faces common threats posed by the convergence of authoritarian regimes, while dumping and unfair competition from China undermine the global economic order. A new United States administration was formed at the beginning of the year, adopting all-new strategies and policies to address challenges both domestic and from overseas. Every nation worldwide, including ours, is facing a new phase of changes and challenges. In face of such changes, ensuring national security, ensuring Taiwan’s indispensability in global supply chains, and ensuring that our nation continues to make progress amidst challenges are our top priorities this year. They are also why we convened a high-level national security meeting today. At the meeting, the national security team, the administrative team led by Premier Cho, and I held an in-depth discussion based on the overall state of affairs at home and abroad and the strategies the teams had prepared in response. We summed up the following points as an overall strategy for the next stage of advancing national security and development. First, for overall national security, so that we can ensure the freedom, democracy, and human rights of the Taiwanese people, as well as the progress and development of the nation as we face various threats from authoritarian regimes, Taiwan must resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, strengthen self-sufficiency in national defense, and consolidate national defense. Taiwan must enhance economic resilience, maintain economic autonomy, and stand firm with other democracies as we deepen our strategic partnerships with like-minded countries. As I have said, “As authoritarianism consolidates, democratic nations must come closer in solidarity!” And so, in this new year, we will focus on the following three priorities: First, to demonstrate our resolve for national defense, we will continue to reform national defense, implement whole-of-society defense resilience, and prioritize special budget allocations to ensure that our defense budget exceeds 3 percent of GDP. Second, to counter the threats to our national security from China’s united front tactics, attempts at infiltration, and cognitive warfare, we will continue with the reform of our legal framework for national security and expand the national security framework to boost societal resilience and foster unity within. Third, to seize opportunities in the restructuring of global supply chains and realignment of the economic order, we will continue advancing our economic and trade strategy of being rooted in Taiwan while expanding globally, strengthening protections for high-tech, and collaborating with our friends and allies to build supply chains for global democracies. Everyone shares concern regarding Taiwan-US relations, semiconductor industry development, and cross-strait relations. For these issues, I am proposing clear-cut national strategies. First, I will touch on Taiwan-US relations. Taiwan and the US have shared ideals and values, and are staunch partners within the democratic, free community. We are very grateful to President Donald Trump’s administration for their continued support for Taiwan after taking office. We are especially grateful for the US and Japan’s joint leaders’ statement reiterating “the importance of maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait as an indispensable element of security and prosperity for the international community,” as well as their high level of concern regarding China’s threat to regional security. In fact, the Democratic Progressive Party government has worked very closely with President Trump ever since his first term in office, and has remained an international partner. The procurement of numerous key advanced arms, freedom of navigation critical for security and stability in the Taiwan Strait, and many assisted breakthroughs in international diplomacy were made possible during this time. Positioned in the first island chain and on the democratic world’s frontline countering authoritarianism, Taiwan is willing and will continue to work with the US at all levels as we pursue regional stability and prosperity, helping realize our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Although changes in policy may occur these next few years, the mutual trust and close cooperation between Taiwan and Washington will steadfastly endure. On that, our citizens can rest assured. In accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and the Six Assurances, the US announced a total of 48 military sales to Taiwan over the past eight years amounting to US$26.265 billion. During President Trump’s first term, 22 sales were announced totaling US$18.763 billion. This greatly supported Taiwan’s defensive capabilities. On the foundation of our close cooperation with the past eight years’ two US administrations, Taiwan will continue to demonstrate our determination for self-defense, accelerate the bolstering of our national defense, and keep enhancing the depth and breadth of Taiwan-US security cooperation, along with all manner of institutional cooperation. In terms of bilateral economic cooperation, Taiwan has always been one of the US’s most reliable trade partners, as well as one of the most important cooperative partners of US companies in the global semiconductor industry. In the past few years, Taiwan has greatly increased both direct and indirect investment in the US. By 2024, investment surpassed US$100 billion, creating nearly 400,000 job opportunities. In 2023 and 2024, investment in the US accounted for over 40 percent of Taiwan’s overall foreign investment, far surpassing our investment in China. In fact, in 2023 and 2024, Taiwanese investment in China fell to 11 percent and 8 percent, respectively. The US is now Taiwan’s biggest investment target. Our government is now launching relevant plans in accordance with national development needs and the need to establish secure supply systems, and the Executive Yuan is taking comprehensive inventory of opportunities for Taiwan-US economic and trade cooperation. Moving forward, close bilateral cooperation will allow us to expand US investment and procurement, facilitating balanced trade. Our government will also strengthen guidance and support for Taiwanese enterprises on increasing US investment, and promote the global expansion and growth of Taiwan’s industries. We will also boost Taiwan-US cooperation in tech development and manufacturing for AI and advanced semiconductors, and work together to maintain order in the semiconductor market, shaping a new era for our strategic economic partnership. Second, the development of our semiconductor industry. I want to emphasize that Taiwan, as one of the world’s most capable semiconductor manufacturing nations, is both willing and able to address new situations. With respect to President Trump’s concerns about our semiconductor industry, the government will act prudently, strengthen communications between Taiwan and the US, and promote greater mutual understanding. We will pay attention to the challenges arising from the situation and assist businesses in navigating them. In addition, we will introduce an initiative on semiconductor supply chain partnerships for global democracies. We are willing to collaborate with the US and our other democratic partners to develop more resilient and diversified semiconductor supply chains. Leveraging our strengths in cutting-edge semiconductors, we will form a global alliance for the AI chip industry and establish democratic supply chains for industries connected to high-end chips. Through international cooperation, we will open up an entirely new era of growth in the semiconductor industry. As we face the various new policies of the Trump administration, we will continue to uphold a spirit of mutual benefit, and we will continue to communicate and negotiate closely with the US government. This will help the new administration’s team to better understand how Taiwan is an indispensable partner in the process of rebuilding American manufacturing and consolidating its leadership in high-tech, and that Taiwan-US cooperation will benefit us both. Third, cross-strait relations. Regarding the regional and cross-strait situation, Taiwan-US relations, US-China relations, and interactions among Taiwan, the US, and China are a focus of global attention. As a member of the international democratic community and a responsible member of the region, Taiwan hopes to see Taiwan-US relations continue to strengthen and, alongside US-China relations, form a virtuous cycle rather than a zero-sum game where one side’s gain is another side’s loss. In facing China, Taiwan will always be a responsible actor. We will neither yield nor provoke. We will remain resilient and composed, maintaining our consistent position on cross-strait relations: Our determination to safeguard our national sovereignty and protect our free and democratic way of life remains unchanged. Our efforts to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, as well as our willingness to work alongside China in the pursuit of peace and mutual prosperity across the strait, remain unchanged. Our commitment to promoting healthy and orderly exchanges across the strait, choosing dialogue over confrontation, and advancing well-being for the peoples on both sides of the strait, under the principles of parity and dignity, remains unchanged. Regarding the matters I reported to the public today, I have instructed our national security and administrative teams to take swift action and deliver results, working within a stable strategic framework and according to the various policies and approaches I just outlined. I have also instructed them to keep a close watch on changes in the international situation, seize opportunities whenever they arise, and address the concerns and hope of the citizens with concrete actions. My fellow citizens, over the past several years, Taiwan has weathered a global pandemic and faced global challenges, both political and economic, arising from the US-China trade war and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Through it all, Taiwan has persevered; we have continued to develop our economy, bolster our national strength, and raise our international profile while garnering more support – all unprecedented achievements. This is all because Taiwan’s fate has never been decided by the external environment, but by the unity of the Taiwanese people and the resolve to never give up. A one-of-a-kind global situation is creating new strategic opportunities for our one-of-a-kind Taiwanese people, bringing new hope. Taiwan’s foundation is solid; its strength is great. So as long as everyone remains steadfast in their convictions, is willing to work hand in hand, stands firm amidst uncertainty, and looks for ways to win within changing circumstances, Taiwan is certain to prevail in the test of our time yet again, for I am confident that there are no difficulties that Taiwan cannot overcome. Thank you.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Human Right Committee Opens One Hundred and Forty-Third Session

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    Committee Elects New Chairperson and Bureau, Five New Members Make Solemn Declaration

    The Human Right Committee this morning opened its one hundred and forty-third session, during which it will examine the reports of Albania, Burkina Faso, Haiti, Mongolia, Montenegro and Zimbabwe on their implementation of the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  The Committee elected a new Chairperson and Bureau, and five new members made their solemn declaration. 

    In her opening remarks, Wan-Hea Lee, Chief of the Civil, Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Section, Human Rights Council and Treaty Mechanisms Division, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Representative of the Secretary-General, said despite the liquidity situation currently facing the United Nations, the first sessions of all the treaty bodies this year had or were going to take place, thereby allowing the important work undertaken by Committees, including this one, to proceed. 

    The Office of the High Commissioner and the United Nations had and would continue to do their utmost to ensure that the Committee’s work could proceed to the maximum extent possible.

    Ms. Lee said they were living in exceptional times, marked by profound global challenges that tested the resilience of the international legal order.  The international system was going through a tectonic shift, and the human rights edifice that had been built up so painstakingly over decades had never been under so much strain.  The United Nations system, including the Committee, bore a shared responsibility to safeguard and reinforce these hard-fought achievements. Now, more than ever, collective action was necessary to defend the universality of human rights, preserve the integrity of international law, and ensure that it remained a robust shield against further regression.

    In its current session, Ms. Lee said, the Human Rights Council would hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteurs on freedom of religion or belief, on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, and on the situation of human rights defenders. Last Tuesday, the Council held its biannual high-level panel discussion on the question of the death penalty, which focused on the contribution of the judiciary towards the abolition of the death penalty.  As of today, 113 countries had abolished the death penalty completely, and the global South was now leading the abolition movement. 

    Next Wednesday morning, 5 March, the Council would hold a panel discussion on early warning and genocide prevention.  The Council encouraged States to intensify conflict risk analysis to assess the risks of the perpetration of genocide and to identify situations where preventive measures might be necessary.  Ms. Lee said the work of the Committee needed to be considered a vital component of such risk assessment.

    Last year was particularly challenging, Ms. Lee stated.  In addition to chronic resource constraints, the liquidity crisis continued to hamper the planning and implementation of the Committee’s work – a point that the Chairs communicated forcefully during their meetings with Member States and other interlocutors in New York.  The Office of the High Commissioner was doing its utmost to ensure that the treaty bodies could implement their mandates, including by highlighting the direct impact that resource limitations had on human rights protection on the ground.  Nevertheless, all indications pointed to a continuation of the difficult liquidity situation for the foreseeable future.

    Ms. Lee said the treaty body strengthening process remained active.  It reached a key moment with the adoption last December of the biennial resolution on the treaty body system by the General Assembly. The resolution invited the treaty bodies and the Office of the High Commissioner to continue to work on coordination and predictability in the reporting process with the aim of achieving a regularised schedule for reporting, and to increase efforts to further use digital technologies.  However, the biennial resolution did not endorse certain detailed proposals, such as the one for an eight-year predictable schedule of reviews.

    On Human Rights Day last year, Ms. Lee said, the Geneva Human Rights Platform organised an informal meeting of the Chairs and focal points on working methods, which explored the latest developments in the treaty body system and sought to improve the harmonisation of procedures.  The Chairs and focal points also had the opportunity to interact with the Coordination Committee of Special Procedures Mandate Holders, discussing independence and actual or potential conflict of interest of experts, and an “all mechanisms” approach to the many challenges the human rights mechanisms were facing.  The High Commissioner’s Office would continue to work alongside the Chairs and all treaty body experts to strengthen the system.

    Ms. Lee said that the Committee had a busy agenda ahead of it, including six States party reviews, the consideration and adoption of eight lists of issues and lists of issues prior to reporting, as well as several individual communications under the Optional Protocol.  It would also hold briefings with various stakeholders.  She closed by wishing the Committee a successful and productive session.

    During the meeting, Changrok Soh (Republic of Korea) was elected as Chair of the Committee, and Wafaa Ashraf Moharram Bassim (Egypt), Hernán Quezada Cabrera (Chile), and Hélène Tigroudja (France) were elected as Vice-Chairs.  The election of a Committee Rapporteur was deferred.  Committee members expressed their support for the newly elected Chair and Bureau members and to the outgoing members.

    Mr. Soh expressed thanks for the Committee’s support and commended the work of former Chair Tania María Abdo Rocholl (Paraguay).  He said human rights were at the heart of his work, and he took on his duties with a strong sense of dedication.  The evolving global landscape and increasing financial pressures on the treaty body system called for increased collaboration.  The treaty bodies needed to leverage new methodologies and technologies to address their challenges.  Mr. Soh said he would do his utmost to deliver on the Committee’s mandate. Through collaboration with various stakeholders, he would work to ensure that the Committee could uphold the civil and political rights of persons worldwide.

    Ms. Abdo Rocholl took the floor to congratulate Mr. Soh and all elected bureau measures, who she expected would take the Committee far in difficult times.  During her tenure, she said, the Committee had held 41 dialogues with States parties, issued 12 lists of issues and 19 lists of issues prior to reporting, analysed five reports on implementation of concluding observations, adopted 610 decisions on individual communications, and delivered three follow-up reports on communications.  It had also implemented changes to finalise lists of issues at an earlier stage and improve the communications review procedure, time management in State party reviews, and document production.  The Committee had worked in a collaborative, harmonious environment, which allowed for the improvement of its work.  Ms. Abdo Rocholl expressed thanks to all who supported her throughout her two-year tenure as Chair.

    The Committee then adopted its agenda and programme of work for the session.

    Laurence R. Helfer, Committee Expert and Chair of the Working Group on individual communications, presented the report on the Working Group’s activities for the one hundred and forty-third session.  He said the Working Group had a very busy session and had extremely rich and interesting discussions.  The cases examined were submitted between 2016 and 2023 and covered 13 States parties from different regions, as well as different themes ranging from arbitrary deprivation of the right to life to forced pregnancy and forced maternity, non-refoulement, voting rights, forced displacement of indigenous communities, arbitrary detention, right to freedom of religion and belief, and right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.  Regarding the 20 drafts examined and 44 communications covered, the Working Group submitted to the plenary for its consideration four inadmissibility proposals, one proposal of no violation; 36 proposals of violations; and two proposals with two options.  The report was adopted.

    New members elected to the Committee made their solemn declaration.  They are Carlos Ramón Fernández Liesa (Spain), Konstantin Korkelia (Georgia), Dalia Leinarte (Lithuania), Akmal Kholmatovich Saidov (Uzbekistan), and Ivan Šimonovic (Croatia).  Ms. Abdo Rocholl, Mr. Soh and Ms. Bassim, as well as Mahjoub El Haiba (Morocco) and Imeru Tamerat Yigezu (Ethiopia), were re-elected to the Committee.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-third session is being held from 3 to 28 March 2025.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 4 March, to begin its consideration of the second periodic report of Montenegro (CCPR/C/MNE/2).

     

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CCPR25.001E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM statement to the House of Commons: 3 March 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Oral statement to Parliament

    PM statement to the House of Commons: 3 March 2025

    The Prime Minister’s statement to the House of Commons on Ukraine.

    Mr. Speaker… 

    Less than a week since I called on this House to show the courage of our predecessors…

    We see clearly before us – the test of our times.  

    A crossroads in our history.   

    So with permission I will update the House on my efforts… 

    To secure a strong, just and lasting peace… 

    Following Russia’s vile invasion of Ukraine. 

    Mr. Speaker – it begins in this House… 

    Where on Tuesday, I announced the biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War.

    A recognition of the fact that once again, we live in an era…

    Where peace in Europe depends upon strength and deterrence.

    But also – a rediscovery of the old post-war argument… 

    Long-held on these benches…  

    That economic security is national security. 

    Because Mr. Speaker, the demands we now have to make of Britain… 

    Must come alongside a new foundation of security for working people. 

    The tough choices we made last week… 

    They are not done. 

    We must use the process of getting to 3% of our national income spent on defence… 

    To fundamentally rebuild British industry. 

    Use our investment in military spending…

    To create new jobs and apprenticeships in every part of our country. 

    And that’s why, last night, I announced a deal that perfectly symbolises this new era. 

    A partnership with Ukraine… 

    That allows them to use £1.6 billion of UK Export Finance… 

    To buy 5,000 air defence missiles, manufactured in Belfast. 

    That means UK jobs… 

    UK skills… 

    UK finance…

    Pulling together for our national interest… 

    Putting Ukraine in the strongest possible position for peace… 

    And protecting innocent civilians from the terror of Russian drones. 

    Mr. Speaker, my efforts continued on Thursday… 

    When I met President Trump in the White House… 

    To strengthen our relationship with America. 

    Now, what happened in his subsequent meeting with President Zelenskyy… 

    Is something nobody in this House wants to see. 

    But I do want to be crystal clear… 

    We must strengthen our relationship with America… 

    For our security, for our technology, for our trade and investment… 

    They are and always will be – indispensable. 

    And we will never choose between either side of the Atlantic. 

    In fact, Mr. Speaker… 

    If anything, the past week has shown that that idea to be totally unserious. 

    Because while some people may enjoy the simplicity of taking a side…  

    This week has shown with total clarity… 

    That the US is vital in securing the peace we all want to see in Ukraine. 

    So I welcome the opportunity for a new economic deal with the US… 

    Confirmed by the President last week… 

    Because it is an opportunity I am determined to pursue. 

    I welcome the positive discussions we had on European security… 

    Including his clear support for Article 5 of NATO.   

    I welcome the understanding, from our dialogue…  

    That our two nations will work together on security arrangements for a lasting peace in Ukraine. 

    And I also welcome the President’s continued commitment to that peace… 

    Which nobody in this House should doubt for a second – is sincere. 

    Mr. Speaker, I now turn to events this weekend…

    And the moving scenes that greeted President Zelenskyy as he arrived in London on Saturday. 

    Mr. Speaker I saw for myself that he was taken aback when the crowd in Whitehall cheered at the top of their voices, and they were speaking for the whole of our country.

    A reminder – that this Government, this House and this nation… 

    Stand in unwavering support behind him and the people of Ukraine. 

    Mr. Speaker, we resolved together…

    To move forward the strong cause of just and lasting peace for Ukraine.  

    And then on Sunday… 

    I hosted European leaders from across our continent, equally committed to this cause…  

    Including President Macron, Prime Minister Meloni… 

    The leaders of NATO, the European Commission and Council… 

    And the Prime Minister of Canada… 

    A vital ally of this country, the Commonwealth and Ukraine… 

    Responsible for training over 40,000 Ukrainian troops.  

    I also had the privilege beforehand… 

    Of speaking online to the leaders of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia… 

    Each of whom, as close as they are to the frontline with Russia… 

    Stressed the urgency of the moment. 

    And Mr. Speaker, it was a productive summit.  

    Together, we agreed a clear strategy.  

    That the United Kingdom, France and our allies…  

    Will work closely with Ukraine on a plan to stop the fighting… 

    Which we will then discuss directly with the United States. 

    It is a plan that has four clear principles, which I will now share in full with the House. 

    First, that we must keep the military aid to Ukraine flowing…

    Keep increasing the economic pressure on Russia. 

    And to that end, alongside our partnership on air defence…

    We are doubling-down on military aid. 

    Already this year we have taken our support to record levels…

    But on Saturday we also agreed a new £2.2 billion loan for Ukraine… 

    Backed, not by the British taxpayer…

    But by the profits from frozen Russian assets.

    Second, we agreed that any lasting peace must guarantee the sovereignty and security of Ukraine. 

    And that Ukraine must be at the table when negotiating their future… 

    That is absolutely vital. 

    Third, we agreed that in the event of a peace deal…

    We will continue to boost Ukraine’s defences and Ukraine’s deterrence. 

    And finally, fourth…

    We agreed to develop a “coalition of the willing” ready to defend a deal in Ukraine… 

    And guarantee the peace. 

    After all, the Ukrainian position is completely understandable. 

    For them – the war did not begin three years ago…

    That was merely the latest and most brutal escalation.  

    They have signed agreements with Putin, before. 

    They have experienced the nature of his diplomacy…

    And the calibre of his word.  

    We can’t accept a weak deal like Minsk again… 

    No, we must proceed with strength… 

    And that does now require – urgently… 

    A coalition of the willing. 

    Mr. Speaker – we agreed on Sunday that those willing to play a role in this… 

    Will intensify planning now.  

    And as this House would expect… 

    Britain will play a leading role. 

    With, if necessary and together with others… 

    Boots on the ground and planes in the air. 

    Mr. Speaker, it is right that Europe do the heavy lifting… 

    To support peace on our continent. 

    But to succeed, this effort must also have strong US backing. 

    I want to assure the House… 

    I take none of this lightly. 

    I visited British troops in Estonia.

    And no aspect of my role weighs more heavily… 

    Than the deployment of British troops in the service of the defence and security in Europe.

    And yet I do feel very strongly…  

    That the future of Ukraine is vital for our national security. 

    Russia is a menace in our waters and skies… 

    They have launched cyber-attacks on our NHS… 

    Assassination attempts in our streets.  

    In this House, we stand by Ukraine because it is the right thing to do… 

    But we also stand by them because it is in our interest to do so. 

    Because if we do not achieve a lasting peace…

    Then the instability and insecurity that has hit the living standards of working people in Britain…

    That will only get worse. 

    And Putin’s appetite for conflict and chaos…

    That will only grow. 

    So a strong peace…

    A just peace… 

    A lasting peace… 

    That has now to be our goal.  

    It is vital… 

    It is in our interest… 

    And its pursuit – Britain will lead from the front. 

    For the security of our continent…

    The security of our country…

    And the security of the British people… 

    We must now win the peace. 

    And I commend this statement to the House.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: Extension of the term of office of a Member of the Management Board of Bigbank AS 

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    The supervisory board of Bigbank AS has decided on 28 February 2025 to extend the term of office of Martin Länts, Ken Kanarik and Ingo Põder as the members of the management board of Bigbank AS for another 3 years, beginning from the end of the previous term until 15 March 2028.

    The management board of Bigbank AS will continue with five members: Martin Länts (Chairman of the management board), Ken Kanarik, Argo Kiltsmann Ingo Põder and Mart Veskimägi.

    Bigbank AS (www.bigbank.eu), with over 30 years of operating history, is a commercial bank owned by Estonian capital. As of 31 January 2025, the bank’s total assets amounted to 2.9 billion euros, with equity of 273 million euros. Operating in nine countries, the bank serves more than 168,000 active customers and employs over 500 people. The credit rating agency Moody’s has assigned Bigbank a long-term bank deposit rating of Ba1, along with a baseline credit assessment (BCA) and an adjusted BCA of Ba2.

    Argo Kiltsmann
    Member of the Management Board
    Telephone: +372 5393 0833
    E-mail: argo.kiltsmann@bigbank.ee
    www.bigbank.ee 

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: From the fashion to the speeches to the music, this was an Oscars of few surprises. 5 experts break it down

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Harriette Richards, Senior Lecturer, School of Fashion and Textiles, RMIT University

    In a year with few surprises in the awards categories, there was also a dearth of surprises on the red carpet. The sartorial themes included sparkling metallics, coloured menswear and bows, bows and more bows.

    Metallic gowns that resemble the Oscar statue are a familiar sight at the Academy Awards and this year was no different. Some of the standouts included best actress nominee Demi Moore in a magnificently glittering silver Armani Privé gown, Selena Gomez in custom Ralph Lauren encrusted with 16,000 individual blush-toned jewel teardrops, and Emma Stone in a minimalist Louis Vuitton sheath covered in iridescent fish scales.

    In the menswear category, tuxedos reign supreme. This year was notable only for the diversity of colours in which these suits came.

    Best actor nominee Timothée Chalamet lived up to his reputation for monochrome, richly hued ensembles in a custom butter yellow leather suit by Givenchy, paired with a matching silk shirt and delicate neck brooch in place of a tie. His best actor nominated compatriot, Colman Domingo (one of the best dressed men in Hollywood) was pristine in a double-breasted red silk jacket with black lapels, black trousers and matching red shirt by Valentino, similarly eschewing a tie in favour of a fine gold brooch. Andrew Garfield wore louche chocolate brown Gucci and Jeremy Strong wore a suit by Loro Piana in an unusual tone of olive green.

    Bows of varying size and stature were perhaps the strongest theme of the night.

    Best actress winner Mikey Madison in black and pink Dior, best supporting actress nominee Felicity Jones in shimmering liquid silver Armani, Elle Fanning in white and black Givenchy and Lupita Nyong’o in white Chanel were all adorned with bows at their waists.

    The most remarkable bow of the night though was best actress nominee Cynthia Erivo in a structured deep emerald-green velvet Louis Vuitton gown, the broad, wing-like sleeves of which were crafted as a bow.

    Notable mentions must also go to those attendees who do not fit neatly into any thematic category. Best supporting actress nominee Ariana Grande wore a meticulously crafted pale pink Schiaparelli confection and Lisa (of Blackpink and now White Lotus fame) perfected a feminine take on masculine suiting in a tuxedo dress by Markgong.

    The only real surprise was the lack of political statements on display. Unlike recent years, when pins and ribbons in support of Ukraine and Palestine were widely worn, this year only Guy Pearce was spotted wearing a Free Palestine pin, Conclave writer Peter Straughan wore a Ukrainian flag pin and Kayo Shekoni had “free Congo” emblazoned on the sole of her high heels.

    Harriette Richards

    The best picture: Anora

    And the best picture Oscar goes to … Anora – the film that was favoured to win, so no surprises here.

    Though he had been working for more than a decade at the time, writer-director-editor Sean Baker came onto the independent movie scene with a bang with 2015’s Tangerine, a gimmicky film that was mainly celebrated for being shot on an iPhone. Why this would be celebrated is anyone’s guess. I suspect it’s because of the “I could do it too” factor – something the average person certainly couldn’t say if we’re talking 35mm celluloid.

    Since then, Baker’s films have relished in embracing the digital, neon world, but always in a kind of sentimental and shallow, rather than critical, register. None of his films are awful – and maybe that’s saying something in this day and age. Anora also is not awful, but it’s not particularly memorable either.

    Anora follows a run of the mill American dream-type story about a hard-working stripper who seems to strike fairytale gold when a young, fun Russian oligarch falls in love with her. Only the dream turns out to be more of a nightmare (kind of) when things don’t quite work out and the film ends with the titular character once again independent and free.

    The idea of undercutting the fairytale setup of the typical rom-com is not at all original, and the film strikes me as even more schmaltzy in its rejection of the fairytale dream than if it had embraced it and played like a tween-focused Nickelodeon film (it’s about as poignant as this).

    The film’s cardinal sin, however – and it’s certainly not alone in this – is its critical overlength. Each of the film’s sections could have had some 20 minutes cut and we would have had an enjoyably tight romp at 80 minutes. Instead, Anora drags on, swept up in its imagining of its own profundity – at times pretentious, but mainly tedious.

    Ari Mattes

    Not the year to stick a neck out

    The speeches this year were conspicuously meek. No announcer majorly insulted anyone else. No winner assaulted anyone else. Even the James Bond retrospective lacked energy. What’s going on in Hollywood?

    There are clues that help explain this curious flatness. Host Conan O’Brien mentioned the pressure of “divisive politics” while reflecting on California’s wildfires. Several winners spoke about the importance of shared experience, of what unites us, of film as a medium that brings people together, a force for “good and progress in the world” and “a reminder not to let hate go unchecked”.

    The directors of No Other Land, receiving their Oscar for best documentary, shared the one clear critical voice. Palestinian Basel Adra wished his newborn daughter a life without the fear that governs daily life in his homeland. Israeli co-director Yuval Abraham agreed: “There is another way. It’s not too late for life and for the living. There is no other way.”

    However, that was the only moment people at the Oscars seemed willing to confront the political elephant in the room.

    Anora director Sean Baker used his last (of four!) acceptance speeches to compel more people to help keep cinema doors open. He made his point passionately: this was the best way to sustain an industry that could continue to make brilliant movies. That said, the most emotive speeches of past Oscars events went much further than just commenting on the bread and butter concerns of the film industry.

    This year, there were more clues in what people did not say. There were feints at Russian dictators – but nobody mentioned the war in Ukraine. There was no discussion of a certain election result, nor of filmmakers’ fears that Washington is now in the control of a governing faction that loathes them. Most revealing of all: nobody raised a peep about the President or his friends.

    Hollywood’s collective discipline was on show tonight – and 2025 is not the year to stick a neck out.

    Tom Clark

    A banner year for independent film

    Independent films were the big winners for this year’s Oscars. While many of the technical awards went to the big budget films, such as Wicked (the US$145 million film won costume design and production design) and Dune: Part 2 (made at a budget of US$190 million, and winning sound and visual effects), the night’s major awards went to small productions.

    While the definitions of “independence” and “studio” films don’t exist in a neat binary when it comes to production and global distribution, we can distinguish between film juggernauts and smaller films.

    Three independent films won significant awards that are of note. Latvian film Flow was the first independent film to win best animated feature, up against major films Inside Out 2 (Pixar Films) and The Wild Robot (DreamWorks).

    The film follows a cat, a dog, a capybara, a secretary bird and a ring-tailed lemur navigating a post-apocalyptic world with rising sea levels. The film also only used free and open-source software Blender and mostly used sounds from real world counterparts of the various characters. It was made for a budget of just €3.5 million (A$5.9 million).

    The best documentary film nominees were dominated by independent films. Notably, the winner No Other Land has sadly been unable to find a distributor to release the film in the United States. (It is available for streaming in Australia on DocPlay, and in select cinemas.) The film was only eligible because the Film Lincoln Centre in New York facilitated a one-week, qualifying theatrical run.

    The night’s top glories went to Anora, made on a budget of just US$6 million (A$9.7 million) and taking home the awards for best film, director, actress, screenplay and editing.

    In his acceptance speech for best director, Sean Baker spoke of the importance of films getting a theatrical release. Films, he said, are about humanity – and that is best experienced in watching a film with other people.

    During awards season, Baker has often spoken about the importance of small budget films in the expression of core human experiences.

    The final message of the night went to Baker when he thanked the Academy for recognising a truly independent film: “Long live independent film!”

    Indeed, independent films ruled this year’s Oscars.

    Stuart Richards

    Best actor and actress

    Mikey Madison, who won the best actress award for Anora, is quite good in the role. That said, it’s difficult to evaluate her performance in such a meandering film.

    She tries hard playing a stripper who falls for Prince Charming – a Russian oligarch (Hollywood’s anti-Russian sentiment has certainly grown in recent years) who turns out to be a bit of a weakling with meanie parents. But Madison never really convincingly embodies the character, and we’re ever aware as we watch the film that she’s an actress working her way through relevant emotions and intensities.

    That said, Madison is good at yelling and stripping, and this is the main way she shows her chops here. She screamed well in Once Upon a Time… in Hollywood (2019), too. The bar this year was admittedly pretty low, and truth be told Madison’s performance in Anora (aside from Fernanda Torres for I’m Still Here) is probably the best out of the nominees.

    In contrast, Adrien Brody, who won the best actor award, is absolutely unforgettable in the flawed but magnificent The Brutalist – the best he’s been since The Pianist, and the deserved winner by a mile out of a similarly mediocre field. Brody is simply a pleasure to watch, and drives, in a wholly embodied way, this grandiose and exceedingly long film (the fact it doesn’t feel long is largely due to his magnetism).

    The screenplay, in which the character comes across as a combination of arrogant, sweet and at times comedic, allows Brody to display the full range of his talent, and he plays the whole thing with an endearing vulnerability. But, again, it’s unfair to compare Brody and Madison – The Brutalist is a spectacularly accomplished cinematic epic, while Anora feels as stylish and profound as a social media video (I know that’s the point, but that doesn’t make it any more compelling).

    Ari Mattes

    A lacklustre year for music

    This was a strong year for music-based films, with three of the most nominated ones being musicals of various types: the big-budget Broadway adaptation Wicked, the original film musical Emilia Pérez, and the musician biopic A Complete Unknown.

    The music of the ceremony itself was nicely assembled, with a live orchestra (conducted by Michael Bearden) accompanying proceedings from above the stage.

    But the show was marred by an absence: the best song nominations were not performed live. The new songs this year were so bland, however – especially when compared to the Wicked score and Bob Dylan – that I can hardly blame the producers. The nominations included a dull Elton John song, some soft guitar rock from Sing Sing, Diane Warren’s 16th (!) nominated song (more soft rock), and two forgettable songs from Emilia Pérez (one of which, El Mal, was the winner).

    So little faith did the Academy have in the songs that only a few seconds were played from each, mostly covered by a montage of interviews with the songwriters.

    This year’s nominated best scores were not much more memorable, but Daniel Blumberg deserved his win for The Brutalist. It demonstrates a high level of composition and orchestration craft. It uses edgy instrumental textures to increase the feelings of uncertainty and imbalance that the film imparts.

    The show included a lot of Wizard of Oz. Ariana Grande sang Over the Rainbow from the 1939 film and Cynthia Erivo sang Home from The Wiz, the 1974 soul musical based on the book. Then they performed Defying Gravity from Wicked together.

    Another subtle Wizard of Oz nod was the music played during the commercial breaks: a loop based on Brand New Day from The Wiz, whose 1979 film version had its music produced by the late Quincy Jones. Queen Latifah and backup dancers brought some much needed energy to the last hour of the ceremony with Ease on Down the Road, also from The Wiz, as part of a Jones tribute.

    One surprise was an unnecessary but enjoyable James Bond sequence featuring Margaret Qualley dancing to John Barry’s famous theme, a performance of Live and Let Die by K-pop star Lisa, Doja Cat singing Diamonds Are Forever, and Raye’s rendition of Skyfall.

    This plus the various numbers from the Oz Musical Universe only highlighted how lacklustre this year’s nominated music was.

    Gregory Camp

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. From the fashion to the speeches to the music, this was an Oscars of few surprises. 5 experts break it down – https://theconversation.com/from-the-fashion-to-the-speeches-to-the-music-this-was-an-oscars-of-few-surprises-5-experts-break-it-down-251264

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: From the fashion to the speeches to the music, this was an Oscars of few surprises. 5 experts break it down

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Harriette Richards, Senior Lecturer, School of Fashion and Textiles, RMIT University

    In a year with few surprises in the awards categories, there was also a dearth of surprises on the red carpet. The sartorial themes included sparkling metallics, coloured menswear and bows, bows and more bows.

    Metallic gowns that resemble the Oscar statue are a familiar sight at the Academy Awards and this year was no different. Some of the standouts included best actress nominee Demi Moore in a magnificently glittering silver Armani Privé gown, Selena Gomez in custom Ralph Lauren encrusted with 16,000 individual blush-toned jewel teardrops, and Emma Stone in a minimalist Louis Vuitton sheath covered in iridescent fish scales.

    In the menswear category, tuxedos reign supreme. This year was notable only for the diversity of colours in which these suits came.

    Best actor nominee Timothée Chalamet lived up to his reputation for monochrome, richly hued ensembles in a custom butter yellow leather suit by Givenchy, paired with a matching silk shirt and delicate neck brooch in place of a tie. His best actor nominated compatriot, Colman Domingo (one of the best dressed men in Hollywood) was pristine in a double-breasted red silk jacket with black lapels, black trousers and matching red shirt by Valentino, similarly eschewing a tie in favour of a fine gold brooch. Andrew Garfield wore louche chocolate brown Gucci and Jeremy Strong wore a suit by Loro Piana in an unusual tone of olive green.

    Bows of varying size and stature were perhaps the strongest theme of the night.

    Best actress winner Mikey Madison in black and pink Dior, best supporting actress nominee Felicity Jones in shimmering liquid silver Armani, Elle Fanning in white and black Givenchy and Lupita Nyong’o in white Chanel were all adorned with bows at their waists.

    The most remarkable bow of the night though was best actress nominee Cynthia Erivo in a structured deep emerald-green velvet Louis Vuitton gown, the broad, wing-like sleeves of which were crafted as a bow.

    Notable mentions must also go to those attendees who do not fit neatly into any thematic category. Best supporting actress nominee Ariana Grande wore a meticulously crafted pale pink Schiaparelli confection and Lisa (of Blackpink and now White Lotus fame) perfected a feminine take on masculine suiting in a tuxedo dress by Markgong.

    The only real surprise was the lack of political statements on display. Unlike recent years, when pins and ribbons in support of Ukraine and Palestine were widely worn, this year only Guy Pearce was spotted wearing a Free Palestine pin, Conclave writer Peter Straughan wore a Ukrainian flag pin and Kayo Shekoni had “free Congo” emblazoned on the sole of her high heels.

    Harriette Richards

    The best picture: Anora

    And the best picture Oscar goes to … Anora – the film that was favoured to win, so no surprises here.

    Though he had been working for more than a decade at the time, writer-director-editor Sean Baker came onto the independent movie scene with a bang with 2015’s Tangerine, a gimmicky film that was mainly celebrated for being shot on an iPhone. Why this would be celebrated is anyone’s guess. I suspect it’s because of the “I could do it too” factor – something the average person certainly couldn’t say if we’re talking 35mm celluloid.

    Since then, Baker’s films have relished in embracing the digital, neon world, but always in a kind of sentimental and shallow, rather than critical, register. None of his films are awful – and maybe that’s saying something in this day and age. Anora also is not awful, but it’s not particularly memorable either.

    Anora follows a run of the mill American dream-type story about a hard-working stripper who seems to strike fairytale gold when a young, fun Russian oligarch falls in love with her. Only the dream turns out to be more of a nightmare (kind of) when things don’t quite work out and the film ends with the titular character once again independent and free.

    The idea of undercutting the fairytale setup of the typical rom-com is not at all original, and the film strikes me as even more schmaltzy in its rejection of the fairytale dream than if it had embraced it and played like a tween-focused Nickelodeon film (it’s about as poignant as this).

    The film’s cardinal sin, however – and it’s certainly not alone in this – is its critical overlength. Each of the film’s sections could have had some 20 minutes cut and we would have had an enjoyably tight romp at 80 minutes. Instead, Anora drags on, swept up in its imagining of its own profundity – at times pretentious, but mainly tedious.

    Ari Mattes

    Not the year to stick a neck out

    The speeches this year were conspicuously meek. No announcer majorly insulted anyone else. No winner assaulted anyone else. Even the James Bond retrospective lacked energy. What’s going on in Hollywood?

    There are clues that help explain this curious flatness. Host Conan O’Brien mentioned the pressure of “divisive politics” while reflecting on California’s wildfires. Several winners spoke about the importance of shared experience, of what unites us, of film as a medium that brings people together, a force for “good and progress in the world” and “a reminder not to let hate go unchecked”.

    The directors of No Other Land, receiving their Oscar for best documentary, shared the one clear critical voice. Palestinian Basel Adra wished his newborn daughter a life without the fear that governs daily life in his homeland. Israeli co-director Yuval Abraham agreed: “There is another way. It’s not too late for life and for the living. There is no other way.”

    However, that was the only moment people at the Oscars seemed willing to confront the political elephant in the room.

    Anora director Sean Baker used his last (of four!) acceptance speeches to compel more people to help keep cinema doors open. He made his point passionately: this was the best way to sustain an industry that could continue to make brilliant movies. That said, the most emotive speeches of past Oscars events went much further than just commenting on the bread and butter concerns of the film industry.

    This year, there were more clues in what people did not say. There were feints at Russian dictators – but nobody mentioned the war in Ukraine. There was no discussion of a certain election result, nor of filmmakers’ fears that Washington is now in the control of a governing faction that loathes them. Most revealing of all: nobody raised a peep about the President or his friends.

    Hollywood’s collective discipline was on show tonight – and 2025 is not the year to stick a neck out.

    Tom Clark

    A banner year for independent film

    Independent films were the big winners for this year’s Oscars. While many of the technical awards went to the big budget films, such as Wicked (the US$145 million film won costume design and production design) and Dune: Part 2 (made at a budget of US$190 million, and winning sound and visual effects), the night’s major awards went to small productions.

    While the definitions of “independence” and “studio” films don’t exist in a neat binary when it comes to production and global distribution, we can distinguish between film juggernauts and smaller films.

    Three independent films won significant awards that are of note. Latvian film Flow was the first independent film to win best animated feature, up against major films Inside Out 2 (Pixar Films) and The Wild Robot (DreamWorks).

    The film follows a cat, a dog, a capybara, a secretary bird and a ring-tailed lemur navigating a post-apocalyptic world with rising sea levels. The film also only used free and open-source software Blender and mostly used sounds from real world counterparts of the various characters. It was made for a budget of just €3.5 million (A$5.9 million).

    The best documentary film nominees were dominated by independent films. Notably, the winner No Other Land has sadly been unable to find a distributor to release the film in the United States. (It is available for streaming in Australia on DocPlay, and in select cinemas.) The film was only eligible because the Film Lincoln Centre in New York facilitated a one-week, qualifying theatrical run.

    The night’s top glories went to Anora, made on a budget of just US$6 million (A$9.7 million), and taking home the awards for best film, director, actress, screenplay and editing.

    In his acceptance speech for best director, Sean Baker spoke of the importance of films getting a theatrical release. Films, he said, are about humanity – and that is best experienced in watching a film with other people.

    During awards season, Baker has often spoken about the importance of small budget films in the expression of core human experiences.

    The final message of the night went to Baker when he thanked the Academy for recognising a truly independent film: “Long live independent film!”

    Indeed, independent films ruled this year’s Oscars.

    Stuart Richards

    Best actor and actress

    Mikey Madison, who won the best actress award for Anora, is quite good in the role. That said, it’s difficult to evaluate her performance in such a meandering film.

    She tries hard playing a stripper who falls for Prince Charming – a Russian oligarch (Hollywood’s anti-Russian sentiment has certainly grown in recent years) who turns out to be a bit of a weakling with meanie parents. But Madison never really convincingly embodies the character, and we’re ever aware as we watch the film that she’s an actress working her way through relevant emotions and intensities.

    That said, Madison is good at yelling and stripping, and this is the main way she shows her chops here. She screamed well in Once Upon a Time… in Hollywood (2019), too. The bar this year was admittedly pretty low, and truth be told Madison’s performance in Anora (aside from Fernanda Torres for I’m Still Here) is probably the best out of the nominees.

    In contrast, Adrien Brody, who won the best actor award, is absolutely unforgettable in the flawed but magnificent The Brutalist – the best he’s been since The Pianist, and the deserved winner by a mile out of a similarly mediocre field. Brody is simply a pleasure to watch, and drives, in a wholly embodied way, this grandiose and exceedingly long film (the fact it doesn’t feel long is largely due to his magnetism).

    The screenplay, in which the character comes across as a combination of arrogant, sweet and at times comedic, allows Brody to display the full range of his talent, and he plays the whole thing with an endearing vulnerability. But, again, it’s unfair to compare Brody and Madison – The Brutalist is a spectacularly accomplished cinematic epic, while Anora feels as stylish and profound as a social media video (I know that’s the point, but that doesn’t make it any more compelling).

    Ari Mattes

    A lacklustre year for music

    This was a strong year for music-based films, with three of the most nominated ones being musicals of various types: the big-budget Broadway adaptation Wicked, the original film musical Emilia Pérez, and the musician biopic A Complete Unknown.

    The music of the ceremony itself was nicely assembled, with a live orchestra (conducted by Michael Bearden) accompanying proceedings from above the stage.

    But the show was marred by an absence: the best song nominations were not performed live. The new songs this year were so bland, however – especially when compared to the Wicked score and Bob Dylan – that I can hardly blame the producers. The nominations included a dull Elton John song, some soft guitar rock from Sing Sing, Diane Warren’s 16th (!) nominated song (more soft rock), and two forgettable songs from Emilia Pérez (one of which, El Mal, was the winner).

    So little faith did the Academy have in the songs that only a few seconds were played from each, mostly covered by a montage of interviews with the songwriters.

    This year’s nominated best scores were not much more memorable, but Daniel Blumberg deserved his win for The Brutalist. It demonstrates a high level of composition and orchestration craft. It uses edgy instrumental textures to increase the feelings of uncertainty and imbalance that the film imparts.

    The show included a lot of Wizard of Oz. Ariana Grande sang Over the Rainbow from the 1939 film and Cynthia Erivo sang Home from The Wiz, the 1974 soul musical based on the book. Then they performed Defying Gravity from Wicked together.

    Another subtle Wizard of Oz nod was the music played during the commercial breaks: a loop based on Brand New Day from The Wiz, whose 1979 film version had its music produced by the late Quincy Jones. Queen Latifah and backup dancers brought some much needed energy to the last hour of the ceremony with Ease on Down the Road, also from The Wiz, as part of a Jones tribute.

    One surprise was an unnecessary but enjoyable James Bond sequence featuring Margaret Qualley dancing to John Barry’s famous theme, a performance of Live and Let Die by K-pop star Lisa, Doja Cat singing Diamonds Are Forever, and Raye’s rendition of Skyfall.

    This plus the various numbers from the Oz Musical Universe only highlighted how lacklustre this year’s nominated music was.

    Gregory Camp

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. From the fashion to the speeches to the music, this was an Oscars of few surprises. 5 experts break it down – https://theconversation.com/from-the-fashion-to-the-speeches-to-the-music-this-was-an-oscars-of-few-surprises-5-experts-break-it-down-251264

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM call with leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania: 2 March 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    PM call with leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania: 2 March 2025

    The Prime Minister spoke to President Alar Karis of Estonia, Prime Minister Evika Siliņa of Latvia and President Gitanas Nausėda of Lithuania this morning.

    The Prime Minister spoke to President Alar Karis of Estonia, Prime Minister Evika Siliņa of Latvia and President Gitanas Nausėda of Lithuania this morning.

    The Prime Minister reiterated that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are key partners of the UK, including through the Joint Expeditionary Force, and welcomed their leading contributions in support of Ukraine since Russia’s illegal invasion began. 

    The Prime Minister updated them on his discussions with the leaders of Ukraine, France and the United States in recent days – and underlined his focus on securing a lasting peace in Ukraine that ensures their future sovereignty, backed up by strong security guarantees. 

    They all agreed that Europe must unite and drive forward urgent action that will secure the best outcome, which will be vital for Europe’s future security. 

    The Prime Minister updated on his plans to convene leaders in London later today for further discussions and they agreed to stay in close contact in the coming weeks.

    Updates to this page

    Published 2 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: Tesonet Foundation Launch: Not Just Charity—Strategy

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    VILNIUS, Lithuania, February 28, 2025 – After years of managing various donation strategies across Tesonet-founded companies, we’re taking things forward to make an even more significant impact by establishing the Tesonet Foundation. This initiative blends philanthropy with tech-driven solutions to create real, meaningful, and scalable results.

    Tesonet Foundation will be a charitable and support foundation funded and managed by Tesonet and dedicated to creating long-term change for our community and future generations. Committed to advancing education and innovation, we strive to accelerate progress in every way we can.

    The fund launches with €1 million initial funds

    “We don’t wait around for things to change. We build, we push, we make things happen. That’s what Tesonet was built on and exactly what the Tesonet Foundation is here to do. We’ve scaled companies, built products, and pushed limits — now we also want to focus on giving back with lasting impact. Not just charity — strategy,” says Tomas Okmanas, co-founder of Tesonet.

    “We plan to launch Tesonet Foundation with €1 million in initial funds and will add more every year, marking the beginning of a long-term commitment to funding various societal needs like access to education and supporting communities. However, this initiative isn’t just a charity — it’s a deliberate strategy designed to shift the way we approach solving modern problems, all while creating lasting value for the future,” says Eimantas Sabaliauskas, co-founder of Tesonet.

    Seeking an experienced fund manager to lead the way

    The new director of the foundation, alongside the team, will develop a bold strategy to maximize impact — enabling us to manage donations, requests, and initiatives more effectively. With in-house resources and a strong focus on innovation, we aim to drive sustainable progress and create lasting change.

    If you’ve got the drive, the vision, and the guts to help lead this charge — this is your shot to join us for a mission of delivering support where it matters most.

    Build it. Scale it. Apply now.

    About Tesonet

    Founded in 2008 as a startup by two tech enthusiasts, Tomas Okmanas and Eimantas Sabaliauskas, Tesonet has rapidly grown into one of the largest business accelerators and investors in the Baltic States. It houses globally recognized companies such as joint cybersecurity powerhouse Nord Security and Surfshark, a market-leading web intelligence collection platform Oxylabs, the fastest-growing brand among hosting providers Hostinger, nexos.ai – an AI orchestration platform, and others.

    With over 3,300 in-house talents and a fully developed infrastructure, Tesonet supports, funds, and scales businesses globally, sharing the goal of bringing meaningful tech for industry disruption. Since 2018, Tesonet has extended its reach by investing in successful ventures like CAST AI, Eneba, BC Žalgiris, BC London Lions, Šiaulių bankas, Turing College, Zapp, PartiQlar, and others.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Security: Defense News: NSW Conducts Training with Lithuanian and German special operations forces

    Source: United States Navy

    Strengthening NATO alliances, U.S. East Coast-based Naval Special Warfare Operators (SEALs) and U.S. Special Warfare Combat Crewmen (SWCC) recently conducted a two-week training exercise with Lithuanian and German Special Operations Forces.

    The exercise, which took place in the Baltic region, aimed to increase warfighting readiness and allied lethality through a series of challenging maritime operations, small boat tactics, and low-light weapons live-fire drills. The training event was designed to foster greater cooperation and interoperability between the participating nations, maintaining a strategic advantage in the region.

    “Exercises like this are crucial to ensuring we can operate seamlessly together to fight and win wars,” said CAPT V. Scott King, Commodore of Naval Special Warfare Group TWO. “By training alongside our Lithuanian and German counterparts, we’re not only enhancing our own warfighting readiness but also strengthening the bonds of friendship and cooperation that underpin our alliance.”

    Allied training exercises like this are vital to bolstering the collective defense capabilities of NATO nations and builds a stronger, more lethal alliance to address threats in the area.

    Throughout the exercise, the units focused on developing and enhancing their skills in maritime special operations, as well as advanced marksmanship and close quarters combat techniques. The special operations forces refined their ability to launch, operate and recover small raiding crafts from the well decks of the Combatant Craft Medium, one of Naval Special Warfare’s most versatile boats. The event culminated with a full-mission profile, bringing together all aspects of the training into a real-world scenario that showcased the special operations forces’ readiness in the maritime domain.

    “The training we conducted was both realistic and challenging,” said the senior Naval Special Warfare Operator on site. “We were able to learn from each other and share best practices. This type of cooperation is essential to achieving shared goals and maintaining elite levels of lethality.”

    Naval Special Warfare Group TWO produces, supports, and deploys the world’s premier maritime special operations forces to conduct full-spectrum operations and integrated deterrence in support of U.S. national objectives. For more information, visit https://www.nsw.navy.mil/

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI: AB Amber Grid Operating Results for the year 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    AB Amber Grid
    Legal entity code: 303090867
    Address: Laisvės pr. 10, LT-04215 Vilnius, Lithuania

    AB Amber Grid Operating Results for the year 2024
     
    28 February 2024
     
    AB Amber Grid delivers unaudited results for the year 2024 prepared in accordance with International Financial Reporting Standards:
    • Revenue for the year 2024 EUR 74.6 million (the year 2023 EUR 81.3 million);
    • Net profit for the year 2024 EUR 8.3 million (the year 2023 EUR 13.4 million);
    • EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortisation) for the year 2024 EUR 26.5 million (the year 2023 EUR 25.7 million);
    • Return on equity (ROE) for the year 2024 4.6% (the year 2023 7.2%).

     Adjusted financial indicators for the years 2024:
    • Adjusted net profit for the year 2024 EUR 10.1 million (the year 2023 EUR 9.2 million);
    • Adjusted EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization) for the year 2024 EUR 27.4 million (the year 2023 EUR 24.7 million);
    • Average return on equity (ROE) for the year 2024 5.5% (the year 2023 5.0%).

    The adjustment of regulated income, costs and profitability indicators is carried out due to temporary regulatory difference from the regulated profitability approved by National Energy Regulatory Council (NERC). When calculating adjusted indicators, the correction of income is assessed due to previous periods, which is already approved by the decision of NERC in determining the regulated prices of transmission services for the reporting period. Also, the indicators are adjusted by the deviation of the NERC approved (regulated) and actual profitability of the reporting period, which NERC will evaluate when determining the transmission service prices for the coming period. Non-recurring (one-off) transactions are also eliminated.

     
     

    Attached:
    1. AB Amber Grid condensed interim financial statements as of 31 December 2024.
    2. Press release.

    More information:
    Laura Šebekienė, Head of Communications of Amber Grid,
    Ph. +370 699 61 246, e-mail: l.sebekiene@ambergrid.lt

    Attachments

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: BTCC Exchange Unveils $1 Million “Trade to Win” Campaign Featuring Tesla Cybertruck for TOKEN2049 Dubai

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    VILNIUS, Lithuania, Feb. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — BTCC, a global leader in crypto trading, is proud to announce its participation as a gold sponsor at TOKEN2049 Dubai, the premier crypto industry event from April 30 to May 1, 2025. To celebrate, BTCC is launching a Trade to Win campaign with a $1 million prize pool, including the flagship prize of a Tesla Cybertruck. Users are invited to participate for exciting rewards and a chance to meet the team at the TOKEN2049 venue.

    TOKEN2049 is set to attract over 15,000 attendees from 4,000 companies worldwide in 2025. This two-day event at Madinat Jumeirah will feature insightful conferences led by industry leaders and influential voices, while also offering a unique experience with activities such as massages, shisha lounges, and live music.

    Participants can visit BTCC at booth no. P51, where its team and influencers will engage with attendees, share insights, and showcase their latest product offerings. Attendees will also have the opportunity to meet their official mascot, Nakamon, inspired by the legendary Satoshi Nakamoto, presented in a vibrant Arabian theme.

    BTCC will host two exclusive events for crypto influencers. The Dubai Safari Day Tour on April 29 will feature dune bashing, sandboarding, and camel rides. Following that, the KOL Yacht Party on May 2 will offer live DJ music and gourmet Japanese cuisine by chef Nishimura Yukou aboard a luxurious yacht with stunning views of the Dubai skyline.

    Regular users are encouraged to participate in the Trade to Win campaign, where they can trade over 300 future pairs to win incredible prizes from the $1 million prize pool, including a Tesla Cybertruck, a Ducati motorcycle, and a luxurious seven-star hotel stay in Dubai. Top performers will also have the opportunity to attend TOKEN2049 and meet the BTCC team in person.

    BTCC has actively participated in global events, including Paris Blockchain Week in 2024, to strengthen connections within the crypto community. “TOKEN2049 is more than just an event; it’s a platform for meaningful dialogue and collaboration,” said Aaryn Ling, Head of Branding at BTCC. “Our goal is to engage with the community and KOLs, fostering insightful discussions that drive our exchange forward,” Aaryn added.

    For more information about the Trade to Win campaign, please visit BTCC’s website.

    About BTCC Exchange

    BTCC is a leading cryptocurrency exchange offering a secure and user-friendly platform for traders globally. Since its launch in 2011, the exchange has maintained a flawless security record with zero incidents. A standout feature of the platform is copy trading which enables users to easily follow the strategies of top traders and replicate their success.

    Official website: https://www.btcc.com/en-US

    X: https://x.com/BTCCexchange

    Contact: press@btcc.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/567092fe-dbec-4e7c-8da5-f6d045e6becb

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: DIGITALIST GROUP’S FINANCIAL STATEMENT RELEASE, 1 JANUARY–31 DECEMBER 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    DIGITALIST GROUP’S FINANCIAL STATEMENT RELEASE, 1 JANUARY–31 DECEMBER 2024 
    (Not audited)

    DIGITALIST 2024 

    SUMMARY

    October–December 2024 (comparable figures for 2023 in parentheses):

    • Turnover: EUR 4.7 million (EUR 4.2 million), change 12.9%. 
    • EBITDA: EUR -0.2 million (EUR -0.4 million*), -4.3% of turnover (-9.1%).
    • EBIT: EUR -0.3 million (EUR -0.6 million*), -7.1% of turnover (-14.4%). 
    • Net income: EUR -1.0 million (EUR -1.6 million*), -21.3% of turnover (-38.9%).
    • Earnings per share EUR -0.00 (EUR -0.00).

    January–December 2024 (comparable figures for 2023 in parentheses): 

    • Turnover: EUR 16.2 million (EUR 16.7 million), change -3.1%. 
    • EBITDA: EUR -1.5 million (EUR -0.9 million**), -9.4% of turnover (-5.2%). 
    • EBIT: EUR -2.0 million (EUR -1.7 million**), -12.3% of turnover (-10.2%). 
    • Net income: EUR -5.0 million (EUR -4.1 million**), -31.0% of turnover (-24.5%). 
    • Earnings per share: EUR -0.01 (EUR -0.01). 
    • Earnings per share (diluted): EUR -0.01 (EUR -0.01). 
    • Cash flow from operations EUR -1.4 million (EUR -2.9 million). 
    • Number of employees at the end of the review period: 122 (126), decrease of 3.2%.

    *) EBIT, EBITDA, and net income for the comparison period were affected by a recorded gain of EUR 0.3 million, resulting from the write-down of Turret accounts payable and an additional purchase price related to the Ticknovate divestment.

    **) EBIT, EBITDA, and net income for the period were affected by a one-time gain of EUR 1.0 million, which includes a recorded gain of EUR 0.6 million from the FutureLab Share transaction, EUR 0.3 million from the write-down of Turret accounts payable and an additional purchase price adjustment related to the Ticknovate divestment.

    CEO’s review 

    As we close the year 2024, Digitalist Group stands at the intersection of ongoing market challenges and promising opportunities. While the Finnish economy remained weak, causing clients to hesitate in initiating new projects, we observed steady growth in Sweden. We are committed to coping with the challenges in the Finnish market, but we have increased focus on exploiting opportunities in the Swedish market and have expanded our offering with new applied AI services.

    Despite the turnover growth in the last quarter, the Group’s turnover in 2024 slightly declined to EUR 16.2 million (from EUR 16.7 million in 2023) and EBITDA ended at EUR -1.5 million (EUR -0.9 million in 2023 including a one-time gain of EUR 1.0 million). This outcome mirrors both the current market conditions and the positive but not sufficient impact of the strategic measures we implemented throughout the year.

    A key driver of our performance has been the Swedish market, where demand remained robust enough to offset weaker activity in Finland. In 2024 Sweden contributed around 70% of our total turnover, up from 61% in the same period last year. We also intensified our cost-saving efforts, reducing personnel costs and streamlining our organizational structure to create a stronger foundation for future improvements.

    This year, we enhanced our service portfolio through the full launch of Digitalist Open Cloud AB and the introduction of Digitalist Private AI Hub, offering secure and GDPR-compliant AI capabilities. These new solutions cater to the rising demand for data privacy and advanced digital services, attracting clients who recognize the value of our approach.

    Looking ahead, we remain focused on driving operational efficiency, sharpening our service offerings, and capitalizing on growth opportunities. Although the market may remain challenging in the near term, our product innovation and constant focus on cost management, positions Digitalist Group for long-term success.

    I extend my sincere gratitude to our employees for their commitment and to our clients for their trust. Together, we have navigated a demanding year, and together we will seize the opportunities that lie ahead.

    Magnus Leijonborg
    CEO, Digitalist Group

    Future prospects

    In 2025, it is expected that turnover and EBITDA will improve in comparison with 2024.

    SEGMENT REPORTING

    Digitalist Group reports its business in a single segment.

    TURNOVER

    In the fourth quarter, the Group’s turnover was EUR 4.7 million (EUR 4.2 million), reflecting a 12.9% increase compared to the previous year. The increase was due to the strengthening of the Swedish business.

    The Group’s turnover for the period totalled EUR 16.2 million (EUR 16.7 million), which is 3.1% lower than the previous year, as a result of the weak market situation in Finland. The turnover for the whole year fell short of the targets, as the economic slowdown and uncertainty have made customers more cautious when starting new projects.

    Market conditions in Finland have been challenging. The share of turnover outside Finland rose to 70 percent (61 %), and the increase was mainly due to the strengthening of the Swedish business. The net impact on turnover from the divestment of FutureLab and the acquisition of Open Communications for the review period is EUR 0.1 million compared to the comparison period.

    RESULT

    In the fourth quarter, EBITDA was EUR -0.2 million (EUR -0.4 million), EBIT was EUR -0.3 million (EUR -0.6 million) and profit before taxes was EUR -0.9 million (EUR -1.6 million). EBITDA was positively affected by improved sales and a EUR 0.3 million reduction in personnel and operating expenses. Net income for the final quarter amounted to EUR -1.0 million (EUR -1.6 million), earnings per share were EUR -0.00 (EUR -0.00).

    EBITDA for the financial period amounted to EUR -1.5 million (EUR -0.9 million), EBIT was EUR -2.0 million (EUR -1.7 million) and profit before taxes was EUR -4.9 million (EUR -4.0 million). Expenses were EUR 0.7 million lower compared to the previous year, of which operating expenses were EUR 0.3 million lower and personnel expenses EUR 0.4 million lower. Cost savings improved EBITDA, but the decline in sales weakened the overall impact.

    The EBIT was influenced by the decrease of depreciations of balance sheet items by EUR 0.4 million. EBIT, EBITDA and net income of the comparison period were impacted by a booked gain of EUR 0.6 million from the FutureLab Share transaction and EUR 0.3 million is attributed to the write-down of Turret accounts payable and an additional purchase price related to the Ticknovate divestment.

    Net financial items amounted to EUR -3.0 million (EUR -2.3 million), mainly comprising external interest expenses related to loans from financial institutions and related parties. External interest expenses were EUR -2.2 million (EUR -2.1 million). Financial items in the comparison period were positively impacted by Business Finland’s non-collection decision on a EUR 0.3 million part of the product development loan and unrealized exchange gains. Net income for the financial period amounted to EUR -5.0 million (EUR -4.1 million), earnings per share totalled EUR -0.01 (EUR -0.01).

    RETURN ON EQUITY

    The Group’s shareholders’ equity amounted to EUR -37.7 million (EUR -32.7 million). The Group’s equity considering the capital loans was EUR -13.8 million (EUR -15.8 million). Return on equity (ROE) was negative. Return on investment (ROI) was -161.9% (-27.8%).

    BALANCE SHEET AND FINANCING

    The balance sheet total was EUR 10.1 million (EUR 11.4 million). The solvency ratio was -379.1% (-285.9%). 

    At the end of the period, the Group’s liquid assets totalled EUR 0.9 million (EUR 0.9 million).

    At the end of the financial period the Group’s interest-bearing liabilities amounted to EUR 38.2 million (EUR 35.7 million). The Group’s balance sheet recognised EUR 11.0 million (EUR 11.4 million) in loans from financial institutions, including the overdrafts in use. IFRS 16 leasing debts were EUR 0.6 million (EUR 1.0 million). 

    In addition, the company has loans from its main owners. The loans from related parties amount to EUR 26.6 million (EUR 23.4 million). EUR 23.9 million (EUR 16.9 million) related party loans were capital loans, EUR 0 million (EUR 5.8 million) were convertible bonds, EUR 2.8 million (EUR 0.8 million) were other related party loans, of which EUR 2.0 million were short term. The changes result from the conversion of convertible bonds into capital loans in accordance with Chapter 12 of the Limited Liability Companies Act and from the new loan installments from Turret. More information about the arrangements can be found in the section of the review: Related party transactions.

    CASH FLOW

    The Group’s cash flow from operating activities during the review period was EUR -1.4 million (EUR -2.9 million), a change of EUR 1.5 million. The development of the company’s liquid assets was influenced by improved working capital. In order to reduce the rate of turnover of trade receivables, the Group sells part of its trade receivables from Finnish customers. In addition, some Swedish trade receivables are financed through factoring arrangements.

    GOODWILL

    On 31 December 2024, the Group’s balance sheet included goodwill of EUR 5.2 million (EUR 5.4 million). The company tested goodwill in accordance with IAS 36 on 31 December 2024 and no need for an impairment charge was detected. 

    PERSONNEL

    During the financial period, the Group had an average of 123 employees (139). At the end of the financial period, the total number of employees was 122 (126), with 52 (52) working for the Group’s Finnish companies and 70 (74) employed by its foreign subsidiaries.

    SHARES AND SHARE CAPITAL

    Share turnover and price

    During the financial period, the company’s share price hit a high of EUR 0.02 (EUR 0.03) and a low of EUR 0.01 (EUR 0.01), and the closing price on 31 December 2024 was EUR 0.01 (EUR 0.02). The average price in the financial period was EUR 0.01 (EUR 0.02). During the financial period 78,321,067 (40,711,793) shares were traded, corresponding to 11.3% (6.0%) of the number of shares in circulation at the end of the period. The Group’s market capitalisation at the closing share price on 31 December 2024 was EUR 9,985,399 (EUR 10,236,341).
         
    Share capital

    At the beginning of the period under review, the company’s registered share capital was EUR 585,394.16, and there were 693,430,455 shares. At the end of the period, the share capital was EUR 585,394.16, and there were 693,430,455 shares. The company has one class of shares. At the end of the reporting period, the company held a total of 7,664,943 treasury shares corresponding to 1.1% of the total shares. 

    Option plan 2019 and 2021

    The option plan 2019 has expired.

    The option rights belonging to the company’s option program 2021 are marked as series 2021A1, 2021A2, 2021B1, 2021B2 and 2021C1. A maximum of 60,000,000 stock options can be issued and they entitle to subscribe for a maximum of 60,000,000 new shares of the Company. A total of 38,450,000 options belonging to the 2021A1 and 2021A2 series have been distributed among the options included in the option program. The last exercise date for the series 2021A1 was 31.12.2024. 28,650,000 of the distributed options have expired, so based on the terms of the option program, it is possible to subscribe for a maximum of 9,800,000 new shares of the Company.

    The theoretical market value of the options allocated by the end of the financial period is approximately EUR 0.8 million, which is recognised as an expense in accordance with IFRS 2 for the years 2021-2025. The expense recognition for 2024 is EUR 0.1 million. The expense recognition does not have cash flow impact.

    Terms and conditions of option programs can be found at the Company’s web site https://investor.digitalistgroup.com//investor

    Shareholders

    The number of shareholders on 31 December 2023 was 5,705 (5,578). Private individuals owned 11.8% (10.4%) of the shares, and institutions held 78.4% (79.5%). Foreign nationals or entities held 9.8% (10.0%) of the shares. Nominee-registered shares accounted for 12.6% (6.3%) of the total.

    AUTHORIZATIONS OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS

    Annual General Meeting 25 April 2024

    The company held its Annual General Meeting on 25 April 2024. The minutes of the Annual General Meeting and the decisions made are on the company’s website at https://investor.digitalistgroup.com/investor/governance/annual-general-meeting

    The financial statements and consolidated financial statements for the financial year ended December 31, 2023, were approved as presented.

    The Annual General Meeting resolved that the loss EUR 4,575,895.22 indicated by the financial statements for 2023 be recorded in the Company’s profit and loss account, and that no dividend be paid to shareholders for the financial period 2023.

    The Annual General Meeting elected Johan Almquist, Paul Ehrnrooth, Peter Eriksson, Esa Matikainen, and Andreas Rosenlew as ordinary members of the Board of Directors, and Magnus Wetter as a new member of the Board of Directors. At the Board meeting held on 25 April 2024 after the Annual General Meeting, the Board of Directors elected Esa Matikainen as the Chair of the Board and Andreas Rosenlew as the Deputy Chair of the Board. The Board resolved to continue with the Audit Committee. Esa Matikainen was elected as a chairman and Peter Eriksson and Magnus Wetter as members of the Audit Committee.

    The Board of Directors evaluated on the date of the financial statement release the independence of the Committee members in compliance with the recommendations of the Finnish Corporate Governance Code 2020 as follows. Esa Matikainen and Magnus Wetter are independent of the company and independent of a significant shareholder. Peter Eriksson is independent of the company and dependent on a significant shareholder.

    Audit firm KPMG Oy Ab was appointed as the company’s auditor.

    Authorisation of the Board of Directors to decide on share issues and on granting special rights entitling to shares

    The Annual General Meeting authorised the Board to decide on a paid share issue and on granting option rights and other special rights entitling to shares that are set out in Chapter 10 Section 1 of the Finnish Limited Liability Companies Act, or on the combination of all or some of the aforementioned instruments in one or more tranches on the following terms and conditions:

    The total number of the Company’s treasury shares and new shares to be issued under the authorisation may not exceed 346,715,227, which corresponds to approximately 50 per cent of all the Company’s shares at the time of convening the Annual General Meeting.

    Within the limits of the aforementioned authorisation, the Board of Directors may decide on all terms and conditions applied to the share issue and to the special rights entitling to shares, such as that the payment of the subscription price may take place not only by cash but also by setting off receivables that the subscriber has from the Company.

    The Board of Directors shall be entitled to decide on crediting the subscription price either to the Company’s share capital or, entirely or in part, to the invested unrestricted equity fund.

    The share issue and the issuance of special rights entitling to shares may also take place in a directed manner in deviation from the pre-emptive rights of shareholders if there is a weighty financial reason for the Company to do so, as set out in the Limited Liability Companies Act. In such a case, the authorisation may be used to finance corporate acquisitions or other investments related to the operations of the Company as well as to maintain and improve the solvency of the Group and to carry out an incentive scheme.

    The authorisation is proposed to be effective until the Annual General Meeting held in 2025, yet no further than until 30 June 2025.

    Authorising the Board of Directors to decide on the acquisition and/or on the acceptance as pledge of the Company’s treasury shares

    The Annual General Meeting authorised the Board to decide on acquiring or accepting as pledge, using the Company’s distributable funds, a maximum of 69,343,000 treasury shares, which corresponds to approximately 10 per cent of the Company’s total shares at the time of convening the Annual General Meeting. The acquisition may take place in one or more tranches. The acquisition price shall not exceed the highest market price of the share in public trading at the time of the acquisition.

    In executing the acquisition of treasury shares, the Company may enter into derivative, share lending or other contracts customary in the capital market, within the limits set out in laws and regulations. The authorisation entitles the Board to decide on an acquisition in a manner other than in a proportion to the shares held by the shareholders (directed acquisition).

    The Company may acquire the shares to execute corporate acquisitions or other business arrangements related to the Company’s operations, to improve its capital structure, or to otherwise further transfer the shares or cancel them.

    The authorisation is proposed to include the right for the Board of Directors to decide on all other matters related to the acquisition of shares. The authorisation is proposed to be effective until the Annual General Meeting held in 2025, yet no further than until 30 June 2025.

    The Annual General Meeting approved the Board’s proposals to change the terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/1, 2021/3, and 2022/1 issued to Turret Oy Ab without modifications.

    The Annual General Meeting approved the Board’s proposals to change the terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/2 and 2021/4 issued to Holdix Oy Ab without modifications.

    It was noted that the following measures have been taken in the Company after the end of the fiscal year on December 31, 2023:

    ●     Convertible bonds 2021/3 and 2021/4 were partially converted into capital loans as per Chapter 12 of the Companies Act, as announced on March 22, 2024; and
    ●     the General Meeting has decided, following the board’s proposals, to change the terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/1, 2021/2, 2021/3, 2021/4, and 2022/1, including their maturity extensions until September 30, 2026.

    It was noted that these actions have supported and will support the Company’s balance sheet and solvency.

    It was resolved to accept the proposition of the Board of Directors of the Company not to implement immediate additional measures to rectify the Company’s financial position, but the Company will actively evaluate other possibilities and means to support the Company’s financial standing.

    The stock exchange releases are on the company’s website at https://investor.digitalistgroup.com/investor/releases

    CHANGES IN THE GROUP STRUCTURE

    Digitalist Open Tech AB sold part of its IT and SaaS business to the newly established Digitalist Open Cloud AB through an internal business transfer agreement 1 April 2024. Digitalist Open Cloud AB is now a subsidiary of Digitalist Open Tech AB, with a 15% minority stake held by the subsidiary management.

    Digitalist Group divested its fully-owned subsidiary Open Communications International AB 31 May 2024 to its subsidiary Grow AB, in which it holds a 90% ownership. Sales price was EUR 0.9 million.

    In addition, Digitalist Group has closed non-operative companies. Digitalist USA Ltd was formally dissolved in 2024. Grow Finland Oy and Ixonos Estonia have been removed from the trade register in 2024.

    EVENTS SINCE THE FINANCIAL PERIOD

    There have been no significant events since the end of the financial period.

    RELATED-PARTY TRANSACTIONS 

    Financing arrangements with related parties:

    Strengthening Digital Group Plc’s equity, conversion of convertible bonds partly into capital loans

    In order to strengthen the Company’s equity, Digital Group decided on 22 March 2024 to utilize the right provided by Turret Oy Ab and Holdix Oy Ab to convert a total of 1,907,175.40+interest 334,513.29 euros of the principal and interest of the convertible bonds 2021/3 and 2021/4 subscribed by Turret and Holdix into a capital loan in accordance with Chapter 12 of the Limited Liability Companies Act.

    Amendment of the terms concerning Convertible Bonds 2021/1, 2021/2, 2021/3, 2021/4 and 2022/1 issued by Digitalist Group Plc

    Convertible Bonds 2021/1, 2021/3 and 2022/1 directed to Turret Oy Ab

    The Annual General Meeting of Digitalist Group 25 April 2024 resolved on the amendments to the Terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/1, 2021/3, and 2022/1 issued to Turret.

    Digitalist Group Plc and Turret Oy Ab signed agreements April 26 2024 to amend the terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/1, 2021/3, and 2022/1 and the option rights and other special rights pursuant to Chapter 10 section 1(2) of the Limited Liability Companies Act attached to them issued to Turret.

    The maturity of the Convertible Bonds was extended to 30 September 2026.

    Convertible Bonds 2021/2 and 2021/4 directed to Holdix Oy Ab

    The Annual General Meeting of Digitalist Group 25 April 2024 resolved on the amendments to the Terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/2 and 2021/4 issued to Holdix.

    Digitalist Group and Holdix Oy Ab signed agreements April 26 2024 to amend the terms of the Convertible Bonds 2021/2 and 2021/4 and the option rights and other special rights pursuant to Chapter 10 section 1(2) of the Limited Liability Companies Act attached to them issued to Holdix.

    The maturity of the Convertible Bonds was extended to 30 September 2026.

    Digitalist Group structures its financing

    Digitalist Group Plc’s agreed 28.10.2024 with Turret Oy Ab on a loan amounting to EUR 1,000,000 in order to strengthen the Company’s working capital. The Company has the right to withdraw the Loan in instalments by 31 December 2025 at the latest. The Loan was granted on market terms and it will fall due on 31 December 2026.

    Strengthening Digitalist Group Plc’s balance sheet position and conversion of convertible bonds 2021/1, 2021/2, 2021/3 and 2021/4 into capital loans

    Digitalist Group Plc decided 30.12.2024, in order to strengthen the Company’s balance sheet position, to utilize the right offered by Turret Oy Ab and Holdix Oy Ab to convert a total of 3,860,763.40 + interest 861,271.93 euros of the principal and interest of the convertible bonds 2012/1, 2021/2, 2021/3 and 2021/4 subscribed by Turret and Holdix into a capital loan in accordance with Chapter 12 of the Limited Liability Companies Act.

    OTHER EVENTS DURING THE FINANCIAL PERIOD

    Digitalist Group decreased its earlier guidance regarding future prospects 17.10.2024. The new guidance was: In 2024, turnover and EBITDA are expected to decrease in comparison with 2023.

    Operationally, not including the impact of other operating income (EUR 1.0 million), the current financial year was expected to be stronger than the previous year.

    The stock exchange releases for the review period are on the company’s website at https://investor.digitalistgroup.com/investor/releases

    RISK MANAGEMENT AND SHORT-TERM UNCERTAINTIES

    The objectives of Digitalist Group Plc’s risk management are to ensure the undisrupted continuity and development of the company’s operations, support the achievement of the company’s business objectives and increase the company’s value. For more details about the organisation of risk management, processes and identified risks, see the company’s website at https://investor.digitalistgroup.com/investor

    The company has been making a loss despite the efficiency measures it has taken. The company’s loss-making performance directly affects its working capital and the sufficiency of its financing. This risk is managed by maintaining the capacity to use different financing solutions. The company aims to continuously assess and monitor the amount of necessary business financing to ensure that it has sufficient liquid assets to finance its operations and repay maturing loans. Any disruptions in the financial arrangements would weaken Digitalist Group’s financial position.

    The company is currently dependent on external financing, most of which has been obtained from related-party companies and financial institutions. Digitalist Group’s ability to finance its operations and reduce the amount of its debt depends on several factors, such as the cash flow from operations and the availability of debt and equity financing, and there is no certainty that such financing will be available in the future. Similarly, there can be no certainty in the long term that Digitalist Group will be able to obtain additional debt or refinance its current debt on acceptable terms, if at all.

    During 2024, negotiations regarding the restructuring of maturing convertible bonds held by related parties were concluded, and the maturity date was extended until autumn 2026. The convertible bonds were converted into capital loans in two tranches in accordance with Chapter 12 of the Limited Liability Companies Act in 2024, strengthening the company’s balance sheet.

    Any changes to key client accounts could have a substantial impact on Digitalist Group’s operations, earning potential and financial position. If one of Digitalist Group’s largest clients decided to switch to a competing company or drastically altered its operating model, the chances of finding client volumes to replace the shortfall in the near term would be limited.

    The Group’s business consists mainly of individual client agreements, which are often relatively short-term. Forecasting the start dates and scopes of new products is occasionally challenging, while the cost structure is largely fixed. The aforementioned aspects can lead to unpredictable fluctuations in turnover and, thereby, in profitability. The Group’s business consists of some fixed-price deliveries (65%). Fixed-price client deliveries carry risks related to timing and content. The company endeavours to manage these risks through contractual and project management measures.

    Irrespective of the market situation, there is a shortage of certain experts in the Group’s business sector. Although the aggressive recruitment policies that occasionally arise in the Group’s business sector have decreased significantly, there is still a risk of personnel moving to competitors. There are no guarantees that the company will be able to retain its current personnel and recruit new employees to enable growth. If Digitalist Group loses a significant number of its current personnel, it would be more difficult to complete existing projects and acquire new ones. This could have an adverse impact on Digitalist Group’s business, earnings and financial position.

    The cost inflation has decreased significantly but can still exert pressure to raise salaries, so the importance of cost monitoring is emphasised further. Variation in interest rates do not have a significant direct impact on financing costs because most of the company’s debts have fixed interest rates. If the interest rates on the company’s loans from financial institutions rose by 1 per cent, the company’s annual interest costs would rise by approximately EUR 0.1 million.

    Part of the Group’s turnover is invoiced in currencies other than the euro – mainly in the Swedish krona. The risk associated with changes in exchange rates can be managed in various ways, including net positioning and currency hedging contracts. In 2024 and 2023, the Group had no hedging contracts.

    The Group’s balance sheet contains goodwill that is subject to impairment risk in the event that the Group’s future yield expectations decrease due to internal or external factors. The goodwill is tested for impairment every six months and whenever the need arises.

    General economic uncertainty and low growth forecasts in the company’s key markets affected the Group’s business during the financial period, but the future impact is difficult to estimate. Geopolitical uncertainty may affect the business activities of some of the Group’s clients, thereby indirectly affecting the Group’s business. The Group has no business activities in Russia or Ukraine.

    LONG-TERM GOALS AND STRATEGY

    Digitalist Group aims to achieve a profit margin of at least 10% over the long term. In order to achieve its long-term goals, Digitalist Group strives for profitable, international growth by shaping new forms of thinking, services and technological solutions for a variety of sectors. These sectors include, among others, the technology industry, energy industry, transport and logistics, as well as consumer services in both the public and private sectors. Digitalist Group’s strategy focuses on enhancing its service and solution business and seamlessly integrating user and operational research, branding, design and technology.

    PROPOSAL BY THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS TO THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING

    The Board of Directors of Digitalist Group Plc proposes to the Annual General Meeting that the distributable funds be retained in shareholders’ equity and that no dividend be distributed to shareholders for the 2024 financial period. On 31 December 2024, the parent company’s distributable assets were negative.

    Digitalist Group Plc’s Annual General Meeting will be held on 29 April 2025. 
    Digitalist Group’s Financial Statements 2024 will be published and posted on the company’s website on 28 March 2025. Digitalist Group Plc’s Financial Statements will be published in Finnish and English and they are available on the Group’s website https://investor.digitalistgroup.com/investor immediately after publication.

    NEXT REVIEW

    The Business review for January–March 2025 will be published on Friday 25 April 2025.

    DIGITALIST GROUP PLC
    Board of Directors

    Further information:
    Digitalist Group Plc
    CEO Magnus Leijonborg, tel. +46 76 315 8422, magnus.leijonborg@digitalistgroup.com
    Chairman of the Board Esa Matikainen, tel. +358 40 506 0080, esa.matikainen@digitalistgroup.com

    Distribution:
    NASDAQ Helsinki

    Key media
    https://investor.digitalistgroup.com/investor

    DIGITALIST GROUP 

    SUMMARY OF THE FINANCIAL STATEMENTS AND NOTES, 1 JANUARY–31 DECEMBER 2024

    CONSOLIDATED INCOME STATEMENT, EUR THOUSAND 

      1 Oct – 31 Dec 24 1 Oct – 31 Dec 23 Change (%) 1 Jan – 31 Dec 24 1 Jan – 31 Dec 23 Change (%)
    Turnover 4,698.85 4,160.22 12,9 % 16,164.54 16,680.74 -3,1 %
    Other operating income -41.02 280.21 -114,6 % 50.00 1,006.67 -95,0 %
                 
    Materials and services -932.52 -639.82 -45,7 % -3,102.99 -3,202.01 3,1 %
    Expenses from employee benefits -3,251.70 -3,331.27 2,4 % -11,874.22 -12,269.02 3,2 %
    Depreciation and impairment -132.28 -218.14 39,4 % -469.53 -834.41 43,7 %
    Other operating expenses -673.33 -848.57 20,7 % -2,750.27 -3,077.67 10,6 %
    Total expenses -4,989.83 -5,037.80 1,0 % -18,197.01 -19,383.11 6,1 %
                 
    EBIT -331.99 -597.37 44,4 % -1,982.47 -1,695.70 -16,9 %
                 
    Financial income 78.27 4.17 1779,2 % 155.41 752.50 -79,3 %
    Financial expenses -695.08 -1,021.72 32,0 % -3,103.37 -3,026.21 -2,5 %
    Total financial income and expenses -616.81 -1,017.55 39,4 % -2,947.96 -2,273.71 -29,7 %
                 
    Profit before taxes -948.80 -1,614.92 41,2 % -4,930.43 -3,969.41 -24,2 %
    Income taxes -50.82 -3.87 -1214,3 % -87.04 -115.46 24,6 %
    PROFIT/LOSS FOR FINANCIAL PERIOD -999.62 -1,618.78 38,2 % -5,017.47 -4,084.87 -22,8 %
                 
    Distribution:            
    Parent company shareholders -875.12 -1,557.64 43,8 % -4,707.38 -4,042.14 -16,5 %
    Non-controlling interests -124.50 -61.15 -103,6 % -310.09 -42.73 -625,8 %
    Earnings per share:            
    Undiluted (EUR) 0.00 0.00   -0.01 -0.01  
    Diluted (EUR) 0.00 0.00   -0.01 -0.01  

    COMPREHENSIVE INCOME STATEMENT, EUR THOUSAND

      1 Oct – 31 Dec 24 1 Oct – 31 Dec 23 Change (%) 1 Jan – 31 Dec 24 1 Jan – 31 Dec 23 Change (%)
    Profit/loss for the financial period -999.62 -1,618.78 38,2% -5,017.47 -4,084.87 -22,8%
    Other items of comprehensive income            
    Translation difference -140.67 663.20 -121,2% -67.99 229.71 -129,6%
    TOTAL COMPREHENSIVE INCOME FOR THE YEAR -1,140.29 -955.58 -19,3% -5,085.47 -3,855.45 -31,9%
    Parent company shareholders -1,006.68 -869.23 -15,8% -4,759.00 -3,807.09 -25,0%
    Non-controlling interests -133.61 -86.35 -54,7% -327.00 -48.06 -580,4%

    CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEET, EUR THOUSAND

    ASSETS 31 December 2024 31 December 2023
    NON-CURRENT ASSETS    
    Intangible assets 313.78 422.06
    Goodwill 5,244.98 5,444.44
    Tangible assets 569.43 916.99
    Buildings and structures, rights-of-use 528.59 867.73
    Machinery and equipment 27.55 34.52
    Other tangible assets 13.29 14.74
    Investments 6.23 6.28
    Other non-current financial assets 88.02 24.35
    NON-CURRENT ASSETS 6,222.44 6,814.12
         
    CURRENT ASSETS    
    Trade and other receivables 2,612.34 3,508.10
    Income tax asset 320.88 228.46
    Cash and cash equivalents 943.53 893.65
    CURRENT ASSETS 3,876.75 4,630.21
    ASSETS 10,099.19 11,444.12
         
    SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY AND LIABILITIES    
    SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY    
    Parent company shareholders    
    Share capital 585.39 585.39
    Share premium account 218.73 218.73
    Invested non-restricted equity fund 73,916.78 73,916.78
    Retained earnings -107,368.76 -103,343.29
    Profit/loss for the financial period -4,707.38 -4,042.14
    Non-controlling interests -311.28 -53.08
    Parent company shareholders -37,355.24 -32,664.53
    SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY -37,666.53 -32,717.43
    NON-CURRENT LIABILITIES 25,438.08 3,748.88
    CURRENT LIABILITIES 22,327.73 40,412.84
    SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY AND LIABILITIES 10,099.29 11,444.28

    CALCULATION OF CHANGES IN CONSOLIDATED SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY, EUR THOUSAND
    A:   Share capital
    B:   Share premium account
    C:  Invested unrestricted equity fund
    D:  Translation difference
    E:   Retained earnings
    F:   Total shareholders’ equity attributable to the parent company’s
    G: Non-controlling interests
    H:  Total shareholders’ equity

      A B C D E F G H
    Shareholders’ equity 1 Jan 2023 585.39 218.73 73,662.55 -1,197.92 -104,545.23 -31,276.47 503.13 -30,773.34
    Other changes                
    Profit/loss for the financial period         -4,042.14 -4,042.14 -42.73 -4,084.87
    Purchase of own shares       235.05   235.05 -5.33 229.72
    Other items of comprehensive income           -3,807.09    
    Paid in capital     253.98     253.98   253.98
    Translation difference         176.44 176.44   176.44
    Share-based remuneration         0.00 0.00   0.00
    Transactions with non-controlling interests             -508.15 1,480.52
    Shareholders’ equity 31 December 2023 585.00 219.00 73,916.78 -1,192.36 -106,192.89 -32,664.35 -53.08 -32,717.43
                     
      A B C D E F G H
    Shareholders’ equity 1 Jan 2024 585.00 219.00 73,916.78 -1,192.36 -106,192.89 -32,664.35 -53.08 -32,717.43
    Other changes       0.00 0.00      
    Profit/loss for the financial period         -4,707.38 -4,707.38 -310.09 -5,017.47
    Purchase of own shares       -51.33   -51.33 -16.66 -67.99
    Other items of comprehensive income           -4,758.71    
    Translation difference         54.23 54.23   54.23
    Share-based remuneration         -14.40 -14.40   -14.40
    Sale of subsidiary         13.81 13.81   13.81
    Transactions with non-controlling interests         14.18 14.18 68.55 82.73
    Shareholders’ equity 31 December 2024 585.00 219.00 73,916.78 -1,243.69 -110,832.45 -37,355.23 -311.29 -37,666.52

    CONSOLIDATED CASH FLOW STATEMENT, EUR THOUSAND 

      1 Jan – 31 Dec 24 1 Jan – 31 Dec 23 1 Jul – 31 Dec 24 1 Jul – 31 Dec 23
    Cash flow from operations        
    Earnings before taxes in the period -5,017.47 -4,084.87 -2,461.65 -2,094.96
    Adjustments to cash flow from operations:        
    Other income and expenses with no payment -235.55 -76.63 -261.44 -174.25
    Depreciation, impairment 469.53 834.41 265.81 417.90
    Income taxes 87.04 115.46 42.16 31.37
    Unrealised foreign exchange gains and losses -85.26 -255.59 124.47 -296.11
    Financial income and expenses 3,057.58 2,273.71 1,655.67 1,704.54
    Other adjustments 4.81 -561.90 3.25 -576.30
    Cash flow financing before changes in working capital -1,719.32 -1,755.41 -631.73 -987.82
             
    Change in working capital 1,290.45 -262.04 936.75 -313.93
    Interest received 47.37 0.72 10.04 3.07
    Interest paid -883.89 -710.82 -395.39 -333.90
    Taxes paid -133.04 -149.35 -40.34 -46.81
    Net cash flow from operations -1,398.42 -2,876.89 -120.68 -1,679.39
             
    Cash flow from investments        
    Acquisition of shares in group companies 0.00   0.00  
    Proceeds from disposal of shares in group companies 0.00   0.00  
    Investments in tangible and intangible assets -15.42 -22.33 -6.49 -9.95
    Proceeds from repayment of loans 0.00      
    Interest received on investments 0.00      
    Taxes paid on investments 0.00      
    Cash flow from investments -15.42 2,447.66 -6.49 1,049.09
             
    Net cash flow before financial items -1,413.84 -429.23 -127.18 -630.30
             
    Cash flow from financing activities        
    Transactions with non-controlling interests 19.53 136.18 -6.25 -12.17
    Drawdown of long-term loans 2,025.00 750.00 1,275.00 750.00
    Drawdown of short-term loans 0.00 736.90 -212.58  
    Repayment of short-term loans -129.07   -105.31 -1.81
    Repayment of lease liabilities -429.40 -697.51 -184.02 -354.56
    Net cash flow from financing 1,486.06 423.76 766.83 441.83
             
    Change in cash and cash equivalents 72.22 -5.46 639.66 -188.47
    Liquid assets, beginning of period 893.44 898.55 308.06 1,041.04
    Impact of changes in exchange rates -22.14 0.36 -4.20 40.88
    Liquid assets, end of period 943.53 893.44 943.53 893.44

    Accounting principles

    This release has been prepared in accordance with IAS 34 – Interim Financial Reporting. The interim report release complies with the same accounting principles and calculation methods as the annual financial statements. The updates to the IFRS standards that entered into force on 1 January 2024 do not have a significant impact on the figures presented.

    The preparation of a financial statement release in accordance with IFRS requires the management to use certain estimates and assumptions that affect the amounts recognised in assets and liabilities when the balance sheet was prepared, as well as the amounts of income and expenses in the period. In addition, discretion must be used in applying the accounting policies. As the estimates and assumptions are based on outlooks on the balance sheet date, they contain risks and uncertainties. The realised values may deviate from the original assessments and assumptions.

    The original release is in Finnish. The English release is a translation of the original.

    Going concern

    The Group’s result has remained negative, and the financial situation has been challenging at times but the financial statement release has been prepared in accordance with the principle of the business as a going concern. The assumption of continuity is based management assumptions on several factors, including the following:

    • The cost-saving programs have improved the Group’s profitability in 2023 and 2024. Operating expenses and personnel expenses have decreased by EUR 0.7 million in comparison with the review period and the cost structure is now lighter.
    • Additional cost-saving programs started in 2024 will have nearly full effect in 2025.
    • The Group is finding new growth areas and reinforcing its market position in Sweden, which is expected to have a positive impact on sales trends.
    • Negotiations regarding the arrangements for related party convertible bonds maturing in 2024 were successfully completed in 2024, resulting in the extension of their maturity to the autumn 2026.

    EUR 2.0 million of the Group’s financial institution loans are set to begin repayment on April 30, 2025. As of the publication date of the financial statement release, negotiations to extend the loan’s maturity date are still ongoing. However, management is confident that the outcome will be favorable for the company.

    At the time of the financial statement release, the company expects its working capital to be sufficient to cover its requirements over the next 12 months based on the financing support provided by the main owner if needed. Negotiations with the main owner to secure financing for the next 12 months are ongoing and are expected to be completed before the publication of the financial statements and based on this the financial statement release has been prepared in accordance with the going concern principle.

    Goodwill impairment testing and recognised impairment

    Digitalist Group tested its goodwill for impairment on 30 June 2024 and 31 December 2024. The goodwill is allocated to one cash-generating unit. No need to write down goodwill was identified.

    The value in use of the tested property exceeded the tested amount by EUR 9.0 million. The tested amount of goodwill in the balance sheet at the end of the review period is EUR 4.9 million.

    The company tests its goodwill based on the utility value of the assets. In the testing conducted on 31 December 2024 in conjunction with the financial statements, the cash flow forecasting period was from 2025 to 2029. During the forecast period, average growth in revenue of 15% is expected to be achieved which is supported by the market growth of the group’s industries and the increasingly extensive impact of digitalization in business life. In addition, the rapid development of artificial intelligence (AI) and its integration into service offerings will accelerate growth by offering more efficient and innovative solutions to customers. The efficiency measures and strategic recruitment carried out provide a solid basis for growth. EBITDA is projected to rise to 7% in 2026 and to 12% by the end of the forecasting period, being 9% on average.

    The method involves comparing the tested assets with their cash flow over the selected period, taking into account the discount rate and the growth factor of the cash flows after the forecast period. The discount rate is 11.4% (11.4%). The growth factor used to calculate the cash flows after the forecast period is 2.35%.

    The average EBITDA margin for the forecast period was used to calculate the value of the terminal period. A significant negative change in individual assumptions used in the calculations can necessitate a goodwill impairment charge. The sensitivity analysis indicates that an impairment charge may be necessary if the average growth in turnover is below 14% in the forecasting period and the fixed cost structure does not change. If the EBITDA falls below 6% in the forecasting period or the WACC surpasses 28%, all else equal, impairment charges may become necessary.

    CONSOLIDATED INCOME STATEMENT BY QUARTER, EUR THOUSAND

      Q4/2024 Q3/2024 Q2/2024 Q1/2024 Q4/2023
      1.10.-31.12.24 1.7.-30.9.24 1.4.-30.6.24 1.1.-31.3.24 1.10.-31.12.21
    Turnover 4,698.85 3,585.61 4,021.60 3,858.48 4,160.22
    Other operating income and expenses -5,031.05 -3,898.35 -4,749.35 -4,468.49 -4,757.59
    EBIT -331.99 -312.54 -727.84 -610.10 -597.37
    Financial income and expenses -616.81 -1,158.14 -783.20 -389.80 -1,017.55
    Profit before taxes -948.80 -1,470.68 -1,511.03 -999.91 -1,614.92
    Income taxes -50.64 8.66 -1.20 -43.68 -3.87
    PROFIT/LOSS FOR COMPARISON PERIOD -999.62 -1,462.03 -1,512.24 -1,043.59 -1,618.78

    CHANGES IN INTANGIBLE AND TANGIBLE ASSETS, EUR THOUSAND
      

      Goodwill Intangible assets Tangible fixed assets Right-of-use assets Other investments Total
    Carrying value 1 Jan 2023 4,677.98 109.82 65.08 1,135.06 101.76 6,090.22
    Increases   462.69 26.56 416.91 4.70 2,059.07
    Decreases            
    Changes in exchange rates 43.80 6.30 -0.40 -5.85   43.85
    Depreciation for the review period   -156.59 -37.63 -640.18   -834.47
    Carrying value 31 Dec 2023 5,444.44 422.53 48.47 867.05 6.27 6,789.76
                 
                 
      Goodwill Intangible assets Tangible fixed assets Right-of-use assets Other investments Total
    Carrying value 1 Jan 2024 5,444.44 422.53 48.47 867.05 6.27 6,789.76
    Increases 0.00 0.42 15.97 482.60 0.00 498.99
    Decreases 0.00   0.00 -462.23 0.00 -462.23
    Changes in exchange rates -199.68 -22.70 -1.35 -12.90   -236.64
    Depreciation for the review period   -85.57 -22.18 -344.61   -452.36
    Carrying value 31 Dec 2024 5,244.75 314.67 40.91 529.90 6.27 6,137.51

    KEY INDICATORS

      1 Jan – 31 Dec 2024 1 Jan – 31 Dec 2023
    Earnings per share (EUR) diluted -0.01 0.00
    Earnings per share (EUR) -0.01 -0.01
    Shareholders’ equity per share (EUR) -0.05 -0.05
    Cash flow from operations per share (EUR) diluted 0.00 0.00
    Cash flow from operations per share (EUR) 0.00 0.00
    Return on capital employed (%) -161.86 -27.8
    Return on equity (%) neg. neg.
    Operating profit/turnover (%) -12.27 -10.2
    Gearing as a proportion of shareholders’ equity (%) -99.00 -106.5
    Equity ratio as a proportion of shareholders’ equity (%) -379.11 -285.9
    EBITDA (EUR thousand) -1,512.94 -861.30

    MATURITY OF FINANCIAL LIABILITIES AND INTEREST ON LOANS

    31 December 2023 Balance sheet value Cash flow Under 1 year 1-5 years Over 5 years
    Loans from financial institutions 2,865.85 3,067.25 340.83 2,726.43  
    Credit limits 8,525.07 8,525.07 8,525.07    
    Convertible bonds 5,767.94 6,849.62   0.00  
    Capital loans 16,865.42 19,265.00   0.00  
    Other related-party loans 750.00 876.00 0.00    
    Lease liabilities IFRS 16 973.00 961.00 701.00 260.00  
    Accounts payable 864.66 864.66 864.66    
               
    31 December 2024 Balance sheet value Cash flow Under 1 year 1-5 years Over 5 years
    Loans from financial institutions 2,783.19 2,828.47 2,362.78 465.69  
    Credit limits 8,258.19 8,258.19 8,258.19    
    Capital loans 23,867.82 29,233.30   29,233.30  
    Other related-party loans 2,775.00 3,191.33   907.67  
    Lease liabilities IFRS 16 555.71 562.27 298.30 264.32  
    Accounts payable 1,124.07 1,124.07 1,124.07 0.00  

    Credit limits are valid until further notice.

    OTHER INFORMATION

      1 Jan – 31 Dec 2024 1 Jan – 31 Dec 2023
    NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES, average 123 139
    Personnel at the end of the period 122 126
         
    LIABILITIES, EUR THOUSAND    
    Pledges made for own obligations    
    Corporate mortgages 13,300.00 13,300.00
         
    Total interest-bearing liabilities    
    Long-term loans from financial institutions 458.98 2,659.11
    Other long-term liabilities 24,902.02 1,007.67
    Short-term loans from financial institutions 2,221.92 414.39
    Other short-term interest-bearing liabilities 10,657.00 31,665.62
    Total 38,239.92 35,746.80
         

    CALCULATION OF KEY FINANCIAL FIGURES

    EBITDA = earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortisation

    Diluted earnings per share = Profit for the financial period / Average number of shares, adjusted for share issues and for the effect of dilution

    Earnings per share = Profit for the financial period / Average number of shares adjusted for share issues

    Shareholders’ equity per share = Shareholders’ equity / Number of undiluted shares on the balance sheet date

    Cash flow from operations per share (EUR) diluted = Net cash flow from operations / Average number of shares, adjusted for share issues and for the effect of dilution

    Return on investment (ROI) =
    (Profit before taxes + Interest expenses + Other financial expenses) /
    (Balance sheet total – non-interest-bearing liabilities (average)) x 100

    Return on equity (ROE) = Net income / Total shareholders’ equity (average) x 100

    Gearing = interest-bearing liabilities – liquid assets / total shareholders’ equity x 100

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI USA: SEC Charges Justinas Butkus with Orchestrating $4 Million Fraud

    Source: Securities and Exchange Commission

    Butkus used fraudulent investment firms TBO Capital and Gray Capital to scam investors

    The Securities and Exchange Commission today filed charges against Justinas Butkus, of Lithuania, and two companies he owned and controlled, HMC Trading LLC and HMC Management LLC, for fraudulently raising approximately $4.1 million from 64 investors by selling interests in mutual funds that did not exist.

    As alleged in the SEC’s complaint, in late 2021, Butkus, under the alias Darius Karpavicius, operated fictitious investment firms TBO Capital Group and Gray Capital Group and offered investors shares in sham mutual funds through the firms’ websites, a press release, and internet advertisements, all of which made numerous materially false and misleading statements. According to the complaint, these websites and other materials falsely stated, among other things, that the TBO Capital and Gray Capital mutual funds were managed by industry professionals with decades of experience and achieved years of high-yield investment returns. In reality, the complaint alleges, the managers did not exist, their biographies were fake, and TBO Capital Group and Gray Capital Group never made any investments. Rather, as alleged, the entire operation was a fraud run by Butkus to enrich himself. Butkus allegedly used some of the investors’ money to operate his fraudulent scheme, but stole most for his personal benefit, such as dining at restaurants, cash withdrawals, and crypto asset purchases.

    “Butkus’ conduct was egregious: He went to great lengths to defraud unsuspecting investors using sophisticated websites, internet advertisements, and an alias complete with a doctored passport,” said Samuel Waldon, Acting Director of the SEC’s Division of Enforcement. “This case underscores the SEC’s unwavering commitment to hold individuals accountable for engaging in fraud that harms retail investors.”

    The SEC is refiling this action, which it voluntarily dismissed on January 11, 2024, against Butkus’s alias, “Darius Karpavicius,” through a dismissal without prejudice.

    The complaint, filed in federal court in Manhattan, charges Butkus, HMC Trading LLC, and HMC Management LLC with violating the registration and antifraud provisions of the federal securities laws and names another Butkus-controlled entity, DK Auto LLC, as a relief defendant. The SEC seeks permanent injunctive relief, disgorgement with prejudgment interest, and civil penalties against each of the defendants. It also seeks disgorgement with interest from the relief defendant.

    The SEC’s investigation was conducted by Benjamin Vaughn, Katherine H. Stella, and Andrea Fox with assistance from the Division of Enforcement’s Office of Investigative and Market Analytics. It was supervised by Peter Rosario, George Bagnall, and Stacy L. Bogert. The litigation will be led by Peter Lallas and supervised by James Connor. The SEC appreciates the assistance of Homeland Security Investigations’ New York Field Office and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Hunting of wolves for population management purposes – E-000170/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    1. Sweden, Finland and Estonia have different levels of legal protection[1] for their wolf populations under the Habitats Directive[2]. Consequently, the constraints and the possibilities for wolf culling in the mentioned Member States are not the same. As regards Sweden, an infringement procedure has been opened in 2010[3] in relation to their wolf management practices. In Finland, the derogations granted by national authorities under Article 16(1) of the directive to allow killing of wolves have been the subject of a preliminary ruling of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), in Case C-674/17[4], in which all the conditions for such practices have been clearly defined. On 12 October 2021, the Commission adopted a guidance document[5] providing clarifications of the legal provisions under Articles 12 and 16 of the Habitats Directive and reflecting the latest legal interpretations of the CJEU, including the above-mentioned ruling concerning wolf derogations in Finland.

    2. Following the adoption of the EU proposal[6] to reduce the protection status of the wolf under the Bern Convention[7], after its entry into force, the Commission will present a targeted legislative proposal to implement this change in EU law and to modify accordingly the regime of the wolf under the Habitats Directive, moving the wolf from Annex IV (strict protection) to Annex V (protection).

    • [1] Protected (Annex V) in Estonia and in the Finnish reindeer management area. Strictly protected (Annex IV) in the rest of Finland and in Sweden.
    • [2] Council Directive 92/43/EEC of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora, OJ L 206, 22.7.1992, p. 7-50.
    • [3] INFR (2010)4200: https://ec.europa.eu/atwork/applying-eu-law/infringements-proceedings/infringement_decisions/?lang_code=EN&typeOfSearch=byDecision&active_only=1&noncom=2&r_dossier=&decision_date_from=&decision_date_to=&DG=ENV&title=NATURE&submit=Search&langCode=EN&version=v1&refId=INFR(2010)4200&activeCase=true&dg=ENV&page=1&size=10&order=desc&sortColumns=decisionDate
    • [4] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=CELEX:62017CJ0674
    • [5] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=PI_COM:C(2021)7301
    • [6] https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_24_6202
    • [7] https://www.coe.int/en/web/bern-convention
    Last updated: 27 February 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Bready pupils place time capsule in new Acorn Farm dome

    Source: Northern Ireland – City of Derry

    Bready pupils place time capsule in new Acorn Farm dome

    27 February 2025

    Local children from Bready Jubilee Primary School joined the Mayor of Derry and Strabane at St Columb’s Park today to leave a special message for the future as they placed a time capsule in the foundations of the new Geodesic Dome being built as part of the Acorn Farm Project.

    The 20m diameter Dome by Viking Domes from Lithuania, is just one element of an exciting new environmental project set to transform the site, creating an innovative urban growing space for the local community promoting food growing technologies and sustainable practices.

    The Acorn Farm is being delivered by Council’s Green Infrastructure Team with support from the UK Government. The contractor is McKelvey Construction from Castlederg and the design team is led by Doran Consulting, Belfast with the dome design by Paul McAllister Architects.

    The £6.2 million climate-smart project will assist in achieving climate resilience by incorporating circular economy principles and sustainable energy technologies.

    The site will also host a Green Skills learning academy, providing education and training on sustainable food production and environmental conservation. Work will go into the development of new farming systems, optimising growing conditions, and pushing the boundaries of what’s possible in urban horticulture.

    Mayor of Derry City and Strabane District Council, Councillor Lilian Seenoi Barr, said the project would have a major impact on the local area. “There is no doubt that we are faced with many challenges when it comes to climate. But the message we leave for future generations in our time capsule today is a hopeful one that demonstrates our commitment to changing things for the better.

    “The Acorn Farm is an exciting vision of what we hope to achieve in terms of Council’s climate ambitions. The project will promote sustainable living, environmental education, and community involvement and become a hub for local events, activities and learning experiences. It will bring people together with the shared goal of adopting more responsible and sustainable practices that will protect our local environment and ensure a cleaner, greener City and District for future generations.”

    In 2015 there was much excitement as a 175-year-old time capsule was unearthed at the former Gwyn’s Institute site during the regeneration of Brooke Park. The lead capsule contained coins, newspapers and a scroll containing the signatures of local dignitaries dating back to 1839.

    The capsule placed at the Dome site today holds a selection of images relating to the Acorn Farm project, including digital technical drawings produced by the design team. It also contains worksheets from the children from Bready PS with information on the food we eat today and their predictions of food they think people will eat in 200 years’ time – from 3D burgers to seaweed pizza, as Principal David Bogle explained. “We are delighted to be here today at this milestone moment for the Acorn Farm and to make a little bit of history by placing some items in the time capsule for future generations to discover. Our pupils have been learning all about the importance of sustainable food and have had great fun recording their predictions for the favourite foods of the future.

    “It’s so important for young people to know where their food comes from and how we can all play a role in ensuring our environment can support vital food sources in a responsible and sustainable way.”

    The children from Bready PS were joined on site for the placing of the capsule by project partners and the design team. Final preparations are also underway for the handover of the new Gate Lodge building which will greet visitors at the entrance to the site.

    UK Minister for Local Growth and Building Safety, Alex Norris, said: “The completed Gate Lodge building is the first step towards an amazing environmental and community hub at St Columb’s Park. “The Acorn Farm project promises to be a shining example of how hard work and creative thinking can bring new life to disused urban sites, and I will watch its progress with great interest.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: INVL Asset Management launches new INVL Partner Strategic Lending Fund which will invest in a fund that lends to the world’s biggest private equity managers

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    INVL Asset Management, a part of Invalda INVL, the leading asset management group in the Baltics, has launched the INVL Partner Strategic Lending Fund as a new closed-end fund for informed investors. 

    The INVL Partner Strategic Lending Fund will invest in a fund managed by 17Capital, a private credit manager active in North America and Europe. That fund’s strategy is to lend to private equity managers, investors and funds against the net asset value (NAV) of their private equity portfolios.  

    “The new fund offers investors an opportunity to diversify their portfolios by investing in private equity funds and their managers through credit instruments. Capital will be deployed in a fund managed by a global leader in NAV lending, which finances some of the world’s largest fund managers and has an established investment portfolio. These attributes ensure an attractive risk-return profile” says Audrius Matikiūnas, the interim CEO of INVL Asset Management, which has established the INVL Partner Strategic Lending Fund. 

    The INVL Partner Strategic Lending Fund is starting operations following approval its rules by the Bank of Lithuania. 

    Distribution of the investment units of the fund managed by INVL Asset Management starts in March. The units are being distributed in the Baltics by the financial brokerage firm INVL Financial Advisors, which operates in Lithuania under the INVL Family Office brand. Distribution of the fund in Latvia and Estonia will begin after the required notification procedures. 

    The minimum investment in the INVL Partner Strategic Lending Fund is EUR 125,000. The fund’s investments are expected to achieve a net average annual return of 10-12%. The anticipated duration of the fund is 7 years. 

    Founded in 2008, 17Capital operates primarily from London and New York. The company has completed more than 100 investments and 50 exits and since its inception has raised more than USD 13 billion.  

    About INVL Asset Management 

    INVL Asset Management is the leading Baltic alternative asset manager. We strive to deliver superior risk-adjusted returns to our investors while positively impacting our region’s economic development. 

    We are part of the Invalda INVL group with a track record spanning over 30 years. Our group manages or have under supervision more than EUR 1.6 billion of assets across multiple asset classes including private equity, forests and agricultural land, renewable energy, real estate as well as private debt. Our scope of activities also includes family office services in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, management of pension funds in Latvia, and investments in global third-party funds. Further information www.invl.com/en/.

    Additional information:
    Audrius Matikiūnas
    audrius.matikiunas@invl.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Bigbank AS Results for January 2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Bigbank started 2025 with continued growth and strong profitability.

    The loan portfolio growth was driven by focus products: the home loan portfolio increased by 18 million euros and the business loan portfolio by 11 million euros in a month. The consumer loan portfolio remained close to the level at the end of 2024, growing by 1 million euros over the month. In total, the loan portfolio grew by nearly 30 million euros in the first month of the year.

    The deposit portfolio grew even more in January. In a declining interest rate environment, Bigbank offered attractive deposit rates on both term and savings deposits across all its home markets. As a result, the portfolios of both deposit products increased by more than 75 million euros, bringing the bank’s total deposit portfolio growth to 151 million euros. This is a strong result that confirms Bigbank’s ability to significantly expand its depositor customer base and grow its deposit portfolio even in a short period.

    Interest income increased compared to January of the previous year – the positive impact of the larger loan portfolio outweighed the negative impact of the declining interest rate environment on interest income. At the same time, interest expenses also increased significantly due to the growth of the deposit portfolio. As a combined effect of these factors, net interest income in January amounted to 8.5 million euros, which was 0.6 million euros lower than in January of the previous year.

    A positive development was that, despite the significantly increased loan portfolio, the net cost of expected credit losses and provisions decreased by 0.4 million euros compared to January of the previous year, totaling 1.8 million euros. The credit quality of the loan portfolio remained at a similar level to the end of 2024.

    Net profit for January was 3.0 million euros – considering the continuing decline in the interest rate environment and the resulting pressure on net interest income, this is a solid result. Several positive developments stood out: compared to January 2024, operating expenses remained at the same level, and net fee and commission income increased by 0.1 million euros. A negative development was the increase in income tax expenses by 0.3 million euros, primarily due to the higher income tax rates that came into effect in Estonia and Lithuania at the beginning of 2025.

    Bigbank’s financial results for January 2025:

    • Deposits from customers and loans received increased by 550 million euros year-on-year, reaching 2.55 billion euros (+27%).
    • Loans to customers grew by 535 million euros year-on-year, reaching 2.22 billion euros (+32%).
    • Net interest income in January was 8.5 million euros, decreasing by 0.6 million euros compared to January of the previous year (-7%).
    • Net allowance for expected credit losses and provision expenses amounted to 1.8 million euros in January, which is 0.4 million euros less than a year ago (-18%).
    • Net profit for January was 3.0 million euros, decreasing by 0.2 million euros compared to the same period in 2024 (-7%).
    • Return on equity in January was 13.4%.
    Income statement, in thousands of euros Jan 2025 YTD25 YTD24 Difference YoY
    Total net operating income, incl. 9,334 9,334 9,675 -341 -4%
    Net interest income 8,479 8,479 9,087 -608 -7%
    Net fee and commission income 833 833 722 112 +15%
    Total expenses, incl. -3,924 -3,924 -3,918 -7 +0%
    Salaries and associated charges -2,406 -2,406 -2,214 -191 +9%
    Administrative expenses -826 -826 -1,025 199 -19%
    Profit before loss allowances 5,409 5,409 5,757 -348 -6%
    Net allowance for expected credit losses and provision expenses -1,773 -1,773 -2,150 378 -18%
    Income tax expense -615 -615 -358 -257 +72%
    Profit for the period from continuing operations 3,022 3,022 3,248 -226 -7%
    Profit or loss before tax from discounted operations 0 0 0 0  
    Profit for the period 3,022 3,022 3,248 -226 -7%
               
               
    Business volumes, in thousands of euros Jan 2025 YTD25 YTD24 Difference YoY
    Customer deposits and loans received 2,552,433 2,552,433 2,002,513 549,920 +27%
    Loans to customers 2,222,375 2,222,375 1,687,528 534,847 +32%
               
    Key figures Jan 2025 YTD25 YTD24 Difference YoY
    ROE 13.4% 13.4% 15.5% -2.1pp  
    Cost / income ratio (C/I) 42.0% 42.0% 40.5% +1.6pp  
    Net promoter score (NPS) 58 58 57 +1  

    Compared to the financial results published for January 2024, the net interest income and the net allowance for expected credit losses for the prior period have been adjusted, both reduced by 0.3 million euros. The adjustment is related to an identified error, where interest income from impaired financial assets had been accrued on the gross exposure of the financial assets, rather than on net basis. This correction does not impact the net profit for January 2024.

    Bigbank AS (www.bigbank.eu), with over 30 years of operating history, is a commercial bank owned by Estonian capital. As of 31 January 2025, the bank’s total assets amounted to 2.9 billion euros, with equity of 273 million euros. Operating in nine countries, the bank serves more than 168,000 active customers and employs over 500 people. The credit rating agency Moody’s has assigned Bigbank a long-term bank deposit rating of Ba1, along with a baseline credit assessment (BCA) and an adjusted BCA of Ba2.

    Argo Kiltsmann
    Member of the Management Board
    Tel: +372 53 930 833
    Email: Argo.Kiltsmann@bigbank.ee 
    www.bigbank.ee

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Šiaulių Bankas Group Results for the Year 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • Financial targets. Šiaulių Bankas Group demonstrated strong performance and successfully achieved all its financial targets for 2024, delivering on its guidance
    • Profit. Šiaulių Bankas Group earned a record net profit of €78.8 million
    • Loan portfolio. The loan portfolio grew by 17% year-on-year to over €3.4 billion
    • Deposits. The deposit portfolio grew by 12% over the year to almost €3.6 billion at the end of 2024
    • Fee & commission income. Net fee and commission income grew by 44% year-on-year to over €29 million
    • Dividends. Šiaulių Bankas Group intends to propose a distribution of 50% of its 2024 net profit, or €0.061 dividend per share
    • Share buybacks. Will allocate up to 5% of the 2024 net profit for own share buybacks
    • Rebranding. A rebranding of Šiaulių Bankas will be proposed for the upcoming shareholders’ meeting

    “In 2024, we have successfully integrated INVL’s retail business into Šiaulių Bankas Group, updated our long-term vision and strategy, and initiated a business transformation that we believe will bring greater value to our customers, shareholders, and society.

    While launching strategic projects such as the replacement of the core banking platform and rebranding preparation, we maintained high profitability and service quality, effectively managing risk and costs.

    The successful implementation of our first international bond issuances and the updated dividend policy demonstrate our commitment to efficient capital utilization and delivering high returns to shareholders during the transformation period,” says Vytautas Sinius, CEO of Šiaulių Bankas.

    Šiaulių Bankas Group earned an unaudited net profit of €78.8 million in 2024 which is 5% more than in 2023. Operating profit before allowance for impairment losses and income tax amounted to €107.3 million, a 3% decrease compared to operating profit of €111.0 million in 2023.

    Net interest income grew by 2% year-on-year to €160.2 million, while net fee and commission income grew by 44% to over €29 million. The latter increased 11% in the last quarter of 2024 alone, compared to Q3 2024.

    All loan book segments grew during the year, with the total loan portfolio increasing by 17% (€503 million) to €3.43 billion. New credit agreements worth €1.5 billion were signed during the year, 14% more than in 2023 (€1.3 billion).

    The quality of the loan portfolio remains strong, with provisions of €11.3 million made in 2024, €4 million less than in 2023. The Cost of Risk (CoR) of the loan portfolio for year 2024 was 0.35% (0.54% for the 2023).

    The deposit portfolio grew by 12% since the beginning of the year (€383 million) and exceeded €3.5 billion at the end of the year. The amount of term deposits grew by 22% (€348 million) to over €1.9 billion during the year and their share in the total deposit portfolio increased by 5 percentage points to 54%.

    The bank’s capital structure was enhanced by an additional issue of Tier 1 (AT1) bonds of €50 million in the fourth quarter. All issuances made in 2024 have significantly strengthened and diversified the capital base, which allows for continued rapid growth while ensuring high returns for investors.

    The Bank’s Management Board, taking into the account the updated dividend policy, the bank’s strong performance in 2024, its robust capital position, and the favourable outlook for the operating environment, has decided to propose a dividend of 50% of the 2024 net profit (€0.061 per share) for approval at the Bank’s Annual General Meeting.

    Šiaulių Bankas has repurchased own shares worth €10.2 million and is planning to continue with buyback programmes, in line with the existing the European Central Bank’s (ECB’s) authorisation granted on 15th August 2024. The bank will also propose to allocate up to 5% of its 2024 net profit for the share buybacks for the capital reduction purpose, and to grant shares as part of the deferred variable remuneration for the employees of the Šiaulių Bankas Group.

    The group’s cost/income ratio (C/I) was 49.0%1 (41.2%1 in 2023) and the return on equity (RoE) was 14.0% (15.5% in 2023) at the end of the year. The capital and liquidity position remained strong and prudential ratios are being met by a wide margin. The capital adequacy ratio (CAR) stood at 22.8%2 and the liquidity coverage ratio (LCR) at 232%2.

    Income Statement (€’m) FY2024 FY2023 % ∆
           
    Net Interest Income 160.2 156.9 2%
    Net Fee & Commission Income 29.1 20.3 44%
    Other Income 34.4 19.3 78%
    Total Revenue 223.7 196.5 14%
           
    Salaries and Related Expenses (49.5) (36.2) 37%
    Other Operating Expenses (66.9) (49.3) 36%
    Total Operating Expenses (116.4) (85.5) 36%
           
    Operating Profit 107.3 111.0 (3%)
    Allowance for Impairment Losses (10.9) (15.2) (28%)
    Income Tax Expense (17.7) (20.4) (13%)
           
    Net Profit 78.8 75.4 5%
           
    Balance Sheet Metrics (€’m) Dec 2024 Dec 2023 % ∆
           
    Loans 3 435 2 932 17%
    Total Assets 4 923 4 808 2%
    Deposits 3 561 3 178 12%
    Equity 585 543 8%
           
    Assets under Management3 1,977 1,556 27%
    Assets under Custody 1,936 1,943 0%
           
    Key Ratios FY2024 FY2023
           
    Net Interest Margin (NIM) 3.3% 4.2% -93bps
    Cost-to-Income ratio (C/I)1 49.0% 41.2% +779bps
    Return on Equity (RoE) 14.0% 15.5% -146bps
    Cost of Risk (CoR) 0.3% 0.5% -19bps
    Capital Adequacy Ratio (CAR)2 22.8% 22.4% +36bps
             

    Overview of Business Segments

    Corporate Client Segment

    Šiaulių Bankas has significantly increased the volume of corporate financing over the year – in 12 months new corporate financing agreements worth of €960 million were signed in 2024, 29% increase compared to previous year. In the 2024 the portfolio has grown by 20% (€308 million) to over €1.8 billion. Growth has been well-diversified across several strategic sectors, including manufacturing, retail, and renewable energy. A favourable business environment has encouraged investment and created additional opportunities for expansion.

    Šiaulių Bankas continued its commitments to promote sustainability and signed amendments to the Pre-financing and Contingent loan agreements with the European Investment Bank (EIB) concluded in 2016 to increase the Bank’s investment up to €255 million from €195 million – to finance the modernization programme of multi-apartment buildings in Lithuania.

    Private Client Segment

    In 2024, Šiaulių Bankas has successfully implemented key strategic initiatives that strengthened its market position and ensured sustainable growth. The successful integration of INVL retail business was a major accomplishment, which enabled the bank to expand its service offering and provide customers with even more opportunities. The implementation of new core banking platform is on track, promising a greater efficiency and an improves customer experience.

    To strengthen its image and further meet the expectations of its customers, Šiaulių Bankas has also started preparations for the rebranding. A rebranding of Šiaulių Bankas will be proposed for the upcoming shareholders’ meeting.

    The volume of new mortgage contracts in 2024 increased by 21% year-on-year to €213 million. In 2024 the mortgage portfolio has grown by 17% (€136 million) reaching €0.9 billion. The volume of new consumer loan contracts increased by 5% year-on-year to €232 million. Since the beginning of 2024, the consumer loan portfolio has grown by 19% (€57 million) to over €0.35 billion.

    Investment Client Segment

    The bank has remained active in the local corporate bond market, originating €42 million in corporate bonds across 10 issuances for its clients in Q4 2024. Total corporate bond issuance for the year reached €227 million. According to Nasdaq Baltics, Šiaulių Bankas is leading security issuer in Lithuania and the Baltic States and maintains the largest share of securities trading on the Lithuanian stock exchange.

    Šiaulių Bankas demonstrated strong performance in asset management business in 2024. Client assets under management (AuM) reached €1.46 billion and grew by €277 million year-on-year. Growth was driven by new client investment flows and investment performance. In 2024, Šiaulių Bankas asset management company, earned €164.4 million for Tier II pension fund clients and €19.8 million for Tier III clients. In total, the profit generated for clients during the year was €184.2 million.

    SB Alternative Investment Fund III, providing new investment opportunities for Lithuanian retail investors, has enjoyed a successful launch, attracting over €6 million in 2024. Distribution of units of the investment fund is ongoing.

    The Life Insurance segment also showed steady growth, Risk Under Management (RUM) reaching EUR 1.7 billion in the fourth quarter, EUR 174 million more than a year ago.

    1after eliminating the impact of the client portfolio of SB Draudimas
    2preliminary data
    3includes Asset Management and Modernisation Funds AuM

    Šiaulių Bankas invites shareholders, investors, analysts and all interested parties to a webinar presentation of the financial results and highlights for the 2024. The webinar will start on 27 February 2025 at 8.30 am (EET). The webinar will be held in English. Please register here. Please find attached the information that will be presented at the webinar.

    If you would like to receive Šiaulių Bankas’ news for investors directly to your inbox, subscribe to our newsletter.

    Additional information:
    Tomas Varenbergas
    Head of Investment Management Division
    tomas.varenbergas@sb.lt

    Attachments

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: REPORT on the verification of credentials – A10-0016/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    PROPOSAL FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT DECISION

    on the verification of credentials

    (2024/2100(REG))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to Articles 10(1), 14(2) and 14(3) of the Treaty on European Union,

     having regard to the Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage of 20 September 1976[1],

     having regard to its Decision 2005/684/EC, Euratom of 28 September 2005 adopting the Statute for Members of the European Parliament[2], in particular Articles 2(1) and 3(1) thereof,

     having regard to Council Directive 93/109/EC of 6 December 1993 laying down detailed arrangements for the exercise of the right to vote and stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament for citizens of the Union residing in a Member State of which they are not nationals[3],

     having regard to European Council Decision (EU) 2023/2061 of 22 September 2023 establishing the composition of the European Parliament[4],

     having regard to the judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union of 7 July 2005[5], 30 April 2009[6], 19 December 2019[7] and 26 September 2024[8],

     having regard to Rules 3, 4 and 11 of, and Annex I to, its Rules of Procedure,

     having regard to the official notifications from the competent authorities of the Member States of the results of the election to the European Parliament,

     having regard to the report of the Committee on Legal Affairs (A10-0016/2025),

    A. whereas, pursuant to Article 12 of the Act of 20 September 1976, Parliament is obliged to verify the credentials of Members of the European Parliament and for this purpose it must take note of the results declared officially by the Member States and rule on any disputes that may arise out of the provisions of the 1976 Act other than those arising out of the national provisions to which that 1976 Act refers;

    B. whereas Article 7(1) and (2) of the Act of 20 September 1976 sets out the offices that are incompatible with the office of Member of the European Parliament;

    C. whereas all Member States have notified Parliament of the names of elected Members pursuant to Rule 3(1) of the Rules of Procedure;

    D. whereas some Member States were late in forwarding, and others have not yet forwarded at all, the lists of any substitutes, together with their ranking in accordance with the results of the vote, as required under Rule 3(3) of the Rules of Procedure;

    E. whereas objections to the election of some Members of the European Parliament may be considered in Member States in accordance with national legislation and these procedures could result in the annulment of the election of the Members concerned; whereas no disputes arose before Parliament pursuant to the provisions of the Act of 20 September 1976;

    F. whereas, according to Article 3 of European Council Decision (EU) 2023/2061 of 22 September 2023, the number of representatives in the European Parliament allocated to Spain is currently 61, while the notification from the Spanish competent authorities only contains 60 names; whereas, in accordance with Articles 8 and 12 of the Act of 20 September 1976, as interpreted by the Court of Justice of the European Union[9], Parliament takes note of the list of Members elected in Spain in the elections held on 9 June 2024, communicated to it by the Junta Electoral Central; whereas the Junta Electoral Central has not notified Parliament of the name of one of the Members elected in Spain;

    G. whereas, in accordance with Rule 3(2) of and Annex I to the Rules of Procedure, Members are required to declare in writing that they do not hold any office incompatible with that of Member of the European Parliament, as well as providing written declarations of private interests and of assets, failing any of which the validity of the mandate of the Member concerned may not be confirmed;

    1. Declares valid, subject to any decisions by the competent authorities of Member States in which the election results have been disputed, the mandate of the Members of the European Parliament listed in Annex I to this decision whose election has been notified by the competent national authorities and who have made the written declarations required on the basis of Article 7(1) and (2) of the Act of 20 September 1976 and of Rule 3 of, and Annex I to the Rules of Procedure;

    2. Repeats its request to the authorities of the Member States to inform it of the names of substitutes, together with their ranking in accordance with the results of the vote;

    3. Calls on the competent authorities of the Member States to complete without delay the examination of the possible disputes referred to them and to notify Parliament of the result;

    4. Instructs its President to forward this decision to the competent national authorities and the parliaments of the Member States.

     

     

    ANNEX I: List of Members of the European Parliament whose mandate is declared valid

     

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Belgium (22 Members)

     

     

     

    ANNEMANS Gerolf

    ARIMONT Pascal

    BEKE Wouter

    BONTE Barbara

    BOTENGA Marc

    BRICMONT Saskia

    CASSART Benoit

    CEULEMANS Estelle

    CHASTEL Olivier

    DI RUPO Elio

    KANKO Assita

    KENNES Rudi

    MATTHIEU Sara

    SOMMEN Liesbet

    TOBBACK Bruno

    VAN BREMPT Kathleen

    VANDENDRIESSCHE Tom

    VAN DIJCK Kris

    VAN OVERTVELDT Johan

    VAUTMANS Hilde

    VEROUGSTRAETE Yvan

    WILMÈS Sophie

     

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Bulgaria (17 Members)

     

     

     

    KABILOV Taner

    KANEV Radan

    KOVATCHEV Andrey

    KYUCHYUK Ilhan

    LAYKOVA Rada

    LAZAROV Ilia

    MAYDELL Eva

    MINCHEV Nikola

    NOVAKOV Andrey

    PENKOVA Tsvetelina

    PETROV Hristo

    RADEV Emil

    STOYANOV Stanislav

    VALCHEV Ivaylo

    VIGENIN Kristian

    VOLGIN Petar

    YONCHEVA Elena

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Czech Republic (21 Members)

     

     

     

    BARTŮŠEK Nikola

    BŽOCH Jaroslav

    DAVID Ivan

    DOSTÁL Ondřej

    DOSTALOVA Klara

    FARSKÝ Jan

    GREGOROVÁ Markéta

    KNOTEK Ondřej

    KOLÁŘ Ondřej

    KONEČNÁ Kateřina

    KOVAŘÍK Ondřej

    KRUTÍLEK Ondřej

    KUBÍN Tomáš (*)

    NAGYOVÁ Jana

    NERUDOVÁ Danuše

    NIEDERMAYER Luděk

    POKORNÁ JERMANOVÁ Jaroslava

    TUREK Filip

    VONDRA Alexandr

    VRECIONOVÁ Veronika

    ZDECHOVSKÝ Tomáš

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Mandate valid with effect from 1 August 2024, i.e. the date indicated in the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Mr Tomáš KUBÍN to replace Mr Martin HLAVÁČEK.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Denmark (15 Members)

     

     

     

    BOSSE Stine

    CHRISTENSEN Asger

    CLAUSEN Per

    DAHL Henrik

    FRIIS Sigrid

    FUGLSANG Niels

    HANSEN Niels Flemming

    LØKKEGAARD Morten

    NORDQVIST Rasmus

    PETER-HANSEN Kira Marie

    SCHALDEMOSE Christel

    SØVNDAL Villy

    STORM Kristoffer

    VIND Marianne

    VISTISEN Anders

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Germany (96 Members)

     

     

     

    ANDERSON Christine

    ANDRESEN Rasmus

    ARNDT Anja

    AUST René

    BARLEY Katarina

    BAUSEMER Arno

    BENTELE Hildegard

    BERG Sibylle

    BERGER Stefan

    BISCHOFF Gabriele

    BLOSS Michael

    BOESELAGER Damian

    BOẞDORF Irmhild

    BUCHHEIT Markus

    BULLMANN Udo

    BURKHARDT Delara

    BYSTRON Petr

    CASPARY Daniel

    CAVAZZINI Anna

    COSTANZO Vivien

    CREMER Tobias

    DE MASI Fabio

    DEMIREL Özlem

    DOLESCHAL Christian

    DROESE Siegbert Frank

    DÜPONT Lena

    ECKE Matthias

    EHLER Christian

    EROGLU Engin

    EVERDING Sebastian

    FERBER Markus

    FIRMENICH Ruth

    FREUND Daniel

    FROELICH Tomasz

    GAHLER Michael

    GEESE Alexandra

    GEIER  Jens

    GEISEL Thomas

    GEUKING Niels

    GIESEKE Jens

    GLÜCK Andreas

    HAHN Svenja

    HÄUSLING Martin

    HERBST Niclas

    HOHLMEIER Monika

    JONGEN Marc

    JUNGBLUTH Alexander

    KHAN Mary

    KÖHLER Stefan

    KÖRNER Moritz

    KRAH Maximilian

    LAGODINSKY Sergey

    LANGE Bernd

    LANGENSIEPEN Katrin

    LIESE Peter

    LINS Norbert

    MARQUARDT Erik

    MCALLISTER David

    MEHNERT Alexandra

    MERTENS Verena

    NEUHOFF Hans

    NEUMANN Hannah

    NIEBLER Angelika

    NOICHL Maria

    OETJEN Jan-Christoph

    PAULUS Jutta

    PÜRNER Friedrich

    RACKETE Carola

    RADTKE Dennis

    REINTKE Terry

    REPASI René

    REPP Sabrina

    RIEHL Nela

    RIPA Manuela

    SCHENK Oliver

    SCHIRDEWAN Martin

    SCHNEIDER Christine

    SCHWAB Andreas

    SEEKATZ Ralf

    SELL Alexander

    SIEPER Lukas

    SIMON Sven

    SINGER Christine

    SIPPEL Birgit

    SONNEBORN Martin

    STRACK-ZIMMERMANN Marie-Agnes

    STREIT Joachim

    TEGETHOFF Kai

    VERHEYEN Sabine

    VON DER SCHULENBURG Michael

    VOSS Axel

    WALSMANN Marion

    WARNKE Jan-Peter

    WEBER Manfred

    WECHSLER Andrea

    WÖLKEN Tiemo

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Estonia (7 Members)

     

     

     

    KALJURAND Marina

    MADISON Jaak

    MIKSER Sven

    PAET Urmas

    RATAS Jüri

    TERRAS Riho

    TOOM  Jana

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Ireland (14 Members)

     

     

     

    ANDREWS Barry

    BOYLAN Lynn

    CARBERRY Nina

    COWEN Barry

    DOHERTY Regina

    FLANAGAN Luke Ming

    FUNCHION Kathleen

    KELLEHER Billy

    KELLY Seán

    MCNAMARA Michael

    MULLOOLY Ciaran

    NÍ MHURCHÚ Cynthia

    Ó RÍORDÁIN Aodhán

    WALSH Maria

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Greece (21 Members)

     

     

     

    AFTIAS Georgios

    ALEXANDRAKI Galato

    ANADIOTIS Nikolaos

    ARNAOUTOGLOU Sakis

    ARVANITIS Konstantinos

    BELERIS Fredis

    FARANTOURIS Nikolas

    FRAGKOS Emmanouil

    KEFALOGIANNIS Emmanouil

    KOUNTOURA Elena

    LATINOPOULOU Afroditi

    MANIATIS Yannis

    MEIMARAKIS Vangelis

    MELETI Eleonora

    NIKOLAOU-ALAVANOS Lefteris

    PAPADAKIS Kostas

    PAPANDREOU Nikos

    PAPPAS Nikos

    TSIODRAS Dimitris

    VOZEMBERG-VRIONIDI Elissavet

    ZACHARIA Maria

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Spain (60 Members)

     

     

     

    ABADÍA JOVER Maravillas

    AGIRREGOITIA MARTÍNEZ Oihane

    ARIAS ECHEVERRÍA Pablo

    ASENS LLODRÀ Jaume

    BALLARÍN CEREZA Laura

    BARRENA ARZA Pernando

    BENJUMEA BENJUMEA Isabel

    BORRÁS PABÓN Mireia

    BUXADÉ VILLALBA Jorge

    CEPEDA José

    CRESPO DÍAZ Carmen

    DE LA HOZ QUINTANO Raúl

    DE LA PISA CARRIÓN Margarita

    DEL CASTILLO VERA Pilar

    ESTARÀS FERRAGUT Rosa

    EZCURRA ALMANSA Alma

    FERNÁNDEZ Jonás

    GALÁN Estrella

    GÁLVEZ Lina

    GARCÍA PÉREZ Iratxe

    GIMÉNEZ LARRAZ Borja

    GIRAUTA VIDAL Juan Carlos

    GÓMEZ LÓPEZ Sandra

    GONZÁLEZ CASARES Nicolás

    GONZÁLEZ PONS Esteban

    HERRANZ GARCÍA Esther

    HOMS GINEL Alicia

    JALLOUL MURO Hana

    JUNCO GARCÍA Nora

    LÓPEZ Javi

    LÓPEZ AGUILAR Juan Fernando

    LÓPEZ-ISTÚRIZ WHITE Antonio

    LUENA César

    MAESTRE Cristina

    MARTÍN FRÍAS Jorge

    MARZÀ IBÁÑEZ Vicent

    MATO Gabriel

    MENDIA Idoia

    MILLÁN MON Francisco José

    MIRANDA PAZ Ana

    MONTERO Irene

    MONTSERRAT Dolors

    MORENO SÁNCHEZ Javier

    NAVARRETE ROJAS Fernando

    NEVADO DEL CAMPO Elena

    PAJÍN Leire

    PASCUAL DE LA PARTE Nicolás

    PÉREZ Alvise

    RIBA I GINER Diana

    ROS SEMPERE Marcos

    SÁNCHEZ AMOR Nacho

    SANCHO MURILLO Elena

    SERRA SÁNCHEZ Isabel

    SERRANO SIERRA Rosa

    SOLIER Diego

    SOLÍS PÉREZ Susana

    TERTSCH Hermann

    VÁZQUEZ LÁZARA Adrián

    ZARZALEJOS Javier

    ZOIDO ÁLVAREZ Juan Ignacio

    (16 July 2024)

     

    France (81 Members)

     

     

     

    ALLIONE Grégory

    ANDROUËT Mathilde

    AUBRY Manon

    BARDELLA Jordan

    BAY Christophe (*)

    BAY Nicolas

    BELLAMY François-Xavier

    BOYER Gilles

    BRASIER-CLAIN Marie-Luce

    CAMARA Mélissa

    CANFIN Pascal

    CARÊME Damien

    CASTILLO Laurent

    CHAIBI Leila

    CLERGEAU Christophe

    CORMAND David

    DAUCHY Marie

    DELOGE Valérie

    DEVAUX Valérie

    DISDIER Mélanie

    DUSSAUSAYE Gaëtan (**)

    FARRENG Laurence

    FITA Claire

    FOURREAU Emma

    FRIGOUT Anne-Sophie

    FURET Angéline

    GARRAUD Jean-Paul

    GERMAIN Jean-Marc

    GLUCKSMANN Raphaël

    GOMART Christophe

    GOZI Sandro

    GRISET Catherine

    GRUDLER Christophe

    GUETTA Bernard

    HASSAN Rima

    HAYER Valérie

    IMART Céline

    JAMET France

    JORON Virginie

    JOUVET Pierre

    KALFON François

    KELLER Fabienne

    KNAFO Sarah

    LALUCQ Aurore

    LAURENT Murielle

    LE CALLENNEC Isabelle

    LEGGERI Fabrice

    LEONARDELLI Julien

    LOISEAU Nathalie

    MARÉCHAL Marion

    MARIANI Thierry

    MEBAREK Nora

    MESURE Marina

    MORANO Nadine

    NIKOLIC Aleksandar

    OLIVIER Philippe

    OMARJEE Younous

    PELLERIN-CARLIN Thomas

    PELTIER Guillaume

    PENNELLE Gilles

    PIERA Pascale

    PIMPIE Pierre

    RAFOWICZ Emma

    RECHAGNEUX Julie

    RIDEL Chloé

    ROUGÉ André

    SAEIDI Arash

    SANCHEZ Julien

    SARGIACOMO Eric

    SATOURI Mounir

    SBAI Majdouline

    SMITH Anthony

    SOREL Malika

    THIONNET Pierre-Romain

    TOLASSY Rody

    TOUSSAINT Marie

    TROCHU Laurence

    VALET Matthieu

    VARAUT Alexandre

    VEDRENNE Marie-Pierre

    WERBROUCK Séverine (***)

    YON-COURTIN Stéphanie

     

     

     

    (*) Mandate valid with effect from 27 September 2024, i.e. the date indicated in the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Mr Christophe BAY to replace Mr Gaëtan DUSSAUSAYE.

    (**) Mr Gaëtan DUSSAUSAYE’s mandate ended on 25 September 2024.

    (***) Mandate valid with effect from 27 September 2024, i.e. the date indicated in the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Ms Séverine WERBROUCK to replace Ms Sylvie JOSSERAND.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Croatia (12 Members)

     

     

     

    BARTULICA  Stephen Nikola

    BORZAN Biljana

    BOSANAC Gordan

    BRNJAC Nikolina

    GLAVAK Sunčana

    JERKOVIĆ Romana

    PICULA Tonino

    RESSLER Karlo

    SOKOL Tomislav

    STIER Davor Ivo

    VEŠLIGAJ Marko (*)

    ZOVKO Željana

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Mandate valid with effect from 5 September 2024, i.e. the date of the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Mr Marko VEŠLIGAJ to replace Mr Predrag Fred MATIĆ.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Italy (76 Members)

     

     

     

    ANNUNZIATA Lucia

    ANTOCI Giuseppe

    BENIFEI Brando

    BERLATO Sergio

    BONACCINI Stefano

    BORCHIA Paolo

    CAVEDAGNA Stefano

    CECCARDI Susanna

    CHINNICI Caterina

    CICCIOLI Carlo

    CIRIANI Alessandro

    CISINT Anna Maria

    CORRADO Annalisa

    CROSETTO Giovanni

    DE MEO Salvatore

    DECARO Antonio

    DELLA VALLE Danilo

    DONAZZAN Elena

    DORFMANN Herbert

    FALCONE Marco

    FIDANZA Carlo

    FIOCCHI Pietro

    FURORE Mario

    GAMBINO Alberico

    GEMMA Chiara

    GORI Giorgio

    GUALMINI Elisabetta

    GUARDA Cristina

    INSELVINI Paolo

    LAURETI Camilla

    LUCANO Mimmo

    LUPO Giuseppe

    MAGONI Lara

    MANTOVANI Mario

    MARAN Pierfrancesco

    MARINO Ignazio Roberto

    MARTUSCIELLO Fulvio

    MILAZZO Giuseppe

    MORACE Carolina

    MORATTI Letizia

    MORETTI Alessandra

    NARDELLA Dario

    NESCI Denis

    ORLANDO Leoluca

    PALMISANO Valentina

    PATRICIELLO Aldo

    PEDULLA’ Gaetano

    PICARO Michele

    PICIERNO Pina

    POLATO Daniele

    PRINCI Giusi

    PROCACCINI Nicola

    RAZZA Ruggero

    RICCI Matteo

    RUOTOLO Sandro

    SALINI Massimiliano

    SALIS Ilaria

    SARDONE Silvia

    SBERNA Antonella

    SCUDERI Benedetta

    SQUARTA Marco

    STANCANELLI Raffaele

    STRADA Cecilia

    TAMBURRANO Dario

    TARQUINIO Marco

    TINAGLI Irene

    TOPO Raffaele

    TORSELLI Francesco

    TOSI Flavio

    TOVAGLIERI Isabella

    TRIDICO Pasquale

    VANNACCI Roberto

    VENTOLA Francesco

    VIVALDINI Mariateresa

    ZAN Alessandro

    ZINGARETTI Nicola

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Cyprus (6 Members)

     

     

     

    FOURLAS Loucas

    GEADI Geadis

    GEORGIOU Giorgos

    HADJIPANTELA Michalis

    MAVRIDES Costas

    PANAYIOTOU Fidias

     

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Latvia (9 Members)

     

     

     

    IJABS Ivars

    KALNIETE Sandra

    KOLS Rihards

    KRIŠTOPANS Vilis

    POZŅAKS Reinis

    STAĶIS Mārtiņš

    UŠAKOVS Nils

    VAIDERE Inese

    ZĪLE Roberts

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Lithuania (11 Members)

     

     

     

    ANDRIUKAITIS Vytenis Povilas

    AUŠTREVIČIUS Petras

    BLINKEVIČIŪTĖ Vilija

    GRAŽULIS Petras

    JUKNEVIČIENĖ Rasa

    KUBILIUS Andrius (*)

    SAUDARGAS Paulius

    SINKEVIČIUS Virginijus 

    TOMASZEWSKI Waldemar

    VERYGA Aurelijus

    ŽALIMAS Dainius

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Mr Andrius KUBILIUS’ mandate ended on 30 November 2024.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Luxembourg (6 Members)

     

     

     

    ANGEL Marc

    GOERENS Charles

    HANSEN Christophe (*)

    KARTHEISER Fernand

    KEMP Martine (**)

    METZ Tilly

    WISELER-LIMA Isabel

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Mr Christophe HANSEN’s mandate ended on 30 November 2024.

    (**) Mandate valid with effect from 3 December 2024, the date indicated in the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Ms Martine KEMP to replace Mr Christophe HANSEN.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Hungary (21 Members)

     

     

     

    BORVENDÉG Zsuzsanna

    DÁVID Dóra

    DEUTSCH Tamás

    DOBREV Klára

    DÖMÖTÖR Csaba (*)

    FERENC Viktória

    GÁL Kinga

    GERZSENYI Gabriella

    GYŐRFFY Balázs (**)

    GYŐRI Enikő

    GYÜRK András

    HÖLVÉNYI György

    KOLLÁR Kinga

    KULJA András Tivadar

    LAKOS Eszter

    LÁSZLÓ András

    MAGYAR Péter

    MOLNÁR Csaba

    SCHALLER-BAROSS Ernő

    SZEKERES Pál

    TARR Zoltán

    VICSEK Annamária

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Mandate valid with effect from 22 September 2024, i.e. the date indicated in the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Mr Csaba DÖMÖTÖR to replace Mr Balázs GYŐRFFY.

    (**) Mr Balázs GYŐRFFY’s mandate ended on 1 September 2024.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Malta (6 Members)

     

     

     

    AGIUS Peter

    AGIUS SALIBA Alex

    ATTARD Daniel

    BAJADA Thomas

    CASA David

    METSOLA Roberta

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Netherlands (31 Members)

     

     

     

    AZMANI Malik

    BALJEU Jeannette

    BERENDSEN Tom

    BLOM Rachel

    CHAHIM Mohammed

    DIEPEVEEN Ton

    EHLERS Marieke

    EICKHOUT Bas

    GARCÍA HERMIDA-VAN DER WALLE Raquel

    GERBRANDY Gerben-Jan

    GOTINK Dirk

    GROOTHUIS Bart

    HAZEKAMP Anja

    KRUIS Sebastian

    LENAERS Jeroen

    MAIJ Marit

    REUTEN Thijs

    RUISSEN Bert-Jan

    SMIT Sander

    STÖTELER Sebastiaan

    STRIK Tineke

    STROLENBERG Anna

    TER LAAK Ingeborg

    VAN BRUG Anouk

    VAN DEN BERG Brigitte

    VAN LANSCHOT Reinier

    VAN LEEUWEN Jessika

    VAN SPARRENTAK Kim

    VIEIRA Catarina

    WOLTERS Lara

    ZIJLSTRA Auke

     

     

     

     

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Austria (20 Members)

     

     

     

    BERNHUBER Alexander

    BRANDSTÄTTER Helmut

    DIERINGER Elisabeth

    GROSSMANN Elisabeth

    HAIDER Roman

    HAUSER Gerald

    HEIDE Hannes

    KIRCHER Sophia

    LOPATKA Reinhold

    MANDL Lukas

    MAYER Georg

    REGNER Evelyn

    SCHIEDER Andreas

    SCHILLING Lena

    SIDL Günther

    STEGER Petra

    STÜRGKH Anna

    VILIMSKY Harald

    WAITZ Thomas

    WINZIG Angelika

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Poland (53 Members)

     

     

     

    ADAMOWICZ Magdalena

    ARŁUKOWICZ Bartosz

    BIEDROŃ Robert

    BIELAN Adam

    BOCHEŃSKI Tobiasz

    BRAUN Grzegorz

    BREJZA Krzysztof

    BRUDZIŃSKI Joachim Stanisław

    BRYŁKA Anna

    BUCZEK Tomasz

    BUDA Waldemar

    BUDKA Borys

    BUŁA Andrzej

    DWORCZYK Michał

    GASIUK-PIHOWICZ Kamila

    GOSIEWSKA Małgorzata

    GRONKIEWICZ-WALTZ Hanna (*)

    HALICKI Andrzej

    HETMAN Krzysztof

    JAKI Patryk

    JARUBAS Adam

    JOŃSKI Dariusz

    KAMIŃSKI Mariusz

    KIERWIŃSKI Marcin (**)

    KOBOSKO Michał

    KOHUT Łukasz

    KOPACZ Ewa

    LEWANDOWSKI Janusz

    ŁUKACIJEWSKA Elżbieta Katarzyna

    MALĄG Marlena

    MARCZUŁAJTIS-WALCZAK Jagna

    MULARCZYK Arkadiusz

    MÜLLER Piotr

    NYKIEL Mirosława

    OBAJTEK Daniel

    OZDOBA Jacek

    PROTAS Jacek

    RZOŃCA Bogdan

    SCHEURING-WIELGUS Joanna

    SIENKIEWICZ Bartłomiej

    ŚMISZEK Krzysztof

    SYPNIEWSKI Marcin

    SZCZERBA Michał

    SZYDŁO Beata

    TARCZYŃSKI Dominik

    TYSZKA Stanisław

    WĄSIK Maciej

    WAWRYKIEWICZ Michał

    WCISŁO Marta

    WIŚNIEWSKA Jadwiga

    ZAJĄCZKOWSKA-HERNIK Ewa

    ZALEWSKA Anna

    ZDROJEWSKI Bogdan Andrzej

    ZŁOTOWSKI Kosma

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Mandate valid with effect from 10 October 2024, i.e. the date indicated in the notification by the competent national authority of the election of Ms Hanna GRONKIEWICZ-WALTZ to replace Mr Marcin KIERWIŃSKI.

    (**) Mr Marcin KIERWIŃSKI’s mandate ended on 25 September 2024.

     

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Portugal (21 Members)

     

     

     

    ASSIS Francisco

    BUGALHO Sebastião

    COTRIM DE FIGUEIREDO João

    CUNHA Paulo

    DO NASCIMENTO CABRAL Paulo

    GOMES Isilda

    GONÇALVES Bruno

    GONÇALVES Sérgio

    HUMBERTO Sérgio

    MARTINS Catarina

    MENDES Ana Catarina

    MOREIRA DE SÁ Tiago

    OLIVEIRA João

    PEDRO Ana Miguel

    PEREIRA Lídia

    RODRIGUES André

    SOUSA SILVA Hélder

    TÂNGER CORRÊA António

    TAVARES Carla

    TEMIDO Marta

    VASCONCELOS Ana

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Romania (33 Members)

     

     

     

    AXINIA Adrian-George

    BARNA Dan

    BENEA Adrian-Dragoş

    BOGDAN Ioan-Rareş

    BUDA Daniel

    CÂRCIU Gheorghe

    DÎNCU Vasile

    FALCĂ Gheorghe

    FIREA Gabriela

    GRAPINI Maria

    HAVA Mircea-Gheorghe

    IOVANOVICI ȘOȘOACĂ Diana

    LAZARUS Luis-Vicențiu

    MANDA Claudiu

    MÎNZATU Roxana (*)

    MOTREANU  Dan-Ştefan

    MUREŞAN Siegfried

    MUŞOIU Ştefan

    NEGRESCU Victor

    NICA Dan

    PIPEREA Gheorghe

    POPESCU Virgil-Daniel

    ŞTEFĂNUȚĂ Nicolae

    STURDZA Șerban-Dimitrie

    TÂRZIU Claudiu-Richard

    TEODORESCU Georgiana

    TERHEŞ Cristian

    TOMAC Eugen

    TUDOSE Mihai

    VĂLEAN Adina

    VASILE-VOICULESCU Vlad

    VINCZE Loránt

    WINKLER Iuliu

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Ms Roxana MÎNZATU’s mandate ended on 30 November 2024.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Slovenia (9 Members)

     

     

     

    GRIMS Branko

    JOVEVA Irena

    NEMEC Matjaž

    PREBILIČ Vladimir

    ŠAREC Marjan

    TOMAŠIČ Zala

    TOMC Romana

    TONIN Matej

    ZVER Milan

     

     

     

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Slovakia (15 Members)

     

     

     

    BEŇOVÁ Monika

    BLAHA Ľuboš

    CIFROVÁ OSTRIHOŇOVÁ Veronika

    HOJSÍK Martin

    KALIŇÁK Erik

    KARVAŠOVÁ Ľubica

    LAŠŠÁKOVÁ Judita

    LEXMANN Miriam

    MAZUREK Milan

    ÓDOR Ľudovít

    ONDRUŠ Branislav

    ROTH NEVEĎALOVÁ Katarína

    UHRÍK Milan

    WIEZIK Michal

    YAR Lucia

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Finland (15 Members)

     

     

     

    AALTOLA Mika

    ANDERSSON Li

    GUZENINA Maria

    HEINÄLUOMA Eero

    HENRIKSSON Anna-Maja

    KATAINEN Elsi

    KULMUNI Katri

    KYLLÖNEN Merja

    NIINISTÖ Ville

    OHISALO Maria

    SALLA Aura

    SARAMO Jussi

    TOVERI Pekka

    TYNKKYNEN Sebastian

    VIRKKUNEN Henna (*)

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (*) Ms Henna VIRKKUNEN’s mandate ended on 30 November 2024.

    (16 July 2024)

     

    Sweden (21 Members)

     

     

     

    AL-SAHLANI Abir

    DANIELSSON Johan

    DIBRANI Adnan

    ERIKSSON Sofie

    ERIXON Dick

    FRITZON Heléne

    GEDIN Hanna

    HOLMGREN Pär

    INCIR Evin

    KARLSBRO Karin

    KOKALARI Arba

    KUHNKE Alice

    LÖVIN Isabella

    POLFJÄRD Jessica

    SJÖSTEDT Jonas

    TEODORESCU MÅWE Alice

    TIMGREN Beatrice

    TOBÉ Tomas

    WARBORN Jörgen

    WEIMERS Charlie

    WIESNER Emma

     

    NOTIFICATIONS BY THE MEMBER STATES

     

    BE

    11.07.2024

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    21.06.2024

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    09.07.2024; 10.07.2024

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    19.06.2024

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    18.06.2024

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    17.06.2024

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    01.07.2024; 03.07.2024

    FR

    05.07.2024; 18.06.2024; 04.10.2024

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    21.06.2024; 09.07.2024; 05.09.2024

    IT

    03.07.2024

    CY

    11.06.2024

    LV

    20.06.2024; 11.07.2024

    LT

    17.06.2024

    LU

    25.06.2024

    HU

    20.06.2024; 19.09.2024

    MT

    10.06.2024; 11.06.2024

    NL

    03.07.2024

    AU

    26.06.2024

    PL

    11.06.2024

    PT

    28.06.2024

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    10.07.2024

    SL

    08.07.2024

    SK

    11.06.2024

    FI

    13.06.2024

    SV

    17.06.2024

     

     

     

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: REPORT on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy – 2024 annual report – A10-0010/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION

    on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy – 2024 annual report

    (2024/2080(INI))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the Treaty on European Union (TEU), in particular Articles 14, 16, 21, 24, 36 and 41 thereof,

     having regard to the Interinstitutional Agreement of 16 December 2020 between the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union and the European Commission on budgetary discipline, on cooperation in budgetary matters and on sound financial management, as well as on new own resources, including a roadmap towards the introduction of new own resources[1],

     having regard to the report of 20 June 2024 by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) entitled ‘Common Foreign and Security Policy Report – Our Priorities in 2024’,

     having regard to the ‘Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security’, endorsed by the European Council on 21 March 2022,

     having regard to NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept, adopted on 29 June 2022,

     having regard to the European Council conclusions of 22 March 2024, 18 April 2024, 27 June 2024 and 19 December 2024,

     having regard to the Foreign Affairs Council conclusions of 18 March 2024, 22 April 2024, 24 May 2024, 24 June 2024, 22 July 2024, 14 October 2024, 18 November 2024 and 16 December 2024,

     having regard to the declaration of the Summit between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) adopted on 18 July 2023,

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2021/509 of 22 March 2021 establishing a European Peace Facility, and repealing Decision (CFSP) 2015/528[2],

     having regard to the Political Guidelines of the Commission President for 2024-2029,

     having regard to the 2024 enlargement reports presented by the Commission on 30 October 2024,

     having regard to the Commission communication of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘2024 Communication on EU enlargement policy’ (COM(2024)0690),

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2024/1449 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 14 May 2024 on establishing the Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans[3],

     having regard to Sauli Niinistö’s report of 30 October 2024 on strengthening Europe’s civil and military preparedness and readiness,

     having regard to the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders, adopted in 2004, updated in 2008 and further supplemented in 2020 with a guidance note on the Guidelines’ implementation,

     having regard to its resolutions on breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law, adopted in accordance with Rule 150 of its Rules of Procedure,

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 20 June 2023 on European Economic Security Strategy (JOIN(2023)0020),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 16 December 2020 entitled ‘The EU’s Cybersecurity Strategy for the Digital Decade’ (JOIN(2020)0018),

     having in regard to the Commission Recommendation of 3 October 2023 on critical technology areas for the EU’s economic security for further risk assessment with Member States (C(2023)6689),

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2019/797 of 17 May 2019 concerning restrictive measures against cyber-attacks threatening the Union or its Member States[4],

     having regard to its resolution of 1 June 2023 on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, including disinformation[5],

     having regard to its resolution of 9 October 2024 on strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian interference ahead of the upcoming presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on EU integration[6],

     having regard to its resolution of 24 October 2024 on the misinterpretation of UN resolution 2758 by the People’s Republic of China and its continuous military provocations around Taiwan[7],

     having regard to its resolution of 17 January 2024 on the security and defence implications of China’s influence on critical infrastructure in the European Union[8],

     having regard to its resolutions of 24 October 2024 on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia[9] and of 5 October 2023 on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan’s attack and the continuing threats against Armenia[10],

     having regard to its resolutions on historical remembrance, including its resolutions of 2 April 2009 on European conscience and totalitarianism[11], of 19 September 2019 on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe[12], of 15 December 2022 on 90 years after the Holodomor: recognising the mass killing through starvation as genocide[13] and of 17 January 2024 on European historical consciousness[14],

     having regard to the report of 9 May 2022 on the final outcome of the Conference on the Future of Europe,

     having regard to the EU Action Plan on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in External Action 2021-2025 (GAP III),

     having regard to the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (the Istanbul Convention), which entered into force in the EU on 1 October 2023,

     having regard to the UN resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly on 25 September 2015 at the UN Sustainable Development Summit in New York entitled ‘Transforming our World: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’ (Agenda 2030), which established the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),

     having regard to the UN resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly on 8 December 1949 on assistance to Palestine refugees,

     having regard to the UN Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 on a peaceful and accepted settlement of the Middle East situation,

     having regard to the UN Security Council resolution of 11 August 2006on the situation in the Middle East,

     having regard to the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948 and the UN Human Rights Council resolution of 22 June 2020 on the prevention of genocide,

     having regard to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC),

     having regard to the agreement between the International Criminal Court and the European Union of 28 April 2006 on cooperation and assistance[15],

     having regard to the advisory opinion requested from the International Court of Justice by the UN General Assembly in its resolution of 30 December 2022 on Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,

     having regard to the order of the International Court of Justice concerning South Africa’s request for the indication of provisional measures,

     having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

     having regard to the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (A10-0010/2025),

    A. whereas the world faces rapid geopolitical shifts, with autocratic powers, both individually and in coordinated efforts, actively challenging the international rules-based order and its multilateral institutions, international law, democratic institutions and societies, as well as our alliances; whereas all EU leverage should be assessed in order to dissuade countries from supporting Russia’s aggression;  

    B. whereas the BRICS summit held in Kazan, Russia, from 22 to 24 October 2024 underscores how Putin leverages international platforms to counteract isolation and build alliances; whereas a unified and strategic EU response is required to uphold the principles of the rules-based international order;

    C. whereas the EU and its Member States should review development assistance to governments of countries that openly support Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and monitor their votes on relevant UN resolutions;

    D. whereas the geopolitical confrontation between democracies and authoritarian and dictatorial regimes is growing, conflicts are multiplying, and the use of force is increasingly treated as a standard tool for pursuing political aims; whereas force is wielded not only by states but also by an expanding array of non-state actors; whereas the EU needs to reinforce transatlantic relations and build constructive partnerships with like-minded partners in the Global South;

    E. whereas the geopolitical context in which the EU is operating has accentuated the need for more ambitious, credible, decisive and unified EU action and a fully fledged European foreign policy on the world stage and has highlighted the necessity for Member States to demonstrate the required political will to rebuild their defence capabilities, while strengthening the EU’s transatlantic bonds and partnerships with like-minded countries; whereas the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) needs to become a fully fledged EU policy through which the EU can address the key geopolitical challenges; whereas the EU should be guided in its external action by the values and principles enshrined in Article 2, Article 3(5) and Article 21 TEU, which have inspired the EU’s own creation, development and enlargement; whereas it is in the EU’s interest to stand up accordingly for universal values, norms and principles such as freedom and democratic standards, as well as human rights, the rule of law, international justice and the Helsinki Final Act, in particular as regards the non-violation of international borders;

    F. whereas the EU is faced with the rapid rise of new threats at its borders and on its territory, which are destabilising the EU’s functioning, in particular targeted disinformation, cyber and hybrid attacks, the instrumentalisation of migratory flows, in addition to international terrorism and religious radicalism;

    G. whereas strategic autonomy requires the EU to act independently on the global stage when needed, particularly in foreign and security policy; whereas the EU has recognised the need to reduce undue reliance on external actors for safeguarding its interests in an unpredictable and multipolar world;

    H. whereas the EU needs to develop an independent and autonomous European diplomacy, including public and cultural, economic, climate, digital and cyber diplomacy, led by an EU diplomatic service which is driven by a common diplomatic culture;

    I. whereas the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine violates the rules-based international order, fundamental principles of international law as enshrined in the UN Charter and key conventions and resolutions, the Helsinki Final Act and the European Convention on Human Rights;

    J. whereas the Russian violations of the Geneva Convention on Prisoners of War comprise executions of prisoners and the denial of access to humanitarian organisations and medical treatment for prisoners;

    K. whereas the ICC has issued an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin and the Russian High Commissioner for Children, Maria Lvova-Belova, for their involvement in the abduction of Ukrainian children to Russia; whereas Russia, assisted by the Belarusian regime, is undertaking to re-educate Ukrainian hildren and erase their Ukrainian identity; whereas Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus has to be held fully accountable for its complicity in the war of aggression against Ukraine and war crimes such as the abduction of thousands of Ukrainian children;

    L. whereas the ICC has additionally issued arrest warrants for Russian military leaders Sergei Shoigu, Valery Gerasimov, Viktor Sokolov and Sergei Kobylash, accused of directing attacks on civilian targets;

    M whereas the Hungarian Government is blocking the newly established EUR 5 billion Ukraine Assistance Fund set up in March 2024 within the European Peace Facility (EPF); whereas the Hungarian Government is blocking the eighth tranche of EPF reimbursements for Member States that have delivered military aid to Ukraine for more than 18 months;

    N. whereas Russian shadow fleet tankers pose a considerable risk to maritime and environmental security by turning off or manipulating their automatic identification systems; whereas these tankers provide an estimated USD 12 billion to Russia’s war budget each month, thereby directly funding its aggressive military operations;

    O. whereas Vladimir Putin’s regime has instrumentalised history in an attempt to secure the loyalty of the Russian population by creating nostalgia for the supposed greatness of the Soviet Empire, falsifying the history of Russia and Ukraine, rejecting Nikita Khrushchev’s policy to acknowledge and condemn Stalinist crimes, reneging on Mikhail Gorbachev’s recognition and condemnation of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, and declaring the collapse of the Soviet Union as the greatest tragedy of the previous century;

    P. whereas Russia and other malign actors in its neighbouring countries promote anti-Western and divisive rhetoric and exploit ethnic tensions in the Western Balkans in order to inflame conflict and divide communities, including through the instrumentalisation of the Serbian Orthodox Church;

    Q. whereas 2024 marked the 20th anniversary of the ‘big bang’ enlargement when 10 countries joined the EU; whereas enlargement is of the utmost strategic importance for the EU, as it represents a geostrategic investment in long-term peace, democracy, stability, security, climate protection and prosperity across the continent, and in particular in the face of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine; whereas the preparation for enlargement requires reforms in the EU and whereas the EU should conduct the enlargement process in parallel with the institutional and decision-making reforms necessary to safeguard the EU’s integration capacity;

    R. whereas the EU must maintain the momentum for the acceleration of its enlargement policy while accession countries continue to reform and achieve the required benchmarks related to the EU acquis; whereas consistent messages and a clear path towards integration for candidate countries are vital for keeping the pro-European perspective alive;

    S. whereas the future of the Balkans and the countries in the Eastern Neighbourhood lies in the EU;

    T. whereas the Union is founded on the values of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights, which are part of the Copenhagen criteria, which are the key set of criteria for EU membership; whereas the accession process is a merit-based and reversible process;

    U. whereas joining the EU requires foreign policy alignment, including on the votes on United Nations General Assembly resolutions, support for Ukraine and alignment with sanctions against Russia; whereas most of the countries of the Western Balkans have reached high levels of alignment with the CFSP, a notable exception being Serbia;

    V. whereas North Macedonia concluded the Prespa Agreement with Greece and the Treaty of friendship, good-neighbourliness and cooperation with Bulgaria;

    W. whereas the citizens of Georgia have demonstrated their commitment to democratic values and to their country making progress with EU integration; whereas the democratic backsliding in Georgia needs to be reversed; whereas the Georgian authorities should heed the will of the Georgian people to join the EU and should ensure free and fair elections, stop democratic backsliding, abandon the laws that jeopardise Georgia’s European future and pursue pro-European democratic reforms; whereas Georgia should align with the EU’s CFSP, including the sanctions adopted unanimously against Russia;

    X. whereas any partnership agreement between the EU and Azerbaijan – including on energy – must have strong conditions attached on the respect of international law, fundamental rights and international obligations and, in particular, on Azerbaijan making substantial progress towards a comprehensive and sustainable peace agreement with Armenia;

    Y. whereas the Mediterranean is of great importance to the EU, both historically and geographically; whereas the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood play an important role in ensuring that irregular migration flows are managed on the basis of the principles of solidarity, balance, shared responsibility and in full compliance with applicable EU and international law and, in particular, human rights and humanitarian law;

    Z. whereas strategic partnerships and agreements between the EU and countries of origin and transit, such those between EU and Mauritania, are proving to be a successful model for the prevention of irregular migration and the fight against migrant smugglers;

    AA. whereas the supply of thousands of Shahed drones from the Islamic Republic of Iran to Russia has further cemented Iran’s role as a pariah state; whereas North Korea and China further demonstrate their unwavering disregard to international laws and norms;

    AB. whereas on 28 May 2024, Norway, Ireland and Spain recognised the State of Palestine, followed on 4 June 2024 by a decision of Slovenia’s parliament to do the same;

    AC. whereas China defines itself as a ‘near-Arctic state’ and endeavours to develop, in close partnership with Russia, a Polar Silk Road;

    AD. whereas the Belt and Road Initiative, known in China as the One Belt One Road, is a threat to the EU’s interests and undermines the CFSP;

    AE. whereas on 14 October 2024 the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the British Foreign Secretary agreed to launch strategic consultations on issues such as the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, the Western Balkans and hybrid threats;

    AF. whereas all UN agencies embody the rules-based international order as they uphold and implement both the letter and the spirit of the UN Charter, to which all UN Member States must abide;

    AG. whereas the EU’s credibility and coherence is a paramount requirement for the correct implementation of its external action, as this reinforces trust in the EU among various actors and non-EU countries; whereas the efficiency of the EU’s actions worldwide is contingent on ensuring the highest level of coordination and coherence in the EU’s external action; whereas coordination between the Commission and the European External Action Service (EEAS) should be strengthened, particularly due to the insufficient operational budget of the EEAS;

    AH. whereas the implementation of gender equality and the WPS agenda requires initiatives that promote gender-responsive leadership, protect women’s rights and combat sexual and gender-based violence in conflict and post-conflict settings; whereas the funding of these initiatives is essential for supporting local civil society organisations and providing survivor-centred support;

    AI. whereas human rights defenders (HRDs) are the EU’s main allies in defending and promoting human rights abroad; whereas HRDs are increasingly at risk of attacks and threats from state and non-state actors; whereas Parliament has consistently called for the proper and coordinated implementation of the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders (2008); whereas the Member States, alongside the EU institutions, should implement these Guidelines, which include a range of specific commitments, such as regular reporting, coordination and action in support of HRDs;

    AJ. whereas the consequences of climate change will have an ever-increasing effect on various spheres of human life, including geopolitical order and global stability; whereas it is of crucial importance that fighting climate change, necessitating climate action, and aiding those who are hardest hit by its repercussions, becomes a cornerstone of the CFSP; underlines the fundamental role which the Commission and the Member States, in a joint approach, must play in the advancement of climate diplomacy globally;

    AK. whereas the report entitled ‘Safer Together – Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’, presented by Sauli Niinistö, Special Adviser to the President of the European Commission, provides strategic recommendations for enhancing Europe’s civilian and military preparedness in the light of escalating and complex security threats;

    AL. whereas this report first reviews the VP/HR’s annual CFSP report and subsequently complements it with Parliament’s positions on the CFSP objectives in 2025; whereas in so doing, the report expands particularly on (1) the global consequences of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, (2) conflict and peace in the Middle East, (3) cooperation with like-minded partners and (4) the general visibility and influence of EU action abroad; whereas Parliament’s forward-looking CFSP position is ultimately underlined by key demands concerning the next multiannual financial framework (MFF) and the parliamentary oversight of the MFF; whereas there is a need to defend and strengthen the rules-based international order, the universal norms, values and principles of the UN Charter such as human rights and international justice, multilateralism, and the Helsinki Final Act, in particular as regards the non-violation of international borders;

    1. Underscores that its resolutions on the implementation of the CFSP are a key component of its contribution to EU foreign policymaking; underlines that these resolutions manifest the practical implication of the strengthened right of scrutiny in the area of foreign policy conferred on Parliament by the Treaty of Lisbon; recalls that the 2024 resolution is the first of this nature in this legislative term and aims to serve as a guide for the EU executive when setting foreign policy priorities for this term; highlights the fact that in an ever volatile international environment, the EU needs to simultaneously tackle numerous foreign policy challenges affecting it directly or indirectly, such as the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, the conflicts in the Middle East, increasing great power competition, constant attempts to undermine the multilateral rules-based international order and an increased nexus of foreign and internal crises; strongly believes that in order to stay relevant on the international stage, the EU needs to pursue a determined, disciplined and assertive foreign policy that fulfils the EU’s own strategic objectives and continues defining, asserting and defending its interests in the world; recalls that the EU should be guided in its external action by the values and principles enshrined in Article 2, Article 3(5) and Article 21 TEU, which have inspired the EU’s own creation, development and enlargement, including democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for human dignity, and the principles of equality and solidarity; further believes that the CFSP should ensure the implementation of the UN’s 2030 Agenda and the SDGs;

    I. The VP/HR’s 2024 annual report

    2. Notes that the report was submitted to the European Parliament on 20 June 2024; recalls that the report should be forward-looking in nature; comments hereinafter on several developments emphasised by the VP/HR in his report;

    3. Welcomes in particular:

     the local, vibrant civil societies in the enlargement countries that play a constructive role in the EU integration processes, while underlining that civil society is vital in fostering democracy and pluralism and promoting good governance as well as social progress and that the enlargement countries should provide an enabling space and an appropriate framework for cooperation to ensure their meaningful involvement;

     the successful finalisation of the screening process for Albania at the end of 2023 and the opening of the first cluster of negotiating chapters on external relations (Cluster 6); welcomes Albania’s ambition of closing accession negotiations swiftly; highlights the need to further intensify reforms to address deficiencies that persist regarding the ‘fundamentals’, in particular concerning the rule of law, fighting corruption and organised crime; cautions against undermining the work of independent institutions such as the Special Anti-Corruption and Organised Crime Structure (SPAK); underscores the importance of a viable political pluralism and a competitive opposition and calls for dialogue and constructive engagement between the majority and the opposition to overcome the strong political polarisation in the country and to foster inclusive democratic processes that respects all parties, including the Greek, Roma and Egyptian minorities in the country; commends the country’s consistent, full alignment with the EU’s foreign and security policy, including with the EU’s restrictive measures against Russia and Belarus;

     the decision on the opening of accession negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina; encourages the authorities to take all of the relevant steps set out in the Commission’s recommendation of 12 October 2022; urges the country’s political leaders to implement a substantial set of reforms, including electoral reforms, in accordance with the decisions of domestic and international courts, in order to ensure the principles of equality and non-discrimination for all citizens and constituent peoples, as enshrined in its constitution and in full respect of the judgments of domestic and international courts, including all rulings of the European Court of Human Rights regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina; denounces the recurring inflammatory rhetoric and secessionist laws and policies of the leadership of the entity ‘Republika Srpska’ (RS), including the celebration of the unconstitutional ‘RS Day’ on 9 January 2025; calls on the Member States and representatives of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina to promote and support the implementation of these judgments; reiterates its call for targeted sanctions against destabilising actors within Bosnia and Herzegovina, notably Milorad Dodik, as well as other high-ranking officials of RS and Serbian officials providing political and material support for secessionist policies; calls on all Member States to ensure that such sanctions can be adopted by the Council and to impose them bilaterally or in concert with other Member States if their adoption in the Council is not possible; welcomes the agreement reached to extend the mandate of the EU forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Operation Althea until November 2025 and recalls that this mission still plays a pivotal role in the security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina; urges the EU’s military mission to actively prevent unlawful parades and other provocations as well as threats against all people working to help the victims of genocide and investing in inter-ethnic reconciliation and a peaceful future for the country;

     the progress in the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue, especially in the areas of freedom of movement and energy; calls on Kosovo and Serbia to continuously engage in this dialogue in good faith and in the spirit of compromise to achieve a comprehensive, legally binding agreement on the normalisation of their relations, based on mutual recognition, in accordance with international law and without further delay; regrets, in this context, the lack of progress in the implementation of the path to normalisation and calls for efforts to be made and capacity to be dedicated to the EU-facilitated dialogue; commits, hence, to work closely with the outgoing as well as the incoming EU Special Representative for the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue and other Western Balkan regional issues; calls on the VP/HR to take advantage of the new term of the Commission to overcome the stalemate and give a new impetus to the dialogue and to come up with a new, innovative and balanced approach to the mediation;

     the 2024 Enlargement Report on Serbia, presented by the Commission on 31 October 2024; reiterates its position that accession negotiations with Serbia should advance only if the country aligns with EU sanctions against Russia and makes significant progress on its EU-related reforms, in particular in the area of the ‘fundamentals’; reminds the Serbian authorities that the proper functioning of democratic institutions is at the core of Serbia’s EU accession process and the EU accession methodology; recalls in this context its position that the Serbian parliamentary and local elections held on 17 December 2023 deviated from international standards and Serbia’s commitments to free and fair elections; reiterates its serious concerns over these irregularities and the overall election environment, which fell below the standards expected of an EU candidate country; urges Serbia’s political leadership to ensure constructive, inclusive dialogue across the political spectrum and to deliver on the necessary reforms for Serbia to progress on the path to EU accession; regrets the biased approach of the EU towards Serbia despite its year-long roll-back on the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights, as well as its destabilising influence on the whole region;

     Kosovo’s application for EU membership and the Kosovo Report 2024 and asks the Commission to respond to it; recalls that Kosovo’s bid to be considered a candidate country will be assessed on the basis of its own merits and of its success in meeting the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership; welcomes, however, the lifting of visa requirements for Kosovo citizens; regrets the restrictive measures imposed by the Council against Kosovo and calls for their immediate lifting, as proposed by the VP/HR;

     the progress made by Montenegro in meeting the interim benchmarks for Chapters 23 and 24 of the EU acquis; encourages the country to continue to make progress on and implement EU-related reforms swiftly; expresses, nonetheless, its concerns over controversial ideas for legislative proposals on citizenship and foreign agents floated in public; stresses the importance of the new government being able and committed to take forward the EU-related reforms and keep Montenegro firmly on the EU strategic path; expects the country to start closing chapters in the accession negotiations and to be ready to join the EU within the next couple of years;

     the successful finalisation of the screening process for North Macedonia at the end of 2023; urges the government of North Macedonia to achieve tangible results in fulfilling its obligation under the EU negotiating framework, including relevant constitutional changes, in line with the country’s commitments;

     the successful resumption of the CFSP dialogue between the EU and its partners in the Western Balkans and the importance of these partnerships for peace and security; recalls that EU enlargement is a geostrategic investment, which requires commitment from both the EU and the enlargement countries on their pathways to accession; recalls in this context the continued need for reforms regarding the rule of law, fundamental rights and public administration, and for alignment with the CFSP, including on sanctions and on the EU’s visa policy; highlights, additionally, the threats posed by malign foreign interference in the region and underlines the importance of combating disinformation to contain anti-Western and divisive rhetoric which seeks to exploit and exacerbate ethnic tensions in the region; cautions against engagement with the EU’s systemic rivals, which could undermine the prosperous, sustainable and secure future that EU accession offers; recalls, in this context, the added value of the investments made by the EU under the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance III, the newly established Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans, and the Western Balkans Investment Framework; calls on the Western Balkan countries to use all the resources made available to support their alignment with the EU acquis; calls upon the Commissioner for Enlargement to increase the visibility of EU action in the Balkans;

     the decision to open accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova; commends the fact that the CFSP alignment rate of Moldova has substantially increased from 54 % in 2022 to 86 % in 2024 and encourages Ukraine and Moldova to continue this positive trend towards full alignment; calls for the acceleration of the screening process and the timely organisation of the subsequent intergovernmental conferences;

     Armenia’s decision to suspend its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization and cease all payments to its budget in 2024, following Russia’s failure to assist Armenia against Azerbaijan’s military aggression, and to seek a more reliable security architecture; supports Armenia’s official request for the Russian Federation to withdraw its Federal Security Service border guards from its international airport and the Armenia-Iran border; welcomes the regular meetings under the EU-Armenia Political and Security Dialogue format and the EU-Armenia Partnership Council and commends the decision to adopt the assistance measures under the EPF in support Armenian armed forces on 13 June and 22 July 2024 respectively;

     the ongoing attempts by Armenia and Azerbaijan to normalise their relations, such as through the Armenia-Azerbaijan joint statement of 7 December 2023 on confidence-building measures, as well as the progress made in the framework of the Armenia-Azerbaijan border delimitation process, which has led to an agreement on several sections of the border; encourages both parties to sign a comprehensive and fair peace agreement without delay; calls on Azerbaijan to demonstrate genuine efforts to this end; reaffirms its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both Armenia and Azerbaijan and strongly supports the normalisation of their relations based on the principles of the mutual recognition of territorial integrity and the inviolability of borders, in accordance with the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration; reiterates its demand for the withdrawal of Azerbaijan’s troops from the entirety of Armenia’s sovereign territory and the release of the 23 remaining Armenian hostages;

     the activities of the civilian European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), which contributes to security in the region by substantially decreasing the number of incidents in conflict-affected and border areas, and reduces the level of risks for the population living in such areas; welcomes Armenia’s assistance with the activities of the EUMA on its territory; commends the Council for the decision to increase the number of deployed observers as well as the mission’s capacity and to extend its deployment timeframe; calls for further expansion and presence in the region; calls on the Commission to provide support for Armenia for de-mining;

     the continued work of the EEAS on addressing and countering foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) through the EU FIMI Toolbox, the setting up of a STRATCOM taskforce, and through close cooperation with Member States, international partners, civil society and other relevant stakeholders; reiterates its call to promote the continuous flow of intelligence from Member States to the EEAS on foreign and security issues occurring outside the EU; calls, in this regard, for strengthening the EU INTCEN, the EEAS Crisis Response Centre and the EU Satellite Centre by enhancing its staff, financial resources and capabilities; 

     the proposal of the VP/HR for an anti-corruption sanctions regime, which would allow the EU to target serious acts of corruption worldwide; calls for its swift adoption by the Council;

    4. Condemns in particular:

     the ongoing illegal and unjustifiable Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and the increasing Russian attacks against civilian targets and civilian infrastructure within Ukraine; demands that Russia and its proxy forces cease all military action and that the Russian Federation immediately and unconditionally withdraw its troops and equipment from Ukraine and any other country whose territory, or parts thereof, it unlawfully occupies; condemns any hybrid attacks executed by Russia in Ukraine and strongly denounces the spread of Russia’s propaganda about its war in Ukraine;

     the role of the illegitimate regime of Aliaksandr Lukashenka in allowing the country to serve as a Russian military base, effectively surrendering national sovereignty to the Kremlin in order to maintain its grip on Belarus, while brutally oppressing the Belarusian people in order to stay in power; deplores the Lukashenka regime’s instrumentalisation of migration, particularly in the light of the influx of thousands of migrants into Poland, which Belarus orchestrates to force their passage into the European Union;

     the illegal North Korean involvement in the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine by its sending of military equipment and ammunition to Russia, as well as by its sending of thousands of soldiers to wage war against Ukraine;

     North Korea’s continued weapons testing and development of its nuclear programme, in violation of the UN resolution, further escalating tensions in the Indo-Pacific region; demands that North Korea abandon its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programmes in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner; urges the North Korea authorities to cease their ongoing crimes against humanity and to undertake a process of reform whereby all human rights are respected and protected;

     the increasing malicious activities, interference and hybrid warfare deployed by the Russian Federation, its institutions and proxies in undermining and subverting the democratic stability and sovereignty of Georgia and the Republic of Moldova and in particular the recent interference in the constitutional referendum on EU accession and the presidential elections;

     the attack on Kosovan police officers by well-organised Serbian paramilitaries in Banjska/Banjskë in the north of Kosovo on 24 September 2023 which resulted in the death of the Kosovan police officer Afrim Bunjaku and the injuring of two more Kosovan police officers; condemns the hideous terrorist attack on critical infrastructure near Zubin Potok; stresses that the perpetrators of these deplorable attacks must be held accountable and face justice without delay;

     the brutal and indiscriminate terrorist attacks committed by Hamas across Israel on 7 October 2023, which triggered a disproportionate Israeli military response and a conflict in Gaza that has a devastating effect on civilians and caused a catastrophic humanitarian situation;

     the fact that Hamas has taken and is still holding innocent people, including women and children, hostages, and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of hostages;

     the deliberate and malignant fuelling of an exceptionally tense situation, through repeated attacks targeting Israel since 7 October 2023, by state and non-state actors in the region with Iran being the main instigator, as well as the Houthis in Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon acting as some of its proxies;

     Iran’s persistent non-compliance with its legal safeguard obligations under its Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement and with its commitments under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) condemns, further, the advancement of its nuclear programme beyond all credible civilian justification and the destabilisation of the Middle East this causes, including through proxies, such as attacks on Israel and sponsoring terrorism and civil conflicts; the attacks perpetrated or attempted within the EU by terrorist organisations and networks affiliated to Iran;

     the wrongful detention of European citizens in Iran, the execution of the European citizen of dual German-Iranian nationality Jamshid Sharmahd on 29 October 2024, and the brutal oppression of the people of Iran, in particular the women; reiterates its unwavering support for the women of Iran, who are still subjected to gross violations of their fundamental rights two years after the Women, Life, Freedom movement was brutally repressed; urges the VP/HR to do the utmost to free these citizens and to put an end to the practice of Iranian hostage diplomacy, through which it detains foreign civilians and dual nationals;

     the growing military cooperation between Iran and Russia, in particular the intention to sign a treaty on a comprehensive strategic partnership and Iran’s provision of drones and ballistic missiles to Russia for use against Ukraine and its people;

     the recent adoption of the law on the ‘promotion of virtue and prevention of vice’ in Afghanistan, as well as the systematic violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms, in particular the extreme interpretation of sharia which erases women from public life, bars them from working, hinders their access to all public places without being chaperoned by a male relative and to education beyond the sixth grade, amounting to gender apartheid; demands from the de facto authorities of Afghanistan that all gender-based restrictions on women be lifted and stresses that this must be a key condition for any engagement of the international community with the Taliban; insists on maintaining strict, conditional engagement with the Taliban based on the five benchmarks set by the Council for engaging with the de facto authorities and by holding the perpetrators of these grave violations of girls’ and women’s rights accountable, including through restrictive measures;

     the increasing breadth and intensity of operations, including cyberattacks and foreign information manipulation by the Chinese Government, as well as vessels and aircraft attempting to intimidate China’s neighbours, which violate peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and surrounding international waters and impede the freedom of navigation rights of all other parties; strongly condemns statements by the Chinese President that the People’s Republic of China will never renounce the right to use force with respect to Taiwan, and insists that the use of coercive measures to achieve unification contradicts international law;

     the government-led system of forced labour and the persistent violations of human rights, in particular the systematic repression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang Province; observes with concern the intense crackdown on ethnic minorities in Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau and the transnational repression of Chinese dissidents, as well as the persistent presence of Chinese police officers on EU territory; has taken note of and deplores the People’s Republic of China (PRC) for not implementing the recommendations of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR); calls on the PRC to allow the OHCHR independent access to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and invites the OHCHR to issue a comprehensive situational update and an action plan for holding the PRC accountable;

     the deterioration of stability in the Sahel, exacerbated by the numerous military coups in the region in recent years; recalls that stability in the Sahel has direct repercussions for the security of European external borders and the management of irregular migration flows from the African continent; emphasises that the EU should urgently review its regional strategy for the Sahel;

     the coups in Burkina Faso and in Niger, with President Bazoum being detained and the constitution suspended; is increasingly concerned by the decision of the central Sahel military regimes in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to leave the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), thus plunging ECOWAS into a deep political crisis; condemns additionally the physical attack on 29 September 2024 on an ECOWAS Member of Parliament and other participants of an officially declared opposition rally in Lomé; calls on the Togolese authorities to ensure the promotion and protection of the fundamental principles of human and peoples’ rights enshrined in Article 4 of the revised ECOWAS Treaty, such as the rights of peaceful assembly, freedom of association, belief and expression; calls on the ECOWAS authorities and its member states to support the efforts needed to safeguard the principles of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights throughout the subregion; takes note of the closure of the European Union Military Partnership Mission in Niger (EUMPM Niger) and of the Capacity Building Mission in Niger (EUCAP Sahel Niger) and the non-renewal of the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM); observes with concern how Russia has intensified the development of state-to-state relationships and cooperation initiatives with African states through military cooperation and a commitment to cooperate on the development of nuclear energy; condemns the rise of terrorist attacks and heavy civilian losses in the Sahel, as well as the presence and predation activities of Russian paramilitaries, which have led to the population being displaced and an influx of refugees, also caused by the instability in the region; deplores the fact that the void UN peacekeepers have left has effectively been filled by Wagner Group mercenaries and Russian and Turkish military, whose industries supply arms to Sahelian capitals;

     the civil war in Sudan, the devastating consequences for the civil population, the atrocities committed against them and, in particular, the despicable large-scale use of rape as a weapon of war;

     the last minute tactical and technical constraints imposed by the authorities of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which prevented the EU Election Observation Mission from monitoring the presidential elections; condemns the violence committed by the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel movement destabilising the eastern DRC; calls for a review of the EU strategy for the Great Lakes region;

     the authoritarian regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, who are systematically undermining Nicaragua’s democratic structures; recalls that the regime in Nicaragua maintains strong ties with other autocracies, such as those in Iran, Venezuela and Cuba; condemns the systematic human rights violations and abuses perpetrated by the Cuban regime; strongly condemns and fully rejects the electoral fraud orchestrated by the regime in Venezuela and demands that the Maduro government cease its policy of repression and attacks on civil society and the opposition; recalls that on 19 September 2024, Parliament recognised Edmundo González Urrutia as the legitimate and democratically elected President of Venezuela and María Corina Machado as the leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela; highlights the fact that various democratic states in the region and throughout the world have recognised González as president-elect; recalls that he should have been sworn in on 10 January 2025; expresses satisfaction that on 17 December 2024, Parliament awarded the 2024 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought to María Corina Machado, as the leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela, and to president-elect Edmundo González Urrutia, representing all Venezuelans inside and outside the country fighting for the reinstitution of freedom and democracy;

     the employment of the ‘Cuban medical brigade’ in some European countries as a form of infringement of fundamental rights and freedoms and of slavery and forced labour;

     the risk of collapse of the state structures and difficult humanitarian situation in Haiti due to rampant gang violence;

     the fact that the PRC, Russia, Iran and other totalitarian or authoritarian regimes use information manipulation and malign interference as integral instruments to exert pressure on multilateral institutions and democratic values and norms, to abuse power, to increase the incidence and severity of human rights violations, to constrict spaces for civil society, independent media and democratic opposition movements, to spread anti-Western disinformation and to use various forms of transnational repression to intimidate and constrict spaces for civil society, independent media and democratic opposition movements in the diaspora;

     the increasing attacks, harassment, arbitrary detention, torture and killings of HRDs worldwide, especially those advocating for environmental, indigenous, women’s, LGBTQI+ and anti-corruption rights; further notes the increasingly sophisticated tactics used by state and non-state actors, including digital surveillance and smear campaigns, aimed at silencing HRDs; stresses the urgent need to protect HRDs, who also play a critical role in upholding democracy and the rule of law globally; calls for enhanced support and protection mechanisms for HRDs facing threats, harassment and violence, especially those in high-risk areas or working on sensitive issues such as environmental, indigenous and women’s rights;

     attempts to circumvent EU and international sanctions, which it sees as strategies posing direct threats to the international rules-based order;

     the failure by Azerbaijan to comply with the order of 17 November 2023, issued by the International Court of Justice, indicating provisional measures regarding the safe, unimpeded and expeditious return of the 100 000 ethnic Armenians who fled Nagorno-Karabakh after the September 2023 pre-planned, unjustified military attack by Azerbaijan, as well as the refusal of Azerbaijani authorities to release all 23 Armenian prisoners of war it currently detains; stresses the need to support all initiatives and activities that could lead to the establishment of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the signing of a long-awaited peace agreement; calls, further, on Azerbaijan to demonstrate genuine efforts to this end; warns Azerbaijan that any military action against Armenia would be unacceptable and would have serious consequences for the partnership between Azerbaijan and the EU; highlights the fact that Azerbaijan’s connectivity issues with its exclave Nakhchivan should be resolved with full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia; reiterates its position that the EU should be ready to impose sanctions on any individuals and entities that threaten the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Armenia; stresses that Parliament’s multiple warnings on the situation have not led to any change in the EU’s stance towards Azerbaijan; calls for the EU to end its reliance on gas exports from Azerbaijan; calls on the Commission to suspend the 2022 memorandum of understanding on the strategic partnership in the field of energy and to act accordingly; condemns the Russian ‘gas laundering’ through Azerbaijan and the Azerbaijani authorities’ facilitation of Russia’s circumvention of EU sanctions; calls for the EU to cease all technical and financial assistance to Azerbaijan that might contribute to strengthening its military or security capabilities; calls on the Member States to freeze exports of all military and security equipment to Azerbaijan; condemns Azerbaijan’s repeated attempts to denigrate and destabilise Member States, including through the so-called Baku Initiative Group; condemns the ongoing deterioration of the human rights situation in the country;

    5. Concurs with:

     the need to improve relations with Türkiye; welcomes the partial de-escalation of tensions in the east Mediterranean and the Aegean but reiterates its concern that Türkiye’s foreign policy continues to be at odds with EU priorities under the CFSP; recalls, in this context, the signature and the evocation of the memorandum of understanding between Türkiye and Libya on comprehensive security and military cooperation and on the delimitation of maritime zones;

     the call on Türkiye to work on a constructive, and not assertive nor aggressive, approach in its neighbourhood, including the Southern Caucasus; regrets that Türkiye continues to dispute the sovereignty and sovereign rights of an EU Member State; recalls that Türkiye’s accession process is contingent on its full compliance with the Copenhagen criteria and on its normalisation of relations with all EU Member States, including the Republic of Cyprus; calls for the status of the buffer zone and the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus to be respected; urges Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriot leadership to cease and reverse all such unilateral activities and refrain from any further actions and provocations; calls for engagement in peaceful UN-led negotiations and for real progress to be made in the Cyprus settlement talks;

     the assessment that,  in the absence of a drastic change of course by the Turkish Government, Türkiye’s EU accession process cannot be resumed;

     the urgent need for the EU and the Turkish Government to move forward toward a mutual reflection process, including a modernised association agreement, which would lead to a mutually beneficial, more dynamic and strategic partnership, with strict conditionality on the respect of rule of law, fundamental rights, international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and good neighbourly relations, considering the key role played by Türkiye, for example, in the Black Sea region and its significance as a NATO ally;

     the fact that Türkiye is making an inadequate effort in aligning with the EU’s CFSP, including on sanctions and the anti-circumvention of sanctions, as well as with the need for Türkiye to cooperate closely with the EU’s Sanctions Envoy; deplores the unacceptable nature of the solidarity and support that the President of Türkiye has publicly provided to the terrorist organisation Hamas; reiterates its concerns about the ongoing deterioration of democratic standards in Türkiye; recalls that Türkiye also targets the EU with foreign information manipulation and interference and that its government is considering introducing a Russian-style foreign agents law; underlines the incompatibility between Türkiye’s candidacy for BRICS+ and the EU’s CFSP;

     the concern over democratic backsliding in Georgia, manifested by the fact that the parliamentary elections held on 26 October 2024 did not respect international standards for democratic elections or its commitments as a member of the OSCE to carry out free and fair elections; emphasises that violations of electoral integrity are incompatible with the standards expected from an EU candidate country; considers that the reported electoral fraud undermines the integrity of the election process, the legitimacy of the results and the public’s trust in the government and that the results do not serve as a reliable representation of the will of the Georgian people; considers that, with the legitimacy of the vote severely undermined by the magnitude of the violations, the international community should not recognise the election results; rejects, therefore, any recognition of the parliamentary elections and does not recognise any decisions taken by the body that has taken control of the country; calls urgently for early elections conducted in an improved election environment, managed by an independent and impartial election administration with widespread international observation, to ensure a genuinely free, fair and transparent process that would represent the will of the people of Georgia; concurs with the European Council’s conclusions of 27 June 2024 that a failure to reverse the current course of action, including the law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’, the law on ‘family values and protection of minors’, as well as the changes to the Electoral Code, jeopardises Georgia’s EU path, de facto leading to a halt of the accession process; appreciates, at the same time, the efforts made by Georgian President Salome Zourabichvili to steer the country back towards a democratic and European path of development; considers that President Salome Zourabichvili is currently the only clearly legitimate representative of the will of the Georgian people; reiterates its unwavering support for the Georgian people’s legitimate European aspirations, which are being betrayed by the Georgian Government; demands the immediate release of all people detained for peacefully protesting against the recent decisions by Georgia concerning a suspension of EU integration; calls on the Commission to use the frozen EUR 120 million originally intended as support for the Georgian authorities to enhance the EU’s support for Georgia’s civil society, in particular the non-governmental sector and independent media, which are increasingly coming under undue pressure from the ruling political party and the authorities, as well as to support programmes supporting democratic resilience and electoral integrity; strongly encourages the EU and its Member States to introduce personal sanctions against all those who are responsible for the democratic backsliding, in particular Bidzina Ivanishvili and Irakli Kobakhidze; encourages individual Member States and relevant regional organisations to avoid actively legitimising the self-appointed Georgian Dream authorities and call, in this regard, for suspending the EU Georgia Association Council;

     the observation that Russia and China have become significant players in the Southern Neighbourhood, especially North Africa, while Türkiye and the Gulf states, chief among them the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, have risen as regional forces; argues that the idea of a single ‘neighbourhood’ for both Eastern and Southern Europe overlooks their distinct challenges; concurs further with the strategic relevance of the Southern Neighbourhood, its stability, economic development and prosperity; recalls that instability and insecurity in the Southern Neighbourhood remains an ongoing challenge for European external border management; underlines the interference of strategic competitors in the region and calls strongly for the EU to send a solid and clear political message in favour of renewed cooperation with countries of the Southern Neighbourhood; calls on the VP/HR and the Commission to release, as an urgent matter, the new pact for the Mediterranean and to secure adequate resources for its timely and effective implementation; reiterates that a dynamic network of strategic partnerships tailored to the specific needs and aspirations of each country in our Southern Neighbourhood should be at the centre of the new pact; believes, in this context, that the EU should conduct a thorough review of the current incentive structure that combines the promise of financial assistance and trade benefits in exchange for political and economic reforms and ensure that it aligns with broader EU objectives, including the promotion of human rights and democratic values; stresses that besides prioritising bilateral cooperation, the EU should also continue to foster regional cooperation through existing frameworks such as the Union for the Mediterranean, which offers a valuable platform for promoting dialogue and joint action on issues of common concern;

     the concern about Russian and Chinese pressure exerted in Central Asia and stresses the need to scale up the EU’s presence in the region in response, given its geostrategic importance; highlights the hesitation of Central Asian states to lend support to Russia’s war of aggression given the effect the war is having on the region; underlines the EU’s interest in increasing economic relations and intensifying political ties with the countries of Central Asia, in part to address the circumvention of sanctions against Russia and Belarus; calls on the authorities of the Central Asian states, particularly Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, to cooperate closely with the EU, in particular with its Sanctions Envoy; encourages the Commission and the Member States to continue promoting political and economic reforms that strengthen the rule of law, democracy, good governance and respect for human rights;

     the fact that the Arctic is of geostrategic importance as regards the expansion of potential maritime routes, access to natural resources, climate conservation and territorial claims; stresses that this importance is heightened not only by Russian military expansion in the High North but also by China’s increasing presence and interest in the region, and its self-proclamation as a ‘near-Arctic state’; underscores the need for ensuring freedom and safety of navigation amid these two states’ growing influence and militarisation; underlines the importance of preserving security, stability and cooperation in the Arctic; stresses that the region must remain free from military tensions and natural resource exploitation, while respecting the rights of indigenous peoples; reiterates the need to include the EU’s Arctic policy in the CFSP and engage in effective cooperation with NATO; calls for the Arctic to be addressed regularly within the Political and Security Committee and Council meetings;

     the strategic importance of the Taiwan Strait and the Indo-Pacific in the face of increasing Chinese intimidation in the region, including through military and hybrid means, and stresses the need to scale up the EU’s presence in the regions in response; underlines the EU’s interest in increasing economic relations and intensifying substantial ties with like-minded partners in the region, including Taiwan;

     the effectiveness of the implementation of a Gulf strategy, advancing in a strategic partnership with each of the Gulf countries and working together to promote global and regional security and prosperity;

     the focus on achieving accountability in the cyberspace, through the operationalisation of the EU digital diplomacy toolbox and the attention given to strengthening global cyber resilience; calls for an increased focus on building the cyber resilience capacity of developing democracies faced with hybrid challenges to their electoral systems; calls for increasing joint cyber defence exercises between the EU and NATO in order to improve interoperability and readiness to counter hybrid threats;

     the commitment to place democracy promotion at the forefront of the CFSP and to ensure the EU’s proactive role in this regard, building on lessons learned from previous democracy support actions, in particular in support of civil society, HRDs, critical voices, democratic opposition and media;

     the need to fight impunity and strengthen accountability efforts globally, including through the ICC, and to stand up for international law and international humanitarian law; remains deeply concerned about the trend of state officials undermining decisions of international institutions and their employees; regrets the failure of some ICC member states to execute ICC arrest warrants, thereby undermining the ICC’s work;

     the urgent and ongoing need to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment through all EU external action a foreign policy that takes into account gender mainstreaming in line with the 2021-2025 Gender Action Plan, especially in light of the current global rollback of women’s rights; emphasises that at the current rate of progress, achieving gender equality worldwide will take another 131 years, underscoring the critical importance of accelerating efforts to safeguard and advance women’s rights and opportunities;

    II. CFSP objectives in 2025

    6. Identifies, in the following section, Parliament’s CFSP objectives in 2025, thus complementing the views expressed in the VP/HR’s annual CFSP report;

    Addressing the global consequences of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine

    7. Emphasises that Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and its consequences, including economic uncertainty, food insecurity and high energy prices, in combination with the revisionist behaviour of the Russian Federation against a number of states neighbouring the Black Sea, destabilises and threatens the Eastern Neighbourhood and the Western Balkans, which in turn erodes the European security architecture; underlines, in this context, the need for reinforcing the EU’s capacities to support democratic institutions in our immediate neighbourhood;

    8. Notes that the EU’s response to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine is being closely watched by autocratic actors around the world and will have a decisive influence in shaping their behaviour on the international stage; is concerned by the growing cooperation and coordination among autocratic regimes, including through their material or other support for Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; urges the Council to impose restrictive measures against countries that deliver military goods, such as unmanned aerial vehicles and surface-to-surface missiles, to the Russian Federation for use against civilian targets; recalls that the use of such military goods against civilian targets is a war crime; notes, with grave concern, the increasing cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and underscores that the employment of North Korean troops by Russia is widening the scale of the conflict; emphasises, equally, the urgent need for further sanctions against Belarus, mirroring all sanctions against Russia;

    9. Calls for the EU and its Member States to meaningfully increase and speed up humanitarian assistance, military support, economic and financial aid and political support in every possible way until Ukraine’s victory, in order to ultimately stop Russia’s war of aggression and allow Ukraine to liberate all its people and re-establish full control within its internationally recognised borders; welcomes the rapid creation and successful implementation of the European Union Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine and suggests that the EU consider strengthening it; underlines, in particular, the urgent need to provide Ukraine with increased air defence and surface-to-surface capacities to defend its critical energy infrastructure, and calls on the Member States to immediately lift restrictions on the use of Western weapons systems, such as long-range Taurus missiles, delivered to Ukraine, against legitimate military targets on Russian territory, which would be fully in line with Ukraine’s right to self-defence according to the UN Charter;

    10. Calls for the EU and the Member States to reinforce the effectiveness of its 15 sanction packages adopted so far and to agree on new ones as soon as the need arises; recalls that the strict implementation and uniform application of restrictive measures in all Member States is a precondition for the credibility and effectiveness of the EU’s external action; underscores, thus, the importance of ending all EU imports of Russian energy; calls on the Commission to impose penalties on all European companies that continue to engage in business with the Russian Federation, as well as to further assess and combat sanction circumvention;

    11. Appeals for proactive diplomacy with non-EU countries in order to minimise the circumvention of these sanctions; calls on the Commission to critically assess EU assistance to non-EU countries that actively support Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and urges the Council to impose restrictive measures on non-EU countries enabling Russia’s war of aggression, whether through the facilitation of sanction circumvention or through the provision of direct military assistance, such as in the case of Iran or North Korea; calls on all countries to fully align with all EU sanctions packages;

    12. Deplores the ‘no limits’ partnership between Russia and China, in particular the renewed commitment to strengthen their military ties; welcomes the Council’s decision to impose sanctions on Chinese companies for their support of Russia’s war in Ukraine;

    13. Expresses its most serious concerns over Russia’s and China’s surveillance and sabotage of critical maritime infrastructures, such as seabed communication cables and offshore energy facilities; expresses in particular its strong concern about the damage to two subsea communications cables, one linking Finland and Germany and the other connecting Sweden to Lithuania, within less than 24 hours on 17 and 18 November 2024, and about the damaging by a tanker of the Russian shadow fleet of the EstLink2 power cable, linking Estonia and Finland, on 25 December 2024; calls on the EU to put in place effective monitoring and surveillance systems and regional coastguard cooperation to ensure the prevention and rapid detection of attacks against such infrastructures; welcomes in that regard, the launch of the operation ‘Baltic Sentry’ by NATO, with the participation of several Member States, to improve the security of critical undersea infrastructures in the Baltic Sea; calls on Member States to fully abide by the commitments of the New York joint statement on the security and resilience of undersea cables,

    14. Calls for the EU and its Member States to exercise strict control over, prevent and limit the activities of Russia’s shadow fleets which, in addition to violating EU and G7 sanctions, poses an immense ecological threat to ecosystems as a result of its technical deficiencies and frequent breakdowns; urges the Commission to take swift action, within the framework of the EU’s cooperation with the International Maritime Organization, and to design more targeted sanctions against the shadow fleet in the next sanctions package against Russia; specifies that such sanctions should designate all possible individual shadow fleet vessels, as well as their owners, operators, managers, etc.; recommends banning tanker sales to countries facilitating trade with Russia; notes that the flag states contributing to the Russian shadow fleet are thereby also helping the Russian war effort;

    15. Reiterates its call for the necessary measures to be taken to return forcibly deported and illegally adopted Ukrainian children from Russia or occupied Ukrainian territory;

    16. Calls on the Commission and the Council to designate the Russian state-funded private military Wagner Group as a terrorist organisation; draws attention to the so-called ‘Africa Corps’ that was created following the death of the Wagner Group’s former leader Yevgeny Prigozhin, in August 2023, and placed directly under the control of the Russian Ministry of Defence, in an effort to regroup Wagner elements under government control;

    17. Expresses its unwavering support for the 10-point peace formula  put forward by Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and recalls that any initiative, in particular diplomatic solutions, aimed at ending the Russian war of aggression and achieving a just and lasting peace needs to be based on terms and input provided by Ukraine and ultimately accepted by the Ukrainian people; encourages the Commission and the VP/HR, as well as the Member States, to mobilise international support for the peace formula and the victory plan presented by Ukraine and to engage in security commitments towards Ukraine as recommended in the Kyiv Security Compact;

    18. Reiterates that Ukraine, as a victim of aggression, has the legitimate right to self-defence in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter; calls on the VP/HR, the Commission the Council and the Member States concerned to enable effective Ukrainian countermeasures against Russia; recalls that Russia has violated international law and that the full seizure of the frozen Russian assets is an appropriate step towards enforcing Russia’s obligation to abide by international law, and to compensate Ukraine and other injured parties for the losses caused by Russia’s war of aggression; calls on the Commission to establish a sound legal regime for the confiscation of Russian state assets frozen by the EU; reminds the Commission that any such proposal does not take away the need for continued financial, political, military and humanitarian support; calls for the inclusion of all assets of the Russian state, Russian local authorities, Russian state-owned companies, and of individuals on the EU sanctions list, and for those assets to be used to compensate Ukraine  for the damage caused by this war;

    19. Commends the Commission’s proposal to establish the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism, worth an estimated EUR 35 billion, which responds to Parliament’s call and builds upon the decision of the Council to direct extraordinary revenues stemming from immobilised Russian state assets to the Ukraine Assistance Fund and the Ukraine Facility, as well as upon the G7’s decision to offer Ukraine a USD 50 billion loan secured through immobilised Russian state assets; expresses its conviction that the new Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism is a substantive step towards making Russia financially compensate for the massive damage it continues to cause in Ukraine;

    20. Denounces the abusive use by the Hungarian Government of its veto power to delay or effectively block EU essential aid from being granted to Ukraine; condemns the misuse of the position of the EU Presidency by Viktor Orban, in pursuing his so-called peace-mission to the Russian Federation on 5 July 2024, which was an attempt to undermine the unified EU position on Ukraine, and stresses that he did not to any degree or in any capacity represent the EU;

    21. Urges the VP/HR and the other Member States to overcome the blockade by the Hungarian Government of the EPF’s funding and disbursement decision and to guarantee that the EU’s only instrument in support of military aid to Ukraine becomes fully functional again; calls on the VP/HR to advance proposals to prevent such blockades in the future or to find an alternative mechanism that is fully reliable;

    22. Underscores the urgent need for the EU and its Member States to push for the creation of a special international tribunal to prosecute the crime of aggression committed against Ukraine by the political and military leadership of the Russian Federation and its allies; expresses support for all the activities of the ICC and International Court of Justice in prosecuting the crimes committed on Ukrainian territory;

    23. Commends Ukraine for its progress in the EU accession screening process and calls on Ukraine to continue its progress towards EU membership using all the resources made available to it under the Ukraine Facility and to ensure the meaningful involvement of its civil society in the implementation and monitoring phases thereof; recalls that EU accession is a strictly merit-based process that requires the fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership, including those concerning democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental values and the fight against corruption;

    24. Believes that both Ukraine’s and Moldova’s accession to the EU would be a mutually beneficial investment in a united and strong Europe; stresses that the newly proposed growth plan for the Republic of Moldova serves the purpose of accelerating EU-related reforms; calls on all co-legislators to advance the relevant legislative acts as soon as possible; encourages the VP/HR to additionally enhance the CFSP partnership with Ukraine and Moldova and in this context welcomes the signature of the security and defence partnership between the EU and Moldova in May 2024; recalls the fact that the security of the Republic of Moldova is inextricably linked to the security of Ukraine; underscores, hence, the need to increase financial contributions from the EPF to further enhance Moldova’s defence capabilities;

    25. Praises the Moldova for running the presidential election and the referendum professionally and with an extraordinary sense of duty and dedication, despite the continued massive interference from Russia and its proxies; welcomes the outcome of the 2024 Moldovan European Union membership referendum which enshrined the commitment to joining the EU in the country’s constitution; expresses its support to Moldova in defending its democracy; strongly condemns such constant and coordinated attempts by the Russian Federation, pro-Russian oligarchs and Russian-sponsored local proxies to destabilise the Republic of Moldova, sow divisions within Moldovan society and derail the country’s pro-European direction through hybrid attacks, the weaponisation of energy supplies, disinformation campaigns, bomb threats and staged protests as well as the threat or use of violence; commends the establishment and operations of the EU Partnership Mission in Moldova which have enhanced the Moldovan authorities’ capabilities to address Russian interference; calls on the Council, the Commission and the EEAS to provide the additional resources, including human and financial resources, equipment and civilian experts, necessary to continue implementing the mission’s mandate beyond May 2025;

    26. Stresses the importance of the EPF for enhancing the EU’s ability to prevent conflicts, build peace and strengthen international security;

    27. Welcomes the launch of the Belarus-EU consultative group to enable continuous dialogue between the EU and the Belarusian democratic forces; reiterates its support for the release of all political prisoners and the brave activists and journalists in Belarus who continue to resist the regime of the illegitimate leader in spite of ongoing crackdowns, notably the refusal to renew the passports of Belarussians abroad, and who have expressed their desire for democratic development in Belarus and for membership of the EU, including at the New Belarus Conference held in Warsaw in August 2023; underlines that such efforts demonstrate the fundamental role of civil society in strengthening democracy;

    Resolving conflict and supporting peace in the Middle East

    28. Affirms the right of Israel to defend itself as enshrined in and constrained by international law; recalls that Israel has the obligation to address the risk of mass starvation and the outbreak of disease epidemics in Gaza; recalls that Israel also has the obligation to protect the civilian population and that military operations must be proportionate and in line with international humanitarian law; expresses in the strongest terms its concern about the disproportionate military action by the Israeli Defence Forces in the Gaza Strip and in the West Bank and in Lebanon; calls for an immediate and permanent ceasefire including the unconditional release of all hostages;

    29. Reiterates its unwavering support for a negotiated two-state solution on the basis of the 1967 borders, with two sovereign, democratic states as peaceful neighbours and with Jerusalem as their shared capital, which remains the most viable path to lasting peace and security for both Israelis and Palestinians; calls for the VP/HR to support all efforts to this end, and in particular the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the two-State Solution; calls on all parties to renew efforts to remove the obstacles to this solution and to engage in dialogue aimed at achieving mutual understanding and respect; regrets the fact that the Palestinian Authority has not held elections since 2005, which hampers its credibility, and expects elections to be held soon; is convinced that there can be no prospect for peace, security, stability and prosperity for Gaza as well as for reconciliation between the Israeli and Palestinian populations as long as Hamas and other terrorist groups play a role in the Gaza Strip; calls, therefore, on the EU Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process to support efforts to counteract the further radicalisation of young people in the region; condemns the acceleration of the illegal Israeli settlement of Palestinian territory, which violates international law, undermines efforts towards achieving a two-state solution, and poses a significant obstacle to lasting peace; reiterates in this context the important role of the Abraham Accords as a framework for achieving durable peace, stability and prosperity in the Middle East; expresses concern over the rising violence committed by Israeli forces and extremist settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem and welcomes sanctions adopted against extremist Israeli settlers; supports President Biden’s three-phase peace plan and regrets the lack of will on both sides to ensure its implementation; regrets, further, that the latest rounds of peace talks did not bring any tangible results; is aware of the fact that international stakeholders, including the US, the UN, the EU and Arab states, need to complement each other’s efforts in order for negotiations to resume and to be constructive; is committed to the future normalisation efforts between Israel and Arab states in the region;

    30. Supports a just and viable solution to the question of Palestinian refugees; underscores that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) plays an important role in providing humanitarian aid and essential services which in the present circumstances must not be interrupted, and considers that all UN agencies active in the region must be supported in their efforts; recalls, however, its concern regarding serious allegations made against staff members of UNRWA which suggest that UNRWA has employed members of the terrorist organisation Hamas; welcomes the actions taken by the UN following the allegations regarding the Agency’s staff and welcomes UNRWA’s full commitment to implement the recommendations stemming from the ‘Colonna report’; echoes the European Council conclusions of 17 October 2024 which condemn any attempt to abrogate the 1967 agreement between Israel and UNRWA; insists that the Commission ensure that no funds from the EU budget finance, contribute to or support the activities of Hamas or Hezbollah; stresses that additional measures may be needed in the future to strive for even more transparency and accountability;

    31. Welcomes the recent ceasefire in Gaza and the progress made towards the phased release of hostages; emphasises that this represents a significant step towards relieving the immense suffering endured by civilians on both sides over the past months; praises the commitment of mediators, including the US, Egypt and Qatar, whose efforts were pivotal in achieving this breakthrough; considers that it is crucial that all obligations made under the deal are upheld, ensuring the release of all hostages and establishing a lasting cessation of violence, as well as allowing unrestrained access for humanitarian and medical assistance into the Gaza Strip; calls for all parties to fully commit to their obligations and to prioritise the protection of civilians; urges all European and international actors to actively oversee the implementation of the ceasefire and hold accountable those who fail to comply;

    32. Expresses concern about rising tensions in the Middle East and urges all involved parties to uphold international humanitarian law, to show maximum restraint and to commit to de-escalation, as a regional conflict must be avoided at all costs; deplores the loss of thousands of civilian lives; urges the disarmament of Hezbollah as part of broader measures to reduce hostilities and ensure regional stability; calls on the VP/HR to come forward with a comprehensive EU Middle East strategy, to increase the EU’s effective presence in the region, to promotes long-term stability and peace in the region and to strengthen partnerships with key regional stakeholders; stresses that the strategy must be fleshed out within the first months of the new Commission’s mandate and should be reflected in the forthcoming MFF for it to have any tangible impact on a rapidly deteriorating situation; underscores the need for Member States to step up their diplomatic efforts with international partners, including with the Gulf countries, in order to encourage urgent de-escalation and meaningful dialogue; underlines the need to prioritise and strengthen civil society organisations in the region, particularly organisations working on the protection of human rights and peacebuilding;

    33. Strongly condemns the destabilising role that the Iranian regime and its network of non-state actors play in the region; recalls that Iran has stepped out of the shadow of its proxies and condemns Iran’s two direct and open attacks on Israel’s territory in 2024, to which Israel retaliated both times, representing an unprecedented scaling up of the conflict; strongly condemns Hezbollah’s attacks against Israel which led to an Israeli ground invasion in Lebanon causing a high number of civilian casualties, forced displacement and escalating violence in Lebanon; takes note of the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah, agreed on 27 November 2024 for a period of 60 days; urges Israel to withdraw from southern Lebanon in line with UN Security Council Resolution 1701; recalls the need for a permanent cessation of hostilities as soon as possible to create space for a diplomatic solution along the Blue Line; demands the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 in its entirety, as the only path to de-escalate tensions and stabilise the Israel-Lebanon border in a durable manner and fully restore the sovereignty, territorial integrity and stability of Lebanon;

    34. Calls on the Council and the VP/HR to add Hezbollah in its entirety to the EU list of terrorist organisations;

    35. Takes note of the arrest warrant issued by the ICC on 21 November 2024;

    36. Highlights the need for the EU to follow up on its election observation and assist in finding solutions to electoral crises such as the one in Lebanon;

    37. Strongly condemns recent attacks against the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) by the Israeli Defence Forces and Hezbollah; reiterates the inviolability of all UN personnel and premises and reaffirms the essential stabilising role played by UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, to which 16 Member States contribute, and calls for an immediate end to these attacks;

    38. Welcomes the EU’s decision to renew sanctions against Iran until July 2025, including by sanctioning Iran’s production of unmanned drones and missiles and its supply thereof to Russia and the wider Middle Eastern region; highlights the strong links between Iran and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), its proxies such as the Houthis and militias operating in Iraq and Syria; strongly condemns the high number of terrorist and assassination attacks, or attempted attacks, perpetrated by the IRGC all over the world, including on European soil, over the past few decades; reiterates its call for the IRGC to be added to the EU list of terrorist organisations; points out that the sanctioning options that have not yet been exhausted include a much more restrictive approach to technology transfers through exports of products that are not categorised as ‘dual-use’;

    39. Strongly condemns the destabilising Houthi attacks against commercial vessels transiting the Red Sea; stresses that these have caused significant disruption to global trade as shipping companies are forced to reroute much of the Red Sea’s traffic around the southern tip of Africa; calls for collective action and encourages enhanced EU engagement and international cooperation, and strongly urges for continued action to ensure the freedom of navigation in one of the world’s most critical waterways; calls for the immediate cessation of these illegal attacks;

    40. Shares the objective of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons at all costs; points, however, to the fact that the regime in Tehran has clearly rejected a revival of the JCPOA and has refused to cooperate in its ongoing dispute with the International Atomic Energy Agency; highlights that, at the same time, Iran has increased its nuclear weapons capability; regrets the fact that there is currently no strategy in place to persuade Iran to refrain from building military nuclear capacity, nor a plan of action for the event that Iran does cross the nuclear threshold; calls upon the VP/HR to put forward a revised strategy towards Iran that prepares for all events;

    41. Expresses concern regarding the inflammatory rhetoric, fuelled by mis- and disinformation, that surrounds this conflict, and its instrumentalisation by malicious actors to sow distrust and hatred including within European societies, as illustrated notably, but not solely, by the worrying rise of antisemitism; warns that it should be a primary focus of the EU fight against disinformation and calls for a coordinated approach by the Commission, taking into account the external and internal dimensions of its policies, including but not limited to the forthcoming strategic communication plan to promote the EU’s role in the Southern Neighbourhood;

    42. Welcomes the historic fall of the Assad regime in Syria; recalls that it only survived so long thanks the support of its Russian and Iranian allies and that its collapse shows they are weakened; welcomes the nomination of a new Chargé d’Affaires of the EU Delegation to Syria, who made early contact with the transition authorities; reiterates its unwavering support for the people in Syria and highlights the need to urgently step up humanitarian aid and protection for the 16.7 million people in need; calls on all parties to contribute to a peaceful and Syrian-led transition towards an inclusive, democratic governance model that ensures the representation, participation and equal rights of women, minorities and all members of Syrian society regardless of ethnicity or religion and that puts the good functioning of the state institutions and the wellbeing of the Syrian people at the heart of their actions; calls on the Commission and the VP/HR to swiftly organise the ninth Brussels Conference on Syria without delay and come up with a comprehensive plan for EU support for the reconstruction of Syria, taking into account the lessons learned from Iraq and Libya, among others; urges the VP/HR to urgently present to the Council an action plan towards the swift yet reversible easing of sanctions that are not linked to the previous regime, with a review process conditional on the progress of the political transition; stresses that the fight against impunity in Syria is a moral and political imperative for Europe and the international community; calls on the EU and its Member States to support the work of the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011; calls on the EU and its Member States to consider the establishment of a special mission, in cooperation with international partners, to help document cases of serious crimes by the Assad regime, as well as by all other factions; stresses the importance of preserving the territorial integrity of Syria, also to help preserve stability in the region; calls on the VP/HR and the Member States to take immediate steps to prevent any re-establishment or reinforcement of Russian forces, paramilitaries or intelligence in the country;

    Incentivising cooperation with like-minded partners

    43. Acknowledges that the requirement for unanimity forces the Member States to work relentlessly to achieve compromise and unity, which is the source of the EU’s political leverage on the world stage; points out, however, that the trade-off between the ideal of unity and the high costs of unanimity in terms of credibility on the global stage should be assessed critically, particularly bearing in mind the effective functioning of an enlarged EU;

    44. Regrets, in this context, the fact that individual Member States have used their veto right to water down agreements, delay decision-making or thwart a common policy altogether; regrets that the potential for fast, efficient and effective foreign, security and defence action, as provided for, inter alia, by the passerelle clauses of the TEU, has never been used;

    45. Reiterates its call for the Council to gradually switch to qualified majority voting for decisions in areas of the CFSP that do not have military or defence implications; acknowledges the concerns of some Member States, which fear a decreased ability to influence foreign and security policy at EU level; encourages, pending the full application of qualified majority voting to decisions without military or defence implications, the full use of all currently existing possibilities to enhance decisiveness in this regard, including the use of constructive abstention in line with Article 31(1) TEU; recognises that progress towards the application of qualified majority voting can only be gradual, building on the formation of a European strategic culture;

    46. Highlights that the world is becoming more multipolar and less multilateral; emphasises that multilateral forums, chief among them the UN and its agencies, should be considered the EU’s format of cooperation of choice; calls on the Member States to reinforce inclusive forms of multilateral governance and encourages, in this context, the Commission, the EEAS and the Council to step up interinstitutional cooperation with multilateral organisations that are integral to the international rules-based order and thereby protect the UN and the multilateral system as a whole; expresses concern, in this respect, about the increasing relevance of exclusive formats of cooperation, which experience increasing competition; expresses concern at the growing membership of the BRICS group, which currently includes 45 % of the world’s population; stresses that such cooperation provides Russia with the means to circumvent measures intended to politically isolate the country and enables China to further extend its influence through its modus operandi of financing infrastructure projects; observes, at the same time, that international institutions and norms are increasingly being instrumentalised and undermined by autocratic regimes; stresses that this trend puts the EU in a delicate position, having to balance the need to appeal for a broad and inclusive concept of multilateralism while reinforcing cooperation with selected, like-minded partners;

    47. Stresses, in this context, that the geopolitical context in which the EU is operating remains marked by radical uncertainty and a shift from cooperation to competition; observes with concern how all types of interaction are being weaponised and notes that this trend impairs international cooperation at a time when global transitions need to accelerate in order to effectively address global challenges; recalls that the EU cannot afford to turn inwards and must remain open and engaged in the world to defend its values and its interests; underlines that, in light of intensified efforts by third countries to destabilise the international order and undermine multilateralism through the spread of disinformation, enhanced cooperation and coordination with like-minded partners is essential;

    48. Calls for the EU institutions and the Member States to actively support a comprehensive institutional reform of multilateral institutions, first and foremost the UN system and particularly the UN Security Council, which should include measures aimed at limiting the use of veto powers, boosting regional representation, making the executive body accountable to the assembly that elects it and redefining the composition to better reflect geopolitical reality, including by establishing a permanent seat for the EU; stresses that such reforms are essential to strengthen multilateralism, improve global governance and values-based decision-making, and address international challenges more inclusively and responsively;

    49. Recalls the importance of a strong and constructive partnership with the UK; welcomes the renewed impetus from the new UK Government to reflect with the EU on possibilities for closer and more permanent foreign policy and security cooperation, underpinned by concrete actions and building on the good cooperation at UN level as well as the effective coordination between the EU and the UK on the adoption and monitoring of the implementation of sanctions against Russia; believes that such coordination is of added value for both the EU and the UK and hence welcomes the agreement to work towards the creation of an EU-UK security partnership based on shared interest and collective responsibility; believes that in the scope of such a partnership, topics such as maritime security should be consulted on; demands that Parliament be duly involved and informed in such reflections;

    50. Takes note of the result of the presidential and congressional elections in the United States; recalls that the transatlantic relationship remains one of the most important and strategic relationship for the EU and its Member States, which has been emphasised by the unity and strength of the partnership demonstrated following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine; underlines that a strong transatlantic relationship remains indispensable for the security of the partners on both sides of the Atlantic; calls on the Commission to foster closer ties with key partners in both the US and Canada in order to counter global challenges that affect our shared values, interests, security and prosperity; in this context reiterates its call for EU-US summits to be held on a regular basis to provide top-level impetus to the future cooperation; fully supports the deepening of cooperation in the framework of the EU-US transatlantic dialogue, such as through transatlantic parliamentary diplomacy; calls for stronger transatlantic cooperation on trade, on foreign and security policy and on combatting challenges caused by rapid technological changes and growing cyber threats; welcomes in that regard the work of the Transatlantic Trade and Technology Council;

    51. Reiterates, irrespectively, the need for Member States to fully operationalise the concept of EU strategic autonomy and defence readiness and to this end make collective and well-coordinated investments in their security and defence with the objective of achieving a genuine European Defence Union that is interoperable and complementary with the NATO alliance and can act independently when needed;

    52. Encourages close relations with western European non-EU countries, in particular cooperation in certain areas of EU external action; welcomes in this context the conclusion of negotiations on a broad package of measures for future EU-Switzerland relations, which mark a significant milestone in advancing and deepening the already close relationship; calls on the Commission to modernise and deepen bilateral relations between the EU and Switzerland; stresses the importance of promoting stronger relations with Norway, particularly in the scope of the security and defence partnership as well as the cooperative management of shared stocks and the continuation of long-standing fishing activities; calls for the swift signing of the association agreement between the EU and Andorra and San Marino;

    53. Welcomes the new momentum in bilateral relations between the EU and Armenia, which is strongly supported by the authorities in Yerevan; calls on the Commission and the Council to actively support Armenia’s desire for increased cooperation with the EU; expresses full support for the newly launched work on the EU-Armenia Partnership Agenda, establishing more ambitious joint priorities for cooperation across all dimensions;

    54. Expresses its strong support for the activities of the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) and underscores the important role it plays; calls on EUMA to continue to closely monitor the evolving security situation on the ground, provide transparent reporting to Parliament and actively contribute to conflict resolution efforts; calls for the EU and its Member States to strengthen EUMA’s mandate, increase its size and extend its duration; calls on the Azerbaijani authorities to agree to have such a civilian mission on their side of the border as well;

    55. Is of the view that the centre of gravity in the global order is shifting towards the Indo-Pacific and that the EU must strengthen its active role and presence in this region to safeguard its interests, promote stability and uphold a rules-based international order; reiterates that a peaceful, free, stable and rules-based Indo-Pacific region is of vital European interest; is concerned that great power competition in the region is imposing parameters on the EU’s ability to promote multilateralism in the region; points out, in this context, that the Asia-Europe Meeting is still hamstrung because of the geopolitical tensions with Russia; calls, in this context for enhanced foreign, security and defence policy ties with like-minded partners in the region in line with the EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific; encourages the VP/HR to promote the visibility and impact of the EU’s external action together with our Indo-Pacific partners, particularly Australia, India, New Zealand, South Korea, Japan and Taiwan;

    56. Recalls, in this context, the strategic partnership the EU enjoys with Japan, which should serve as a role model for a fruitful bilateral partnership that allows effective policy-shaping in multilateral contexts; notes that the EU and Japan are celebrating 50 years of their respective diplomatic missions in 2024 and strongly emphasises the EU’s interest in deepening and broadening this partnership bilaterally in the 50 years to come; welcomes, to this end, the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement and the EU-Japan Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA), the latter of which provides for, among other things, consultations on the development of respective defence initiatives including exchange of information on defence industry-related matters, as well as the exploration of possible mutual involvement in respective defence initiatives;

    57. Notes that geopolitical challenges have strengthened the shared interest of the EU and India in ensuring security, prosperity and sustainable development; calls for an India-EU summit to keep bilateral relations high on the agenda; identifies climate change and green growth, digitalisation and new technologies, research and development, connectivity, trade and investment, foreign, security and defence policy as the key areas of cooperation; calls, in this respect, for stronger buy-in from Member States; calls, equally, on the Member States to expand and broaden the India-EU cooperation on maritime security in response to China’s evolving presence in the Indo-Pacific; highlights the need to engage with India on its heavy military dependency on Russia as well as its supply of restricted critical technologies to Russia; urges India to condemn Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine and to join the EU sanctions policy towards Russia;

    58. Considers India an important democratic partner and encourages the EU to strictly engage with the Indian Government on the respect of human rights and rule of law, both internally and worldwide; calls for the full implementation of the EU Strategy on India of 2018 and the EU-India Roadmap to 2025 in close coordination with Member States’ own actions; stresses in particular the need to promote greater synergies in foreign and security policy through existing dialogue mechanisms and other forums set up under the EU-India Roadmap to 2025;  welcomes the announcement of a forthcoming strategic EU-India agenda;

    59. Recalls the EU’s commitment to its ‘One China’ policy as one of the principles of EU-China relations; underscores that Taiwan is a key democratic partner for the EU in the Indo-Pacific region; recognises the importance of Taiwan in securing global supply chains, especially in the high-tech sector, and urges the EU and its Member States to engage in closer cooperation with Taiwan in order to further boost economic, trade and investment ties; encourages the Commission to launch, without delay, preparatory measures for negotiations on an investment agreement with Taiwan; emphasises that any attempt from authoritarian regimes to restrict the benign development of EU-Taiwan relations is not acceptable;

    60. Strongly condemns China’s continued military provocations against Taiwan and reiterates its firm rejection of any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait; calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure, through clear and consistent signalling, that any attempt to unilaterally change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait, particularly by means of force or coercion, cannot be accepted and will have high costs; highlights that China’s territorial claims have no basis in international law and that only Taiwan’s democratically elected government can represent the Taiwanese people; denounces, furthermore, China’s blocking of Taiwan’s meaningful participation in multilateral organisations, such as the WHO, the International Civil Aviation Organization and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, by its continuous distortion of UN General Assembly Resolution 2758; calls, accordingly, for the EU and its Member States to support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in relevant international organisations;

    61. Expresses deep concern about the latest shifts in China’s domestic and military posture since the 20th national congress of the Chinese Communist Party; holds the view that China demonstrates that it has both the intent and increasingly the economic, diplomatic, technological and military power to redefine the global order; underscores that the military-civil fusion strategy is a testament to such means; stresses, in this context, that the EU needs to be more assertive and unified in its approach to China and therefore calls on the VP/HR and the Member States to review the strategy towards China that takes full account of the increasingly oppressive domestic policies, the assertive foreign policy as well as the use of economic coercion as a means by which China aims to reach its objectives; considers that the challenges stemming from the rise of China as a global actor require a balanced multi-dimensional response along the principle of ‘cooperate where possible, compete where needed and confront where necessary’, through which the EU maintains its selective engagement with China as a permanent member of the UN Security Council on a number of key issues;

    62. Highlights that the PRC’s increasingly aggressive posture poses a threat to the freedom of navigation and jeopardises the stability which is vital for global trade; emphasises that this situation is being watched with concern by a growing number of like-minded partners committed to peace and stability in the region; underlines the need to shore up deterrence against destabilising behaviour, including through regular operations to assert freedom of navigation over the PRC’s attempts to impose control over international waters and airspace;

    63. Holds the view that China, through the continued growth of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership, including in the areas of technology and military capability transfers, (indirectly) enables the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine;

    64. Reiterates its condemnation of China’s violation of its international commitments, its breaches of the Sino-British and Sino-Portuguese Joint Declarations, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the ‘one country, two systems’ principle and the Hong Kong Basic Law as well as the crackdown on the special administrative region’s autonomy and opposition figures, including members of civil society and their family members; calls on the Commission to assess the autonomous status of Hong Kong and Macao in the light of China’s breaches of the Sino-British and Sino-Portuguese Joint Declarations and the crackdown on Hong Kong’s autonomy;

    65. Is concerned about the growing economic penetration of Chinese companies within the EU, including in strategic sectors such as battery manufacturing; stresses the urgent need to continue the policy of de-risking by continuing to reduce economic dependence in critical sectors, in line with the EU’s economic security strategy;

    66. Reiterates that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a crucial partner in reinforcing rules-based multilateralism; supports ASEAN’s efforts to finalise negotiations with China on an effective and substantive code of conduct in the South China Sea; encourages enhanced EU engagement and cooperation with ASEAN and efforts towards a comprehensive strategic partnership, building on economic ties and sustainable growth, and in particular on political cooperation with regard to human rights and democracy; calls for increased support for Myanmar’s national unity government and for greater pressure to be applied to ASEAN countries to align on international sanctions against Myanmar’s military junta;

    67. Urges the VP/HR and the Member States to focus on bilateral relations with partners in Africa, among others Ghana, Morocco, Kenya, Senegal and Mauretania, taking into account mutual needs and interests in order to foster real and balanced partnerships; believes that the ‘more for more’ principle should be integrated fully into relations with non-EU countries, whereby the EU develops stronger partnerships with those countries that uphold the principles of the CFSP and the common security and defence policy (CSDP), and the fundamental values of the EU; is of the belief that the EU needs to maintain a continued focus on Africa, which is already a strategic continent and will become an increasingly important player in the future;

    68. Calls for the EU to suspend both its Memorandum of Understanding on raw materials and all military cooperation with Rwanda, including through the EPF and any other mechanisms, until Rwanda ends its illegal support for armed groups and fully respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC); condemns the breaches of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the eastern DRC by the rebels of M23; is deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation of thousands of displaced persons in the area; urges the VP/HR to engage in clear actions in line with the EU’s Great Lakes strategy in order to restore stability and to cooperate with the UN Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) for the protection of civilians in the eastern DRC;

    69. Underlines that the recent developments in Tunisia have raised concerns about human rights and democratic standards, with reports indicating limited transparency, restricted opposition participation and reduced political competition in the presidential election; underlines the EU’s continued commitment to and support for Tunisia during this politically and socio-economically sensitive period, through maintaining contact at various levels;

    70. Underscores that the EU has a direct and vital interest in the stability, security and economic growth of the Mediterranean basin as well as the wider Southern Neighbourhood; recalls that the European neighbourhood policy was launched with the laudable goals of fostering stability, prosperity and good governance in the southern Mediterranean; acknowledges, however, that it is evident today that its instruments, objectives and principles are no longer aligned with the region’s current realities; regrets that, almost 30 years after the launch of the so-called Barcelona Process, the creation of an area of shared prosperity, stability and freedom with the Mediterranean countries of the Southern Neighbourhood has not been achieved; calls on the Commission to present a new pact for the Mediterranean; believes that the EU and the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood should conclude memorandums of understanding aimed at promoting stability, prosperity and the defence of human rights, conditional on cooperating on migration; recalls that instability and insecurity in the Southern Neighbourhood remains an ongoing challenge for European external border management; argues that, while prioritising bilateral relations with countries in the region, the EU should also continue to foster regional cooperation through existing frameworks such as the Union for the Mediterranean; welcomes the appointment of a Commissioner in charge of the Mediterranean;

    71. Stresses the need for the EU to strengthen and deepen its cooperation with Arab countries and the Gulf, in response to the pressing geopolitical, social, and economic challenges facing the region; emphasises that enhanced collaboration should prioritise key areas such as migration, digital transformation, security, the green transition and cultural exchange to build a resilient partnership; calls for a strategic approach that tailors engagement with each country to foster sustainable development and mutual understanding;

    72. Welcomes the successful conclusion of the first EU-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit and believes this summit to have marked a pivotal moment in the relationship between the EU and its partners from the GCC, stressing mutual commitment to strengthening ties across key strategic, economic, and cultural areas;

    73. Underlines the importance of upholding and promoting democratic values in the region; condemns the rise of hate speech, including against the European institutions, and attacks on individual freedoms and the international order, both within Member States and abroad;

    74. Emphasises that the countries of the EU, Latin American and the Caribbean are like-minded and share values, languages, history, culture and religion, which should make them natural partners in today’s geopolitical context; notes that the EU’s engagement in the region has dwindled in recent decades, which has created a vacuum for the growing influence of China and Russia; urges countries across Latin America to adopt a firmer attitude of condemnation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; calls on the Member States and the EEAS to pursue proactive diplomacy in the region, with a strong emphasis on defending the multilateral global order, international law and respect for democracy and human rights; urges for multilateral initiatives to address political instability in the most volatile countries in the region, for instance in Haiti;

    75. Welcomes the signing of the EU-Chile Advanced Framework Agreement and calls for its swift and full ratification; calls for progress to be made towards the signing and ratification of the EU-Mexico Global Agreement;

    76. Welcomes the conclusion of the agreement with Mercosur; underlines that Parliament will examine whether the provisions on sustainability meet the highest levels of ambition;

    77. Welcomes the EU-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) informal meeting and the implementation of initiatives under the EU-CELAC Roadmap 2023-2025 and, in this regard, underlines the need to adopt a new and ambitious roadmap at the 2025 summit, that keeps strengthening the partnership and takes into account best practices accomplished so far;

    78. Underlines the need for a tougher approach to address violence against environmental defenders and to step up the EU’s efforts to assist in the preservation of biodiversity and in adaptation to the climate emergency; suggests further strengthening cooperation against organised crime and drug trafficking which also has an impact on the EU; calls for a substantial increase in bi-regional cooperation in the fight against this phenomenon;

    79. Calls on the VP/HR to make the work with like-minded democracies a priority of her term and to systematise cooperation and consultation with democratic like-minded partners in order to promote democracy and improve common preparedness and access to crisis response resources; reiterates, in this context, the recommendation to deepen ties with regional organisations such as ASEAN and the African Union to enhance cooperative security frameworks;

    80. Reiterates its support for the European Political Community as a platform for discussion, dialogue and cooperation with European partners on the foreign policy and security challenges we are facing, with the aim of strengthening security and stability in Europe and pursuing political and security cooperation based on shared interests; calls for the close involvement of Parliament in the clarification of the scope and the future work of this community; underlines that, for the future success and coherence of this format, some level of alignment on democratic values and principles is essential; reiterates that the European Political Community may under no circumstances become a pretext for delays to the EU accession of enlargement countries;

    81. Believes also in the significance of building new alliances, inter alia with the countries in our neighbourhood as well as in the Global South, taking into account mutual needs and interests in order to foster real, balanced and equal partnerships; stresses the importance of establishing these political agreements with third countries, based on common European values and fundamental rights; calls for the EU to respond to partner countries’ expectations and to deliver quickly on political agreements with them in order to show that the EU is a reliable and strategic partner and demonstrate that the international rules-based system can meet contemporary challenges; calls, in this context, for collaborative initiatives between the EU and Global South countries to assess and tackle the debt crisis; notes that agreements with the Global South, especially on raw materials, should contribute to local economic development rather than deepening dependence and excessive resource exploitation;

    Fostering EU action abroad

    82. Highlights the role of the VP/HR as a bridge-builder between the CFSP and EU external relations to ensure the highest level of coordination and coherence in EU external action; stresses the need for the EU to foster the visibility and effectiveness of its external action and development cooperation efforts, regrets, nonetheless, that in some cases there is a lack of clarity in the external representation of the EU, hindering the EU’s strategic communication abroad; stresses the need to clearly define the competences of the VP/HR, the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council with regard to the EU’s external action and representation so that the EU’s voice is coherent and perceived as such by its partners; calls on the Commission to strengthen its coordination with the EEAS in external action, including by ensuring full compliance with Articles 3.2 and 9 of the EEAS Decision[16], which may need to be updated;

    83. Calls for the EEAS – both its headquarters and EU delegations – to be strengthened through the provision of the appropriate financial and human resources so that the EU can be better prepared for current and emerging global challenges; calls for the EEAS to be able to select and recruit its permanent EU diplomatic staff and to ensure a fair gender and geographical balance among Member States across all levels within the EEAS; calls on the VP/HR to swiftly come up with proposals for the future operational structure of the EU’s external action and to that end to fully take into account Parliament’s recommendation of 15 March 2023 taking stock of the functioning of the EEAS and for a stronger EU in the world[17]; stresses the need to strengthen strategic communication and the EU’s work on countering disinformation via dedicated resources and offices in strategically relevant regions and countries;

    84. Recalls that the EU has a strategic interest in advancing sustainable development, poverty reduction and equality globally, as these efforts contribute to long-term global peace and security; calls on the Commission to effectively and swiftly use the Global Gateway Initiative as a sustainable alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and as an instrument to increase the EU’s presence and visibility worldwide; recalls that the Global Gateway Initiative is to be understood as a strategic concept integrating foreign, economic and development policy, including the climate and digital transitions, as well as infrastructure investment in order to strengthen close partnership based on mutual benefits, economic development and resilient supply chains; stresses, in this context, that coordination with international financial institutions, well-defined private-sector involvement and tailored strategic communications, including in the recipient countries, are essential in order for the instrument to reach the desired scale; is concerned by reports that a number of Global Gateway projects are being implemented by Chinese companies in direct violation of the initiative’s aims and objectives, which includes the strengthening of the EU’s economic security and fostering economic development and mutually beneficial partnerships with third countries; calls, therefore, for an immediate investigation and the removal of all Chinese companies involved in Global Gateway; stresses that the EU’s support should complement other initiatives such as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor and the Lobito Corridor, and should in particular aim at achieving the Sustainable Development Goals;

    85. Reiterates that Parliament plays an integral role in the CFSP and makes a specific contribution thereto by virtue of its parliamentary diplomacy and its distinct instruments, channels and contacts, including its democracy support programmes, the Foreign Affairs Committee, regular parliamentary dialogues and official delegations; emphasises that parliamentary diplomacy has a great potential to engage key political stakeholders and facilitate democratic governance; stresses, in particular, the added value of parliamentary diplomacy during the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and highlights, in this context, the valuable cooperation at political and technical level between the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the European Parliament;

    86. Firmly believes that diplomacy is a significant part of EU action; calls, in this light, for the further development of the EU’s preventive diplomacy as a proactive external policy tool to pre-empt, mediate and peacefully resolve conflict between parties, calls on the EEAS to integrate the EU’s preventive diplomacy tools within structural prevention mechanisms and actions, such as political agreements among different actors involved in conflicts, national dialogues for reconciliation, peacebuilding and transitional justice, as well as truth and reconciliation commissions; urges the EEAS to conduct ‘lessons learnt’ exercises to assess diplomatic efforts, identify areas for improvement and integrate best practice into future initiatives; calls for the EEAS’ capacities in those regards to be increased, in particular in the relevant crisis preparedness and response divisions; stresses the urgent need to double the relevant EU budget within the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument and strongly increase EU action on mediation, dialogue and reconciliation;

    87. Reaffirms the role of the EU special representatives (EUSRs), who promote the EU’s policies and interests in specific regions and countries and play an important role in the development of a stronger and more effective CFSP by providing the EU with an active political presence in key countries and regions, acting as a ‘voice’ and ‘face’ for the EU and its policies; emphasises the importance of equipping EUSRs with sufficient resources enabling them to effectively implement those tasks; stresses the importance for EUSRs of having a broad, flexible mandate, capable of adapting to evolving geopolitical circumstances in order to promote the EU’s policies and interests in specific regions and countries and play an active role in preventive diplomacy efforts; insists that the appointment of new EUSRs should take place only after a hearing in Parliament;

    88. Underlines the EU’s missions and operations abroad for promoting peace, security and progress in Europe and in the world; calls on the VP/HR:

     to prepare the proposals for the necessary CFSP missions to be launched in 2025, using the EU’s Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC) as preventive military reinforcement; recalls that the administrative expenditure for these measures, including the RDC’s standby expenditure, should be charged to the EU budget;

     to work with Cyprus, Türkiye, the UK and the UN to implement concrete measures for a demilitarisation of the buffer zone in Cyprus, and to improve security on the island, both of the Greek Cypriot community and of the Turkish Cypriot community;

     to support an increased role of the two EU civilian CSDP missions, EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah, in line with European Council conclusions of 21 and 22 March 2024, recalling they can play an important role based on the principle of the two-state solution and the viability of a future Palestinian state, and to participate in the facilitation of the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip, to improve the efficiency of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and to prepare for its return to the Gaza Strip;

     to create the necessary conditions for the full reactivation of EUBAM Rafah to allow it to act as a neutral third party at the Rafah crossing point, in coordination with the Palestinian Authority as well as the Israeli and Egyptian authorities; expects the reinforcement of the scope and mandates of EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah on the ground to be included as key priorities of the forthcoming EU-Middle East strategy;

     to further increase the number of observers deployed as part of the EU civilian mission in Armenia on the Armenian side of the international border with Azerbaijan and reiterate calls for Azerbaijan to cooperate with the mission and cease its smear campaign against it;

     to work with Australia, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Japan, Taiwan and ASEAN member states to facilitate the peace and security of the Indo-Pacific and south-east Asian regions;

     to develop strategies to counter hybrid attacks on the EU’s eastern border, particularly those involving instrumentalising migration as a tactic to destabilise Member States and exert political pressure;

    89. Calls on the VP/HR to follow up on the examples of the successful evacuation actions in Sudan and of the stepped-up consular protection, and to work towards a comprehensive system of protection for EU citizens abroad; stresses that the impact of continuous crises and conflicts worldwide can entail the risk of overloading Member States’ consular protection and/or assistance capacities and calls, in this regard, for the strengthening of the capabilities and resources of the EEAS Crisis Response Centre and the EU Civil Protection Mechanism; recalls its longstanding position of applying a similar level of protection for the local staff in EU delegations and CFSP missions and operations;

    III. The next MFF and its parliamentary oversight

    90. Believes that there is a need for stronger institutionalised parliamentary oversight of the EU’s external action, including regular and timely, yet secure, access to confidential information and briefings in the European Parliament in line with Article 36 TEU; emphasises the need for more feedback from the VP/HR and the EEAS about the actions taken and the effects achieved, in order to fulfil Parliament’s recommendations outlined in the resolutions on foreign affairs matters;

    91. Underlines that in the CFSP, which comprises the CSDP, the European Parliament exercises its budgetary function jointly with the Council; recalls that the European Parliament also exercises the function of political control and consultation over those policies as referred to in Article 36 TEU; 

    92. Recalls that in line with Article 41 TEU, all CFSP and CSDP administrative and operating expenditure should be charged to the EU budget, except for such expenditure arising from operations having military or defence implications;

    93. Underlines that CFSP or CSDP decisions entailing expenditure always constitute basic choices for those policies and must be subject to parliamentary oversight; calls on the VP/HR to consult Parliament before proposing CFSP or CSDP decisions, thereby ensuring transparency and accountability in line with Article 36 TEU;

    94. Recalls that Parliament’s exercise of its budgetary function is inextricably linked to its function of political control and consultation; recalls that Article 36 TEU establishes a specific relationship between the VP/HR and the European Parliament, which is a prerequisite for Parliament to exercise those functions, and that the VP/HR should support Parliament in those regards;

    95. Regrets that the budget for civilian CSDP missions is insufficient; recalls that the number and tasks of such missions have increased, the security environment has become more challenging, and the cost of operations has increased; urges the European Council to provide for a substantive increase in CFSP funding placed under a separate Civilian CFSP and Crisis Management heading; calls for the efficient use of the funds allocated to civilian CSDP missions to be ensured, in order to make sure that these missions are able to respond effectively to crisis situations and unforeseen events; calls on the VP/HR and the Commission to come forward with joint proposals to those ends;

    96. Is deeply concerned that the EEAS is structurally underfunded and that this already entails serious and far-reaching negative consequences for the EU’s external action and the performance of the EU institutions in this area; underlines that a specific approach to the EEAS’ administrative budget is necessary and recalls that the absence of corrective action risks having a severe impact on the EU’s relations with third countries;

    97. Calls on the Commission to consider in its proposal for the next MFF under the EU external action heading:

     robust capabilities and resources for EU external action that take into account the increasingly challenging international arena, recalling in this regard that it is crucial to further strengthen EU support for human rights, democracy and development in third countries;

     resources for the EU’s digital diplomacy, given the current context of rapid technological advancements and geopolitical competition;

     resources for green diplomacy;

     a dedicated budget for specific EU foreign policy actions on gender equality and the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda, in order to integrate gender perspectives into EU diplomatic and human security efforts,

     resources for preventive scrutiny of potential beneficiaries to ensure that EU funds under no circumstance directly or indirectly support activities, projects or literature that incite violence and hatred, including antisemitism, and to ensure that all recipients of EU funding are monitored accordingly; 

    98. Calls on the Commission to present its proposals for the next MFF in the first semester of 2025 to allow for sufficient time to negotiate the programmes; underlines the need for a more detailed budgetary nomenclature in the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument, the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance and the CFSP budget, which allow the budgetary authority to set policy and geographic priorities in the framework of the annual budgetary procedure;

    99. Underlines that each matter raised above requires an appropriate response by the executive; calls on the VP/HR to respond to Parliament’s calls, requests and concerns swiftly and in writing; considers that oral statements in committee or plenary can only constitute a sufficient response in exceptional or urgent cases; stresses that in the current challenging geopolitical context, close cooperation and partnership between the European Parliament and the VP/HR are of strategic importance; expects more systematic exchanges prior to the adoption of mandates and CFSP strategies and an improved flow of information on negotiations and the implementation of international agreements, as well as memoranda of understanding; expects, in addition, Parliament to be effectively incorporated throughout EU external policies and action, thereby mobilising parliamentary diplomacy in support of the VP/HR’s efforts;

    °

    ° °

    100. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: REPORT on the implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2024 – A10-0011/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION

    on the implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2024

    (2024/2082(INI))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU),

     having regard to Title V of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), in particular Chapter Two, Section Two thereof on provisions on the common security and defence policy (CSDP),

     having regard to the Versailles Declaration adopted at the informal meeting of heads of state or government on 11 March 2022,

     having regard to the ‘Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security’, which was approved by the Council on 21 March 2022 and endorsed by the European Council on 25 March 2022,

     having regard to the national security strategies of the EU Member States,

     having regard to the Civilian CSDP Compact – Towards more effective civilian missions, approved by the Council on 22 May 2023,

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2017/2315 of 11 December 2017 establishing permanent structured cooperation (PESCO) and determining the list of participating Member States[1],

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2022/1968 of 17 October 2022 on a European Union Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine (EUMAM Ukraine)[2],

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2022/1970 of 17 October 2022 amending Decision 2010/452/CFSP on the European Union Monitoring Mission in Georgia, EUMM Georgia[3],

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2022/2507 of 19 December 2022 amending Decision 2010/452/CFSP on the European Union Monitoring Mission in Georgia, EUMM, Georgia[4],

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2023/162 of 23 January 2023 on a European Union mission in Armenia (EUMA)[5],

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2024/890 of 18 March 2024 amending Decision (CFSP) 2021/509 establishing a European Peace Facility[6],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2019/452 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 March 2019 establishing a framework for the screening of foreign direct investments into the Union[7],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2021/697 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2021 establishing the European Defence Fund and repealing Regulation (EU) 2018/1092[8],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2023/1525 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 July 2023 on supporting ammunition production (ASAP)[9],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2023/2418 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 October 2023 on establishing an instrument for the reinforcement of the European defence industry through common procurement (EDIRPA)[10],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2024/1252 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 April 2024 establishing a framework for ensuring a secure and sustainable supply of critical raw materials and amending Regulations (EU) No 168/2013, (EU) 2018/858, (EU) 2018/1724 and (EU) 2019/1020[11],

     having regard to the Commission proposal of 18 April 2023 for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down measures to strengthen solidarity and capacities in the Union to detect, prepare for and respond to cybersecurity threats and incidents (COM(2023)0209),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 10 March 2023 on a European Union Space Strategy for Security and Defence (JOIN(2023)0009),

     having regard to Commission Recommendation (EU) 2023/2113 of 3 October 2023 on critical technology areas for the EU’s economic security for further risk assessment with Member States[12],

     having regard to the annual financing decision, constituting the first part of the annual work programme for the implementation of the European Defence Fund for 2024, adopted by the Commission on 21 June 2023 (C(2023)4252),

     having regard to the Council conclusions of 22 January 2018 on the Integrated Approach to External Conflicts and Crises and of 24 January 2022 on the European security situation,

     having regard to the Granada Declaration adopted at the informal meeting of heads of state or government on 6 October 2023,

     having regard to the Council conclusions of 21 February 2022 extending and enhancing the implementation of the Coordinated Maritime Presences Concept in the Gulf of Guinea,

     having regard to the European Council conclusions of 21 and 22 March 2024, concerning the decision to open accession negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina,

     having regard to the Council conclusions of 27 May 2024 on EU security and defence,

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 10 November 2022 entitled ‘Action plan on military mobility 2.0’ (JOIN(2022)0048),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 18 May 2022 on the Defence Investment Gaps Analysis and Way Forward (JOIN(2022)0024),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 5 March 2024 entitled ‘A new European Defence Industrial Strategy: Achieving EU readiness through a responsive and resilient European Defence Industry’ (JOIN(2024)0010),

     having regard to the report by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 20 June 2024 entitled ‘Common Foreign and Security Policy Report – Our priorities in 2024’,

     having regard to the political guidelines for the next European Commission 2024-2029, by the candidate for European Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, of 18 July 2024, entitled ‘Europe’s choice’,

     having regard to the report by Enrico Letta entitled ‘Much more than a market’ and in particular the section on ‘Promoting peace and enhancing security: towards a Common Market for the defence industry’, published in April 2024,

     having regard to the report by Mario Draghi of 9 September 2024 on the future of European competitiveness and Chapter Four thereof on increasing security and reducing dependencies,

     having regard to the report by Sauli Niinistö of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘Safer Together: Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’,

     having regard to the security and defence partnerships respectively signed on 21 May 2024 by the EU and Moldova, and on 28 May 2024 by the EU and Norway,

     having regard to the Charter of the United Nations, in particular Article 2(4) thereof on prohibiting the use of force and of Article 51 on the inherent right to individual and collective self-defence,

     having regard to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),

     having regard to UN Security Council Resolutions 1325 (2000) of 31 October 2000, 1889 (2009) of 5 October 2009, 2122 (2013) of 18 October 2013, 2242 (2015) of 13 October 2015 and 2493 (2019) of 29 October 2019 on Women, Peace and Security, and Resolutions 2250 (2015) of 9 December 2015, 2419 (2018) of 6 June 2018 and 2535 (2020) of 14 July 2020 on Youth, Peace and Security,

     having regard to UN General Assembly Resolution 70/1 of 25 September 2015 entitled ‘Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’,

     having regard to the Pact for the Future and Chapter Two thereof on international peace and security, adopted on 23 September 2024 by the heads of state or government of the UN member states,

     having regard to the North Atlantic Treaty,

     having regard to the Madrid Summit Declaration adopted by the heads of state or government of NATO at the North Atlantic Council meeting in Madrid on 29 June 2022,

     having regard to the NATO 2022 Strategic Concept and the NATO 2023 Vilnius Summit Communiqué,

     having regard to the three joint declarations on EU-NATO cooperation signed on 8 July 2016, 10 July 2018 and 10 January 2023,

     having regard to the ninth progress report on the implementation of the common set of proposals endorsed by EU and NATO Councils on 6 December 2016 and 5 December 2017, submitted jointly by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) and the NATO Secretary General to the Council of the EU and the NATO Council on 13 June 2024,

     having regard to the Washington Summit Declaration issued by the heads of state or government of NATO participating in the North Atlantic Council meeting in Washington on 10 July 2024,

     having regard to its recommendation of 8 June 2022 on the EU’s Foreign, Security and Defence Policy after the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine[13],

     having regard to its recommendation of 23 November 2022 concerning the new EU strategy for enlargement[14],

     having regard to its resolution of 23 November 2022 on recognising the Russian Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism[15],

     having regard to its resolution of 1 June 2023 on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, including disinformation[16],

     having regard to its resolution of 28 February 2024 on the implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2023[17],

     having regard to its resolution of 29 February 2024 on the need for unwavering EU support for Ukraine, after two years of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine[18],

     having regard to its resolution of 17 July 2024 on the need for the EU’s continuous support for Ukraine[19],

     having regard to its resolution of 19 September 2024 on continued financial and military support to Ukraine by EU Member States[20],

     having regard to its resolution of 17 January 2024 on the security and defence implications of China’s influence on critical infrastructure in the European Union[21],

     having regard to its position of 22 October 2024 on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism and providing exceptional macro-financial assistance to Ukraine[22],

     having regard to its resolution of 24 October 2024 on the misinterpretation of UN resolution 2758 by the People’s Republic of China and its continuous military provocations around Taiwan[23],

     having regard to Ukraine’s victory plan presented by the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, to the European Council on 17 October 2024,

     having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

     having regard to the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (A10-0011/2025),

    A. whereas this past year has been marked by a decline in global peace and security, resulting, inter alia, from conflict, geopolitical rivalry, growing militarisation, terrorism and hybrid threats, as assessed by the Normandy Index 2024[24];

    B. whereas Russia’s ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine, continued armament efforts and armaments cooperation with other authoritarian powers far surpassing European stocks and production capacities, and the Russian regime’s choice to undermine the rules-based international order and the security architecture of Europe and to wage war on European countries or seek to destabilise them in order to realise its imperialist vision of the world, poses the most serious and unprecedented threat to world peace, as well as to the security and territory of the EU and its Member States; whereas Russia currently produces three million artillery shells per year, while the EU’s declared ambition within its first European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS) aims for a production capacity of 2 million shells per year by the end of 2025; whereas the Russian regime is strengthening its ties with the autocratic leadership of China, Iran and North Korea to achieve its objectives;

    C. whereas the EU is also facing the most diverse and complex range of non-military threats since its creation, exacerbated by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, including, inter alia, foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), cyberattacks, economic pressure, food and energy blackmail, instrumentalisation of migration and subversive political influence;

    D. whereas Russia illegally invaded and annexed Crimea and the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia regions of Ukraine; whereas Ukraine needs to be provided with the necessary military capabilities for as long as it takes for Ukraine to achieve a decisive military victory, end Russia’s illegal war of aggression, restore its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders and deter any future aggression; whereas Ukraine, in defending itself, is also protecting and fighting for European values and core security interests; whereas Russia is still illegally occupying the Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions of Georgia and the Transnistria region of Moldova;

    E. whereas, driven by the ambition to become a global superpower, China is eroding the rules-based international order by increasingly pursuing assertive foreign and hostile economic and competition policies and exporting dual-use goods employed by Russia on the battlefield against Ukraine, thereby threatening European interests; whereas China is also heavily arming itself militarily, using its economic power to quash criticism worldwide, and is striving to assert itself as the dominant power in the Indo-Pacific region; whereas China, by intensifying its confrontational, aggressive and intimidating actions against some of its neighbours, particularly in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, poses a risk to regional and global security;

    F whereas China has, for many years, promoted an alternative narrative, challenging human rights, democratic values and open markets in multilateral and international forums; whereas China’s increasing influence in international organisations has impeded positive progress and further excluded Taiwan from rightful and meaningful participation in these organisations;

    G. whereas the EU’s security environment has deteriorated not only in Eastern Europe, but also in its southern neighbourhood and beyond;

    H. whereas the despicable terrorist attacks by Hamas against Israel, the ongoing war in Gaza and the military operations against the Hezbollah on Lebanese territory have significantly increased the danger of a regional military confrontation in the Middle East, and the risk of escalation in the region is at its highest in decades; whereas the ongoing attacks in the Red Sea launched from the Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen, with the support of Iran, and the hijackings of commercial vessels by Somali pirates, from the Red Sea to the northwestern Indian Ocean, pose a significant threat to freedom of navigation, maritime security and international trade; whereas additional attacks by various Iran-backed militias in Iraq and Syria are further increasing the risk of regional escalation; whereas the EU has launched its own military operation, EUNAVFOR ASPIDES, to improve the security situation in the area;

    I. whereas the eastern neighbourhood and Western Balkan countries face increasingly diverse threats to their security and are being negatively affected by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, as well as the increased assertiveness of regional and global actors, such as China; whereas Kosovo and the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue face, in particular, threats of destabilisation;

    J. whereas the disastrous impact of past or ongoing wars, instability, insecurity, poverty and climate change in the Sahel region, northeast Africa and Libya, poses serious risks to EU security and its economic and trade interests; whereas the instability and insecurity in the southern neighbourhood and the Sahel region are closely interlinked with and remain an ongoing challenge for EU external border management; whereas the EU Border Assistance Mission in Libya and EUNAVFOR  MED Operation IRINI are contributing to sustainable peace, security and stability by implementing the arms embargo, fighting illicit weapons and human trafficking, and training the Libyan coastguard;

    K. whereas a part of Cyprus, an EU Member State, still remains under illegal occupation by Türkiye;

    L. whereas the Arctic region is becoming increasingly important for geopolitics, economic development and transport, while, at the same time, it is facing challenges linked to climate change, militarisation and migration;

    M. whereas past underinvestment in defence by EU Member States has led to an investment gap; whereas the Member States have agreed on more, better and smarter defence spending; whereas in 2024, 16 EU Member States that are also NATO allies, compared to 9 in 2023, were expected to exceed the NATO guidelines to spend at least 2 % of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on defence; whereas an increasing number of experts consider defence investments of 3 % of GDP to be a necessary objective in the light of the direct threat that Russia poses to the EU and its Member States;

    N. whereas in 2023, Parliament and the Council concluded agreements on the European defence industry reinforcement through a common procurement act (EDIRPA) and the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP), which, as short-term and emergency measures, aim to encourage the joint procurement of defence products, ramp up the European defence industry’s production capacity, replenish depleted stocks and reduce fragmentation in the defence-procurement sector;

    O. whereas in 2024, the Commission issued proposals for establishing a European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS) and a European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP), addressing, in particular, the upgrade of EU security and defence capabilities;

    P. whereas building defence capabilities and adapting them to military needs requires a common strategic culture, shared threat perception and solutions to be developed and combined in doctrine and concepts;

    Q. whereas the exception to the EU budget funding principle set out in Article 41(2) TEU applies to expenditure arising from operations having military or defence implications only; whereas in all other cases, the VP/HR, together with the Commission, where necessary, should propose that CFSP- or CSDP-related expenditure be financed through the EU budget; whereas Articles 14(1) and 16(1) TEU establish a balance between Parliament and the Council as regards their budgetary functions; whereas the current practice does not reflect this balance;

    R. whereas the Draghi report highlights a combination of structural weaknesses affecting the competitiveness of the EU’s Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB), and identifies fragmentation, insufficient public defence spending and limited access to financing; whereas the European Investment Bank’s (EIB) lending policy excludes the financing of ammunition and weapons, as well as equipment or infrastructure exclusively dedicated to military and police use;

    S. whereas the report by Mr Niinistö underlines the fact that the EU and its Member States are not yet fully prepared for the most severe cross-sectoral or multidimensional crisis scenarios, especially given the further deteriorating external environment; whereas the report states that many threats are already taking place continuously; whereas it insists that preparedness is needed to signal to potential adversaries that they will not be able to outlast the EU; whereas it deplores the fact that the Union lacks a common plan in the event of armed aggression and underlines that the EU needs to rethink the way it defines its security; whereas it underlines the importance of the EU being ready to act in support of a Member State in the event of external armed aggression and of further unlocking the EU’s potential for enhanced civil-military cooperation and dual-use infrastructure and technologies, through optimising the use of scarce resources and strengthening coordination mechanisms for the most severe crisis situations;

    T. whereas the integration of artificial intelligence into the security and defence domain, including weapon technologies, impacts military operations by enabling autonomous systems, predictive analytics and enhanced decision-making capabilities to play a significant role in battlefields; whereas this development presents both unprecedented opportunities and profound risks;

    U. whereas CSDP has 13 civilian missions, 8 military operations and 1 civilian-military mission under way, with around 5 000 personnel deployed on three continents; whereas reviews by the European External Action Service (EEAS) state that these missions and operations persistently suffer from Member States not delivering on their pledges to provide sufficient military or civilian personnel; whereas they also lack rapid decision-making and suffer from a lack of flexibility and adaptation to the specific local needs on the ground; whereas such obstacles limit the overall effectiveness of CSDP missions and operations; whereas one of the objectives of the Strategic Compass is to reinforce EU civilian and military CSDP missions and operations by providing them with more robust and flexible mandates, promoting rapid and more flexible decision-making processes and ensuring greater financial solidarity; whereas EU missions and operations are often targeted by hybrid threats, including disinformation, jeopardising their effectiveness in stabilising the countries in which they are deployed and, instead, reinforcing pre-existing instability, often benefiting malicious non-state actors;

    V. whereas CSDP missions and operations greatly strengthen the resilience and stability of the European neighbourhood, including in the Mediterranean, the Western Balkans, the Eastern Partnership countries, the Sahel region and the Horn of Africa, by providing services such as military, police, coastguard, border management training and capacity building;

    W. whereas the EU assistance to the Libyan coastguard is provided through the EU Border Assistance Mission in Libya (EUBAM Libya) and EUNAVFOR MED Operation IRINI; whereas the main goal of EUNAVFOR MED IRINI is to support the implementation of the UN Security Council’s arms embargo on Libya; whereas the Council of the EU extended the mandate of EUNAVFOR MED IRINI until 31 March 2025, including the task of training the Libyan coastguard and navy;

    X. whereas the EUFOR Althea operation sets a path towards peace, stabilisation and the European integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and still plays a pivotal role in ensuring the security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region;

    Y. whereas on 17 May 2024, the EU ended the mandate of the EU Training Mission in Mali (EUTM); whereas on 30 June 2024, it ended the mandate of the European Union military partnership mission in Niger (EUMPM) and on 30 September 2024, it ended the ground mission of personnel from the EU Capacity Building Mission in Niger (EUCAP Sahel Niger);

    Z. whereas the EU will allocate EUR 1.5 billion for the 2021-2027 period to support conflict prevention, peace and security initiatives at national and regional level in sub-Saharan Africa; whereas additional support is also provided in Africa under the European Peace Facility (EPF), which enables the EU to provide all kinds of equipment and infrastructure to the armed forces of EU partners;

    AA. whereas the EU and its Member States are facing increasing hybrid attacks on their soil, including FIMI, political infiltration and sabotage, aimed at undermining sound political debate and the trust of EU citizens in democratic institutions, as well as creating divisions in European societies and between nations; whereas in the years to come, hybrid threats will involve increased use of the systematic combination of information warfare, agile force manoeuvre, mass cyberwarfare and emerging and disruptive technologies, from seabed to space, with the deployment of advanced space-based surveillance and strike systems, all of which will be enabled by advanced AI, quantum computing, increasingly ‘intelligent’ drone swarm technologies, offensive cyber capabilities, hypersonic missile systems and nanotech- and bio-warfare; whereas Russia and China have demonstrated increased use of hybrid tools to undermine the security and stability of the EU;

    AB. whereas the Russian Federation makes use of private military companies (PMCs), such as Africa Corps and the Wagner Group, as part of a hybrid warfare toolbox to maintain plausible deniability while exerting influence in various regions and gaining access to natural resources and critical infrastructure; whereas Africa Corps and the Wagner Group have reportedly committed atrocities in Ukraine, Mali, Libya, Syria and the Central African Republic; whereas the Russian Federation has reinforced anti-European sentiments, especially in countries with a strong European presence or hosting CSDP missions;

    AC. whereas on 7 March 2024, Sweden joined NATO as a new member, following Finland which joined in 2023; whereas security and defence cooperation with partners and allies is crucial to the EU’s ambition of becoming an international security provider and constitutes an integral pillar of the CSDP; whereas cooperation with the UN, NATO, the African Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as well as numerous allies and like-minded partners such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Norway, Ukraine, Moldova, the Western Balkan countries, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and certain Latin American countries, among others, is crucial to the successful implementation of the CSDP;

    The consequences of a changing geopolitical paradigm for European security

    1. Stresses the seriousness of the threats to the security of the European continent, which have reached a level unprecedented since the Second World War; expresses deep concern at the rise of geopolitical fractures, new and renewed imperialist ambitions for domination by authoritarian powers, systemic rivalry of great powers, nationalist unilateralism, the spread of terrorism, including jihadist terrorism, and the primary and growing use of force and violence by certain malicious actors to promote their political and economic objectives and interests or to resolve disputes;

    2. Believes that the geopolitical theatres in Ukraine, the Middle East and the South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific are increasingly interconnected as Russia and China, in particular, are deepening their ties, and pose significant challenges to global peace and security and the rules-based international order that must be addressed by the international community; highlights the increase in attacks and hybrid threats aimed at undermining democratic values and structures, among other things, during elections, as well as the cohesion of and citizens’ adhesion to European values-based societies and the rule of law; believes that this trend amounts to a paradigm shift, as it reverses the logic of building international security on the basis of respect for international law, a rules-based international order and multilateralism;

    3. Recognises the evolving nature of global security threats and emphasises the crucial role that diplomacy, development cooperation and arms control and disarmament play alongside military efforts in ensuring long-lasting international peace and security; notes, however, the limited impact of diplomatic efforts aimed at building peace and security in recent times; underscores that sustainable global peace and stability cannot be achieved through military measures alone, but require comprehensive strategies that address the key drivers of instability, such as poverty, inequality, governance failures and climate change; stresses that the EU’s Global Gateway initiative and other development programmes should be aligned with security objectives, fostering resilient societies by promoting inclusive economic growth, good governance and human rights;

    The EU’s response: a new era of European security and defence

    4. Emphasises the absolute need for the EU to recognise and meet the challenges posed by the multiple and constantly evolving threats to its security, and, for this purpose, to engage in improved and new policies and actions that enable the EU and its Member States to collectively and coherently strengthen their defence in Europe, in order to ensure the security of all EU Member States and their citizens, as well as enhancing their ability to act at the global level;

    5. Recalls the importance of the EU achieving greater strategic autonomy and defence readiness, as outlined in the Strategic Compass, to ensure that its objectives are aligned with the collective and sovereign interests of its Member States and the broader vision of European security and defence; acknowledges, in this regard, that some Member States have long-standing policies of military neutrality, and respects the right of every Member State to determine its own security policy;

    6. Emphasises the importance of continuing to operationalise Article 42(7) TEU on mutual assistance, ensuring solidarity among Member States, especially those whose geographical position leaves them directly exposed to imminent threats and challenges, and regardless of whether they are NATO members; calls for concrete steps towards developing a true EU solidarity policy, including by clarifying the practical arrangements in the event of a Member State activating Article 42(7) TEU and the coherence between Article 42(7) TEU and Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty;

    7. Notes the overall limited progress and underinvestment in the development of a common European defence capability, industrial capacity and defence readiness since the CSDP’s establishment 25 years ago; notes, with regret, that despite the ambition of framing a common Union defence policy, as laid out in Article 42(2) TEU, concrete steps are still missing;

    8. Insists on the need for a truly common approach, policies and joint efforts in the area of defence as well as a paradigm shift in the EU’s CSDP that enable the EU to act decisively and effectively in its neighbourhood and on the global stage, safeguard its values, interests and citizens and promote its strategic objectives; underlines the importance of presenting the EU as a strong and united international actor, capable of acting more strategically and autonomously, defending itself against potential enemy attacks and supporting its partners, and delivering peace, sustainable development and democracy; stresses the utmost importance of the EU and its Member States continuing to work on creating a common strategic culture in the area of security and defence; underlines the need for the Member States to collectively reflect on the future of their deterrence policies and doctrines, as well as their adaptation to the changing security environment in Europe; stresses, further, that in order to develop coherent foreign and defence policies, the EU must strengthen its democratic and independent structures, decision-making processes and operational autonomy;

    9. Welcomes the objective of the Commission President to usher in a new era for European defence and security, by building a true European defence union; welcomes the appointment of Andrius Kubilius, the first-ever Commissioner for Defence and Space, tasked with working jointly with the VP/HR on a white paper on the future of European defence within the first hundred days of their mandate; stresses the need for the EU and its Member States, acting to define the European defence union, to take priority measures and prepare future actions in order to ensure the defence readiness of the EU, notably with regard to the threat posed by Russia, and to bolster deterrence and enhance operational capabilities as a tool of defence in wartime, while meeting civilian and humanitarian needs, and thus leveraging the concept of ‘dual-use’;

    10. Calls for the EU and its Member States to accelerate their commitments made in the Versailles Declaration and to assume greater responsibility for their defence and security, including by achieving greater strategic autonomy and bolstering defence and deterrence capabilities, in particular on its eastern borders; stresses that NATO and the transatlantic partnership with the United States remain the cornerstones of European collective defence and that the EU and NATO play complementary, coherent and mutually reinforcing roles in supporting international peace and security; stresses the need for EU Member States and the EU as a whole to step up their efforts through increased and targeted joint investments, joint procurement of defence products that are, for the most part, designed and manufactured in the EU, and the development of more joint capabilities, via, inter alia, pooling and sharing, thereby strengthening their armed forces whether for national, NATO or EU operational purposes;

    11. Concurs with the ambition of strengthening the European pillar within NATO and stresses that the development of a European defence union should go hand-in-hand with the deepening of EU-NATO cooperation, making full use of the unique capacities of each organisation;

    12. Stresses the need for close coordination on deterrence and collaboration between the EU and NATO with regard to developing coherent, complementary and interoperable defence capabilities and reinforcing industrial production capacities; stresses that a European pillar within NATO notably consists of jointly acquiring strategic enablers or strategic weapons systems, which are often too expensive for a single member state, such as air-to-air refuelling capability, command and control capability, hypersonic weapons, layered air defence, electronic warfare capabilities and air and missile defence systems; believes that the European added value lies in jointly developing or buying these enablers and systems that individual EU Member States severely lack; points out that EU capability development strengthens the European pillar within NATO and contributes accordingly to transatlantic security; calls for the establishment of a regular conference between the EU and NATO in order to ensure close coordination and complementarity between both organisations and their member states in their efforts to strengthen capability development and armaments, while avoiding unnecessary and dysfunctional duplication; calls on the Commission and the Council to ensure that EU efforts in defence capability development are coherent with the objectives of the NATO Defence Planning Process; calls, further, for all EPF support for the provision of equipment to be carried out in coordination with NATO to increase efficiency and avoid unnecessary duplication;

    Enhancing European security: supporting Ukraine by providing military capabilities in order to end Russia’s war of aggression

    13. Reaffirms its unwavering support for the EU and its Member States to stand in solidarity with Ukraine in the face of Russia’s war of aggression and to provide Ukraine with the necessary military means and in the time it needs to defend itself, repel the Russian Armed Forces and their proxies, end the conflict, protect its sovereignty and restore its territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders; welcomes the joint security commitments between the EU and Ukraine, and the bilateral security agreements concluded by Ukraine with several Member States; underlines that such commitments and agreements are part of a wider internationally coordinated package of security guarantees for Ukraine, including the G7’s launch of a multilateral framework for the negotiation of bilateral security commitments and arrangements for Ukraine; believes that without decisive EU military support, Ukraine will not be able to achieve victory against Russia; strongly reiterates its call for EU Member States to urgently meet their commitments and deliver weapons, fighter aircrafts, drones, air defence, weapon systems and ammunition to Ukraine, including air-launched cruise missiles and surface-to-surface systems, and to significantly increase the relevant quantities; notes the successful delivery of 1 million rounds of artillery ammunition to Ukraine as agreed in March 2023 by the Council, despite the regrettable nine-month delay; acknowledges the notable advancements in the EU’s artillery ammunition production capacity, which contribute to the EU’s preparedness and ability to support Ukraine; stresses the importance of enhancing Ukraine’s anti-drone capabilities as a critical element in countering aerial threats and maintaining operational security; calls for the provision of specialised equipment and expertise to enable Ukrainian forces to swiftly identify, track and respond to hostile drone activities, ensuring robust protection for both military and civilian infrastructure; calls for the Member States to lift all restrictions hindering Ukraine from using Western weapons systems against legitimate military targets within Russia, in accordance with international law; calls on the Council to commit to transferring all confiscated military equipment or ammunition from EU operations and missions within and outside the EU to Ukraine; reiterates its position that all EU Member States and NATO allies should collectively and individually commit to supporting Ukraine militarily with no less than 0.25 % of their GDP annually;

    14. Calls for the EU and its Member States to support Ukraine in expanding the international coalition in support of its victory plan and peace formula, presented by the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, as the only viable route to restoring Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity on the basis of international law, and thereby holding Russia, its leadership and its accomplices, in particular the Belarusian regime, to account for waging a war of aggression against Ukraine and  committing war crimes and the crime of aggression, and ensuring Russian reparations and other payments for the extensive damage caused in Ukraine; emphasises that all initiatives aimed at ending the conflict must have the support of Ukraine and, ultimately, its people;

    15. Calls on the VP/HR to mobilise more diplomatic support for Ukraine and the sanctions imposed on Russia, using the full spectrum of the diplomatic toolbox, and encouraging EU Member States to consider imposing secondary sanctions; deplores the fact that some components of Western origin have been found in weapons and weapon systems used by Russia against Ukraine, and calls for the EU and its Member States to implement sanctions more rigorously;

    16. Strongly condemns the role that North Korea plays in aiding Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine through the training of North Korean troops and their deployment to Russia to directly participate in the war or support the Russian Armed Forces; also condemns, in the strongest possible terms, North Korea’s supply of military equipment and weaponry actively deployed on the battlefield, and its involvement in sanctions evasion; considers North Korea’s actions a blatant violation of international norms and warns of the dangerous and significant risk of escalation that they pose to Europe and the broader international community; underlines, with serious concern, the risk that North Korea is using the battlefield in Ukraine as a platform to study advanced combat tactics, including drone warfare, with the intention of applying these techniques in potential future conflicts; expresses its outrage at the fact that several other rogue states are actively supporting Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, including Iran, among others; condemns, in this regard, Iran’s transfer of Shahed drones, ammunition and ballistic missiles to Russia, heightening the risk of potential military intervention by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; firmly believes that the EU and the international community must firmly respond to this with a combination of diplomatic, military and economic measures, and, most importantly, by providing increased support to Ukraine to strengthen its defence against this alliance of rogue states that Russia has built up; underlines the importance of closely liaising with the 2025-2029 US Administration in this regard;

    17. Stresses the importance of the EPF, which has been instrumental in supporting the provision of military capabilities and training to the Ukrainian Armed Forces, while facilitating coordination for all stakeholders through the clearing house mechanism within the EU Military Staff; welcomes the establishment of the dedicated Ukraine Assistance Fund under the EPF and calls for an increase in financial resources for military assistance to Ukraine through this instrument, while also providing a medium-term financial perspective; urges the Hungarian Government to immediately cease its efforts to hinder the EU’s actions in support of Ukraine and to lift its veto on the extension of the EU’s sanctions renewal period and the EPF military support to Ukraine, including the agreed reimbursement to EU Member States for the military aid they have delivered; expresses its deep concern that the veto by the Hungarian Government has blocked the opening of a new tranche of expenditure to support the Ukrainian Armed Forces and has prevented the release of EUR 6.6 billion in partial reimbursement to the EU Member States providing military support to Ukraine; urges the Council and the VP/HR to find innovative solutions capable of lifting these blockages and offsetting these funding cuts; encourages the Member States to develop scenario-based and predictable inventories of military capabilities that can be provided under the EPF to ensure that the short-term provision of capabilities is rapidly sourced from Member States and delivered without delay, and that the long-term provision of capabilities that assist Ukraine in restoring deterrence is provided in a foreseeable time frame, in coordination with non-EU countries, when necessary; appreciates that all military assistance and weapon deliveries under the EPF have been in full compliance with the EU Common Position on arms exports, international human rights law and humanitarian law, while ensuring adequate transparency and accountability;

    18. Highlights the outcome of the NATO Washington Summit, which reaffirmed that Ukraine’s future is in NATO and that the alliance supports Ukraine’s right to choose its own security arrangements and decide its own future, free from outside interference; concurs that both the EU and NATO have demonstrated political unity in solidarity with and commitment to supporting Ukraine; reiterates its belief that Ukraine is on an irreversible path to NATO membership; welcomes the allies’ pledge of long-term security assistance for the provision of military equipment, assistance and training for Ukraine; recognises the crucial role of NATO, EU-NATO cooperation and NATO allies such as the US and the UK, in coordinating efforts to support Ukraine militarily not only through the supply of weapons, ammunition and equipment, but also intelligence and data;

    19. Welcomes the Council’s decision of 21 May 2024, ensuring that the net profits stemming from extraordinary revenues generated by immobilised Russian Central Bank (RCB) assets in the EU, as a result of the implementation of the EU restrictive measures, are used for further military support to Ukraine, as well as its defence industry capacities and reconstruction; also welcomes the agreement reached with the Council, which led to the Council’s decision of 23 October 2024 to adopt a financial assistance package, including an exceptional macro-financial assistance loan of up to EUR 35 billion and the establishment of a Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism that will use contributions raised from the profits of immobilised RCB assets and support Ukraine in repaying loans of up to EUR 45 billion from the EU and its G7 partners; recalls, however, that the mobilisation of this financial assistance will be at the expense of the sum earmarked for EU military support via the Ukraine Facility, which will now only benefit from a maximum of 15 % of the profits from the immobilised RCB assets;

    20. Welcomes the achievements of the EU Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine (EUMAM), which, to date, has trained more than 70 000 Ukrainian soldiers on EU territory, thereby making the EU the biggest provider of military training to Ukraine and significantly contributing to enhancing the military capability of the Ukrainian Armed Forces; takes note of the new goal of training 75 000 Ukrainian soldiers by the end of winter 2024/2025; welcomes the Council’s decision of 8 November 2024 to extend the mandate of the mission for two years; calls for EUMAM’s financial, logistical and human resources to be expanded and adapted to the evolving military training needs of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, including in the air and maritime defence domains, as well as to the requested long-term reform efforts in line with the joint security commitments between the EU and Ukraine; welcomes the Member States’ strong participation in EUMAM, which can be described as a template for future military training missions, advancing deterrence by significantly enhancing interoperability between Member States and partners, and calls on the Member States to demonstrate similar ambition and contributions to other current and future CSDP missions and operations; emphasises that EUMAM should also act as a platform for the exchange of best practices to ensure that European forces also benefit from the lessons learnt on the battlefield by the Ukrainian Armed Forces; welcomes the launch of the NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (NSATU), announced at the NATO Washington Summit, which coordinates the provision of military training and equipment for Ukraine by NATO allies and partners and provides logistical support; stresses the importance of close coordination between EUMAM and NSATU;

    21. Commends the work of the European Union Advisory Mission Ukraine (EUAM) in implementing, in difficult conditions, its newly reinforced mandate; calls for the EU to ensure that EUAM can operate with the adequate financial, logistical and expert personnel to meet Ukraine’s needs, and welcomes the participation of non-EU countries in this regard; stresses the importance of EUAM and its role as the largest EU footprint on the ground, providing strategic advice to Ukraine’s national and state security authorities; highlights EUAM’s key tasks in combating organised and cross-border crimes, restoring public services in liberated territories and supporting the investigation and prosecution of international crimes, building on EUAM’s presence and expertise;

    22. Stresses the importance of cooperation with and the gradual integration of the Ukrainian defence industry into the EU’s defence technological and industrial base (EDTIB) and, to this end, calls for Ukraine’s defence to be fully taken into account in the preparation of the Commission’s new legislative initiatives aimed at strengthening the EDTIB; stresses that concrete steps should be taken towards Ukraine’s integration into EU defence policies and programmes during Ukraine’s EU accession process, including by adapting the Ukrainian Armed Forces to EU capability requirements and involving them in cross-border defence industrial and technological cooperation projects and programmes; welcomes, in this respect, the opening of the EU Defence Innovation Office in Ukraine to identify Ukrainian needs and capacities in defence innovation, facilitate joint initiatives and promote cross-border cooperation between EU and Ukrainian defence industry stakeholders, and to be a focal point for Ukrainian partners, as well as a coordination and information hub; welcomes the ongoing initiatives of several EU Member States to deepen cooperation with Ukraine in the field of defence research and industrial production, and calls for further use of Ukraine’s innovative defence potential to develop weapons and ammunition and to accelerate their production in close cooperation with the EU and other Western partners, using available support mechanisms; calls on the military industries of EU Member States to honour their commitment to establish military production on Ukrainian territory;

    23. Emphasises the need to strengthen demining capabilities within Ukraine to address the widespread presence of unexploded ordnance and landmines, as well as to demine Ukraine’s seawaters in the Black Sea; advocates the allocation of dedicated resources to support comprehensive demining training, including advanced detection and disposal techniques; notes that enhanced demining capacity will not only facilitate safer military operations, but also support the recovery and safety of civilian areas affected by the war;

    Joining forces to increase defence capabilities

    24. Welcomes the ambition set out in the EDIS to achieve the defence readiness of the EU and its Member States and to boost the EDTIB; considers the Commission’s proposal to establish a European defence industry programme (EDIP) vital in that regard; supports the objectives of strengthening EU defence industrial preparedness, improving joint defence planning and further facilitating joint procurement by the Member States in line with the priorities set out in the capability development plan (CDP) and the areas for cooperation identified in the coordinated annual review on defence in order to launch European defence projects of common interest, in particular in strategic capability areas, such as air and missile defence, as well as to ensure security of supply and access to critical raw materials and to prevent shortages in defence production; strongly supports the idea of predominantly using EU-level cooperation in the European defence industrial sector, and supports the concrete quantified targets for cooperation presented in the EDIS, which focus in particular on joint procurement, specifically, inviting the Member States to procure at least 40 % of defence equipment in a collaborative manner by 2030, to ensure that, by 2030, the value of intra-EU defence trade represents at least 35 % of the value of the EU defence market, and to procure at least 50 % of their defence investments within the EU by 2030 and 60 % by 2035;

    25. Highlights the importance of the permanent structured cooperation (PESCO) for improving and harmonising the EU’s defence capabilities; notes again, with regret, that the Member States continue not to make full use of the PESCO framework and that tangible results within the currently 66 ongoing projects remain limited; further notes with regret the lack of information provided to Parliament about the reasons for the closure of six projects and their possible results; points out that the participating Member States agreed to 20 binding commitments in order to fulfil the EU’s ambition in defence; considers it necessary to conduct a thorough review of PESCO projects with regard to results and prospects, with a view to streamlining the current set of projects to a small set of priority projects while closing projects that lack sufficient progress; suggests establishing a priority scheme within PESCO in order to effectively address the identified capability gaps and priorities;

    26. Welcomes the Commission’s proposal for an EDIP; notes with concern the assessment of the European Court of Auditors that the financial envelope of the EDIP is insufficient given its objectives, and therefore reiterates its call to ensure the required funding for defence; stresses that substantial budgetary efforts will be necessary for the EDIP to have a significant effect on military support for Ukraine, the development of a genuine EU defence capability and a competitive EDTIB; welcomes the 2023 revision of the CDP; regrets the limited progress made on capability development since the adoption of the first CDP in 2008; calls on the Member States to significantly increase joint efforts to achieve timely substantial progress by making full and coherent use of EU instruments, including the European Defence Fund (EDF), PESCO and the coordinated annual review on defence, as well as the instruments put forward in the EDIP proposal;

    27. Welcomes the joint efforts undertaken thus far to strengthen the EU’s defence readiness through measures reinforcing and supporting the adaptation of the EDTIB, notably through the EDIRPA and ASAP regulations, and calls for their swift implementation; regrets that the financial envelope of EDIRPA remains limited and points out that the role of ASAP in relation to the ambition of supplying Ukraine with one million pieces of ammunition was restrained by the Council’s objection to its regulatory elements;

    28. Welcomes the efforts and investments made thus far by companies of the EDTIB to reinforce industrial capacity, including with the support of EU instruments; highlights that further and lasting reinforcement of the EDTIB’s capacity requires first and foremost orders by the Member States, which should be conducted jointly in order to ensure the Union’s defence readiness, improve interoperability between Member States’ armed forces and achieve economies of scale, thus making the most of EU taxpayers’ money; calls, accordingly, on the Member States to intensify joint procurement efforts in line with the capability gaps identified in the Defence Investment Gaps Analysis and the capability priorities of the CDP; underlines that effective joint procurement with regard to development projects, especially in the framework of the EDF, requires a joint definition of the military requirements of the respective systems in order to achieve adequate economies of scale; calls on the Commission, in this regard, to draw on the EU Military Committee’s expertise to produce such a joint definition in order to ensure military coherence at the industrial level; calls on the Member States to engage in joint procurement with a view to establishing pan-European value chains by distributing production throughout the Union and thereby increasing the economic attractiveness of joint procurement, while building strategic redundancies into production capacities for greater resilience in the event of an armed conflict; further calls on the Member States and the Commission to aim for a further strengthening of joint procurement mechanisms and sufficient coordination by the European Defence Agency;

    29. Underlines the need to further support the transition of development projects to marketable solutions and welcomes the provision in the EDIP proposal in that regard; deplores the unnecessary and dysfunctional duplication of efforts with regard to the projects on the future main battle tank and the hypersonic interceptor; voices its concern that such duplications counteract the ambition laid out in the EDIS to procure 60 % from the EDTIB by 2035, as scattered resources will extend the time required to achieve marketable solutions, thus most likely leading to procurement from the United States; regrets, similarly, the mounting delays in essential capability projects, notably the Franco-German project on the Main Ground Combat System and the Franco-German-Spanish project on the Future Combat Air System, which also entail the risk of the future procurement of US solutions; stresses that all possible synergies with the EDF should be used, while avoiding the duplication of efforts;

    30. Stresses the need to ensure the coherence of output between respective EU and NATO capability development planning processes; calls for the interoperability of military equipment from EU Member States and NATO Allies to be improved and for industrial cooperation to be fostered by ensuring that future EU legal standards for defence products components and ammunition are based on the NATO standards; stresses that European defence projects of common interest, as defined in the EDIP proposal, should be implemented in close coordination with NATO;

    31. Highlights the vital necessity of overcoming the fragmentation of the EU’s defence industrial landscape and of finally achieving the full implementation of the EU’s internal market for defence products, as the current structure leads to unnecessary duplications and the multiplication of inefficiencies in defence investments and their use, and structurally hampers the strengthening of defence readiness; is concerned that the internal market for defence products is still undermined by insufficiently harmonised application of its rules by the Member States and by disproportionate use of the exemption provided for in Article 346 TFEU; endorses the call for the creation of a true single market for defence products and services, as also presented in Mr Niinistö’s report; emphasises the need for a newly updated and effective regulatory framework aimed at reducing barriers for market entry for defence products, enabling EU defence industrial consolidation and permitting EU companies to fully exploit business potential, encouraging innovation and more and smoother cross-border as well as civil and military cooperation, boosting production, increasing security of supply and ensuring smarter and more efficient public investments in the EDTIB; underlines, at the same time, the importance of maintaining fruitful competition between different competitors and of avoiding oligopolies in which individual providers can freely determine the prices and availability of defence goods; calls on the Commission to present proposals to complete the EU internal market for defence, based, in particular, on an assessment of EU rules for defence procurement and transfer of defence-related products, and on the identification and analysis of limitations and loopholes in the current legal framework; further calls on the Commission to make suggestions for an interpretation of Article 346 TFEU in line with the current reality of an interdependent security architecture in the EU; calls for the implementation of Directive 2009/81/EC on defence and sensitive security procurement[25] and Directive 2009/43/EC on intra-EU transfers of defence-related products[26] (the Transfers Directive) to be improved, and where needed, in the light of the EDIS, for proposals for the revision of these directives to be submitted;

    32. Stresses the importance of ensuring a balanced effort between strengthening the existing armament industrial capabilities of the Member States in the short- and medium-term and supporting research and development (R&D) for new and innovative military equipment and armament tailored to the present and future needs of the armed forces of the Member States and to EU defence capabilities, such as those required by CSDP missions and operations and the EU Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC); emphasises that priority should be given to keeping and enhancing the technological advantage through targeted strategic projects as a key element in deterrence with regard to our adversaries and competitors; underlines the importance of including all Member States in security and defence strategies, particularly with regard to the development of the defence industry;

    33. Stresses the need to develop an effective EU-level armaments policy that includes the establishment of a functioning and effective external trade dimension, is aimed at supporting partners that face threats by aggressive authoritarian regimes, and prevents arms deliveries to undemocratic aggressive regimes in line with the eight existing EU criteria; stresses the need to overcome the very narrow and national interpretation of Article 346 TFEU in this regard;

    34. Stresses that cooperation with international partners in the defence sector should be limited to like-minded partners and should not contravene the security and defence interests of the EU and its Member States; recalls that dependencies on high-risk suppliers of critical products with digital elements pose a strategic risk that should be addressed at EU level; calls on the Member States’ relevant authorities to reflect on how to reduce these dependencies and undertake an immediate assessment and review of existing Chinese investments in critical infrastructure, including power grids, the transport network and information and communication systems, to identify any vulnerabilities that could impact the security and defence of the Union;

    35. Welcomes the revision of the EU’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Regulation; stresses the need to further strengthen FDI screening procedures by incorporating due diligence standards to identify cases where governments of states hold leverage over investors in EU critical infrastructure, such as European ports, and in undersea cables in the Baltic, Mediterranean and Arctic seas in ways that would contravene the security and defence interests of the Union and its Member States, as established within the framework of the CFSP pursuant to Title V of the TEU; underlines that this approach should also be applied to candidate countries; believes that additional legislation is needed to effectively protect the security of European ICT supply chain from high-risk vendors and protect against cyber-enabled intellectual property theft; calls for the creation of a European framework aimed at closely regulating and setting minimum standards and conditions for the export of intellectual property and technologies that are critical to the security and defence of the Union, including dual-use goods;

    Research and development for defence technology and equipment

    36. Supports a significant increase in investments in defence R&D, with a particular emphasis on collaborative initiatives, thereby strengthening the EU’s technological leadership and competitiveness in defence and ensuring a spillover effect in the civilian marketplace; notes, in this regard, that in 2022, the Member States invested approximately EUR 10.7 billion in defence R&D; underlines that technological advancement in critical domains – air, land, maritime, space and cyber – requires stable long-term investment across the Member States to keep pace with rapid global innovation;

    37. Stresses the need for EU R&D instruments and funding to be used as effectively as possible in order to address capability gaps and priorities in a timely manner as laid out in the Defence Investment Gap Analysis and the CDP; calls, therefore, on the Commission and the Member States to align EDF projects and funding with the EU’s urgent capability needs and prioritise them on this basis, and to focus on the most relevant and promising research activities; further calls on the Commission to initiate a thorough review of the EDF in view of a revised follow-up financial instrument for the next multiannual financial framework (MFF); calls on the Commission and the Member States to adopt an approach that incorporates a low energy, carbon and environmental footprint by design when implementing relevant EU funds and to regularly report on progress; recalls that the R&D actions can be directed at solutions to improve efficiency, reduce the carbon footprint and achieve sustainable best practices; welcomes the relevant investment of EUR 133 million provided for in the first annual work programme, but notes that this represents only 11 % of the overall annual EDF budget; recalls the role of NextGenerationEU in climate action and calls on the Member States to use resources from their national recovery plans to invest in the sustainability of their military infrastructure;

    Dual-use and emerging and disruptive technologies

    38. Stresses the need to develop a more proactive role for the EU in sustaining investment in dual-use technologies, which can be applied in both civilian and military contexts, as a means to enhance the EU’s resilience against hybrid and emerging threats; underlines the need to support, in particular, the testing of prototypes of new products and to focus on new technologies in close cooperation with Ukrainian defence and technological actors; underlines the importance of ensuring the financial viability of companies, including small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), that invest in such innovation; advocates the promotion of civilian commercialisation of these technologies as a way to expand market opportunities and strengthen the European industrial base, fostering synergies between military and civilian development;

    39. Highlights the important role that emerging disruptive technologies, such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, cloud computing and robotics, play in defence; stresses that the development and harnessing of these technologies in defence require further EU-coordinated investment and research efforts so that the defence equipment suppliers in the EU remain at the forefront of innovation; notes that under the current EDF Regulation, with its long implementation cycles, the Commission fails to provide funding to research projects in a timely manner; calls, therefore, for a more flexible and faster approach for research projects on emerging disruptive technologies, reflecting the increasing pace of developments in that field building on the work of the European Defence Agency’s Hub for European Defence Innovation and drawing on the work of the US Defence Advanced Research Project Agency; further calls for the EU to play a leading role in promoting research into the military applications of artificial intelligence and in establishing governance frameworks for the responsible development and use of this technology;

    40. Reiterates its call on the Commission to share with Parliament a detailed analysis of the risks linked to the misuse, by our adversaries, of technologies such as semiconductors, quantum computing, blockchains, space, artificial intelligence and biotechnologies, including genomics, as well as the list of proposed EU actions in these fields, in line with the EU’s economic security strategy; is concerned about the role of Chinese military-linked companies in gathering the genetic data of EU citizens;

    Defence SMEs

    41. Reiterates that defence-related SMEs from across the Union are the backbone of the European defence industry and supply chains and are key to innovation in these areas, and emphasises the need to provide support to SMEs and start-ups, in particular, in the defence and dual-use sector; stresses that the EDIS and the EDIP must ensure a level playing field for all defence industry actors across the Union and promote cooperation between bigger and smaller companies from all Member States, ensuring that the industry will not be dominated by some large companies from a limited number of Member States; encourages the Member States to provide special opportunities for SMEs in the European defence sector to participate in the bidding process through such measures as creating a pre-approved list of companies to facilitate a faster engagement process, introducing private equity firms that invest in SMEs into the procurement process, assisting SME growth through incubation and capital investment, reducing the complexities of bidding for contracts, and implementing internal measures to reform the amount of time taken to process contract details;

    Military mobility

    42. Highlights the importance of developing, maintaining and protecting the infrastructure necessary to ensure the rapid and efficient military mobility of our armed forces across the Member States; underlines the need to ensure the resilience of critical infrastructure that allows military mobility and the provision of essential services; recognises that military logistics can contribute to deterrence by signalling the EU’s overall military preparedness;

    43. Underlines the urgent need to substantially enhance and invest in military mobility, prioritising investments and removing bottlenecks and missing links; stresses, in this regard, the importance of swiftly implementing projects and regulatory measures in accordance with the EU Action Plan on Military Mobility 2.0; supports new strategic investments in civil and military infrastructure, such as ports, airports and highways, which will also allow the smooth transfer of military units and supplies, including rapid reaction forces, heavy equipment, goods and humanitarian aid;

    44. Calls on the Commission to develop an integrated approach to military mobility and logistics that ensures that the Council’s pledge to remove all remaining barriers by 2026 is upheld, and that coincides with much higher EU investment in key aspects of military mobility; further calls for the appropriate EU funding for ongoing and necessary military mobility projects to be secured in the next MFF; calls on the Member States to take further action to simplify and harmonise procedures for military mobility and shorten the timelines for granting permissions so that the Member States can act faster and increase their efficiency of response, in line with their defence needs and responsibilities, both in the context of CSDP missions and operations and in the context of national and multinational activities; encourages the Member States to use the third-country PESCO agreement on military mobility as a template for partner country participation, with an emphasis on tailoring PESCO projects to CSDP mission needs;

    An updated Strategic Compass: promoting a common strategic vision and coherence, and improving EU decision-making on defence issues within the EU institutional framework

    Strategic Compass

    45. Stresses that geopolitical developments and threats have continued to evolve rapidly since the Strategic Compass was adopted by Member States in March 2022; calls, therefore, for a review of the comprehensive joint threat assessment enshrined in the Strategic Compass, from which priorities for EU action should derive; believes that this review exercise should serve to define common views on Europe-wide capability gaps, which should be addressed via bilateral, multinational or EU-level programmes, funds, projects and instruments, and set out the timeframe within which this should be done; calls, furthermore, for the Commission and the VP/HR to present updated measures for the Strategic Compass following this review exercise, if necessary, and for this to inform the preparation of the white paper on the future of European defence; reiterates that the Strategic Compass’s ambitious aims and milestones can only be achieved with corresponding political willingness and action on behalf of the Member States and the EU institutions; stresses the need for coherence and compatibility between the Strategic Compass and NATO’s Strategic Concept;

    46. Calls on the Commission and the EEAS to ensure that the Climate Change and Defence Roadmap is fully implemented and is improved within the context of updated measures under the Strategic Compass; calls for the timeframes for reviewing the Roadmap to be reconsidered and, in particular, for the overall objectives to be reviewed much earlier than 2030; calls on the Member States to develop national structures in support of the objectives; urges the VP/HR to propose to the Member States an action programme composed of priority actions presented in the Roadmap that can be implemented in the short term;

    Defence governance: consolidating the EU institutional framework and decision-making process in defence and security fields

    47.  Suggests that the Council review the institutional settings of its decision-making bodies competent for defence and security, and consider setting up a new permanent decision-making body made up of ministers of defence from Member States, without prejudice to the respective distribution of competences within national ministries in this regard;

    48. Stresses that effective EU-level cooperation in the field of security and defence and swift, coordinated responses to security challenges require coherence between the different structures of the Council and the Commission; stresses, furthermore, the need to prevent overlaps, guarantee efficient public investments, address critical capabilities gaps and develop coherent security strategies with respect to partners, third countries and various regions of the world, both in policymaking processes and in current and future initiatives; notes the unclear division of portfolios and the potential overlap of competences among commissioners in the field of security and defence following the creation of the position of Commissioner for Defence and Space, and therefore calls on the Commission to clearly delineate the competences of the commissioners in this field; invites the Commission to carry out an internal review of its various structures, including the Directorate-General for Defence Industry and Space (DG DEFIS) and the European Defence Agency, and of their mandates in order to ensure complementarity and the efficient administration of current and future initiatives under the CSDP; calls on the Member States and the Commission to dedicate further financial and human resources to the EEAS to ensure that it can effectively perform its role as the EU’s diplomatic service in the light of the highly competitive geopolitical context and the increased demands on its limited capacities in recent years;

    49. Reaffirms that, in order to become a credible geopolitical player, the EU should reform its process for decision-making on the CFSP/CSDP and underlines, in this regard, that institutional reflections on lifting the requirement for unanimity in this process should be considered; recalls that the EU Treaty framework already allows a number of different institutional forms of cooperation in the field of foreign, security and defence policy and notes with regret that the potential for fast action in this field, as provided for in the ‘passerelle clauses’ of the TEU, has been used only in a very limited manner; calls on the Council to consider all possibilities to strengthen and deepen its process for decision-making on the CFSP/CSDP with a view to realising the untapped potential within the Treaties; reiterates its call for the Council to gradually switch to qualified majority voting for decisions on the CFSP and CSDP, at least in those areas that do not have military implications; suggests, furthermore, that the Council pursue making full use of the ‘passerelle clauses’ and the scope of articles that enhance EU solidarity and mutual assistance in the event of crises;

    50. Strongly reiterates its call to strengthen the EU Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) and achieve its full operational readiness, including through the provision of adequate premises, staff, enhanced command and control, and effective communication and information systems for all CSDP missions and operations; stresses the need to achieve timely results with regard to the MPCC, given the ambition of the Strategic Compass that the MPCC should function as the EU’s preferred command and control structure and be capable of planning and conducting all non-executive military missions and two small-scale or one medium-scale executive operation, as well as live exercises; stresses the need for the MPCC to facilitate synergies between civil and military instruments and calls for joint civil-military headquarters combining civil and military instruments to be set up at European level in the longer term, in order to make full use of the EU’s integrated approach in crisis management right from the strategic planning phase to the actual conduct of the mission or operation; takes the view that the EU’s Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability (CPCC) should consider how to protect a deployed force against multiple hybrid threats and conduct advanced operations at a far higher level of risk than in current contexts; calls on the Commission, the EEAS, the MPCC, the CPCC, the EU Military Committee and the EU Military Staff to foster a new culture of understanding between civilian and military partners, develop interagency cooperation and ensure the transfer of best practices in mission planning and the associated concepts, including by developing a model for generating and sharing best practices;

    51. Reiterates its full support for the Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC) to achieve full operational capability in the first half of 2025 at the latest, with at least 5 000 troops available for rescue and evacuation tasks, initial entry and stabilisation operations or the temporary reinforcement of missions; notes that EU Battlegroups, which have never been deployed despite being operational since 2007, will be an integral part of the wider EU RDC framework; welcomes the planning and realisation of live exercises within the framework of the RDC and encourages the continuation of such initiatives;

    52. Considers the RDC to be a key element for achieving the EU’s level of ambition and believes that additional troops and force elements should gradually be assigned to it, with reference to the Helsinki Headline Goal of 1999; believes that it would make sense to use the White Paper process to launch a discussion about the creation of additional permanent multinational EU military units that could fulfil complementary tasks to the RDC; highlights the need to engage further with NATO on the establishment of the RDC, in line with the principle of the single set of forces;

    53. Reiterates its call on the Member States to consider the practical aspects of implementing Article 44 TEU during the operationalisation of the RDC, as well as in other relevant CSDP missions, in order to enable a group of willing and capable Member States to plan and carry out a mission or operation within the EU framework, thereby facilitating the swift activation of the RDC; calls on the Member States to commit to substantially narrowing critical gaps in strategic enablers in a timely manner, in particular those linked to the RDC, such as strategic airlift, secure communications and information systems, medical assets, cyber-defence capabilities and intelligence and reconnaissance; calls on the Commissioner for Defence and Space to consider including, in his proposed European defence projects of common interest, initiatives aimed at providing the necessary strategic enablers that would facilitate CSDP missions and operations and the RDC;

    Increasing resources dedicated to the EU common security and defence policy

    54. Welcomes the increased budgets and investment in defence by Member States and the increase, albeit modest, in the EU budget for the CSDP in 2024; strongly believes that, in the light of unprecedented security threats, all EU Member States should urgently reach a level of defence spending, as a proportion of their GDP, that is significantly higher than NATO’s current target of 2 %; acknowledges that 23 of the 32 NATO Allies, including 16 countries that are members of both the EU and NATO, were expected to meet NATO’s spending target of devoting 2 % of their GDP to defence expenditure by the end of 2024; points out that this has increased sixfold since 2014, when this target was pledged; notes that the EU’s current budget for security and defence given the current geopolitical upheaval and Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, is not equal to the challenges to be met in the short and long term; recommends, in the light of the estimated need for EUR 500 billion of defence investment by 2035 and on the basis of continuous analysis of capability needs and gaps, that the Member States further increase defence investments, in particular for the joint procurement of defence capabilities, and fully supports the targets set under the EDIS in this respect;

    55. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to initiate an open discussion on the basis of among other things, the recommendations presented in the reports by Mr Draghi and Mr Niinistö, including increasing the resources allocated to security and defence in the next MFF and exploring all effective funding options to this end, and pooling parts of national defence budgets at EU level in order to generate economies of scale; further calls on the Member States to amend the EPF financing process to ensure adequate and sustainable support for partners and allies, while also aligning with CSDP missions and operations; calls for a strategy to be devised with the aim of creating centres of excellence in different regions of the EU, without duplicating NATO’s work in these fields, in order to promote innovation and the participation of all Member States, ensuring that the capabilities and specialised knowledge of each Member State contribute to a more cohesive and integrated defence industrial base;

    56. Recalls that the EU’s objectives of solidarity, cohesion and convergence also apply to defence; stresses that the financial means needed to rebuild and expand our defence capabilities in the decade to come will have a significant impact on the soundness and sustainability of public finances, and therefore requires cooperation and coordination at EU level through a genuine defence economic policy; underlines that increases in defence investment should not compete with other investment priorities, including social cohesion; further recalls that financing orientations should be anchored in a whole-of-society approach to resilience and therefore need to be broadly supported by European citizens, and that this support needs be sustainable in the long term; stresses that the financial burden must therefore be shared fairly, especially by profitable companies that already benefit from public participation or state aids; emphasises, furthermore, that public spending should be complemented by increased private funding; calls on the Commission to reflect upon possible fiscal avenues that would allow a fairer distribution of the financial burden and limit competition disturbances in the EDTIB induced by state aids and market-distorting tendering processes;

    57. Calls for the next MFF to genuinely provide the means for a defence union; supports proposals to provide massive EU financial investment in European defence and to stimulate research and technological innovation and dual-use projects in the European defence industry, thereby strengthening its competitiveness and promoting advances that contribute both to security and to sustainable economic growth; underlines that defence investment from the EU budget should only complement, but not replace, financial efforts by the Member States, especially with regard to the ambition of countries that are members of both the EU and NATO to invest 2 % of their GDP in defence; invites the Member States to bring forward the re-assessment of the scope and definition of common costs, to enhance solidarity and stimulate participation in CSDP military missions and operations, and of exercise-related costs, in line with the Strategic Compass;

    58. Is concerned about the lack of much-needed private financing for the EDTIB, particularly for SMEs, which may derive from a lack of long-term government contracts or from an overly narrow interpretation of environmental, social and governance criteria;  welcomes, therefore, the clarification provided by the European Securities and Market Authority on 14 May 2024 to the effect that only companies involved in weapons banned under international law are automatically excluded from accessing funds; welcomes the proposals made in Mr Niinistö’s report to avoid fragmentation in defence spending, combine relevant funding streams and trigger more private-sector investment; calls on the Commission to assess the recommendations and come up with concrete proposals; highlights the need for the defence industry to get better access to capital markets;

    EIB lending policy for the defence sector

    59. Stresses the importance of access for the defence sector to the loans provided by the EIB as a catalyst for private investment in the European defence industry; welcomes the further extension of the EIB’s eligibility criteria to dual-use goods and calls on the EIB to take further measures in this regard; stresses that given that the EIB’s objective of promoting the development of the EU and supporting its policies, in particular defence policy and the strengthening of the EDTIB, in line with Article 309 TFEU, the EIB should further review its lending policy and continuously adapt it; calls on the EIB to conduct a review of the impact of the extension of its dual-use goods policy and to reform its eligibility list as appropriate so that ammunition and military equipment that go beyond dual-use application are no longer excluded from EIB financing; welcomes the EIB’s 2022 Strategic European Security Initiative aimed at supporting dual-use research, development and innovation, security infrastructure and technology projects focused on cybersecurity, New Space, artificial intelligence and quantum technologies; 

    Contributing more effectively to global security through EU common security and defence policy and strengthening the role of the EU as a security actor

    De-escalation, preventing wars and supporting conflict resolution

    60. Expresses its very strong concern about and condemnation of China’s support to Russia in its war of aggression against Ukraine, in particular through cooperation with Russia’s military industrial and technological base, the exportation of dual-use goods to Russia and the ongoing involvement of China-based companies in sanctions evasion and circumvention; expresses, in this regard, serious concern about recent reports claiming that China is producing long-range attack drones for use by Russia in its war of aggression against Ukraine, and demands that if China continues to support Russia’s armament efforts, this must have serious consequences for the EU’s external policy towards China; deplores the ‘no limits’ partnership between Russia and China and expresses serious concern about the renewed commitment by China and Russia to further strengthen their ties; welcomes the Council’s decision to impose sanctions on Chinese companies for their support for Russia’s war in Ukraine;

    61. Is deeply concerned about China’s increasing investments in military capabilities and the militarisation of its supply chains to bolster its industry while taking advantage of the political and economic opportunities created by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; is also deeply concerned about the effect that European dependencies on China have on the credibility of the Member States’ ability to safeguard their national security and of the ability of the EU as a whole to effectively criticise and counter China’s economic coercion, possible further escalation with Taiwan and support to Russia; calls on the Commission and the Member States to seriously implement a policy of ‘de-risking’ with the aim of managing the risks coming from economic and technological engagement with China; calls, in this regard, for the risks posed by Chinese suppliers in EU critical infrastructure to be addressed, and for no EU funds or subsidies to be directed to advancing the position of these suppliers in Europe;

    62. Strongly condemns China’s unwarranted military exercises of 14 October 2024 around Taiwan; condemns, furthermore, the increasing number of hostile acts being conducted by China against Taiwan, including cyberattacks, influence campaigns, the entry of Chinese warplanes into Taiwan’s Air Defence Identification Zone and the severing of subsea cables; reaffirms its strong commitment to preserving the status quo in the Taiwan Strait and underscores that any attempt to unilaterally change it, particularly by means of force or coercion, will not be accepted and will be met with a decisive and firm reaction; lauds the restraint and disciplined reaction of the Taiwanese authorities and calls on the Chinese authorities to exercise restraint and avoid any actions that may further escalate cross-strait tensions; calls for regular exchanges between the EU and its Taiwanese counterparts on relevant security issues and for stronger cooperation on countering disinformation and foreign interference; stresses that any escalation in the Taiwan Strait would have detrimental effects on Europe’s security and economy and therefore urges the Commission to start developing contingency planning and mitigation measures on the basis of likely escalation scenarios, such as an economic blockade of Taiwan by China;

    63. Expresses deep concern at China’s increasingly aggressive actions in the South China Sea and in the Indo-Pacific region, namely its use of military and economic coercion, hybrid warfare tactics, dangerous manoeuvres conducted by its navy and coast guard against its neighbours and island-building, in order to advance unlawful maritime claims and threaten maritime shipping lanes; points to reports that a Chinese-linked ship cut a Taiwanese undersea cable in early January 2025 and calls for a thorough investigation into the matter; calls, furthermore, for Taiwan and the EU to share information about such incidents; reiterates its strong interest in and support for freedom of navigation and maritime security everywhere, and notably in the South China Sea; calls on the Chinese authorities to put an end to all aggressive and provocative actions, in particular air and maritime operations in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, that endanger stability in the Indo-Pacific region and thereby undermine international peace and security, the sovereignty of countries in the region, the safety of life at sea and freedom of navigation in full compliance with UNCLOS; applauds the increase in freedom of navigation exercises conducted by several EU countries, including France, the Netherlands and Germany; notes that these activities are in line with international law and calls for more cooperation and coordination with regional partners, including through Coordinated Maritime Presences in the north-western Indian Ocean, among other areas, in order to increase freedom of navigation operations in the region;

    64. Remains concerned about the political and economic pressure being exerted by China and Russia in Central Asia and stresses the need to scale up the EU’s presence in the region in response; underlines the EU’s interest in strengthening security cooperation, economic relations and political ties with the countries of Central Asia, including in order to address the circumvention of sanctions against Russia and Belarus;

    65. Condemns Iran, in the strongest terms, for its destabilising activities in the Middle East region, including through its proxies, and for its continued support for terrorist groups, which pose a direct threat to regional, European and global security; condemns the growing military cooperation between Iran and Russia, in particular their intention to sign a treaty on a comprehensive strategic partnership; expresses, however, full support for and solidarity with Iran’s civil society and democratic forces and calls for increased international efforts to support these groups in their struggle for freedom and human rights; welcomes the EU’s decision to renew sanctions against Iran until July 2025, including by sanctioning Iran’s production of drones and missiles and its supply thereof to Russia and the wider Middle East region; points out that the sanction options that have not yet been exhausted include a much more restrictive approach to technology transfers through exports of products that are not categorised as dual-use;

    66. Unequivocally condemns the Iranian Government for aiding and abetting internationally recognised terrorist organisations and networks that have perpetrated or attempted attacks within the EU, posing a direct threat to European security, sovereignty and stability; recalls, in this respect, that the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps has been involved in planning and carrying out dozens of assassinations and terrorist attacks, including on EU soil, over the past 30 years and, more recently, in attacks against Jewish synagogues and individuals, as well as against Israeli embassies in several Member States; urges the EU and the Member States to enhance intelligence-sharing and counter-terrorism measures to prevent any future attacks; reiterates its long-standing call to add the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to the EU list of terrorist organisations and supports the initiatives taken by some Member States in this regard;

    67. Considers Iran’s nuclear weapons programme to be one of the foremost threats to global security and stresses that if Iran succeeds in acquiring a nuclear breakout capability, it risks intensifying in belligerence and stepping up its state sponsorship of terrorism and proliferation of missiles and drones;

    68. Reiterates its condemnation, in the strongest terms, of the despicable terrorist attacks perpetrated by the terrorist organisation Hamas against Israel on 7 October 2023, which contributed to further destabilisation in the Middle East, intensified by aggressions against Israel by Iranian proxies (such as terrorist organisations including Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen) and the Iranian regime itself; reiterates that Israel has the right to defend itself, as enshrined in and constrained by international law; calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all remaining hostages held by Hamas; calls for all parties to put an immediate end to all hostilities and fully abide by international law, including international humanitarian law; welcomes the recent ceasefire in Gaza and the progress made towards the phased release of hostages; emphasising that this represents a significant step in relieving the immense suffering endured by civilians on both sides over the past months; praises the commitment of mediators, including the United States, Egypt and Qatar, whose efforts were pivotal in achieving this breakthrough; considers that it is crucial that all obligations made under the deal are upheld, ensuring the release of all hostages, establishing a lasting cessation of violence and allowing unrestrained access of humanitarian and medical assistance to the Gaza Strip; calls for all parties to fully commit to their obligations and to prioritise the protection of civilians; urges all European and international actors to actively oversee the implementation of the ceasefire and hold accountable those who fail to comply with it;

    69. Expresses its deep concern regarding the military escalation in the Middle East, which contributes to further destabilisation in the region; deplores the unacceptable number of civilian casualties, the forced displacement caused by the escalating violence and the persistent use of military force; expresses serious concern, furthermore, about the ongoing military action by the Israeli Defence Forces in the Gaza Strip and in the West Bank; condemns the Israeli Defence Forces firing on the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), which is a grave violation of international law; reaffirms the essential stabilising role played by UNIFIL, to which 16 Member States contribute, in southern Lebanon; calls for immediate ceasefires in both Gaza and Lebanon, an end to the hostilities, the full and symmetrical implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701(2006) and the protection of the civilian populations; stresses the need for the EU and other international actors to assume greater responsibility and assist governments and civil society organisations in the Middle East with reaching durable and sustainable peace, in particular by continuing to support a two-state solution between Israel and Palestine, as well as by countering terrorism and radicalisation in the region; underscores that the evolution of conflicts in the region has repercussions on neighbouring regions and on Europe and poses security challenges for the EU with regard to the future of deterrence, humanitarian law and crisis management;

    70. Urges the Council and the Member States to designate Hezbollah, in its entirety, as a terrorist organisation and to push for its full disarmament in line with UN Security Council Resolution 1701(2006); highlights recent decisions taken by several states, including the United States and Canada, to list Samidoun as a terrorist organisation acting as proxy of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine; stresses that Samidoun was banned in Germany in 2023 and calls on other EU Member States to take similar measures by banning the organisation within their territory;

    71. Notes that the Jordan-Syria border is being used as a crossing point for arms and drug trafficking; emphasises the need for the EU to further support Jordan, which has been weakened by the current crisis in the Middle East, and calls for the increased use of the EPF protect the Jordan-Syria border;

    72. Recognises that Türkiye is a country of strategic relevance for the EU; notes that Türkiye is increasingly present in areas where the EU has key security interests and CSDP missions and operations, and notes with regrets the role that Türkiye plays in destabilising certain areas of concern for the EU and in its neighbourhoods; points out Türkiye’s illegal activities against the EU’s interests in the eastern Mediterranean, which violate international law, including UNCLOS; reiterates its condemnation of the signature of the memoranda of understanding between Türkiye and Libya on comprehensive security and military cooperation and on the delimitation of maritime zones, which are interconnected and are clear violations of international law, the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the sovereign rights of EU Member States; deplores the fact that Türkiye undermines the effectiveness of EU sanctions against Russia and reiterates its call on Türkiye to fully align with these; calls on Türkiye to refrain from undermining EU CSDP missions and operations; reiterates its call on Türkiye to fulfil its obligation regarding the full, non-discriminatory implementation of the Additional Protocol to the Ankara Agreement with respect to all Member States, including the Republic of Cyprus;

    73. Deplores the fact that despite de-escalation efforts, Türkiye continues to retain the threat of casus belli against Greece and to illegally occupy the northern part of the Republic of Cyprus; strongly condemns Türkiye’s illegal activities in Cyprus, including its violation of the status of the buffer zone, its increasing militarisation of the occupied areas of the Republic of Cyprus and its efforts to upgrade the secessionist entity in the occupied area of Cyprus in violation of international law, noting that these activities that are not conducive to the resumption of the UN-led negotiations; condemns Türkiye’s continuous violations of UN Security Council resolutions 550(1984) and 789(1992), which call on Türkiye to transfer the area of Varosha to its lawful inhabitants under the temporary administration of the UN by supporting the opening of the town of Varosha to the public; strongly urges Türkiye, once more, to reverse its illegal and unilateral actions in Varosha; further calls on Türkiye to withdraw its troops from Cyprus;

    74. Calls urgently for the resumption of negotiations on the reunification of Cyprus under the auspices of the UN Secretary-General and reaffirms its unconditional support for Cyprus in resolving the issue; calls on Türkiye to accept a fair, comprehensive and viable solution to this issue;

    75. Calls for the EU to play a significant role in the Mediterranean and to become a security actor with the ability to guarantee the stability of the region and respect for international law and UNCLOS; welcomes, in this regard, the appointment of a Commissioner for the Mediterranean, working under the guidance and political steering of the VP/HR; stresses the need for the VP/HR, in cooperation with the Commissioner for the Mediterranean where necessary and in consultation with Member States, to develop a coherent security strategy with regard to the Mediterranean region and its neighbouring countries, including in North Africa, the Levant and the Sahel; calls for enhanced cooperation with partner countries in the Mediterranean to combat extremism, terrorism, the illicit trade in weapons and human trafficking;

    76. Notes with concern the violations of migrants’ fundamental rights in Libya, as highlighted in UN Security Council Resolution 2755(2024); stresses the need to examine the role of CSDP missions and operations – EUBAM Libya and EUNAVFOR IRINI – in effectively fighting against the smuggling and trafficking of human beings, and their activities in relation to the need to protect  migrants’ fundamental rights;

    77. Notes that the rapid collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s criminal regime in Syria, which has been supported by the Kremlin since 2015, constitutes a significant political defeat for Vladimir Putin and threatens Russia’s strategic and military presence in Syria; recalls that since 2015, the Khmeimim and Tartus military bases have served as key points for Russian power projection in the Middle East and Africa; notes further that the Khmeimim and Tartus military bases were vital for the supply and transport of heavy weaponry and equipment to Russia’s private military companies, such as the Wagner Group and its operations in Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, and Sudan; stresses that losing military bases in Syria could weaken Russia’s operational capacity and influence in Africa; calls, therefore, for the EU and its Member States to closely monitor the situation in Syria, make ties with the new Syrian regime conditional on Russia’s full withdrawal from the country and prevent Russia from establishing new military bases elsewhere in the region; recognises, in this regard, the EU’s significant leverage with regard to Syria in terms of political recognition, the easing of sanctions, trade agreements, and financial support for reconstruction, positioning the EU as an alternative to Türkiye in shaping Syria’s future;

    78. Expresses its growing concern about and condemns the continuing attempts by Russia to destabilise the countries in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood through the use of FIMI, political assassinations, threats and territorial occupations in a bid to negatively impact their European aspirations and stability; underlines the need to reinforce the EU’s capacities to defend and develop democratic and value-based societies in the countries in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood;

    79. Reaffirms the EU’s commitment to support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognised borders and the efforts to reach a peaceful, lasting, comprehensive political settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; strongly condemns the constant and coordinated attempts by Russia, pro-Russian oligarchs and Russian-sponsored local proxies to destabilise the Republic of Moldova, sow divisions within Moldovan society and derail the country’s European course through hybrid attacks, the weaponisation of energy supplies, disinformation, bomb threats and staged protests, as well as the threat or use of violence; notes with concern that the Security and Intelligence Service of the Republic of Moldova has reported an unprecedented level of intensity in Russia’s actions aimed at anchoring Moldova within its sphere of influence; underlines that this hybrid threat is targeted at democratic processes and undermines European integration, including by amplifying radical separatist tendencies in the south of the country, particularly in Gagauzia, using propaganda, manipulating the information space, interfering in the electoral process and conducting subversive operations;

    80. Reiterates its calls on Russia to withdraw its military forces and equipment from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to ensure the full destruction of all ammunition and equipment in the Cobasna depot under international oversight and to support a peaceful resolution to the Transnistrian conflict, in line with the principles of international law; calls for enhanced EU support for Moldova in combating FIMI, hybrid threats and cyberattacks; urges the Member States to increase funding for the EPF to strengthen the defence capabilities of Moldova;

    81. Recognises that Georgia was the first target, in 2008, of Russia’s full-scale military aggression and its attempts to forcefully redraw the borders of a sovereign state in Europe; stresses that since 2008, Russia has persisted in its illegal occupation of and effective control over the occupied regions of Georgia; underlines that Russia’s military presence and significant military build-up in the occupied regions, its unlawful activities, its continued borderisation activities along the administrative boundary lines and its human rights abuses in Georgia pose a serious risk to the country’s security and to the broader security framework of Europe; reiterates its calls on Russia to withdraw its military forces and equipment from the territory of Georgia;

    82. Strongly condemns Russia’s shooting down of Azerbaijan Airlines Flight 8243 on 25 December 2024, killing 38 of the 67 passengers on board; underlines that this highlights once more the brutal and belligerent nature of the Russian regime;

    83. Urges the EU to continue its active engagement and take decisive steps, through its important instruments, to ensure that Russia fulfils its obligations under the EU-mediated ceasefire agreement of 12 August 2008, in particular its obligations to withdraw all its military forces from the occupied regions of Georgia, to allow the deployment of international security mechanisms inside both Georgian regions and the EU Monitoring Mission’s unhindered access to the whole territory of Georgia, and to engage constructively in the Geneva International Discussions and the Incident Prevention and Response Mechanisms; calls on the EEAS to prepare a comprehensive report on violations of the 12 August 2008 ceasefire agreement, to identify and communicate clearly the provisions that have still not been fulfilled by Russia and to submit recommendations;

    84. Condemns Azerbaijan for its continued efforts to undermine the possibility of regional peace and its continued threats against Armenia; calls for the EU and its Member States to suspend any security, technical or financial assistance provided to Azerbaijan, including through various EU instruments, that might contribute to the increase of Azerbaijan’s offensive capabilities or endanger the security, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Armenia;

    85. Recalls that a year has passed since Azerbaijan’s seizure of Nagorno-Karabakh, which resulted in the forced displacement of more than 140 000 Armenians from the region; condemns the military support and the supply of arms provided by non-EU countries to Azerbaijan; points out that Azerbaijan has been guilty of serious breaches of human rights in Nagorno-Karabakh; condemns the destruction of the Armenian cultural heritage in the region by Azerbaijan; calls on the Council to consider imposing targeted and individual sanctions against those responsible for ceasefire violations and human rights abuses in Nagorno-Karabakh;

    86. Welcomes the decision to adopt the first assistance measure under the EPF in support of Armenian armed forces, as this would strengthen the resilience of Armenia in the context of ensuring security, independence and sovereignty; calls for the further reinforcement of the cooperation between Armenia and the EU in the field of security and defence, in particular in the area of mine clearance, including through the use of the EPF, taking into account Armenia’s reconsideration of its membership of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation; welcomes the actions undertaken by several Member States to provide defensive military support to Armenia and urges the other Member States to consider similar initiatives;

    87. Emphasises that the EU should urgently review its regional strategy for the Sahel, following the various coups in the region; strongly deplores the forced departure of French troops and UN peacekeeping forces from the region and condemns the presence instead of private military companies (PMCs) and state-sponsored proxies such as the Africa Corps (formerly Wagner Group); underscores that that these PMCs have played a destabilising role in the Sahel and have supported various repressive regimes in an attempt to further Russia’s influence in Africa; points out the supply of weapons by Russia to the Sahel’s military regimes; further notes that other actors, such as Türkiye, are increasingly present in the region; urges the EU Special Representative for the Sahel and the Member States to maintain diplomatic engagement and continue supporting civil society and spending on development and humanitarian aid;

    88. Expresses its concern about the lack of coherence in the EU response to the Great Lakes region’s crises and calls on the Council to reassess its renewed EU Great Lakes Strategy adopted on 20 February 2023; recognises the importance of a genuine commitment by the EU to peace in the region; notes with concern the role that Rwanda has played in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and calls on the EU to impose conditions on any military support to Rwanda; condemns the breaches of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of eastern DRC by M23 rebels; is deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation of thousands of displaced persons in the area; urges the VP/HR to engage in clear actions in line with the EU Great Lakes Strategy in order to restore stability and to cooperate with the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) to protect civilians in eastern DRC; urges the Rwandan Government to withdraw its troops from DRC territory and cease cooperation with the M23 rebels; urges the VP/HR and the Member States to urgently review military assistance to the Rwandan armed forces through the European Peace Facility and consider suspending it in the event that the Rwandan Government does not comply with urgent calls for its withdrawal from DRC by the UN and the EU;

    89. Is concerned about the limited role played by the EU in the Horn of Africa, while the involvement of other foreign actors is growing; calls for a review of the EU strategy in the region, with a view to achieving the EU’s goals of promoting peace, stability, and inclusive and sustainable economic development in the region; calls on the Council, the Commission and the EEAS to reflect on how to best use CSDP missions and operations deployed in the region to further these goals and enhance the EU’s activities;

    90. Recognises that the Arctic region has significant strategic and geopolitical importance owing to its emerging maritime routes, wealth of natural resources and opportunities for economic development unlocked by global warming, while being increasingly contested; is alarmed by the intensifying militarisation and resource competition driven by Russian and Chinese activities in the region;

    91. Underlines the importance of preserving security, stability and cooperation in the Arctic; stresses that the region must remain free from military tensions and natural resource exploitation and that the rights of indigenous peoples must be respected; reiterates the need to include the Union’s Arctic policy in the CSDP and to strengthen deterrence and defence capabilities in close coordination with NATO; emphasises that EU-NATO cooperation is essential to counterbalance the expanding influence of Russia and China in the region; calls for issues of interest to the Arctic to be addressed regularly within the Political and Security Committee and Council meetings;

    Gender dimension and women’s role in peace and security

    92. Emphasises the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflicts on women and girls, especially in terms of conflict-related sexual violence; highlights the imperative need to ensure the provision and accessibility of the appropriate healthcare in armed conflicts, including sexual and reproductive health and rights; calls on the EU and Member States to ensure that armed conflicts are considered through a gender lens;

    93. Recalls that mainstreaming and operationalising gender perspectives in external relations and implementing the ‘Women, Peace and Security’ agenda in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions are long-standing priorities for the EU; recalls in this regard the importance of strengthening women’s participation in conflict prevention and resolution, peace negotiations, peacebuilding and peacekeeping, humanitarian action and post-conflict reconstruction;

    94. Stresses that the integration of a gender perspective into all external and internal CSDP activities helps to improve the CSDP’s operational effectiveness and is a driver of the EU’s credibility as a proponent of gender equality worldwide; insists therefore on the importance of delivering on all the commitments made by the EU, including those in the EU’s Gender Action Plan (GAP) III (2020-2024) and in the Strategic Compass; also insists that the update of the Strategic Compass propose further measures to ensure gender equality and the full and meaningful participation of women in the CSDP, especially in military missions;

    95. Welcomes the inclusion of gender and human rights perspectives and the appointment of gender advisers in all CSDP missions and operations and the establishment of a network of gender focal points; calls for the new Civilian CSDP Compact to be used to strive for the full participation of women in civilian CSDP missions;

    CSDP missions and operations

    96. Underlines the importance of clear and achievable goals, openness to the host country’s perspectives and ownership, as well as of equipment and the necessary financial, logistical and human resources for each of the CSDP missions and operations; also underlines the deterioration of the security environment where many CSDP missions are present; calls for improvements to the governance of evaluation and control of CSDP missions and operations; reiterates its call for comprehensive assessments of CSDP missions and operations, in particular of the realism of their mandates in relation to the resources and equipment allocated, their management, methods of recruiting their staff and of matching profiles to the skills required, transparency on calls for tender, activities and results obtained, lessons learned on good practices and difficulties encountered; stresses the particular need for all missions and operations to have sunset provisions to allow a sustainable termination if necessary; calls on the VP/HR and the Member States to continue to effectively design CSDP missions and operations, including robust, result-oriented, flexible and modular mandates, in order to adapt to the changing security context and needs of host countries, and to maintain a strong partnership with host governments, civil society and local populations, ensuring the creation of the necessary conditions for the missions and operations to achieve their goals over the long term; calls for the Member States to use the new Civilian CSDP Compact to strengthen their strategic vision of civilian crisis management by clarifying the role, effectiveness and added value of civilian CSDP, and by defining a shared level of ambition for civilian crisis management; also calls for the synergies and complementarities between the civilian and military dimensions of the CSDP to be built on; calls on the Commission and the EEAS to develop, together with the Member States, a structured and regular civilian Capability Development Process to assess the availabilities of Member States’ capability needs, develop requirements, conduct a gap analysis and periodically review progress; believes in the necessity of establishing a solid policy on the equipment and services needed by partner countries where civilian CSDP missions take place;

    97. Notes that the CFSP budget for civilian CSDP missions has only marginally increased between the multiannual financial framework (MFF) 2014-2020 and the MFF 2021-2027, while at the same time the number of missions and their tasks and costs have increased; calls for a substantive increase in funding for the CFSP budget, while at the same time ensuring the efficient use of the funds allocated to CSDP civilian missions, in order to make sure that they respond effectively to crisis situations and unforeseen events; calls for the establishment of a dedicated budget line or ‘civilian support facility’, to provide partner countries with the necessary equipment and services to enhance their civilian capabilities;

    98. Reiterates its call on the EEAS to take concrete action to support CSDP missions and operations defending against cyber and hybrid attacks and countering FIMI in countries where CSDP missions and operations are deployed, in particular in the Western Balkans and in the Eastern Partnership countries; calls on the Commission to take into account CSDP missions and operations when formulating its European Democracy Shield in order to pre-empt threats aiming to discredit the EU’s external actions and safeguard EU personnel deployed abroad; insists on the need to build on lessons learned across the different CSDP missions and operations, as well as cooperating with Member States’ missions and operations so as to better communicate and identify threats in order to pre-empt or respond to them in a timely manner when necessary; calls for an improved response capability, strategic communication and enhanced outreach in the areas of deployment – using the relevant local languages – in order to better inform the local population of the rationales, benefits and roles of the CSDP missions and operations in their respective regions, informing them as well of the consequences of relying on the support of other actors aiming at destabilising them, in particular Russia and China; also calls on the Commission and the EEAS to increase the visibility of CSDP missions and operations in the Eastern Partnership countries by including them in their political messaging, making documents publicly accessible and engaging with the international press; calls on the Commission and the EEAS to adjust the advisory mandates of CSDP missions and operations to include specialised training on combating hybrid warfare activities, cyber warfare and open source intelligence (OSINT) analysis; calls on the EEAS to increase its cooperation and coordination with other missions and operations by like-minded partners and organisations, including United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, in countering FIMI operations in the field;

    99. Stresses that corruption in theatres of operations can adversely impact CSDP missions and operations by exposing them to reputational damage, wasting resources, and exacerbating poor governance and maladministration, as well as increasing local levels of bribery, fraud, extortion, and nepotism; calls for strategies to be implemented to prevent and combat corruption, developing anti-corruption expertise and knowledge and stepping up efforts to mitigate corruption risks in current and future CSDP missions and operations;

    100. Calls on the Council and the EEAS to include a cultural heritage protection component in its CSDP missions and operations in order to provide assistance and education to local partners on addressing security challenges relating to the preservation and protection of cultural heritage; notes that the inclusion of cultural heritage protection and intercultural dialogue in mission mandates would be beneficial to the process of conflict resolution and reconciliation;

    101. Highlights the need to extend the mandates of CSDP missions and operations deployed in neighbouring eastern European countries, where heightened security threats justify a reinforced EU presence; encourages all Member States to deploy personnel to those missions and operations; also encourages greater third country participation in these missions, particularly from third countries that have successfully hosted completed CSDP missions; calls on the Member States to examine how new CSDP missions and operations can be established in EU candidate countries, if necessary, and in close cooperation with their national authorities; calls on the EEAS to ensure that the CSDP missions’ support to security sector reforms includes training for ministerial officials; calls for the EEAS and the European Security and Defence College to help develop the expertise of civil and defence staff supporting and deployed in CSDP missions and operations; recognises the opportunity for third countries hosting CSDP missions and operations to help the EU achieve CSDP objectives and demonstrate their capacity to provide security to others via their participation in out-of-area CSDP missions and operations;

    102. Welcomes the UN Security Council’s extension of the mandate of the European Union Force (EUFOR) Operation Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) beyond 2025, as an established and proven peacekeeping mission that has significantly contributed to the stability of both the country and the region; further welcomes the mission’s positive response to the request from the BiH Ministry of Security’s Civil Protection Agency, offering assistance to national authorities on addressing the impact of the recent flooding; takes the view that this extension reflects the shared commitment across the political spectrum in BiH to uphold peace and security in cooperation with the EU; welcomes the continued presence of the Kosovo Force (KFOR) and the EU Rule of Law Mission (EULEX) in Kosovo and commends the role it plays in strengthening security and stability; calls on all parties involved to adhere to the requirements of international law, restrain and prevent any disruptive actions from destabilising the northern region of Kosovo; urges them to engage in the structured dialogue mediated by the EU; condemns in the strongest possible terms the terrorist attack by Serbian paramilitaries against Kosovo’s police and the hideous terrorist attack on critical infrastructure near Zubin Potok in northern Kosovo; stresses that the perpetrators of these deplorable terrorist attacks must be held accountable and face justice without delay; calls for the strengthening of both EUFOR’s Operation Althea and KFOR with additional resources;

    103. Commends the establishment and operations of the EU Partnership Mission in Moldova (EUPM Moldova), which has contributed to strengthening the country’s crisis management structures and to enhancing its resilience to cyber and hybrid threats, and countering FIMI; calls for the mission’s mandate to be extended beyond May 2025, the adequacy of its means, methods and resources in relation to the mission’s objectives to be assessed and its resources adapted in the light of the evaluation’s conclusions in order to enhance its effectiveness; recognises the important role that the European Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) plays in helping to re-open rail freight through Transnistria and in thwarting multiple smuggling operations; encourages EUBAM to expand its collaboration with multiple international organisations including Europol, FRONTEX and the OSCE via its Arms Working Group, ORIO II Joint Operations and ‘EU 4 Border Security’ initiatives;

    104. Welcomes the role of the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM) to Georgia in monitoring the situation on the Abkhaz and South Ossetian Administrative Boundary Line; condemns the temporary detention of EUMM officers by security actors while conducting a routine patrol along the Administrative Boundary Line (ABL); expresses its profound concern about any actions that obstruct EUMM actions and seek to undermine efforts to build confidence; urges the Council and the EEAS to monitor the situation closely, promote the unimpeded access of the EUMM to Georgia’s territories occupied by Russia according to the mission’s mandate, support the extension of its mandate and strengthen its capacities in order to properly address the security and humanitarian needs of the local population in conflict-affected areas;

    105. Welcomes and strongly supports the activities of the civilian European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) under the CSDP, which is helping to increase security in the region by substantially decreasing the number of incidents in conflict-affected and border areas, building confidence and reducing the level of risks for the population living in these areas; welcomes Armenia’s assistance to the activities of the EUMA on its territory; commends the Council for the decision to boost the mission’s capacity and increase the number of observers deployed as well as to extend its deployment timeframe, and calls for further expansion and a stronger presence in the region in order to create an environment conducive to EU-supported normalisation efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan; urges Azerbaijan to allow EU observers on its side of the border as well; condemns Azerbaijani threats and Russia’s negative narrative against the EUMA;

    106. Considers that the two EU civilian CSDP missions – European Union Police Mission for the Palestinian Territories (EUPOL COPPS) and the European Union Border Assistance Mission for the Rafah Crossing Point (EUBAM Rafah) can play an essential role in supporting Palestinian state-building efforts; supports a stronger role for the EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah, in line with the European Council conclusions of 21 and 22 March 2024 and based on the principle of the two-state solution and the viability of a future Palestinian state, so that they can participate in the facilitation of the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip, improve the efficiency of the Palestinian authority in the West Bank, and prepare for the authority’s return to the Gaza Strip; stresses in particular the need to create the necessary conditions for the full reactivation of EUBAM Rafah to allow it act as a neutral third party at the Rafah crossing point, in coordination with the Palestinian Authority as well as the Israeli and Egyptian authorities; expects the reinforcement of the scope and mandates of EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah on the ground to be included as key priorities of the forthcoming EU-Middle East Strategy; welcomes the Council decision to extend the mandates of the two missions until 30 June 2025;

    107. Takes note that the mandates of the EUTM Mali, EUMPM in Niger and of the ground mission of personnel from EUCAP Sahel Niger ended in 2024, while the EU Capacity Mission Sahel Mali (EUCAP Sahel Mali) and the EU Regional Advisory and Coordination Cell (EU RACC) for the Sahel are still ongoing; acknowledges that the various international missions have not been able to achieve their goal of stabilising the region and its fragile democracies or ensuring peace in the region; is concerned by the failure of the EU’s Sahel strategy in terms of security and defence; expresses deep concern about the worsening security situation, the continuous failure of states and the resurgence of terrorism in the Sahel; takes note of the creation of a new type of hybrid civilian-military EU Security and Defence Initiative in the Gulf of Guinea (EUSDI Gulf of Guinea), established in August 2023, aiming to empower the security and defence forces of Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo and Benin to improve the stability and resilience of their northern border areas; calls on the EEAS and the Member States to closely examine the mandate of all CSDP missions in Africa, with the aim of providing achievable goals and milestones for each mission given the current political context, as well as exploring whether these missions could be amended to more effectively serve a new revised multi-dimensional EU strategy for Africa and the Sahel, as part of its integrated approach; calls in this regard, for a review, as a matter of priority, of the mandate and resources of the EUCAP Sahel Mali and EU RACC for the Sahel, proposing changes to them and consider their termination if necessary;

    108. Welcomes the creation in February 2024 of EUNAVFOR ASPIDES as an EU military operation in response to the Houthi attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea, in order to contribute to the protection of freedom of navigation and the safeguarding of maritime security, especially for merchant and commercial vessels in the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf; calls on the Member States to increase the capabilities of the EUNAVFOR ASPIDES operation and to consider merging it with the EU ATALANTA military operation, as originally envisaged, to improve the efficiency of both operations;

    Improving the EU’s ability to address security challenges

    Intelligence capacity

    109. Stresses the importance of enhanced intelligence sharing and information exchange among Member States and EU institutions, including Parliament, to combat foreign interference, improve situational awareness and be able to better anticipate and counter threats to collective security and define common lines of action under the CSDP, particularly in the area of crisis management;

    110. Underlines the need for the EU to make full use of the necessary first-hand information on global issues occurring outside its borders in the light of increasing geopolitical challenges and crises worldwide; commends the efforts of the EU Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN) and the EU Military Staff Intelligence Directorate, cooperating in the framework of the Single Intelligence Analysis Capacity (SIAC), as well as the European Union Satellite Centre (SatCen), to produce all-source intelligence assessments; calls on the EU Member States to reinforce the EU INTCEN, the SIAC, the EEAS Crisis Response Centre and the EU SatCen by enhancing its staff and financial resources, as well as capabilities and information security; urges these centres, provided they have adequate information security provisions, to draw lessons from NATO’s role in facilitating public-private sharing of cyber threat intelligence, and apply this to their field, thereby offering added value to the Member States;

    111. Calls on the Member States to utilise the EU INTCEN as an effective intelligence-sharing body in order to share intelligence in a secure fashion, formulate a common strategic and security culture and provide strategic information; stresses that on the basis of the intelligence gathered, the EU INTCEN should be further involved in the threat assessments carried out by the EU institutions, as well as attribution of digital operations and sanctions evasions; reiterates its call to promote the establishment of a system for the regular and continuous flow of intelligence from Member States to the EEAS and between EU Member States on foreign and security issues occurring outside the Union; underlines the importance of secure communications and a high level of information security for reliable intelligence and calls for efforts to enhance and streamline security rules and regulations to be pursued in this respect to better protect sensitive information, infrastructure and communication systems from foreign interference and attacks;

    112. Calls for regular joint threat assessments with input from Member States’ intelligence services in order to inform CSDP decision-making bodies and reiterates its call for the deployment of intelligence-gathering capacities in all CSDP missions and operations, which would provide information to the EU INTCEN, EU Military Staff (EUMS), the MPCC and the CPCC;

    Defence against hybrid attacks and disinformation

    113. Expresses serious concern about the growing security challenges posed by cyber and hybrid attacks, as well as FIMI, all of which are aimed, inter alia, at undermining the stability of the EU’s democratic societies, in particular in EU territories far from their mainland, the alliances of EU Member States, and fostering polarisation, especially in the run-up to elections; stresses that Member States, particularly those on the EU’s eastern external border, are vulnerable to such hostile influence from Russia and Belarus; welcomes the established institutional cooperation at administrative level between the Commission, the EEAS and Parliament during the past European election campaign to prevent a massive use of FIMI by malicious third state and non-state actors; calls on the Commission, the EEAS and Parliament’s administration to strengthen their capabilities to increase resilience against hybrid attacks and FIMI; points in this regard to the recent decision by the Romanian constitutional court to annul the first round of the presidential elections following reports of massive hybrid attacks by Russia, especially via social media platforms; further calls on the administrations of the EEAS and Parliament to closely cooperate with the private sector, civil society as well as the academic and scientific community in countering malign influence campaigns and hybrid threats, including the weaponisation of new technologies;

    114. Supports the pledged establishment of a ‘European Democracy Shield’ and reiterates its call on the Member States, the Commission and the EEAS to consider the creation of a well-resourced and independent structure tasked with identifying, analysing and documenting FIMI threats against the EU as a whole, to detect, track and request the removal of deceptive online content, to increase situational awareness and threat intelligence sharing, and develop attribution capabilities and countermeasures in relation to FIMI; considers that this structure would serve as a reference point and specialised knowledge hub to facilitate and foster operational exchange between Member States’ authorities and the EU institutions; stresses that the structure should clarify and enhance the role of the EEAS Strategic Communications division and its task forces as the strategic body of the EU’s diplomatic service and prevent the overlap of activities; highlights its own decision to establish a special committee on the EU Democracy Shield in the European Parliament and deems it an important way to consolidate European efforts in this field;

    115. Highlights the importance of intensifying efforts to combat disinformation promoted by foreign actors aiming to undermine the credibility of the EU, particularly in EU candidate or neighbouring countries and regions where CSDP missions and operations are under way; underlines that the coordination between the EEAS and relevant EU agencies, including the EU Agency for Cybersecurity (ENISA) and relevant authorities at Member State level, must be significantly increased in order to develop coherent and efficient strategies against FIMI; underlines in this regard the need for strategic and preventive communication, and invites all EU institutions to work hand in hand with the EEAS, to strengthen the visibility, the positive perception and legitimacy of the EU’s external actions;

    116. Considers that hybrid threats in the years ahead will see the combination of information warfare, agile force manoeuvre, mass cyberwarfare, and emerging and disruptive technologies from the seabed to space with the deployment of advanced air and space surveillance and strike systems, all of which will possibly be enabled by AI, quantum computing, ever smarter drone swarm technologies, offensive cyber capabilities, hypersonic missile systems, nanotechnologies and biological warfare; recognises in particular the increasing role of AI in hybrid warfare and its potential use in undermining democratic institutions, spreading disinformation, disrupting critical infrastructure, as well as influencing public opinion through automated and data-driven operations;

    117. Calls for strategic, proactive and coordinated EU-level measures to counter hybrid threats and to strengthen the security and integrity of critical infrastructure in the EU, de-risking and promoting the EU’s technological edge in critical sectors, including measures to restrict or exclude high-risk suppliers; stresses in this regard the importance of the PESCO project that aims to support the Cyber and Information Domain Coordination Centre (CIDCC) to facilitate the planning and conduct of EU missions and operations with cyber- and information-domain capabilities as well as enhancing the general resilience of the EU in this area; calls, therefore, for its permanent integration in CSDP;

    118. Condemns the continued malicious actions by Russia and Belarus aimed at destabilising the EU by pushing migrants to forcibly enter EU countries, constituting a hybrid attack; calls on the EU to review and update its policies concerning the strengthening of its external borders in order to bolster the security of the Union as a whole;

    Cybersecurity

    119. Welcomes the Cyber Solidarity Act[27] and its importance to Member States’ cyber defence capabilities; supports the promotion of platforms for information sharing and analysis and calls for this to be expanded to include the provision of threat or vulnerability intelligence with cross-border security operations centres (SOCs); calls for a clearer funding plan that specifies the amount of funds that will be used to implement the act;

    120. Is concerned by the delay by many Member States in implementing the Directive on measures for a high common level of cybersecurity across the Union (NIS 2 Directive)[28] and calls for swift implementation to secure European critical infrastructure; calls on the VP/HR to better synchronise the cyber, hybrid and FIMI sanction toolboxes and use them more actively while also exploring how sectoral sanctions may be implemented;

    Space

    121. Welcomes the findings and recommendations in Mr Draghi’s report on the future of European competitiveness, which encourages Member States to update governance and investment rules in the space domain, in particular for defence-related areas; calls on the Commission and the Member States to invest appropriately in this domain in the context of the next MFF and also by considering any other financing instrument; highlights in particular the need to further develop the European Space Programme considering the strong connections between the space and the defence and security sectors when planning the new MFF; underlines the importance of improving cooperation between the Commission and the European Space Agency to avoid duplication of efforts and ensure more efficient use of resources; calls for fostering transatlantic cooperation and synergies with NATO to ensure effective coordination in the development of space and defence capabilities;

    122. Stresses that the current pillars of the EU’s space programme – the Galileo global satellite navigation programme and the Copernicus Earth observation programme – have clear dual-use potential in developing space applications and services; stresses the importance of establishing, as a third pillar of the EU’s space programme, the IRIS2 satellite constellation to provide secure communication services to the EU and its Member States as well as broadband connectivity for European citizens, private companies and governmental authorities; recommends that Taiwan and Ukraine be granted access to the IRIS2 Satellite Constellation; highlights that, beyond satellite communications, sectors such as positioning, navigation, timing, as well as earth observation, are essential in strengthening the EU’s strategic autonomy and resilience; stresses that the development of these capabilities directly contributes to an effective crisis response and the protection of critical infrastructure; calls therefore for new EU space programmes to be considered, enabling the EU to strengthen its strategic autonomy and its status as a global space power;

    123. Recognises the inadequacy of launch vehicle capabilities and satellite communications within the EU; underlines the strategic importance of advancing and enhancing these capabilities to enable the EU to effectively support Member States and CSDP missions and operations, while maintaining a resilient and autonomous posture; stresses that the development of EU-led solutions in this domain is essential for the protection of critical infrastructure and to ensure a secure and competitive presence in the space sector;

    124. Calls on the Member States to address the growing threat of the weaponisation of space, in particular reports of Russia’s progress on space-based nuclear weapons technology, which would constitute a blatant violation of the 1967 Outer Space Treaty;

    Maritime domain

    125. Stresses that, given the growing geopolitical maritime tensions, the EU must  step up its activities at sea, by leading in maritime domain awareness, protecting critical infrastructure, ensuring that its external maritime borders are monitored effectively in order to prevent illegal activities, and contributing to ensuring freedom of navigation, the safety of maritime lines of communication and of vessels and crews, and to countering illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing;

    126. Underlines the commitment to strengthen the EU’s role as a guarantor of international maritime security; stresses in this regard the importance of the Coordinated Maritime Presence (CMP) concept, enhancing the role of the EU as a global maritime security provider and its visibility in key maritime regions, highlights the activities of CMPs in the Gulf of Guinea and in the northwestern Indian Ocean; calls on the Member States to engage actively with those initiatives and to build up their military naval capabilities with a view to enhancing the EU’s presence and visibility in the global maritime sector; recommends that CMPs be expanded to other key maritime areas across the globe;

    127. Expresses its serious concerns about Russia’s and China’s surveillance and sabotage of critical maritime infrastructure, such as seabed communication cables and offshore energy facilities; expresses in particular its strong concern about the damage to two subsea communications cables, one linking Finland to Germany and the other connecting Sweden to Lithuania, within less than 24 hours on 17 and 18 November 2024, and about the damage by a tanker belonging to the Russian shadow fleet of EstLink2, linking Estonia and Finland, on 25 December 2024; calls on the EU to put in place effective monitoring and surveillance systems and regional coastguard cooperation to ensure the prevention and rapid detection of attacks against such infrastructure; welcomes, in that regard, the launch of the operation ‘Baltic Sentry’ by NATO, with participation of several Member States, to improve the security of critical undersea infrastructure in the Baltic Sea; calls on Member States to fully abide by the commitments of the New York declaration on the Security and Resilience of Undersea Cables, including the procuring of submarine cable equipment only from companies in allied countries; calls on the Commission to allocate adequate resources to the research and development of cutting-edge underwater assets and defence equipment to protect islands against possible landings and attacks by forces from third countries;

    Arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament

    128. Deplores the weakening of non-proliferation and arms control regimes during these unstable geopolitical times and calls for the redoubling of efforts to reverse this trend; emphasises in this regard the critical and substantial need for an increase in investment in regional and global arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament, with a particular focus on multilateral strategies; stresses that those strategies should address issues relating to unexploded ordnance and chemical weapons dumped in the previous century, which pose a threat to security, the environment, health and the economy, in particular in the Baltic, Adriatic and North seas;

    129. Reaffirms its unwavering support for the EU and its Member States’ commitment to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), recognising it as the cornerstone of the global nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament framework; recalls that Russia withdrew its ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty in October 2023;

    130. Recalls that international negotiations related to non-proliferation and arms control regimes and their outcomes have an impact on Europe, in particular on EU Member States; highlights the importance of giving renewed impetus to reviving those regimes; also stresses the importance of ensuring that the EU takes an active and constructive role in advancing and strengthening the international rules-based efforts towards non-proliferation, arms control, and disarmament architecture, in particular in the field of weapons of mass destruction and dual-use digital surveillance and manipulation tools;

    131. Calls on the Member States to fully comply with Common Position 2008/944/CFSP defining common rules governing the control of exports of military technology and equipment as amended by Council Decision (CFSP)2019/1560, and to strictly implement criterion 4 on regional stability;

    132. Stresses the need to prevent sensitive emerging technologies and key dual-use items, especially those that are critical for EU security, from being transferred to destinations of concern outside the EU; calls for the establishment and implementation of EU-wide electronic customs and export licensing systems, as a critical step towards making export controls by Member States of those technologies and items more effective;

    Defence and society and civilian and military preparedness and readiness

    133. Highlights the need for a broader understanding of security threats and risks among EU citizens to develop a shared understanding and alignment of threat perceptions across Europe and to create a comprehensive notion of European defence; stresses that securing support by democratic institutions and consequently by citizens is essential to develop a successful and coherent long-term EU defence, which requires an informed public debate; calls for the EU and its Member States to develop awareness-raising and educational programmes, especially for the young, aimed at improving knowledge and facilitating debates on security, defence and the importance of the armed forces and at strengthening the resilience and preparedness of societies to face security challenges, while allowing for greater public and democratic control and scrutiny of the defence sector; calls on the Commission and the Member States to develop those programmes within the framework of the European Democracy Shield, building on the model of national programmes, such as the Swedish Civil Contingency Initiative;

    134. Welcomes the efforts to strengthen Europe’s civil and military preparedness and readiness, as also proposed in Mr Niinistö’s report; acknowledges the critical importance of citizens in crisis preparedness and response, in particular the psychological resilience of individuals and household preparedness; also recognises the importance of civil protection infrastructures and planning for emergency situations; supports a whole-of-society approach to resilience, involving the active engagement of EU institutions, Member States, civil society, and individual citizens in strengthening the EU security framework; stresses that CSDP decision-making bodies responsible for planning, resources and logistics have the potential to become the primary enablers of civilian crisis management during emergency situations; calls on the Member States and the Commission to closely examine the report’s recommendations and develop an EU risk assessment and preparedness strategy, joint exercises, a stronger EU-NATO cooperation interface in view of crisis situations; calls for the development of adequate civil protection infrastructure and thorough emergency planning and for the necessary investments for these purposes to be ensured, including through a dedicated EIB investment guarantee programme for crisis-proof civil defence infrastructure;

    135. Recalls that terrorism, including jihadi terrorism, poses a persistent threat to the security of the EU and of its partners; calls on the EU to continue efforts to prevent this threat with determination and full solidarity, in particular through greater coordination to improve knowledge, develop preparedness and response capabilities, and to ensure closer interaction with partners and other international actors;

    136. Points out that the EU’s defence policies should reflect the principles of gender equality and diversity, promoting inclusive military environments that reflect the values and diversity of European society while ensuring that all members of the European armed forces, regardless of gender or background, have equal opportunities and access to support; reiterates the important role of young people and youth organisations in maintaining and promoting peace and security and calls on the EEAS to commit to integrating young people into its youth, peace and security (YPS) agenda more systematically; also calls for developing train-the-trainers programmes and cooperation between defence institutions and universities of EU Member States, such as military courses, exercises and role playing training activities for civilian students;

    137. Stresses that the EU and its Member States must address critical recruitment and retention challenges in the military by developing coordinated national and EU-level actions in order to ensure a sustainable military workforce; recommends, that the EU should support the Member States in developing policies that enhance career attractiveness and long-term retention strategies; stresses the need for the EU Military Committee (EUMC) to provide follow-up on its task of gathering and analysing data across the EU Member States on the issues of recruitment and retention, in order to identify possible measures addressing these issues; highlights that supporting the mental health and well-being of military personnel, with a focus on professional development and long-term care for veterans, must be adequately taken into consideration in the further development of the Defence Union;

    138. Recalls the importance of organising joint training and exercises between European armed forces, thereby promoting interoperability, with a view to maximising mission preparedness and addressing a broad range of threats, both conventional and non-conventional; calls for the development and creation of exchange programmes at EU level for military personnel from the Member States, aimed at providing training opportunities and experience in different European military environments and structures and thereby fostering mutual understanding, cohesion, and interoperability, between the EU’s armed forces; reiterates in this respect its support for the European Initiative for the Exchange of Military Young Officers (Military Erasmus – EMILYO), operated by the European Security and Defence College;

    Strengthening defence cooperation and partnerships

    139. Underlines the importance of the partnership dimension of the Strategic Compass in reinforcing cooperation between the EU and its allies and partners around the world on the basis of common values and respect for human rights and democracy, in order to strengthen the perception of the deterrence principle and to counter foreign strategies aimed at undermining the EU and its partners, and destabilising the rules-based international order; calls on the EU to further engage in security cooperation with partners in all the priority areas identified in the Strategic Compass, notably in strengthening resilience of local security sectors in the area of crisis management, countering hybrid threats as well as upgrading capacities of cybersecurity institutions; also calls for closer cooperation between relevant organisations from partners with the EU Satellite Centre, the European Defence Agency (EDA) and the EU Agency for Cyber Security (ENISA); believes that the participation of partners and NATO Allies in PESCO projects, subject to the agreement by the EU Member States, contributes to improving compatibility between their standards in the defence sector as well as to sharing experience, intelligence and technical expertise in various fields;

    140. Reaffirms that the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) must always strictly observe international law and the multilateral decisions taken deriving from international institutions; welcomes the adoption of the EU’s human rights and international humanitarian law due diligence policy on security sector support to third parties (EU HRDDP), serving as a basis for security and military cooperation with third countries in a way that is more compliant with human rights and international humanitarian law (IHL); calls for its thorough implementation; reiterates the call for closer cooperation with international organisations, such as, but not limited to, the UN, the African Union, and their peacekeeping missions in joint theatres, and the OSCE on security;

    141. Welcomes the Joint Declaration of the G7 Defence Ministers of 19 October 2024 and their declaration of intent to increase cooperation in the defence sector; stresses the strong interest for the EU of developing international partnerships with like-minded partners in this area and the need to strengthen EU efforts to ensure that countries which were once strategic partners, and with which some Member States maintain strong cultural ties, are not drawn into the sphere of influence of systemic rivals; recalls that economic diplomacy plays a crucial role in this endeavour, serving as an essential tool to reinforce cooperative ties, promote mutual prosperity, and consolidate the EU’s presence and influence, contributing to the resilience of partners against external pressures;

    EU-NATO cooperation

    142. Stresses the importance of the EU’s strategic partnership with NATO, in full respect of the agreed guiding principles of transparency, reciprocity and inclusiveness, as well as respect for the decision-making autonomy and procedures of each organisation; highlights that NATO and the EU play complementary, coherent and mutually reinforcing roles in supporting international peace and security and thus avoiding the duplication of defence efforts, while maintaining strong close cooperation; welcomes the accession of Sweden to NATO in 2024, and that of Finland in 2023, representing a historic step forward in strengthening security in Europe, notably in the Baltic sea region; calls on the VP/HR to operate in close coordination and unity with the NATO Secretary General;

    143. Calls for further deepening of EU-NATO cooperation by building on the EU’s Strategic Compass and NATO’s new Strategic Concept, including in the fields of cybersecurity, hybrid warfare, counter terrorism, military mobility, dual-use infrastructure, conflict prevention and crisis management, military-security cooperation, countering malicious foreign interference from third countries, a coordinated approach in the Indo-Pacific, as well as increasing common action on the international stage to protect democracy; strongly supports NATO’s Open Door Policy; invites the EU and NATO to reinforce their cooperation on supporting the capacity-building of common partners;

    144. Stresses the constant need for alignment among states that are both EU and NATO members and the obligation under Articles 1 and 3 of the NATO charter for cooperation, self-help and mutual aid; calls on the EU to step up its efforts on common security and defence initiatives wherever there is no NATO equivalent, to increase standardisation, improve interoperability and develop common operating procedures between Member States’ and the EU’s defence capabilities;

    145. Commends the close EU-NATO cooperation in the Western Balkans, including through EUFOR Operation Althea and the KFOR military operations, which guarantee the necessary stability for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the wider region;

    146. Emphasises the vital role of the Black Sea region in the European security landscape and calls for the EU to collaborate with NATO on formulating a comprehensive strategy for this region, which should address security challenges, counter hybrid threats, enhance maritime cooperation and bolster regional partnerships;

    147. Welcomes the appointment of NATO’s Special Representative for the Southern Neighbourhood and NATO’s focus on this region; considers it appropriate to strengthen coordination and consultation between EU officials in charge of policy for the Southern Neighbourhood and the Sahel and their NATO counterparts, in order to avoid publicity and fragmentation of efforts and resources;

    148. Welcomes the proposal from the NATO Parliamentary Assembly (NATO PA) to enhance Parliament’s status to ‘partner’ under the ongoing reform of partnerships; invites its Delegation for relations with the NATO PA (DNAT) to make full use of Parliament’s current and future privileges; considers DNAT an important instrument of Parliament’s diplomacy in an enhanced EU-NATO partnership aimed at strengthening the European pillar of NATO and contributing to reaching the Alliance’s overall objectives; is of the view that DNAT can play a pivotal role in reinforcing EU-NATO cooperation, strengthening the democratic resilience of accession countries and key partners, as well as, overall, enhancing the parliamentary dimension of this essential partnership;

    Partnership with the United States

    149. Considers it essential to further develop the EU’s close relationship with the United States, which is based on mutual respect, the shared values of democracy, freedom and the rule of law, as well as a broad range of common or converging interests; values the United States’ commitment to and involvement in the territorial defence of Europe, in accordance with the North Atlantic Treaty and its Article 5, especially in the light of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; encourages mutual security and defence initiatives, disarmament and non-proliferation, the impact of disruptive technologies, climate change, hybrid threats, cyber defence, military mobility, crisis management and the relationship with strategic competitors; calls for further strengthening of the EU-US security and defence dialogue as an important instrument in closer transatlantic cooperation;

    150. Notes the importance of greater collaboration in defence production and procurement, including through equal market access for both defence industries; takes note of the US National Defence Industry Strategy of January 2024 and its ambition to deepen industrial cooperation with partners; acknowledges the vast range of possible mutually beneficial areas of cooperation in defence and its positive implications for a stronger transatlantic partnership in times of increasing geopolitical competition; stresses, however, that such cooperation requires a level playing field, which is incompatible with the provisions of the US International Trade in Arms Regulation; calls, accordingly, upon the Commission to launch a dialogue with the United States to explore the possibilities of developing mutually beneficial defence industrial cooperation based on a legal framework that ensures a level transatlantic playing field;

    Partnership with the United Kingdom

    151. Recognises the UK’s significant contributions to Europe’s security and stability, as well as its commitment to shared defence objectives, which enhance collective security across Europe; welcomes the strong cooperation between the EU, EU Member States and the United Kingdom when it comes to supporting Ukraine, as well as bilateral agreements such as the Trinity House agreement between the UK and Germany to deepen defence cooperation; welcomes the participation of the UK Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs at the EU Foreign Affairs Council meeting in October 2024; calls for the EU and the UK to swiftly upgrade defence cooperation and become closer security partners by signing a joint declaration with concrete engagements and structured dialogue to strengthen EU-UK cooperation on the full range of foreign and security challenges the EU and UK face on the European continent; underlines in this regard the importance of closer cooperation on information and intelligence sharing, counter terrorism, military mobility, security and defence initiatives, crisis management, cyber defence, hybrid threats and FIMI, and on jointly addressing shared threats, such as the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction;

    152. Considers it essential to make progress on practical cooperation by formalising a joint declaration on a security and defence partnership with the United Kingdom as a means of strengthening European security and the European pillar of NATO, in particular in the context of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; encourages the VP/HR to regularly invite the United Kingdom to informal Council meetings of foreign affairs (and defence) ministers to exchange views on issues of common concern while fully safeguarding the EU’s decision-making autonomy;

    Partnership with Western Balkan and Eastern European partners

    153. Believes that the EU’s security is closely interlinked with the security of its immediate European neighbours and that the EU has an interest in giving priority to its enlargement policy and strengthening the stability of its South-Eastern and Eastern European neighbours, in particular candidate countries; calls for stronger military-security cooperation, including civilian and military as well as policy and military security, cooperation with candidate countries and partners, particularly in areas such as resilience, cybersecurity, hybrid threats, border management, counter-terrorism and countering disinformation; reiterates the need for close cooperation with NATO in this regard;

    154. Highlights that the Union should facilitate the participation of European partners with a high level of alignment with CSDP matters, most notably the Western Balkans countries, in current and future programmes linked to the defence sector; reaffirms that thorough involvement of the candidate countries would substantially facilitate their accession process by increasing their industrial and operational capacities in the defence sector, thus increasing interoperability with EU Member States’ armed forces; is of the opinion that the comprehensive inclusion of the Western Balkans candidate countries in EU defence initiatives would represent a strategic investment, as well as an integral part of the EU’s efforts to counter the growing assertiveness and foreign interference orchestrated in those countries;

    155. Encourages the Member States to further utilise the European Peace Facility (EPF) for training and outfitting security services in South-Eastern and Eastern European partners hosting CSDP missions, particularly military police, medical and law enforcement infrastructure and to increase intelligence exchange capabilities via secure lines of communication;

    Partnership with the African Union and African countries

    156. Stresses the importance of the EU-Africa relationship for European security; considers it essential to significantly step up the EU’s partnerships with African countries;

    Partnership with the Indo-Pacific region

    157. Stresses the strategic significance of the Indo-Pacific region within the EU’s defence framework, recognising the necessity of addressing growing security concerns linked to China’s regional activities and their broader implications for global stability; considers it essential to strengthen the EU’s presence and partnerships in this region; is also aware of Taiwan’s leading role in high-tech development, and its extensive experience defending itself against China’s hybrid attacks, disinformation, and FIMI, which should be a foremost consideration when assessing the possibilities of strengthening multilateral exchanges and cooperation;

    158. Underscores the imperative for the EU of establishing more enduring collective security through a network of regional allies and partners, forming the conventional foundation of its engagement in the region; strongly welcomes the recent conclusion of the EU-Japan Security and Defence Partnership; believes that a further deepening of the strategic and defence partnership of the EU with Japan, and the development of regular dialogue, cooperation, and capacity building with other like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific region, such as Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Taiwan, are fundamental to advancing common security; reiterates its call on the EU for further engagement with emerging strategic partners in the region, such as Indonesia and Viet Nam; 

    Greater involvement of the European Parliament in the CSDP

    159. Stresses that the strengthening of the CSDP as a political priority in the tenth legislative term and the increase in spending on defence policies and programmes at EU level and by the Member States requires full parliamentary scrutiny and accountability;

    160. Calls, in this regard, for Parliament’s scrutiny, legislative and budgetary role over a growing range of defence initiatives across the EU institutions and in particular the work carried out under the CSDP to be reinforced, including by strengthening regular dialogue, the exchange of information and maintaining permanent channels of communication open between the VP/HR, the Commissioner for Defence and Space and the competent Parliament bodies; recommends the inclusion of regular intelligence updates to relevant parliamentary committees;

    161. Deplores that the lack of access to information means Parliament is not in a situation to properly scrutinise PESCO projects; reiterates its call to the Member States to submit an implementation report on PESCO projects to Parliament at least twice a year; further reiterates its call on the EEAS to regularly and comprehensively report on the implementation of the Strategic Compass and other security and defence initiatives and programmes to the Subcommittee on Security and Defence; further reiterates its call on the EEAS to regularly and comprehensively report on the implementation of the Strategic Compass, other security and defence initiatives and programmes and their assessment to Parliament’s Subcommittee on Security and Defence; stresses the need to improve the scrutiny of the implementation of defence industrial regulations by the introduction of the procedure for delegated acts;

    °

    ° °

    162. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the Commission and competent Commissioners, the UN Secretary-General, the NATO Secretary General, the President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, the EU security and defence agencies and the governments and parliaments of the Member States and partner countries.

    * * *

     

    EXPLANATORY STATEMENT

    During the last years, and particularly since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, the EU has had to face multiple and unprecedented threats to its security and new crises in its close geographical environment, including the consequences of the Hamas terrorist attacks on Israel in October, 2023.

     

    The EU has reacted to these negative developments by involving more deeply in European security and defence, exploring new directions and launching new initiatives to strengthen and develop its defence capabilities in a collective and cooperative manner.

     

    This first annual report on the implementation of the EU common security and defence policy (CSDP) under the tenth parliamentary term aims to present the assessment of the European Parliament on CSDP progress in the current geopolitical and security context and thus responds to the report of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Policy, published on 20 June 2024 and entitled “Common Foreign and Security Policy Report – Our Priorities in 2024”. It also provides recommendations on the main avenues for strengthening policies and actions for the future along several dimensions, including institutional decision-making progress, the joint development of military and armament capabilities and the means of financing them.

     

    ANNEX: ENTITIES OR PERSONS FROM WHOM THE RAPPORTEUR HAS RECEIVED INPUT

    Pursuant to Article 8 of Annex I to the Rules of Procedure, the rapporteur declares that he has received input from the following entities or persons in the preparation of the report, until the adoption thereof in committee:

    Entity and/or person

    ESCRIBANO MECHANICAL AND ENGINEERIING

    Apple Inc.

    TECNOBIT (Grupo Oesia)

    SOPRA STERIA GROUP

    Human Rights Working Group of NCRI

    American Chamber of Commerce in Belgium

    Boeing International Corporation, Belgium

    General Electric Company Honeywell Europe, RTX Corporation W.L.

    Gore

    Ericsson

    US. Mission to the European Union

    IQM Quantumm Computers

    Rasmussen Global

    Munich Security Conference

    General Electric Company

    Business Bridge Europe

    Airbus

    Atlantic Council of the United States, Inc

    International Centre for Ukrainian Victory

    Prisoner’s defenders International Network

    Official Spanish Chamber of Commerce in Belgium and Luxembourg

    Deloitte Advisory

    Amazon Europe Core

    Indra

    International Committee in Search of Justice

     

    The list above is drawn up under the exclusive responsibility of the rapporteur.

     

    Where natural persons are identified in the list by their name, by their function or by both, the rapporteur declares that he has submitted to the natural persons concerned the European Parliament’s Data Protection Notice No 484 (https://www.europarl.europa.eu/data-protect/index.do), which sets out the conditions applicable to the processing of their personal data and the rights linked to that processing

    MINORITY POSITION

     

    pursuant to Rule 55(4) of the Rules of Procedure

    by Özlem Alev Demirel, Marc Botenga, Giorgos Georgiou (The Left)

     

    This report rightly states that considering the conflicts in Ukraine, Middle East, Indo-Pacific are escalating; diplomacy, arms control/disarmament should play a crucial role. Simultaneously it denies the escalating EU-role through either direct participation in, or fuelling conflicts with arms exports. EU does not appear as diplomatic force.

     

    We reject this report since it

     

     uses Russia’s illegal war as pretext for massive armament and financing the defence industry, focuses solely on a military approach instead of diplomacy, demands secondary sanctions, calls for testing of (military) prototypes in cooperation with Ukrainian defence actors

     promotes concept of “dual use” and procurement of hypersonic weapons, electronic warfare capabilities together with NATO

     demands 0.25 % of MS GDP annually for military assistance for Ukraine, which will lead to cuts in social policy

     calls for military spending above NATO’s target of 2% GDP

     calls for lifting CFSP/CSDP  unanimity principle which further increases the power of big MS

     advocates youth, peace and security (YPS) agenda in view of cooperation between defence institutions and universities, including military courses/exercises

     

    We demand:

     establishment of a system of collective security along with diplomatic efforts to end ongoing wars and conflicts

     achieving peace through conflict resolution, confidence-building, serious arms control, disarmament measures

     strict application of Article 41.2 TEU

    INFORMATION ON ADOPTION IN COMMITTEE RESPONSIBLE

    Date adopted

    30.1.2025

     

     

     

    Result of final vote

    +:

    –:

    0:

    55

    19

    1

    Members present for the final vote

    Mika Aaltola, Petras Auštrevičius, Jordan Bardella, Dan Barna, Wouter Beke, Robert Biedroń, Ioan-Rareş Bogdan, Marc Botenga, Grzegorz Braun, Sebastião Bugalho, Danilo Della Valle, Özlem Demirel, Elio Di Rupo, Loucas Fourlas, Michael Gahler, Giorgos Georgiou, Raphaël Glucksmann, Bernard Guetta, Rima Hassan, Rasa Juknevičienė, Sandra Kalniete, Łukasz Kohut, Rihards Kols, Andrey Kovatchev, Vilis Krištopans, Nathalie Loiseau, Claudiu Manda, David McAllister, Vangelis Meimarakis, Sven Mikser, Francisco José Millán Mon, Arkadiusz Mularczyk, Leoluca Orlando, Kostas Papadakis, Tonino Picula, Thijs Reuten, Nacho Sánchez Amor, Andreas Schieder, Alexander Sell, Villy Søvndal, Davor Ivo Stier, Sebastiaan Stöteler, Stanislav Stoyanov, Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, Michał Szczerba, António Tânger Corrêa, Marta Temido, Cristian Terheş, Riho Terras, Hermann Tertsch, Pierre-Romain Thionnet, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Reinier Van Lanschot, Roberto Vannacci, Hilde Vautmans, Harald Vilimsky, Željana Zovko

    Substitutes present for the final vote

    Jaume Asens Llodrà, Malik Azmani, Engin Eroglu, Sandra Gómez López, Evin Incir, András László, Ana Catarina Mendes, Hans Neuhoff, Nicolás Pascual de la Parte, Chloé Ridel, Tineke Strik, Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza, Ingeborg Ter Laak, Matej Tonin, Ivaylo Valchev, Isabel Wiseler-Lima

    Members under Rule 216(7) present for the final vote

    Nikos Papandreou, Catarina Vieira

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Art contest for peace and security

    Source: Government of the Netherlands

    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the municipality of The Hague and NATO are inviting young, ambitious artists to take part in an art contest. The assignment: to paint a commemorative street mural for the upcoming NATO summit in The Hague.

    Third edition

    NATO unveiled its first public mural in January 2024. Made by street artists in Vilnius, Lithuania, in honour of the 2023 summit, it symbolises the alliance’s collective defence mission. The contest continued in Washington, DC, on the occasion of NATO’s 75th anniversary in 2024. This year the honour goes to The Hague, where young artists will have an opportunity to design the NATO summit mural.

    The mural contest is part of the campaign #ProtectTheFuture, an alliance-wide programme to encourage involvement by young people, which stresses the importance of freedom, security, democratic values and peace.

    The mural created for the first NATO art contest, entitled ‘Life Under a Peaceful Sky‘, was designed by the young Lithuanian artist Žygimantas Amelinas and can be found on a wall next to the Reformers Park in Vilnius. The second mural, entitled ‘Security through Cooperation’, was designed by the young Danish artist Eske Toubourg and painted by Washington muralist Hamilton Glass in the centre of Washington, near the Walter E. Washington Convention Centre.

    Criteria

    The contest is open to everyone between the ages of 18 and 35 from one of the 32 NATO countries. This includes both aspiring artists and anyone else interested in sharing a visual design related to this year’s theme, ‘Maintaining Our Shared Future’. Artists are encouraged to create an optical illusion of a three-dimensional design for a two-dimensional surface. Entries must be submitted via the NATO website no later than 31 March 2025.

    Unveiling

    One of the members of the jury is Michiel Corver, director of The Hague Street Art. The winning work will be unveiled in The Hague in June 2025, and will be visible to world leaders and representatives at the summit.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Bigbank’s Unaudited Financial Results for Q4 and 12 months of 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Bigbank’s gross loan portfolio reached a record 2.2 billion euros at the end of the year, increasing by 137 million euros (+7%) quarter on quarter and by 535 million euros (+32%) year on year. The focus product lines showed solid quarter-on-quarter growth. The business loan portfolio grew by 61 million euros (+9%) to 764 million euros and the home loan portfolio by 79 million euros (+15%) to 613 million euros. The consumer loan portfolio decreased by 9 million euros (-1%) quarter on quarter to 828 million euros.

    Bigbank’s deposit portfolio grew in the fourth quarter mainly through term deposits. During the quarter, the term deposit portfolio grew by 118 million euros to 1.36 billion euros (+10%) and the savings deposit portfolio by 8 million euros to 1.03 billion euros (+1%). The Group’s total deposit portfolio grew by 127 million euros (+6%) quarter on quarter and by 456 million euros (+24%) year on year to 2.39 billion euros.

    In December, Bigbank also started offering current accounts to existing retail customers in Estonia, which will further diversify the deposit portfolio, but the balance of current accounts was still marginal at the end of 2024.

    In the fourth quarter of 2024, Bigbank earned a net profit of 4.6 million euros. Net profit for the 12 months of 2024 was 32.3 million euros. Compared to the restated results for 2023, fourth-quarter net profit decreased by 6.6 million euros and 12-month net profit by 8.3 million euros.

    In the fourth quarter, interest income grew by 5.7 million euros year on year to 43.4 million euros (+15%). Interest expense grew by 5.3 million euros to 20.1 million euros (+36%). Bigbank’s net interest income for the fourth quarter was 23.3 million euros, up 0.4 million euros year on year, and net interest income for the year was 102.4 million euros, up 6.7 million euros (+7%) year on year.

    In the fourth quarter, the credit quality of the loan portfolio remained stable. However, changes were observed in the credit quality of the loan portfolio over the course of 2024. The decline in the quality of the consumer loan portfolio, which started in the last quarter of 2023, continued in the first quarter, but the situation stabilised in the following quarters. During the year, there was also some deterioration in the business loan portfolio, where the share of past due loans increased, but due to strong collateral positions this did not have a significant impact on loss allowances. The credit quality of home loans remained very good throughout the year.

    In the fourth quarter, loss allowances for loans decreased by 0.3 million euros year on year to 4.6 million euros, but during the year loss allowances grew by 5.0 million euros to 23.9 million euros. Compared to the end of 2023, the share of stage 3 (non-performing) loans grew by 59.5 million euros and accounted for 4.9% of the total loan portfolio at the end of 2024 (+1.9 pp from the end of 2023). Compared to the end of the third quarter, the share of stage 3 loans in the total loan portfolio remained stable.

    The Group’s investment property portfolio increased to 66.4 million euros by the end of the fourth quarter (+35% from end-2023). Changes in the fair value of investment properties resulted in a loss of 1.6 million euros for both the fourth quarter and the full year. For comparison, the 12-month result for 2023 was a profit of 3.4 million euros, which included a profit of 4.4 million euros in the fourth quarter. This is also the main reason why the Group’s net profit for the fourth quarter of 2024 was 6.6 million euros lower than in the same period of 2023.

    Income statement, in thousands of euros Q4 2024 Q4 2023 12M 2024 12M 2023
    Net interest income 23,266 22,949 102,356 95,667
    Net fee and commission income 2,499 2,168 9,224 8,284
    Net income (loss) on financial assets 1,145 4,246 5,246 9,222
    Net other operating income -1,350 -1,940 -4,150 -3,626
    Total net operating income 25,560 27,423 112,676 109,547
    Salaries and associated charges -8,204 -6,345 -27,780 -24,032
    Administrative expenses -2,766 -4,025 -11,547 -15,183
    Depreciation, amortisation and impairment -2,052 -2,039 -8,349 -6,400
    Total expenses -13,022 -12,409 -47,676 -45,615
    Provision expenses (income) -1,730 4,662 -1,836 3,780
    Profit before loss allowances 10,808 19,676 63,164 67,712
    Net loss allowances on loans and financial investments -4,606 -4,896 -23,899 -18,881
    Profit before income tax 6,202 14,780 39,265 48,831
    Income tax expense -1,514 -3,432 -7,017 -7,601
    Profit for the period from continuing operations 4,688 11,348 32,248 41,230
    Income (loss) from discontinued operations 0 -18 29 -575
    Profit for the period 4,688 11,330 32,277 40,655
    Statement of financial position, in thousands of euros 31 Dec 2024 30 Sept 2024 31 Dec 2023 restated*
    Cash and cash equivalents 448,661 475,284 518,672
    Debt securities at FVOCI 22,334 14,992 15,400
    Loans to customers 2,196,482 2,059,625 1,662,002
    Other assets 110,939 87,126 91,324
    Total assets 2,778,416 2,637,027 2,287,398
    Customer deposits and loans received 2,401,689 2,274,269 1,946,314
    Subordinated notes 91,668 83,437 76,109
    Other liabilities 15,277 14,585 20,182
    Total liabilities 2,508,634 2,372,291 2,042,605
    Equity 269,782 264,736 244,793
    Total liabilities and equity 2,778,416 2,637,027 2,287,398

    Commentary by Martin Länts, chairman of the management board of Bigbank AS:

    “In 2024, Bigbank continued its strategic growth, focusing on expanding its loan and deposit portfolios and developing everyday banking services. Our loan portfolio grew to 2.2 billion euros (+32%), while our deposit portfolio reached 2.4 billion euros (+24%). The number of active customers increased by 16,600 over the year to more than 167,300. Customer satisfaction remained high, with our Net Promoter Score (NPS) at 57 points.

    One of the key achievements of the year was integration with the SEPA instant payment system and the launch of a current account in Estonia, enabling customers to send and receive payments within seconds, 24/7. This is an important step towards everyday banking services, which we plan to expand to our other markets soon.

    The main drivers of our continued growth were home and business loans – our home loan portfolio grew by 75%, while business loans increased by 32% year-on-year. The trust our customers place in us, thanks to our personalised approach, fast processes and competitive terms, confirms that we are on the right track. At the same time, we maintained attractive deposit rates and expanded our deposit offering – for example, we introduced a term deposit for retail customers in Lithuania and a savings deposit in Latvia and Bulgaria. We also launched a savings deposit for corporate customers in Latvia and Lithuania.

    Despite the declining Euribor environment and continued high deposit rates, Bigbank maintained strong profitability, generating a net profit of 32.3 million euros in 2024. This demonstrates our ability to offer competitive products and services in both the lending and deposit markets, while ensuring sustainable growth.

    In November 2024, Bigbank reached a significant milestone when the central bank of Estonia designated us as a systemically important credit institution. This decision underscores our growing role in Estonia’s financial sector and validates our strategic direction. We also carried out successful bond issues, raising 20.4 million euros in additional capital to support further expansion and strengthen our capital structure.

    I sincerely thank the entire Bigbank team for their dedication and determination. My gratitude also goes to our customers, investors and partners – your trust and support inspire us to deliver even better financial services and to grow together.”

    Bigbank AS (www.bigbank.eu), with over 30 years of operating history, is a commercial bank owned by Estonian capital. As of 31 December 2024, the bank’s total assets amounted to nearly 2.8 billion euros, with equity close to 270 million euros. Operating in nine countries, the bank serves more than 167,000 active customers and employs over 500 people. The credit rating agency Moody’s has assigned Bigbank a long-term bank deposit rating of Ba1, along with a baseline credit assessment (BCA) and an adjusted BCA of Ba2.

    Argo Kiltsmann
    Member of the Management Board
    Tel: +372 53 930 833
    Email: Argo.Kiltsmann@bigbank.ee 
    www.bigbank.ee

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Noting Ukraine’s People Have Endured Three Years of Relentless Death, Destruction, Displacement, Senior Official Tells Security Council ‘It Is High Time for Peace’

    Source: United Nations MIL OSI b

    ‘We Cannot Have the Aggressor Impose a Deal on the Victim,’ Stresses Special Envoy

    “It is high time for peace in Ukraine,” a senior United Nations official told the Security Council today, as Member States echoed that call and outlined contrasting visions of ending the three-year conflict.

    “For three long years, the people of Ukraine have endured relentless death, destruction and displacement,” said Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, adding that the resolution the Council adopted earlier on 24 February urges a swift end to the conflict.  The Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) has verified that, since 24 February 2022, at least 12,654 Ukrainian civilians — including 673 children — have been killed and 29,392 — including 1,865 children — have been injured.

    The war has created the largest displacement crisis in Europe since the Second World War, she observed, adding that over 10 million Ukrainians remain uprooted — 3.6 million displaced within Ukraine and 6.9 million seeking refuge abroad.  Furthermore, the massive destruction of civilian infrastructure impacts millions. For three consecutive winters, repeated strikes on the energy grid have left communities without power, heating or other essential services.  At least 790 attacks have damaged or destroyed medical facilities, putting the lives of countless patients at risk.  In 2024 alone, attacks on medical facilities tripled compared to 2023.  The education system has also been decimated, preventing 600,000 children from attending in-person classes.

    Over the past three years, the conflict has expanded into parts of the Russian Federation, she said, pointing to reports of increased civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure in the Kursk, Belgorod and Bryansk regions due to alleged Ukrainian attacks.  The war’s impact is also felt globally, destabilizing economies, disrupting food security and threatening international peace.  The further internationalization of the conflict is deeply alarming, particularly with the reported deployment of troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea into the conflict zone.  Moreover, she cautioned that the risk of a nuclear incident remains “unacceptably high”.

    Detailing the systematic and widespread use of torture — including sexual violence — by Russian Federation authorities against Ukrainian prisoners of war, as documented by OHCHR, she said 95 per cent of them and three quarters of Ukrainian civilian detainees interviewed have suffered torture or ill-treatment in captivity. Additionally, at least 71 Ukrainian prisoners were executed since February 2022, with an alarming spike in executions since August 2024.  Meanwhile, about half of the 469 Russian Federation’s prisoners of war interviewed by OHCHR described torture and ill-treatment, and 26 of those interviewed reported having been subjected to sexual violence.  The human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine has also verified the execution of 26 Russian Federation prisoners of war.  “These crimes must not go unpunished,” she asserted, underscoring that “accountability is not optional — it is an obligation under international law”.

    “We recognize it will be challenging to get an agreement, but the time for Moscow to make difficult choices and end fighting is now,” stated the representative of the United States, underscoring her country’s commitment to ending the war.  Washington, D.C., has been in close contact with Ukrainian counterparts throughout the conflict and will continue to do so.  It has also opened a direct dialogue with the Russian Federation in the past week. Following discussions in Riyadh, the United States and the Russian Federation have committed to negotiating towards an end of the conflict, which is enduring and acceptable to all engaged parties.  She called on all Member States to push for a durable peace “to bring stability to Europe and deter further aggression”.

    The Russian Federation’s delegate noted significant dissonance in European support for Ukraine, with ministers reading out “cookie-cutter statements”.  Calling the meeting an “open attempt to thwart the positive progress that has been made which will soon help result” in a lasting settlement to the Ukrainian crisis, he emphasized that the “Kyiv regime and its European sponsors are interested not in peace, but in pursuing war until the last Ukrainian”.  Welcoming the new positive policy of the Administration of United States President Donald J. Trump, he pointed to emerging details about what “took place and continues to take place under the [Ukraine President Volodymyr] Zelenskyy regime” despite Moscow’s persistent efforts to prevent this.

    Condemning Ukraine’s “anti-Russian project”, financed from the beginning by the West, he noted that, from 2021 to 2024, the United States Agency for International Development spent $30.6 billion in Ukraine, without which Ukrainian gross domestic product (GDP) “independently did not exist”.  He stated that up to 90 per cent of Ukrainian media outlets were financed by the Agency, with payments for public opinion leaders to appear on social networks, compelling “everybody to believe in the universal popularity of the erstwhile comic”, which “turned out to be a lie”, but was shaping Ukraine’s political landscape.  He noted that Volodymyr Zelenskyy, upon election, immediately abandoned his promises regarding the East and for the defence of the Russian language.

    Meanwhile, Mariana Betsa, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, said the Council resolution just adopted “lacks the qualification” of the war as an aggression of one Member State against another.  Despite the disparity in military strength — with over 600,000 Russian Federation troops deployed on Ukraine’s territory today — Ukraine’s defence forces continue to stand firm.

    “We gave up the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal in the hope of making the world a safer place,” she said, citing the Budapest Memorandum as “a deal without viable security guarantees”.  Meanwhile, Moscow has significantly expanded Soviet-era stockpiles, and today, it is capable of striking Ukrainian front-line positions and residential areas, with thousands of guided aerial bombs every month.  In 2024 alone, its aviation launched 40,000 such bombs.  Moreover, the Russian Federation engaged Tehran and Pyongyang in its war of aggression.

    Nonetheless, she said the Russian Federation has failed to break Ukraine on the battlefield.  “There is nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, and there is nothing about Europe without Europe,” she asserted.  And while Ukraine wants peace “more than anyone”, that doesn’t mean just any peace, she emphasized, calling for clear security guarantees.  She added that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union are indispensable elements of regional security, and “Ukraine is eager to be part of them”.

    Many speakers highlighted the devastating and long-lasting consequences of Moscow’s aggression on food security, the environment and nuclear security, calling for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace — not an agreement imposed under duress on the victim.

    “We cannot have the aggressor impose a deal on the victim, an aggressor who continues to intensify its attacks on civilian population and infrastructure,” underscored Erica Schouten, the representative of the Netherlands and Special Envoy for Ukraine.  She called for “nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine” and for Europe — whose security is directly impacted — to be involved, too.  This war must end, not just for the sake of Ukraine and Europe but for the sake of the world, she stressed.

    In the same vein, France’s delegate stressed that Europe — whose security is at stake — must participate in any negotiations and affirmed that any resolution to the conflict without Ukraine will be a dead letter and “lay the groundwork for future wars”.  He recalled that the Russian Federation alone decided on 24 February 2022 to bring war back to European soil — carrying out deliberate strikes against the Ukrainian civilian population and energy infrastructure, using sexual violence as a weapon of war and forcing deportations of Ukrainian children.

    A war Russian Federation President Vladimir V. Putin said would take three days is now three years on, concurred his counterpart from the United Kingdom.  Ukraine is more than ready for the war to end, but its voice must be at the heart of any talks towards a peace that “shows aggression does not pay, and ends forever Putin’s imperialist ambitions”, she stressed.  By contrast, President Putin “only wants capitulation”.  The strength and courage shown by Ukraine must be underpinned by robust security agreements from the outset, she stated, adding that President Putin has repeatedly demonstrated that he will break a weak deal and has long denied Ukraine’s right to exist as a free State.

    Georgios Gerapetritis, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece, affirmed that his Government’s stance on Ukraine “has been crystal clear from the very beginning of the war, which now enters its fourth year”. All Member States must work towards an end to the suffering and destruction in Ukraine; however, it is incumbent to explicitly refer to international law and the Charter of the United Nations in the resolution.  He stated it was not easy to understand why amendments proposed by European Council members were not upheld — including that the Council would employ a swift end to the conflict, urging a just, lasting and comprehensive peace between Ukraine and the Russian Federation.

    Radosław Sikorski, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland, also speaking for the High Representative of the European Union, urged Moscow to “stop the killing and leave territories it illegally occupies”. Calling on Member States to never forget the crimes committed by Russian Federation troops in Bucha, Mariupol and many other places across Ukraine, he also acknowledged the far-reaching repercussions beyond Ukraine.

    “We will never recognize the illegal annexation of Crimea, Donetsk, Luhansk or any other region of Ukraine,” echoed Baiba Braže, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia, also speaking for Estonia and Lithuania.  Underlining that borders must not be altered by force, she recalled that, three years ago, the International Court of Justice ordered the Russian Federation to stop its military activities in Ukraine.  “Three years on, Ukraine has stopped a nuclear-armed State of 140 million from realizing its imperialist goals,” she added.

    Pasi Rajala, State Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Finland, also speaking for Denmark, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, demanded the immediate return of thousands of children who have been unlawfully deported or transferred by the Russian Federation, which violates the laws of war at every turn.  Hailing the General Assembly’s decision earlier today to support just and fair peace in Ukraine, he affirmed that Ukrainians want peace and love freedom, and the Council must advance these goals.  Any solution for lasting peace will necessitate a strong European involvement as Member States have “a collective interest to prevent a resurgence of violence and destruction”.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Decarbonisation investments in the steel sector – E-002694/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The hydrogen and decarbonised gas market package[1] sets a clear framework for the development of infrastructure and the revised Renewable Energy Directive[2] creates obligations for the consumption of renewable hydrogen in industry and transport. When transposing them, Member States should put in place incentives for the sectors.

    In 2023, the Commission identified 65 European priority hydrogen infrastructure projects[3], that can benefit from funding under the Connecting Europe Facility and accelerated permitting. The Commission launched the second European Hydrogen Bank auction on 3 December 2024[4], next to Innovation Fund calls[5].

    In line with Article 30 (2) of Regulation (EU) 2023/956, the Commission will in 2025 assess a potential scope extension of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM).

    This includes an assessment of goods further down the value chain, goods at risk of carbon leakage other than those listed in Annex I of the CBAM Regulation and other input materials.

    On this basis, the Commission will prepare, where appropriate, a legislative proposal, including an impact assessment, on extending the scope of the regulation.

    Member States can prioritise sectors for potential future Important Projects of Common European Interest (IPCEIs). Several approved IPCEIs[6] have benefitted the steel industry’s green transition through renewable hydrogen.

    In addition, the Guidelines for Climate, Environmental Protection and Energy and the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework allow Member States to notify individual aid measures[7] and aid schemes supporting industrial decarbonisation[8] or renewable hydrogen production or carbon capture and storage.

    • [1] Directive (EU) 2024/1788 and  Regulation (EU) 2024/1789 .
    • [2]  Directive (EU) 2023/2413.
    • [3] Projects of Common Interest and Projects of Mutual Interest, including ~20,000km of pipelines, storages, terminals, and electrolysers: C/2023/7930 final.
    • [4] EUR 1.2 billion of EU funds and up to EUR 836 million from Spain, Lithuania, and Austria for projects in their Member State.
    • [5] Two H2 DRI projects producing and consuming large volumes of H2 have already been awarded under the Innovation Fund, ‘HYBRIT’ (Sweden) https://ec.europa.eu/assets/cinea/project_fiches/innovation_fund/101051316.pdf) and ‘H2Green Steel’ (Sweden) (https://ec.europa.eu/assets/cinea/project_fiches/innovation_fund/101133206.pdf).
    • [6] ‘Hy2Tech’ (https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_22_4544), ‘Hy2Infra’ (https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_24_789) and ‘Hy2Use’ (https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_22_5676).
    • [7] See an example: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_22_5968
    • [8] For instance a German scheme (https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_24_845) and an Austrian scheme (https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_24_4746).

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI USA: On Third Anniversary Of Russia’s Full-Scale Invasion Of Ukraine, Durbin Reiterates Bipartisan Congressional Support For Ukraine

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Dick Durbin
    February 24, 2025
    Durbin: We should make sure Ukraine’s sovereignty and future are secure and not given away in appeasement to Putin—a move that could cost us dearly in the future
    WASHINGTON – On the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL), Co-Chair of the Senate Ukraine Caucus, spoke on the Senate floor in support of Ukraine. During his speech, Durbin condemned President Trump’s appeasement to Russian President Vladimir Putin—where Trump announced key concessions to Putin regarding Ukraine, while apparently ignoring Ukraine’s key demands.  Durbin began his speech by reflecting on President Reagan’s powerful speech at the Berlin Wall where he told the Soviets to “tear down this wall.”
    “Ronald Reagan understood all too well what the Soviet regime was all about—it was a regime that had seized eastern Europe and condemned millions of individuals to live under a cruel and repressive communist dictatorship. My mother’s family originally came from Lithuania—once an independent country then a republic of the Soviet Union. Now an independent, democratic country again. That country meant a lot and still does to my family. I certainly recall the stories of my grandparents leaving the Russian domination and coming to America. Until recently, Americans across the political spectrum—including Republican presidents and members of Congress—also saw such Russian tyranny for what it was—until now,” said Durbin.
    “Today, we see President Trump doing the bidding of Russian autocrat Vladimir Putin,” Durbin continued. “That’s right—the President of the United States of America is using talking points that sound like they were whispered in his ear by the Kremlin—all while denigrating and bullying our true allies in the region.”
    Durbin detailed how President Trump has spewed outrageous comments when talking about Ukraine. He claimed, Ukraine started the war with Russia. He then attacked the legitimacy of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy—who was democratically elected in a free and fair election. Trump called Zelenskyy a “dictator without elections.” Both comments are similar to lies said by Putin. 
    Durbin said, “But it gets worse, with Donald Trump having negotiated away in public key concessions to Russia to end the war including appeasement of Ukraine’s sovereign borders or possible future NATO membership. Trump, with one phone call, gave those away without even negotiating and certainly didn’t involve the Ukrainians who have lost 46,000 brave Ukrainians who have died because of Putin’s invasion. Today, in a stunning, shameful move, the United States voted with Russia, North Korea, Belarus, and a handful of dictatorships at the United Nations against a resolution condemning Russian aggression in Ukraine.”
    Former Lithuanian foreign minister Gabrielius Landsbergis said of this tragic and unbelievable state of affairs, that it sounded like there was a handout prepared by Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov from which the Trump Administration is now reading. He warned if President Trump continues to back Russia, then, “threats to European security will grow immensely. Putin will get braver, meaning more war in Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and beyond.”
    “President Trump’s affinity for autocrats like Putin and selling out or bullying our allies will not make America stronger or our world safer. Nor will his petulant and bumbling weekend gutting of our top military officers—a troubling act that raises serious questions about the politicization of our proud, professional fighting force in America. Let me be clear: We cannot let President Trump rewrite history or upend proven alliances with decades of bipartisan support… And ultimately, only the Ukrainian people can decide Ukraine’s future. Doing the bidding of foreign dictators and playing politics with our military only undermines America’s [safety],” Durbin said.
    Today, Durbin joined U.S. Senators Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Thom Tillis (R-NC), Roger Wicker (R-MS), and others in leading a simple resolution that expresses continued solidarity with the people of Ukraine and condolences for the loss of thousands of lives to Russian aggression; rejects Russia’s attempts to militarily seize sovereign Ukrainian territory; reaffirms U.S. support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine; and states unequivocally that Ukraine must be at the table for negotiations over its future.
    Durbin also introduced the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act, legislation that would provide temporary guest status to Ukrainians and their immediate family members who are already in the United States through the “Uniting for Ukraine” parole process. The bill allows Ukrainians to stay and work in the U.S. until the Secretary of State determines that hostilities in Ukraine have ceased and it is safe for them to return.
    “When the war started, Republicans across the country opened their hearts and communities to desperately fleeing Ukrainians, even actively petitioning President Biden to protect them from deportation. So far, not a single Republican has cosponsored my bill [the Protecting our Guests During Hostilities in Ukraine Act]. But I urge them to join this simple act of American compassion. Standing up to dictators and speaking out for victims of war should never be a partisan issue,” Durbin said.
    Durbin concluded his speech by showing a photo of himself and the late Senator John McCain (R-AZ) on a bipartisan delegation CODEL to Ukraine in 2014. At the time, Russia had begun its attempts to seize Crimea and capture additional territory in the eastern part of the country.
    “We should show no less courage here, today on a bipartisan basis, in making sure Ukraine’s sovereignty and future are secure and not given away in appeasement to Putin—a move that could cost us all dearly in the future,” Durbin concluded.
    Video of Durbin’s remarks on the Senate floor is available here.
    Audio of Durbin’s remarks on the Senate floor is available here.
    Footage of Durbin’s remarks on the Senate floor is available here for TV Stations.
    -30-

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Aktsiaselts Infortar Unaudited Consolidated Interim Report for fourth quarter and 12 months of 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Aktsiaselts Infortar (Infortar) will organize a webinar for introducing fourth quarter 2024 results today. Please join the webinar via the following links:

    25 February 2025 at 12:00 (EET) Estonian webinar

    25 February 2025 at 14:00 (EET) English webinar

    Estonia’s largest investment holding company, Infortar assets increased from €1.4 billion to €2.7 billion following the acquisition of a majority shareholding in Tallink Group (Tallink) and the purchase of a gas sale- and distribution company in Poland. Infortar’s stock price raised by 70% in its first year on the Tallinn stock exchange, raising the company’s total valuation from €548 million to €916 million.

    “Over the past few years, our investments have amounted to nearly half a billion euros. We have grown into one of Estonia’s largest companies in terms of assets within a year. We will continue seeking growth opportunities across the region,” said Ain Hanschmidt, Chairman of the Management Board of Infortar.

    “Today, changes in corporate competitiveness and energy policy across Estonia, Europe, and the United States recognize an increasing role for natural gas as a supporter of renewable energy and a provider of controllable capacity. The outlook for the maritime transport sector is set to improve,” Hanschmidt added.

    Major events

    Maritime transportation

    In the summer, Infortar invested €110 million in acquiring Tallink shares, increasing its shareholding in Tallink to 68.5%.

    The total number of passengers in 2024 reached 5.6 million. As of the end of the financial year, Tallink operated 14 vessels. Three vessels were chartered out during the year. The number of transported cargo units exceeded 303,000, and passenger vehicles transported totaled 777,000.

    Energy

    Infortar’s subsidiary, Elenger Group (Elenger), signed a €120 million agreement with the German energy conglomerate EWE AG to acquire EWE Group’s business operations in Poland. The transaction included natural gas assets, a distribution network in Western Poland, and all energy sales segments.

    In 2024, Elenger sold a total of 18.4 TWh of energy (15.9 TWh in 2023). Sales in Estonia accounted for 16% of the total energy sales in 2024. The company’s market share in gas sales across the Finland-Baltic gas market for the year was 24.3%.

    Real estate

    Infortar’s real estate portfolio has expanded from 100,000 to 141,000 square meters over the past year. At the end of last year, the Rimi logistics center in Saue received its occupancy permit. This summer, a new bridge in Pärnu will be completed, followed by the opening of Lasnamäe’s second DEPO store in Estonia next year. In early 2028, the Kangru-Saku section of the Rail Baltica main route will also be completed.

    Key figures of financial year

    Key figures Q4 2024 Q4 2023 12 months 2024 12 months 2023
    Sales revenue, m€ 446.168 337.734 1 371.775 1 084.626
    Gross profit, m€ 34.871 42.235 128.629 149.473
    EBITDA, m€ 27.892 37.418 145.415 143.283
    EBITDA margin (%) 6.3% 11.1% 10.6% 13.2%
    Net profit, EBIT, m€ -6.792 28.967 77.025 123.628
    Total profit(-loss), m€ -11.988 24.206 175.351 293.830
    Net profit (-loss) holders of the Parent m€ -11.188 24.232 172.934 293.778
    EPS (euros)* -0.54 1.18 8.46 14.62
    Total equity m€ 1 166.222 820.210 1 166.222 820.210
    Total liabilities m€ 1 223.287 441.160 1 223.287 441.160
    Net debt m€ 1 055.708 354.045 1 055.708 354.045
    Investment loans to EBITDA (ratio) 3.0x 1.7x 3.0x 1.7x

    Earnings per share (EPS) in euros is calculated using the following formula: the profit attributable to the parent company’s owners is divided by the weighted average number of ordinary shares (20,443,629 as of 31.12.2024 and 20,100,000 as of 31.12.2023). The number of shares, 20,443,629, is determined as follows: Infortar has a total of 21,166,239 issued ordinary shares, from which 722 610 own shares are deducted. These own shares were issued under the employee stock option program and have not been exercised.

    Revenue

    2024. financial year, the group´s consolidated sales revenue increased by 287.149 million euros reaching 1 371.775 million euros (compared to 1 084.626 million euros in 2023). A significant impact was made by the consolidation of Tallink Grupp’s results into Infortar’s consolidated financial statements starting from August 1, 2024.

    EBITDA and Segment Reporting

    Maritime transport Segment: The EBITDA for the maritime transport segment in 2024 financial year was 175.181 million euros (compared to 214.528 million euros in the 2023 financial year). In segment reporting 100% Tallink results are presented.

    Tallink´s financial results were affected by difficult economic environment across all our home markets, and the lowest consumer confidence levels in a decade.

    Energy Segment: The EBITDA for the energy segment of the 2024 financial year was 77.235 million euros (compared to 135.999 million euros in 2023). Warmer winter led to a decrease in sales volumes, which in turn impacted profitability in the fourth quarter.

    Real Estate Segment: The profitability assessment considers the EBITDA of individual real estate companies. The EBITDA for the real estate segment of the 2024 financial year was 13.567 million euros (compared to 12.39 million euros in 2023). Three new buildings at Liivalaia 9, Tähesaju 9, and Tähesaju 11 were included in the accounting for the 2023 financial year.

    Net Profit

    The consolidated net profit for the 2024 financial year was 175.351 million euros (compared to 293.83 million euros in 2023 financial year). One-time significant transactions impacting the net profit calculation for the 2023 financial year included the effects related to the acquisition of the Latvian gas distribution network company, Gaso.

    The consolidated operating profit for the 2024 financial year was 77.025 million euros (compared to 123.628 million euros in the 2023 financial year).

    Investments

    Infortar entered the agricultural sector by acquiring one of Estonia’s largest dairy farms in Halinga and began constructing a biogas plant next to the farm for local gas production. Infortar invested 110 million euros in purchasing Tallink shares, increasing its shareholding in Tallink to 68,5%.

    Infortar subsidiary Elenger signed a 120 million euros agreement with the German energy group EWE AG to acquire EWE Group’s entire Polish business. The transaction includes the natural gas distribution network in Western Poland as well as all energy sales operations.

    In the fourth quarter Infortar Group’s total investments amounted to approximately 140 million euros, reaching 279 million euros over twelve months.

    Financing

    Loan and lease liabilities amounted to 1 223.287 million euros in 2024 financial year (compared to 441.16 million euros in 2023 financial year). Significant increase in the 2024 financial year is primarily due to the line-by-line consolidation of Tallink Grupp, which resulted in the full inclusion of Tallink’s liabilities among the group’s obligations. Proportionally to the growth in assets, Infortar’s net debt increased by 701.663 million euros, reaching 1 055.708 million euros (compared to 354,045 million euros in 2023 financial year). The net debt to EBITDA ratio was 3.4.

    Dividends

    According to the dividend policy, the objective is to pay dividends of at least 1 euro per share per finiancial year. Dividend payments are made semi-annually. Infortar Group’s management proposes to pay a dividend of 3 euros per share for the 2024 financial year results. According to the proposal, the first payout is planned to be made no later than July, and the second payout in December 2025. The dividend consists of three parts:

    1 euro per share, as per the dividend policy.

    Carried-over dividend from AS Tallink Grupp, which is rounded upwards.

    Additional dividend based on the high deliveries of the financial results in 2024.

    AS Infortar has a total of 21,166,239 shares, of which 722 610 are company´s own shares. Dividends are therefore paid for 20,443,629 shares, which amounts to approximately 61 million euros.

    Consolidated statement of profit or loss and other comprehensive income

    (in thousands of EUR) Q4 2024 Q4 2023 12 months 2024 12 months 2023
    Revenue 446 168 337 734 1 371 775 1 084 626
    Cost of goods (goods and services) sold -411 237 -295 439 -1 243 033 -934 811
    Write-down of receivables -60 -60 -113 -342
    Gross profit 34 871 42 235 128 629 149 473
    Marketing expenses -12 459 -511 -21 086 -1 620
    General administrative expenses -22 759 -9 522 -50 438 -22 085
    Profit (loss) from biological assets -156 0 -139 0
    Profit (loss) from the change in the fair value of the investment property -6 749 -4 074 -9 640 -4 074
    Unsettled gain/loss on derivative financial instruments 2 098 902 26 672 1 969
    Other operating revenue -767 1 458 4 682 2 523
    Other operating expenses -871 -1 521 -1 655 -2 558
    Operating profit -6 792 28 967 77 025 123 628
             
    (in thousands of EUR) Q4 2024 Q4 2023 12 months 2024 12 months 2023
    Profit (loss) from investments accounted for by equity method 846 1 938 22 974 39 639
    Financial income and expenses        
    Other financial investments 269 54 72 789 -4
    Interest expense -13 808 -8 569 -38 274 -22 573
    Interest income 760 465 4 979 2 765
    Profit (loss) from changes in exchange rates -56 -13 100 -173
    Other financial income and expenses 16 287 -58 15 892 159 158
    Total financial income and expenses 3 452 -8 121 55 486 139 173
    Profit before tax -2 494 22 784 155 485 302 440
    Corporate income tax -9 494 1 422 19 866 -8 610
    Profit for the financial year -11 988 24 206 175 351 293 830
    including:        
    Profit attributable to the owners of the parent company -11 188 24 232 172 934 293 778
    Profit attributable to non-controlling interest -800 -26 2 417 52
             
    Other comprehensive income     12 months 2024 12 months 2023
    Revaluation of risk hedging instruments -46 786 -58 233
    Exchange rate differences attributable to foreign subsidiaries 53 -42
    Total of other comprehensive income -46 733 -58 275
    Total income, including:     128 618 235 555
    including:        
    Comprehensive profit attributable to the owners of the parent company 126 201 235 503
    Comprehensive profit attributable to non-controlling interest 2 417 52
    Ordinary earnings per share (in euros per share) 8,46 14,26
    Diluted earnings per share (in euros per share) 8,16 14,10

    Consolidated statement of financial position

    (in thousands of EUR) 31.12.24 31.12.23
    Current assets    
    Cash and cash equivalents 167 579 87 115
    Short term financial investments 1 0
    Derivative financial assets 8 333 28 728
    Settled derivative receivables 676 5 958
    Other prepayments and receivables 155 351 162 575
    Prepayments for taxes 3 831 925
    Trade and other receivables 38 517 20 185
    Prepayments for inventories 2 498 3 493
    Inventories 215 914 146 884
    Biological assets 941 0
    Total current assets 593 641 455 863
         
    Non-current assets 31.12.24 31.12.23
    Investments to associates 16 603 346 014
    Long-term derivative instruments 3 214 1 125
    Long-term loans and other receivables 35 163 9 072
    Investment property 67 931 176 024
    Property, plant and equipment 1 909 458 446 748
    Intangible assets 38 874 14 366
    Right-of-use assets 47 598 11 300
    Biological assets 2 753 0
    Total non-current assets 2 121 594 1 004 649
    TOTAL ASSETS 2 715 235 1 460 512
         
    (in thousands of EUR) 31.12.24 31.12.23
    Current liabilities    
    Loan liabilities 477 162 184 259
    Rental liabilities 9 020 1 766
    Payables to suppliers 87 941 74 751
    Tax obligations 49 354 32 822
    Buyers’ advances 31 126 3 099
    Settled derivatives 8 728 1 463
    Other current liabilities 63 431 10 851
    Short term derivatives 27 704 3 659
    Total current liabilities 754 446 312 670
         
    Non-current liabilities 31.12.24 31.12.23
    Long-term provisions 9 946 8 399
    Deferred taxes 2 816 33 233
    Other long-term liabilities 43 209 30 679
    Long-term derivatives 1 471 186
    Loan-liabilities 696 670 246 410
    Rental liabilities 40 435 8 725
    Total non-current liabilities 794 547 327 632
    TOTAL LIABILITIES 1 549 013 640 302
         
    (in thousands of EUR) 31.12.24 31.12.23
    Equity    
    Share capital 2 117 2 105
    Own shares -72 -95
    Share premium 32 484 29 344
    Reserve capital 212 205
    Option reserve 6 223 3 864
    Hedging reserve* 7 455 24 118
    Unrealised currency translation differences 1 113 -39
    Employment benefit reserve -44 -44
    Retained earnings 698 914 466 140
    Net profit of the financial year 172 934 293 778
    Total equity attributable to equity holders of the Parent 921 336 819 376
    Minority interests 244 886 834
    Total equity 1 166 222 820 210
         
    TOTAL LIABILITIES AND EQUITY 2 715 235 1 460 512

    Consolidated statement of cash flows

    Cash flows from operating activities    
    (in thousands of EUR) 12 months
    2024
    12 months
    2023
    Profit for the financial year 175 351 293 830
    Adjustments:    
    Depreciation, amortization, and impairment of non-current assets 58 611 15 581
    Change in the fair value of the investment property 9 640 4 074
    Equity profits/losses -156 863 -39 639
    Change in the value of derivatives 20 888 54 309
    Other financial income/expenses -827 -161 965
    Calculated interest expenses 38 274 22 573
    Profit/loss from non-current assets sold -953 -91
    Income from grants recognized as revenue 2 984 784
    Corporate income tax expense -19 866 8 610
    Income tax paid -10 551 -267
    Change in receivables and prepayments related to operating activities 52 022 54 539
    Change in inventories -12 830 -61 915
    Change in payables and prepayments relating to operating activities -22 278 -591
    Change in biological assets -322 0
    Total cash flows from operating activities 133 280 189 832
         
    Cash flows from investing activities 12 months
    2024
    12 months
    2023
    Purchases of associates 0 -10 314
    Purchases of subsidiaries -155 313 -103 414
    Received dividends 20 862 0
    Given loans 1 918 6 652
    Interest gain 4 953 2 691
    Purchases Investment property -5 071 -18 304
    Purchases of property, plant and equipment -38 332 -18 143
    Proceeds from sale of property 1 559 -252
    Total cash flows used in investing activities -169 424 -141 084
         
    Cash flows used in financing activities 12 months
    2024
    12 months
    2023
    Changes in overdraft 12 863 14 349
    Proceeds from borrowings 358 733 130 567
    Repayments of borrowings -151 790 -155 808
    Repayment of finance lease liabilities -6 222 -2 233
    Interest paid -39 153 -22 224
    Dividends paid -60 997 -15 750
    Gain from share emission 3 174 29 464
    Total cash flows used in financing activities 116 608 -21 635
      0 0
    TOTAL NET CASH FLOW 80 464 27 113
    Cash at the beginning of the year 87 115 60 002
    Cash at the end of the period 167 579 87 115
    Net (decrease)/increase in cash 80 464 27 113

    Infortar operates in seven countries, the company’s main fields of activity are maritime transport, energy and real estate. Infortar owns a 68.47% stake in Tallink Grupp, a 100% stake in Elenger Grupp and a versatile and modern real estate portfolio of approx. 141,000 m2. In addition to the three main areas of activity, Infortar also operates in construction and mineral resources, agriculture, printing, and other areas. A total of 110 companies belong to the Infortar group: 101 subsidiaries, 4 affiliated companies and 5 subsidiaries of affiliated companies. Excluding affiliates, Infortar employs 6,228 people.

    Additional information:

    Kadri Laanvee
    Investor Relations Manager
    Phone: +372 5156662
    e-mail: kadri.laanvee@infortar.ee
    www.infortar.ee/en/investor

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  • MIL-OSI USA: Senator Coons statement on the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Delaware Christopher Coons
    WILMINGTON, Del. – U.S. Senator Chris Coons (D-Del.) issued the following statement commemorating the third anniversary of Russia’s total invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022:
    “Three years ago, more than 100,000 Russian troops invaded Ukraine, launching the largest war of aggression in Europe since World War II. I was visiting NATO and U.S. troops in Lithuania the week that the war began, and as I flew back from Europe, I prayed for the success of the brave Ukrainian fighters. Analysts believed it was only a matter of days until Kyiv fell and Putin was victorious.
    “Instead, for three years, the courageous Ukrainian people have defended their homeland, their freedom, and their democracy. Backed by a global coalition of more than 50 nations, they have fought and inflicted massive losses on the Russian aggressors, the largest army in Europe. They have endured unimaginable hardship, the crippling of their economy, and the atrocities of too many war crimes to count.
    “President Zelenskyy has ably led his country, and his people have fought with incredible bravery. Tragically, President Trump appears poised to give Putin a victory at the negotiating table that he has been unable to secure on the battlefield. He has repeated Russian propaganda, picked fights with Zelenskyy, and seems set on imposing a peace “deal” that will effectively surrender Ukraine to Putin. This strategic mistake would embolden our adversaries, waving a flag for Russia to continue marching across eastern Europe, for China to adopt a similar playbook for Taiwan, and for Iran and North Korea to learn that by partnering with this axis of autocrats, they can defeat the West. If he does abandon Ukraine, Trump will go down as the biggest betrayer of our interests and our ideals of this century.
    “On this anniversary, it is time for every American advocate of freedom, no matter their party, to tell President Trump that he must not force Ukraine into a weak peace that will not hold. He must instead make clear to Putin that we will stand behind Ukraine in this war, in partnership with our European allies, who are offering to take on more of the burden of defending Ukraine and to join us in securing the peace. That is “peace through strength,” that is how we bring this war to a just end, and how we live up to the values that have long defined us as Americans.”
    Senator Coons is the Ranking Member of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense and a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Information on unaudited Financial statements for the twelve month period as at 31st of December of 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Urbo Bankas, a Lithuanian capital bank, generated a net profit of EUR 7.4 million in 2024. The Bank’s loan portfolio grew by 30.6% to EUR 414.5 million last year, while the Bank’s assets at the end of the year stood at EUR 634.8 million, or 15.8% more than a year earlier (EUR 548.1 million). 

    “2024 was a good year for the Lithuanian economy. At a time when even the major European countries such as Germany and France were struggling, our economy has adapted and demonstrated both impressive GDP growth (compared, again, to the European Union) and high consumer expectations, which are also contributing significantly to the positive economic trends. It has been a good year for our bank as well – we have maintained consistent, sustainable growth and improved our performance in all key categories of banking activity, from the number of loans issued or the deposit portfolio to the bank’s assets and shareholders’ equity,” says Marius Arlauskas, Head of Administration of Urbo Bankas.

    In addition to the aforementioned almost one-third increase in the loan portfolio, the deposits held with Urbo Bankas reached EUR 543.9 million at the end of December last year, up EUR 76.4 million year-on-year. The Bank’s net interest income increased by a tenth, or EUR 2.1 million, to EUR 22.9 million. The annual net profit for 2024 of EUR 7.4 million was EUR 857 thousand lower than in 2023, which, according to Mr. Arlauskas, was due to lower commission income and investments in the bank’s developments.

    “In 2024, the bank entered a new phase of its development – we changed the long-standing name of Medicinos Bankas and became Urbo, we renewed our visual identity, and we moved our headquarters, which had been located on Pamėnkalnio Street in Vilnius, to the central business district of Vilnius, Konstitucijos Avenue, and settled down in Artery, a modern and sustainable business centre,” shares the Head of Administration of the Bank.

    In the last quarter of last year, net service fee and commission income of Urbo Bankas decreased by 29.9% (EUR 1.5 million) to EUR 3.5 million compared to the last quarter of 2023, mainly due to a 70.2% (EUR 0.8 million) decrease in payment collection income and an 88.2% (EUR 0.4 million) decrease in brokerage income. The net result from foreign currency operations decreased by 26.5% (EUR 0.9 million) to EUR 2.4 million in the reference period.

    “Looking at economic trends, there is little doubt that this year will be better than the last one: there is no threat of new spikes in inflation, GDP should grow by at least 3%, and wage growth, although not reaching a tenth, should remain high. It is expected that the Euribor base rate may be lowered to 2% this year, all of which will increase both the demand for Lithuanian exported goods and services and domestic consumption,” says Mr. Arlauskas, adding that the positive economic trends will also have a positive impact on the bank’s long-term performance.

    The shareholders’ equity of Urbo Bankas was EUR 64.3 million on the last day of the previous year and has increased by 13.3% during the year since 31 December 2023, when it was EUR 56.7 million. At the end of 2024, customer service network of Urbo Bankas consisted of 25 territorial branches with 280 employees.

    For more information please contact: Julius Ivaška, Head of Business Division, tel. +370 601 04 453, e-mail media@urbo.lt

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