Category: Canada

  • MIL-OSI Global: Game change Canadian election: Mark Carney projected to lead Liberals to their fourth consecutive win

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia

    Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney is projected to have pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.

    Only four months ago, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre had a 25-point lead in public opinion polls and a fairly secure path to victory.

    Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.




    Read more:
    After stunning comeback, centre-left Liberals likely to win majority of seats at Canadian election


    Within a matter of weeks, Liberal support surged when Carney became party leader and Trump continued to make threats about Canada becoming a 51st American state — and to levy punishing on-again, off-again tariffs against the country.

    The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”

    Poilievre’s messaging

    The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.

    This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.




    Read more:
    Who really killed Canada’s carbon tax? Friends and foes alike


    The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.

    Election campaign polling and early results indicated steep losses for the NDP, with Leader Jagmeet Singh’s own seat in Burnaby, B.C., under threat. This could be due to voters on the left responding to calls to vote strategically to prevent Conservative victories in various ridings.

    The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.

    Advance voting in a gendered election

    Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.

    Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.

    While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?

    This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.

    Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.

    The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.

    Furthermore, one of Carney’s first actions as prime minister was to eliminate the sex-balanced cabinet and to reduce the size of the cabinet. He eliminated the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality (WAGE) as well as ministerial portfolios focused on youth, official languages, diversity, inclusion, disability and seniors.

    These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.

    Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.




    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women


    The role of young working-class men

    Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.

    Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.

    Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.

    This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.

    Electoral reform needed?

    In the aftermath of the election, there are avenues through which current gaps in representation can be addressed. Organizations like the United Nations’ Inter-parliamentary Union and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, as well as gender and politics scholarship, propose various reforms to continue to strengthen diversity in Parliament.

    These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.

    Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Game change Canadian election: Mark Carney projected to lead Liberals to their fourth consecutive win – https://theconversation.com/game-change-canadian-election-mark-carney-projected-to-lead-liberals-to-their-fourth-consecutive-win-253721

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: The government plans to regulate carbon capture technologies – but who will be the regulating agency?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Barry Barton, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

    The Icelandic company Carbfix has developed a technology to store carbon dioxide. Shutterstock/Oksana Bali

    Newly released documents add more detail to the government’s plans for a regulatory framework to enable carbon capture and storage.

    But they show indecision on two key matters – the legal framework and the agency that would be in charge.

    The plan relates primarily to conventional carbon capture and storage technologies, which remove carbon dioxide from an industrial gas flow and dispose of it deep underground.

    It also covers some methods of carbon dioxide removal, an emerging but as yet commercially untested suite of technologies such as enhanced rock weathering, bio-energy capture and direct air capture.

    The latter technologies are not predicated on fossil fuel consumption and could operate in many different situations.

    Neither kind of carbon removal is a simple answer to the climate challenge and the priority remains on cutting emissions. But we need to have regulatory frameworks in place for both reduction and removal technologies of all kinds, and soon.

    Earning credits from emissions trading

    Both types of technologies will benefit from the government’s decision to allow companies to get credits in the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) for the disposal of carbon dioxide from any source. Credits will not be tied to any one technology, according to the released policy discussion documents.

    It’s also a positive development that an operator can get credits as a separate removal activity, not merely as a reduction of an existing emissions liability (although official advice was initially against separate credits). This allows for diversity in the players and the systems for removals.

    The government has decided it will assume liability for any carbon dioxide leaks from geological storage, but only after verification that fluids in the subsurface are behaving as expected after closure, and no sooner than 15 years after closure.

    Leaks this long after injection are unlikely, but we nevertheless need strong regulation, financial assurance to guarantee remedial action and clear liability rules.

    Companies will be able to earn credits for the permanent disposal of carbon dioxide.
    Shutterstock/VectorMine

    The government also states ETS credits will only be available for removals that can be recognised internationally against New Zealand’s commitments to cut emissions. This would apply only to geological storage but not deep-ocean deposition or rock weathering.

    But that’s not quite right. The general international rules already allow the inclusion in a national greenhouse gas inventory of removals from any process. Detailed methodologies for carbon dioxide removal are likely to become available within the next few years.

    With change underway, New Zealand’s new regime should allow a wide range of removal methods to receive credits.

    A new regulatory regime

    The documents acknowledge that New Zealand needs a broader regulatory regime, beyond the ETS, to cover the entire process of carbon dioxide removal. The suitability of a disposal site must be verified, a detailed geological characterisation is required and the project design and operation need to be approved.

    Approval is also required for closure and post-closure plans, and systematic monitoring. Monitoring is everything; it must be accurate and verifiable but also cost effective. The operator will have to pay for monitoring for decades after site closure.

    In agreeing on these features, the government is following the examples of many countries overseas, including Australia, Canada, the UK and the EU.

    However, it is intriguing that the government hasn’t decided where this new regime should sit in the statute book, and who should manage it. Much of the apparently relevant text in the documents has been redacted.

    Given that carbon dioxide would be stored underground, the Crown Minerals Act is one possibility. But this legislation is all about extraction, not disposal. Although the New Zealand petroleum and minerals unit at the Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment has expertise in regulating subsurface operations, it focuses largely on oil and gas, not on innovative climate projects.

    The Resource Management Act certainly provides a regulatory approval regime, but it is awaiting reform and would need much more than the currently proposed changes to deal with carbon capture and storage or removal properly. So would legislation covering activities within New Zealand’s exclusive economic zone.

    Indeed each act would require a whole new part to be added, with its own principles and procedures. There is a lot to be said for a standalone new act, in a form that would fit with the emerging Natural Environment Act that will replace the Resource Management Act.

    The new legislation and regulation regime could be administered by the Environmental Protection Authority, which is already involved in Resource Management Act call-ins and fast-track approvals, the legislation covering the exclusive economic zone and the ETS.

    One can only guess there might be tensions between contending factions in government. What we should ask for is a legislative and institutional arrangement that allows carbon capture and storage or removal technologies to evolve and grow without being a mere offshoot of the oil and gas industry or any other existing sector.

    As part of our efforts to reduce emissions, we must make sure all kinds of removal technologies are available that truly suit New Zealand.

    Barry Barton is part of the project “Derisking Carbon Dioxide Removal at Megatonne Scale in Aotearoa” which is funded by the MBIE’s Endeavour Fund. In the past, he has received funding from MBIE and the gas industry for research on CCS legal issues.
    He is a director of the Environmental Defence Society.

    ref. The government plans to regulate carbon capture technologies – but who will be the regulating agency? – https://theconversation.com/the-government-plans-to-regulate-carbon-capture-technologies-but-who-will-be-the-regulating-agency-254696

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Liberal Mark Carney’s projected election win in Canada means for Europe

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Katerina Sviderska, PhD Candidate in Slavonic Studies, University of Cambridge

    Just months ago, Canada’s Conservatives were leading the polls, surfing the wave of radical right ideas and rhetoric sweeping across the globe. But with the projected election victory of Mark Carney’s Liberal Party, Canada now stands out as a liberal anchor in a fractured West.

    This election may not only shape Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.

    As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.

    From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.

    What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?

    Trade as a strategic anchor

    Carney’s election offers new momentum for Canada-EU collaboration. His “blue liberalism” brings Canada ideologically closer to Europe’s current leadership — from Emmanuel Macron’s centrist France to the Christian Democratic Union-led coalition in Germany — providing fertile ground for pragmatic co-operation.

    Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.

    European Council President António Costa has called the deal a success story providing clear proof “trade agreements are clearly better than trade tariffs.”

    As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.

    Climate and energy: A balanced agenda

    Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.

    While pledging to maintain key climate policies — including the emissions cap on oil and gas — Carney’s government may recalibrate Canada’s approach to energy. This would mirror shifts among some European allies’ climate policies.

    This evolving transatlantic consensus — less about abandoning climate goals, more about making them economically viable — paves the way for closer co-operation based on a common goal: bolstering economic competitiveness while maintaining environmental credibility.

    Both Carney and the EU view the investment in new technologies as the path forward.

    As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.

    Transatlantic defence co-operation

    Beyond trade and energy, defence co-operation between Canada and the EU is expected to surge. A key priority for the new Liberal government is to finally reach NATO’s benchmark of spending two per cent of gross domestic product on defence, a longstanding commitment that has eluded previous administrations.




    Read more:
    What does Donald Trump’s NATO posturing mean for Canada?


    This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.

    Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.

    But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.




    Read more:
    Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new


    In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.

    Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.

    Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.

    Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    ref. What Liberal Mark Carney’s projected election win in Canada means for Europe – https://theconversation.com/what-liberal-mark-carneys-projected-election-win-in-canada-means-for-europe-254775

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Game change Canadian election: Mark Carney projected to have lead Liberals to their fourth consecutive win

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia

    Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney is projected to have pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.

    Only four months ago, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre had a 25-point lead in public opinion polls and a fairly secure path to victory.

    Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.




    Read more:
    After stunning comeback, centre-left Liberals likely to win majority of seats at Canadian election


    Within a matter of weeks, Liberal support surged when Carney became party leader and Trump continued to make threats about Canada becoming a 51st American state — and to levy punishing on-again, off-again tariffs against the country.

    The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”

    Poilievre’s messaging

    The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.

    This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.




    Read more:
    Who really killed Canada’s carbon tax? Friends and foes alike


    The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.

    Election campaign polling and early results indicated steep losses for the NDP, with Leader Jagmeet Singh’s own seat in Burnaby, B.C., under threat. This could be due to voters on the left responding to calls to vote strategically to prevent Conservative victories in various ridings.

    The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.

    Advance voting in a gendered election

    Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.

    Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.

    While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?

    This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.

    Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.

    The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.

    Furthermore, one of Carney’s first actions as prime minister was to eliminate the sex-balanced cabinet and to reduce the size of the cabinet. He eliminated the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality (WAGE) as well as ministerial portfolios focused on youth, official languages, diversity, inclusion, disability and seniors.

    These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.

    Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.




    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women


    The role of young working-class men

    Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.

    Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.

    Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.

    This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.

    Electoral reform needed?

    In the aftermath of the election, there are avenues through which current gaps in representation can be addressed. Organizations like the United Nations’ Inter-parliamentary Union and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, as well as gender and politics scholarship, propose various reforms to continue to strengthen diversity in Parliament.

    These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.

    Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Game change Canadian election: Mark Carney projected to have lead Liberals to their fourth consecutive win – https://theconversation.com/game-change-canadian-election-mark-carney-projected-to-have-lead-liberals-to-their-fourth-consecutive-win-253721

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Liberal Mark Carney’s Canadian projected election win means for Europe

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Katerina Sviderska, PhD Candidate in Slavonic Studies, University of Cambridge

    Just months ago, Canada’s Conservatives were leading the polls, surfing the wave of radical right ideas and rhetoric sweeping across the globe. But with the projected election victory of Mark Carney’s Liberal Party, Canada now stands out as a liberal anchor in a fractured West.

    This election may not only shape Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.

    As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.

    From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.

    What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?

    Trade as a strategic anchor

    Carney’s election offers new momentum for Canada-EU collaboration. His “blue liberalism” brings Canada ideologically closer to Europe’s current leadership — from Emmanuel Macron’s centrist France to the Christian Democratic Union-led coalition in Germany — providing fertile ground for pragmatic co-operation.

    Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.

    European Council President António Costa has called the deal a success story providing clear proof “trade agreements are clearly better than trade tariffs.”

    As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.

    Climate and energy: A balanced agenda

    Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.

    While pledging to maintain key climate policies — including the emissions cap on oil and gas — Carney’s government may recalibrate Canada’s approach to energy. This would mirror shifts among some European allies’ climate policies.

    This evolving transatlantic consensus — less about abandoning climate goals, more about making them economically viable — paves the way for closer co-operation based on a common goal: bolstering economic competitiveness while maintaining environmental credibility.

    Both Carney and the EU view the investment in new technologies as the path forward.

    As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.

    Transatlantic defence co-operation

    Beyond trade and energy, defence co-operation between Canada and the EU is expected to surge. A key priority for the new Liberal government is to finally reach NATO’s benchmark of spending two per cent of gross domestic product on defence, a longstanding commitment that has eluded previous administrations.




    Read more:
    What does Donald Trump’s NATO posturing mean for Canada?


    This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.

    Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.

    But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.




    Read more:
    Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new


    In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.

    Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.

    Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.

    Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    ref. What Liberal Mark Carney’s Canadian projected election win means for Europe – https://theconversation.com/what-liberal-mark-carneys-canadian-projected-election-win-means-for-europe-254775

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Game change Canadian election: Mark Carney projected to have lead Liberals to their fourth consecutive win

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia

    Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney is projected to have pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.

    Only four months ago, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre had a 25-point lead in public opinion polls and a fairly secure path to victory.

    Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.




    Read more:
    After stunning comeback, centre-left Liberals likely to win majority of seats at Canadian election


    Within a matter of weeks, Liberal support surged when Carney became party leader and Trump continued to make threats about Canada becoming a 51st American state — and to levy punishing on-again, off-again tariffs against the country.

    The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”

    Poilievre’s messaging

    The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.

    This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.




    Read more:
    Who really killed Canada’s carbon tax? Friends and foes alike


    The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.

    Election campaign polling and early results indicated steep losses for the NDP, with Leader Jagmeet Singh’s own seat in Burnaby, B.C., under threat. This could be due to voters on the left responding to calls to vote strategically to prevent Conservative victories in various ridings.

    The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.

    Advance voting in a gendered election

    Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.

    Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.

    While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?

    This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.

    Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.

    The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.

    Furthermore, one of Carney’s first actions as prime minister was to eliminate the sex-balanced cabinet and to reduce the size of the cabinet. He eliminated the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality (WAGE) as well as ministerial portfolios focused on youth, official languages, diversity, inclusion, disability and seniors.

    These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.

    Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.




    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women


    The role of young working-class men

    Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.

    Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.

    Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.

    This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.

    Electoral reform needed?

    In the aftermath of the election, there are avenues through which current gaps in representation can be addressed. Organizations like the United Nations’ Inter-parliamentary Union and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, as well as gender and politics scholarship, propose various reforms to continue to strengthen diversity in Parliament.

    These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.

    Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Game change Canadian election: Mark Carney projected to have lead Liberals to their fourth consecutive win – https://theconversation.com/game-change-canadian-election-mark-carney-projected-to-have-lead-liberals-to-their-fourth-consecutive-win-253721

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Liberal Mark Carney’s Canadian election win means for Europe

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Katerina Sviderska, PhD Candidate in Slavonic Studies, University of Cambridge

    Just months ago, Canada’s Conservatives were leading the polls, surfing the wave of radical right ideas and rhetoric sweeping across the globe. But with the election victory of Mark Carney’s Liberal Party, Canada now stands out as a liberal anchor in a fractured West.

    This election not only shapes Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.

    As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.

    From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.

    What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?

    Trade as a strategic anchor

    Carney’s election offers new momentum for Canada-EU collaboration. His “blue liberalism” brings Canada ideologically closer to Europe’s current leadership — from Emmanuel Macron’s centrist France to the Christian Democratic Union-led coalition in Germany — providing fertile ground for pragmatic co-operation.

    Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.

    European Council President António Costa has called the deal a success story providing clear proof “trade agreements are clearly better than trade tariffs.”

    As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.

    Climate and energy: A balanced agenda

    Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.

    While pledging to maintain key climate policies — including the emissions cap on oil and gas — Carney’s government may recalibrate Canada’s approach to energy. This would mirror shifts among some European allies’ climate policies.

    This evolving transatlantic consensus — less about abandoning climate goals, more about making them economically viable — paves the way for closer co-operation based on a common goal: bolstering economic competitiveness while maintaining environmental credibility.

    Both Carney and the EU view the investment in new technologies as the path forward.

    As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.

    Transatlantic defence co-operation

    Beyond trade and energy, defence co-operation between Canada and the EU is expected to surge. A key priority for the new Liberal government is to finally reach NATO’s benchmark of spending two per cent of gross domestic product on defence, a longstanding commitment that has eluded previous administrations.




    Read more:
    What does Donald Trump’s NATO posturing mean for Canada?


    This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.

    Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.

    But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.




    Read more:
    Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new


    In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.

    Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.

    Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.

    Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    ref. What Liberal Mark Carney’s Canadian election win means for Europe – https://theconversation.com/what-liberal-mark-carneys-canadian-election-win-means-for-europe-254775

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The game change Canadian election: Mark Carney leads Liberals to their fourth consecutive win

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia

    Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.

    Only four months ago, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre had a 25-point lead in public opinion polls and a fairly secure path to victory.

    Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.




    Read more:
    After stunning comeback, centre-left Liberals likely to win majority of seats at Canadian election


    Within a matter of weeks, Liberal support surged when Carney became party leader and Trump continued to make threats about Canada becoming a 51st American state — and to levy punishing on-again, off-again tariffs against the country.

    The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”

    Poilievre’s messaging

    The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.

    This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.




    Read more:
    Who really killed Canada’s carbon tax? Friends and foes alike


    The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.

    Election campaign polling and early results indicated steep losses for the NDP, with Leader Jagmeet Singh’s own seat in Burnaby, B.C., under threat. This could be due to voters on the left responding to calls to vote strategically to prevent Conservative victories in various ridings.

    The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.

    Advance voting in a gendered election

    Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.

    Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.

    While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?

    This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.

    Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.

    The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.

    Furthermore, one of Carney’s first actions as prime minister was to eliminate the sex-balanced cabinet and to reduce the size of the cabinet. He eliminated the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality (WAGE) as well as ministerial portfolios focused on youth, official languages, diversity, inclusion, disability and seniors.

    These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.

    Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.




    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women


    The role of young working-class men

    Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.

    Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.

    Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.

    This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.

    Electoral reform needed?

    In the aftermath of Carney’s victory, there are avenues through which current gaps in representation can be addressed. Organizations like the United Nations’ Inter-parliamentary Union and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, as well as gender and politics scholarship, propose various reforms to continue to strengthen diversity in Parliament.

    These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.

    Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The game change Canadian election: Mark Carney leads Liberals to their fourth consecutive win – https://theconversation.com/the-game-change-canadian-election-mark-carney-leads-liberals-to-their-fourth-consecutive-win-253721

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Canada’s election of Mark Carney’s Liberals means for Europe

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Katerina Sviderska, PhD Candidate in Slavonic Studies, University of Cambridge

    Just months ago, Canada’s Conservatives were leading the polls, surfing the wave of radical right ideas and rhetoric sweeping across the globe. But with the election victory of Mark Carney’s Liberal Party, Canada now stands out as a liberal anchor in a fractured West.

    This election not only shapes Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.

    As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.

    From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.

    What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?

    Trade as a strategic anchor

    Carney’s election offers new momentum for Canada-EU collaboration. His “blue liberalism” brings Canada ideologically closer to Europe’s current leadership — from Emmanuel Macron’s centrist France to the Christian Democratic Union-led coalition in Germany — providing fertile ground for pragmatic co-operation.

    Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.

    European Council President António Costa has called the deal a success story providing clear proof “trade agreements are clearly better than trade tariffs.”

    As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.

    Climate and energy: A balanced agenda

    Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.

    While pledging to maintain key climate policies — including the emissions cap on oil and gas — Carney’s government may recalibrate Canada’s approach to energy. This would mirror shifts among some European allies’ climate policies.

    This evolving transatlantic consensus — less about abandoning climate goals, more about making them economically viable — paves the way for closer co-operation based on a common goal: bolstering economic competitiveness while maintaining environmental credibility.

    Both Carney and the EU view the investment in new technologies as the path forward.

    As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.

    Transatlantic defence co-operation

    Beyond trade and energy, defence co-operation between Canada and the EU is expected to surge. A key priority for the new Liberal government is to finally reach NATO’s benchmark of spending two per cent of gross domestic product on defence, a longstanding commitment that has eluded previous administrations.




    Read more:
    What does Donald Trump’s NATO posturing mean for Canada?


    This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.

    Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.

    But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.




    Read more:
    Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new


    In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.

    Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.

    Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.

    Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    ref. What Canada’s election of Mark Carney’s Liberals means for Europe – https://theconversation.com/what-canadas-election-of-mark-carneys-liberals-means-for-europe-254775

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The game change Canadian election: Mark Carney’s Liberals win a fourth consecutive election

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia

    Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.

    Only four months ago, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre had a 25-point lead in public opinion polls and a fairly secure path to victory.

    Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.




    Read more:
    After stunning comeback, centre-left Liberals likely to win majority of seats at Canadian election


    Within a matter of weeks, Liberal support surged when Carney became party leader and Trump continued to make threats about Canada becoming a 51st American state — and to levy punishing on-again, off-again tariffs against the country.

    The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”

    Poilievre’s messaging

    The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.

    This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.




    Read more:
    Who really killed Canada’s carbon tax? Friends and foes alike


    The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.

    Election campaign polling and early results indicated steep losses for the NDP, with Leader Jagmeet Singh’s own seat in Burnaby, B.C., under threat. This could be due to voters on the left responding to calls to vote strategically to prevent Conservative victories in various ridings.

    The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.

    Advance voting in a gendered election

    Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.

    Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.

    While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?

    This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.

    Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.

    The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.

    Furthermore, one of Carney’s first actions as prime minister was to eliminate the sex-balanced cabinet and to reduce the size of the cabinet. He eliminated the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality (WAGE) as well as ministerial portfolios focused on youth, official languages, diversity, inclusion, disability and seniors.

    These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.

    Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.




    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women


    The role of young working-class men

    Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.

    Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.

    Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.

    This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.

    Electoral reform needed?

    In the aftermath of Carney’s victory, there are avenues through which current gaps in representation can be addressed. Organizations like the United Nations’ Inter-parliamentary Union and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, as well as gender and politics scholarship, propose various reforms to continue to strengthen diversity in Parliament.

    These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.

    Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The game change Canadian election: Mark Carney’s Liberals win a fourth consecutive election – https://theconversation.com/the-game-change-canadian-election-mark-carneys-liberals-win-a-fourth-consecutive-election-253721

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Business Leaders Call for Urgent Return to a Predictable Trading Environment Toronto, Canada | 29 April 2025 APEC Business Advisory Council

    Source: APEC – Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation

    Senior business leaders from around the APEC region expressed concern at the recent rapid shifts in the global trade and financial landscape during the second APEC Business Advisory Council (ABAC) Meeting of 2025.

    ABAC members underscored that the region’s businesses were struggling to navigate the cascading effects of new tariffs, including disrupted supply chains, rising costs, eroding business confidence and destabilized financial markets. The April 2025 World Economic Outlook from the International Monetary Fund predicts that over the next two years, global GDP will be 0.8 percentage points lower than had been forecast in January 2025.

    A highly uncertain operating environment undermines planning, investment and innovation. This constrains growth and our region’s ability to tackle serious challenges including climate change, ageing societies and digitalization.

    Call for Leadership and Unity

    ABAC is urging APEC Trade Ministers, who meet next month in Jeju, Korea, to make clear their commitment to APEC’s founding goals of free and open trade, and to the fundamental principles of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

    ABAC believes that predictability and non-discrimination are key to restoring business confidence. ABAC is calling for all APEC economies to act in a way that is fully consistent with the WTO rulebook. Ministers should also work together to strengthen and reform the WTO, including restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement system.

    APEC needs to accelerate progress on early deliverables under the Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific agenda. Digital transformation would have a multiplier effect: key priorities include advancing digital trade interoperability, sustainable and responsible Artificial Intelligence (AI) and establishing a Centre of Excellence for Paperless Trade to build momentum towards universal digital trade facilitation.

    ABAC is calling on APEC to do more to shore up the resilience of supply chains.  An open and stable maritime order based on the rule of law is critical. So are policies that support resilient healthcare supply chains. For even greater health security in the context of an ageing population and other demographic shifts, we also need to get the right policy settings in place to unlock opportunities in innovative medical technologies like genomics and AI.

    ABAC urges APEC to do much more to embrace the green economic transition, noting that this is now urgent. Key actions include closing critical financing gaps for the energy transition and establishing a Greener Trade Framework.

    ABAC is also making a strong business case for dismantling structural impediments to full economic participation, citing compelling real-world studies on the business and broader economic benefits of closing gender pay gaps, improving access to venture capital for women entrepreneurs and helping small businesses to transition to the formal economy.

    “We welcome the opportunity to discuss our concerns and collaborate on solutions at the upcoming APEC Ministers’ meeting in May,” said ABAC Chair H.S. Cho. “The choices made today will determine our region’s economic trajectory for generations to come.”

    “Our message to APEC is clear: business is ready to lead, but we need Ministers to match our ambition with action. The future of our shared prosperity depends on it,” the ABAC Chair concluded.

    The Chair thanked ABAC Canada for the excellent arrangements and for organizing important side events on digital technology. He expressed deep gratitude to the Canadian government for their strong support in hosting the meeting.

    ABAC will reconvene in July in Hai Phong, Viet Nam, as it continues to finalize its recommendations to achieve APEC’s goals, for presentation to APEC Leaders during their meetings in October in Korea.

    For further information, please contact:

    Hyungkon Park (Mr), ABAC Executive Director 2025  at +82 2 6050 3686 and [email protected]

    Antonio Basilio (Mr), Director of the ABAC Secretariat at +63 917 849 3351 and [email protected]

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘I’m always afraid for the future of my family’: why it’s too hard for some refugees to reunite with loved ones

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mary Anne Kenny, Associate Professor, School of Law, Murdoch University

    When refugees flee their home country due to war, violence, conflict or persecution, they are often forced to leave behind their families.

    For more than 30,000 people who have sought asylum in Australia since arriving more than a decade ago, that separation has stretched into more than a decade. This group of people – known in policy circles as “the legacy caseload” – need a clear pathway to reunite with family members.

    Refugees separated from family are plagued by guilt and worry for their family members’ safety. This makes it extremely difficult to focus on education, work or getting settled.

    The right to family unity is a basic human right and vital to any humane refugee policy.

    However, tensions arise between refugees’ conceptions of family and the restrictive definitions embedded in Australian law.

    High costs, complex administrative requirements, and lengthy processing times often delay or prevent families from reuniting.

    The legacy caseload: more than a decade in limbo

    The so-called “legacy caseload” refers to approximately 30,000 people who arrived by boat between 2012 and 2014, and who were placed on Temporary Protection Visas.

    For more than a decade, they were denied a pathway to permanency and barred from sponsoring family members to join them in Australia.

    That policy made life so unbearable, more than 6,500 people from this group “chose” to return home despite the risks they face. This raises serious concerns about whether they were genuinely able to make a free choice, or were pushed into returning to danger.

    Since the Albanese government’s 2022 commitment to end temporary protection, almost 20,000 people have been eligible to transition to permanent visas through the Resolution of Status process.

    This is a crucial step. Without a permanent visa, they could not sponsor family members.

    Even with permanency, however, family reunion remains out of reach for many “legacy caseload” refugees. This is due to outdated laws, harsh policies and bureaucratic delays.

    Many of these refugees have not seen their spouses or children since before their arrival. Because they arrived by boat, they are barred from proposing family members through the humanitarian visa program and must use the family migration program.

    That’s significant because the humanitarian program has a much broader definition of “family”, and grants people access to settlement services after they arrive.

    Still unresolved is the fate of some 7,000 people who were refused protection under the flawed fast track system (a now abandoned policy that was supposed to speed up processing but actually introduced delays and unfairness).

    These people urgently need a pathway to permanency.

    Why family reunion remains so difficult

    The main barriers to family reunification for refugees include:

    • high visa fees (partner visa application charges, when they include children, can cost more than A$20,000)
    • strict legal definitions (children over 23 are not classified as “dependents”; a child who was 12 when their parent fled may now be 24 — legally an adult, but still dependent and at risk)
    • barriers to documentation (war and instability can make it difficult or dangerous to obtain documents, such as passports or identity papers)
    • limited access to embassies
    • technical issues with online applications
    • repeated health checks (there is a visa requirement health checks but they are only valid for 12 months, so may need to be repeated if visa processing is delayed)
    • unclear rules around exemptions.

    These uncertainties further delay the process and add emotional and financial strain.

    Calls for reform

    Several organisations, including the Refugee Council of Australia, have called for clear, achievable reforms. These include:

    • introducing visa application charge concessions for refugees
    • allowing people to pay fees in instalments
    • adapting visa processing to reflect realities faced by refugee and humanitarian visa applicants, such as challenges obtaining identity documents
    • establishing a dedicated unit in the Department of Home Affairs for processing visas from refugee families
    • prioritising families where children may “age out”.

    They have also called for changes to the legal definitions of “dependent” and “member of the family unit”. This is to reflect the diverse familial structures in many refugee communities.

    For many refugees, family extends beyond the Western concept of the nuclear family. It may also encompass, for instance, adult daughters and parents (who often play pivotal care-giving roles).

    Another big issue for many refugee families is single young women in Afghanistan being left behind because they have aged out.

    Reuniting families

    Australia can learn from other countries.

    Canada’s refugee sponsorship program actively supports family reunification.

    New Zealand offers a more affordable and flexible system. Their definitions of family are broader and visa fees are lower.

    Without family reunion, a refugee’s safety remains incomplete.

    As one refugee told researchers:

    I’m partly safer [in Australia], but inside I’m not safe […] I’m always afraid for the future of my family.

    Thousands of refugees in Australia are still waiting. Their families remain in danger. The legal and policy tools to fix this already exist. What’s missing, for now, is the political will.

    Reforming Australia’s family reunion system would mean more efficient refugee resettlement and integration, ultimately benefiting broader Australian society.

    Mary Anne Kenny is a member of the Migration Institute of Australia and the Law Council of Australia and an affiliate of the UNSW Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law. She was on the Ministerial Council on Asylum Seekers and Detention (an independent advisory body) between 2012 and 2018.

    ref. ‘I’m always afraid for the future of my family’: why it’s too hard for some refugees to reunite with loved ones – https://theconversation.com/im-always-afraid-for-the-future-of-my-family-why-its-too-hard-for-some-refugees-to-reunite-with-loved-ones-254710

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Public invited to sign condolence books for victims of Lapu-Lapu Festival attack

    Books of condolence are available for members of the public to express their sympathies and messages of support following the tragedy at the Lapu-Lapu Festival in Vancouver on Saturday, April 26, 2025.

    Members of the public may sign a book of condolence at the Parliament Buildings in Victoria, located in the Hall of Honour. The book will be accessible daily from 8:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m., from now through Friday, May 2, 2025.

    An online condolence book is also available here: https://submit.digital.gov.bc.ca/app/form/submit?f=f4944988-5402-45a8-bb9c-7b2a95f928d9

    The online book is the easiest and most convenient way for people to pay their respects. It will remain open until 5 p.m. on Monday, May 5, 2025.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-Evening Report: 1 billion years ago, a meteorite struck Scotland and influenced life on Earth

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Kirkland, Professor of Geochronology, Curtin University

    Stoer Head lighthouse, Scotland. William Gale/Shutterstock

    We’ve discovered that a meteorite struck northwest Scotland 1 billion years ago, 200 million years later than previously thought. Our results are published today in the journal Geology.

    This impact now aligns with some of Earth’s earliest known, land based, non-marine microbial fossils, and offers new insights into how meteorite strikes may have shaped our planet’s environment and life.

    A rocky treasure trove

    The Torridonian rocks of northwest Scotland are treasured by geologists as some of the finest archives of the ancient lakes and river systems that existed a billion years ago.

    Those water bodies were home to microbial ecosystems consisting of eukaryotes. Eukaryotes are single-celled organisms with complex internal structures that are the ancestors of all plants and animals.

    But the Torridonian environments and their associated microbial communities were dramatically disrupted when a meteor slammed into the planet.

    A drone’s-eye view of the Stac Fada Member reveals towering blocks of sandstone preserving a meteorite impact frozen in time. Look closely and you’ll spot figures for scale, dwarfed by the chaotic jumble of rock fragments encased in impact-smashed debris.
    Tony Prave

    The record of this event is preserved in a geological unit known as the Stac Fada Member. It is comprised of unusual layers of rock fragments broken and melted by the impact.

    Also, crucially, there are shock-altered minerals that closely resemble those found in famous impact sites such as Chicxulub (Mexico) and Sudbury (Canada).

    In the case of the Stac Fada, these minerals were engulfed in high-energy, ground-hugging flows of smashed rock triggered by the impact that spread across the ancient landscape.

    What is exciting about our new date for the Stac Fada impact is that it now overlaps in age with microfossils preserved elsewhere in the Torridonian rocks.

    This raises some interesting questions. For example, how did the meteorite strike influence the environmental conditions those early non-marine microbial ecosystems relied on?

    Finding out the date

    Determining when a meteorite struck is no easy task.

    We can use minerals to constrain the age, but they have to be the right kind. In this case it means something that wasn’t overly altered by the intense heat, pressure and fluids generated by the impact, yet robust enough to survive the ravages of deep geological time.

    Suitable minerals are extremely rare, but we found a few in the Stac Fada rocks. One was reidite, a mineral that only forms under extreme pressure. The other was granular zircon, a uranium-bearing mineral formed by immense impact temperatures.

    Electron microscope image of a shocked zircon: blue is granular zircon, red is reidite formed under extreme pressure from a meteorite impact.
    Timmons Erickson

    These minerals are, in effect, tiny stopwatches whose clocks start “ticking” at the time they form. Although these clocks are often damaged during the impact and the ensuing pulse of heat, we used mathematical modelling to determine the most probable time of impact.

    Together, these techniques consistently pointed to an event 1 billion years old, not 1.2 billion years old as previously suggested. Given such vast spans of time, a 20% change in age might not seem dramatic.

    However, the new age shows the timing of the impact coincides with early non-marine eukaryotic fossils. It also lines up with a major mountain-building event. This means the Torridonian lifeforms had to cope with significant, environment-altering phenomena.

    Why this is important for you, me, and life in general

    The origin of life is a deeply complex process that likely began with a series of pre-biotic chemical reactions.

    While much remains unknown, it is intriguing that two ancient meteorite impacts, the 3.5-billion-year-old North Pole impact in Western Australia and now the 1-billion-year-old Stac Fada deposit in northwest Scotland, occur close in time to major milestones in the fossil record.

    The North Pole impact occurs in a sequence of rocks containing stromatolites, some of the oldest-known fossils considered to be indicative of microbial life.

    These rippled layers in the Torridon rocks were built by ancient microbial communities, evidence of some of the earliest life on land.
    Tony Prave

    All life requires energy. The earliest forms of life are thought to be associated with volcanic hydrothermal springs. Impacts offer a plausible alternative. The immediate aftermath of a meteorite strike is extreme and hostile, and would ruin your day. But the long-term effects could support key biological processes.

    Meteorite strikes fracture rocks, generate long-lived hydrothermal systems and form crater lakes that enable the concentration of important ingredients for life, such as clays, organic molecules and phosphorus. The latter is a key element for all forms of life.

    In Scotland, the Stac Fada impact lies within an ancient river and lake environment that housed microbial ecosystems colonising the land. What makes the Stac Fada impact deposits fascinating is that, unlike most other impacts on Earth, they preserve the environments in which those pioneering organisms lived immediately prior to the impact.

    Further, the impact deposits were subsequently buried as non-marine microbial habitats became reestablished. So, the Stac Fada rocks provide an opportunity to see how microbial life recovered from impact.

    Extraterrestrial visitors in the form of meteorite collisions may not just have scarred Earth’s surface, but shaped its future, turning catastrophic events into natural crater-cradles of life.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. 1 billion years ago, a meteorite struck Scotland and influenced life on Earth – https://theconversation.com/1-billion-years-ago-a-meteorite-struck-scotland-and-influenced-life-on-earth-254285

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK researchers access more quantum and space Horizon funding

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 2

    Press release

    UK researchers access more quantum and space Horizon funding

    EU Commissioner visits London as UK researchers and businesses get access to more Horizon Europe funding calls for quantum and space research

    • Minister for EU Relations today welcomes EU Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič ahead of his first official visit to the United Kingdom.
    • Visit comes as UK researchers and businesses benefit from wider access to Horizon Europe funding calls for quantum and space research, which will help drive sector and economic growth and deliver our Plan for Change.
    • New backing from the world’s largest programme of research collaboration, worth c.£80 billion, builds on high-potential tech areas like AI, telecoms and high-performance computing

    Minister for EU Relations, Nick Thomas-Symonds, today welcomes EU Commissioner for Trade and Economic Security, Interinstitutional Relations and Transparency, Maroš Šefčovič, ahead of his first official visit to the United Kingdom under this government (Tuesday, 29 April 2025).

    Commissioner Šefčovič’s visit follows the recent engagement with European Commission President Ursula Von Der Leyen last week, providing a significant opportunity to review the progress of ongoing discussions between the UK and the European Union. This engagement is a key step in the lead-up to the UK-EU Summit scheduled for next month.

    This visit comes as UK scientists, researchers and businesses working on the latest innovations in quantum and space technologies have now been given access to more Horizon Europe funding, under the new 2025 Horizon Europe Work Programme published last week (Friday 25 April).

    Access to Horizon Europe funding, and the opportunities for international collaboration that Horizon presents, will be an important boost to these two sectors which are at the cutting edge of new opportunities for economic growth, helping to drive the Government’s Plan for Change.

    These are technologies that will be instrumental to the future of the economy: quantum computing alone is projected to deliver $5-10 billion of benefits globally over the next 3-5 years, while since 2015 the UK has attracted more private investment in space than any other country outside of the United States.

    During his visit in the UK, the European Commissioner for Trade and Economic Security, alongside the Minister for the Cabinet Office, Nick Thomas-Symonds, will meet professors at Imperial College London who have benefited from Horizon funding for their projects.

    Minister Nick Thomas-Symonds will co-chair the Withdrawal Agreement Joint Committee with Commissioner Šefčovič, who is also scheduled to meet with the Secretaries of State for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, the Department for Business and Trade, and the Northern Ireland Office. 

    Paymaster General and Minister for the Cabinet Office (Minister for the Constitution and European Union Relations), Rt Hon Nick Thomas-Symonds MP, said:

    In just under a month, the United Kingdom will host the UK-EU Summit here in London. Today provides an opportunity to take stock of negotiations and the progress made. We are fully aligned in our ambitions to build a safer, more secure, and prosperous future for people across the UK and Europe.

    We will always act in the national interest as we work towards a strong and durable strategic partnership with our European partners, unlocking new opportunities for British citizens and businesses.

    UK Science Minister Lord Vallance said:

    Thanks to this welcome news, the opportunities for British researchers and businesses working in quantum, space, and beyond are only set to grow.

    They now have greater access to one of the world’s foremost vehicles for R&D funding, and an even bigger chance to build the international ties which we know are critical to advancing knowledge, tackling the world’s biggest challenges, and delivering the economic growth that is at the heart of this Government’s Plan for Change.

    I want innovators up and down the UK to seize the moment that stands before them. Horizon’s doors are open to you, and we have support available to help you. Now is the time to bid for funding, build consortia, and take your work to the next level.

    The UK gained access to the vast majority (95%+) of Horizon funding calls, when we associated to the programme in 2024, with some very limited exceptions on some emerging technologies.

    Today’s breakthrough comes after a period of constructive collaboration between UK and EU teams and means that more British experts working on space and quantum can now confidently bid for a share of the c.£80 billion that is available through Horizon overall.

    They can also build consortia with research partners across Europe, and beyond in Canada, Switzerland, and more. This includes complete access to all Horizon Europe quantum funding calls.

    Horizon also offers a huge opportunity to businesses and researchers focusing on other cutting-edge technologies, like AI, telecoms, and high-performance computing, including through access to cutting-edge computing resources through EuroHPC. Recent UK-EU engagement has ensured that the UK retains open access to all calls in these areas.

    The Horizon Europe programme is an innovation powerhouse –spending over €380 billion on R&D in 20231 – and fostering deep and high-quality links between the continent’s brightest minds, and the UK’s, will be critical if we are to seize the promise for science and tech innovations to support the Government’s Missions to grow the economy, fix the NHS and improve health outcomes and deliver clean energy under the Plan for Change. Innovative and high-potential sectors like space and quantum will be instrumental to rebuilding the foundations of the economy, and kickstarting growth.

    Greater access to Horizon is a win for the UK, given the growing importance of space and quantum to the economy and society. The UK space sector already employs 52,000 people and generates an of £18.9 billion each year.

    Meanwhile new innovations in quantum – harnessing the unique properties of subatomic particles to process information and solve problems – are already unlocking breakthroughs in healthcare, logistics, financial services and more. On top of this, experts working in fields like AI, high performance computing, and future telecoms continue to enjoy valuable Horizon access, as well as a vast number of other sectors including food and agritech, digital, industry and more.

    British researchers having access to more Horizon science funding calls also further emphasises the value of the UK’s participation in the EU’s Copernicus Earth Observation programme.

    Furthermore, the UK and EU have a strong shared commitment to developing assured and independent European access to space: work which forms a key part of the UK’s own ambitions for space launch. With plans for the first launches from SaxaVord in the Shetland Islands later this year, the UK is a leading international partner and cooperator in Europe’s space ambitions and it is encouraging that British researchers will be able to access calls that help to further Europe’s ambition.

    There is no time to lose for businesses, researchers, and scientists working in quantum, space and beyond to take advantage of this news, because new Horizon funding calls open in the coming weeks. New space and industry calls open from Thursday 22 May, and digital calls open from Tuesday 10 June.

    Notes to editors

    Since 2024, the government has provided extensive assistance to our R&D communities to maximise their chances of applying and succeeding in Horizon Europe. In addition to concrete funding initiatives, such as Pump Priming,  we recently piloted brokerage visits to Italy, Germany and Spain for UK innovators and researchers looking to build Horizon consortia. Last month, more than 500 of the UK’s leading researchers, businesspeople and scientists gathered at London’s Oval for a Showcase event sharing insight on opportunities available through Horizon. Further information, including practical support on how to apply, is available on the Horizon Hub website. UK Research and Innovation (UKRI) also host regular events that help guide businesses and researchers through the opportunities on offer and the application process. We will continue to review the needs of the UK R&D community in order to offer support and facilitate access to Horizon Europe opportunities.

    Potential applicants can find Horizon Europe calls (funding opportunities) open to UK-based applicants using the European Commission’s funding and tender opportunities portal.

    More information on how to submit applications are available on the European Commission’s website. The pre-publication of the Horizon Europe 2025 Work Programme can be found here.

    DSIT media enquiries

    Email press@dsit.gov.uk

    Monday to Friday, 8:30am to 6pm 020 7215 3000

    Updates to this page

    Published 29 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Huge benefits available from medical conferences

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Outdated regulations stopping trained medical professionals from learning about new medicines through trade show advertising are out of step with other countries and disadvantage New Zealanders, Regulation Minister David Seymour, Health Minister Simeon Brown and Tourism and Hospitality Minister Louise Upston say.
    “New Zealand’s prohibition on advertising medicines yet to be consented by Medsafe is a barrier to New Zealand’s ability to host medical conferences and trade shows. The opportunity cost of New Zealand missing out on these is huge,” Mr Seymour says.
    These laws will be reformed so medicines yet to be consented by Medsafe can be advertised at medical conferences in New Zealand, instead of New Zealand health professionals needing to travel overseas.
    “Prohibition was introduced in response to the perceived risk that pharmaceutical companies may attempt to circumvent formal medicine approval processes. The Ministry for Regulation has investigated and found this overly cautious approach is out of step with other recognised jurisdictions and is not proportionate to the perceived risk,” Mr Seymour says.
    “Other nations like Australia, Canada, and the European Union allow advertising to generate revenue and provide medical professionals with information on cutting edge medicines. New Zealand doesn’t need to be left behind because of outdated red tape.
    “This change is estimated to generate $90 million in associated revenue over the next few years.
    “Prohibition also contradicts this Government’s efforts to increase medicines access. Allowing these products to be advertised would upskill doctors and give them the knowledge and skills to prescribe these treatments safely to Kiwis who need them.”
    “This Government is committed to removing regulatory barriers so that we can drive economic growth. Removing the red tape around medical conferences will make New Zealand a better destination for conference organisers, while also making it easier for our own healthcare professionals to keep up with the latest innovations in health products and medicines,” Mr Brown says.
    “New Zealand’s current health regulations can be overly bureaucratic, and this is slowing down access to care, increasing costs, and making it harder for patients to get the services they need.
    “Our regulations can also make it harder to attract, train and retain healthcare workers. Workers want to work with top class treatments and patients want to be able to access them.
    “Medical conferences are a great way to expand the collective knowledge and skill of the health workforce through the transfer of ideas and technologies.
    “The Government is investing more than ever into our health system – a record $30 billion each year – and we expect it to deliver more for patients as a result.”
    “Removing these barriers will also give us an opportunity to showcase our new conference facilities, fantastic hotels, and experiences, and pitch New Zealand as a world class location for business events like medical conferences,” Tourism and Hospitality Minister Louise Upston says.
    “Business event participants spend an average of $175 more per day than other visitors, and often travel during the off-peak season, boosting tourism and economic activity year-round.
    “Our message is clear, New Zealand is open for business. We are looking forward to welcoming more medical conferences to New Zealand, and we have great facilities to host them.”

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Canada can learn from China on effectively engaging with Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Isaac Odoom, Assistant Professor, Political Science, Carleton University

    Canada’s recent launch of a new Africa Strategy comes at a moment of profound geopolitical change and growing shifts in global development co-operation.

    As the western-led order and development model faces increasing scrutiny, countries like China are expanding their reach in Africa by linking development co-operation with commercial and strategic interests.

    These approaches resonate with many African governments, while others raise concerns, prompting an important question: How well does Canada’s new strategy respond to these concerns?




    Read more:
    Canada’s Africa strategy is a landmark moment for Canada-Africa relations, but still needs work


    Urgent need to diversify

    Canada’s pivot toward deeper engagement with Africa is timely. With ongoing tariff threats from the United States and a tense relationship with China, the need to diversify economic partnerships has become urgent.

    Africa’s fast-growing population, expanding middle class and continent-wide integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) offer real opportunities for commercial engagement.

    While historic, Canada’s new Africa Strategy would benefit from a clearer alignment between Africa’s economic prospects and Canada’s domestic economic challenges, such as labour shortages and trade diversification. Without a stronger economic dimension, Canada risks being perceived as all talk and little commitment.

    That said, Canada’s emphasis on “mutually beneficial partnerships” — echoing China’s language on Africa — is notable, especially as western donors pull back. However, without a coherent development focus, this principle may be viewed as transactional rather than strategic.

    The strategy provides a foundation to build from, but it enters a competitive arena. To build meaningful partnerships in Africa, Canada will need a more focused approach grounded in robust market research, sharper priorities and an informed understanding of Africa’s political and economic realities as well as its geopolitical context.

    As a researcher focused on Africa-China relations, I see important lessons Canada can draw from China’s engagement in Africa.

    Cautious Canada vs. confident China

    Over the past two decades, China has become Africa’s largest trading partner, with trade volumes reaching US$295 billion in 2024.

    Backed by state financing, Chinese firms have built roads, ports, railways, dams and telecom infrastructure across the continent. This presence is no accident: for the past 30 years, every Chinese foreign minister’s first trip abroad has been to Africa.

    Canada’s footprint, by contrast, remains modest. Canada’s merchandise trade with Africa was about $15 billion in 2024. Canada aspires to become a serious economic partner, but its commercial presence in Africa has been limited.

    Notably, while China is often criticized in western media, its image in Africa is more positive. Many African leaders and citizens see China as a pragmatic partner that delivers visible infrastructure and investment.

    China’s positioning as a fellow developing country also contrasts sharply with western models that often carry patronizing overtones. China’s readiness to finance large-scale projects in Africa with limited political strings attached has earned good will, even as concerns rightly persist about transparency, debt and governance.

    Emphasizing Canada’s differences

    Canada should take these dynamics seriously. The narrative of “countering China” in Africa, often promoted by western governments, is ineffective. It overlooks African agency, reduces the continent to a site of great power rivalry and fails to acknowledge that African governments are actively pursuing their choice of partners, instead of a single partner of choice.

    Rather than compete with China, Canada can be different. While Chinese infrastructure projects often align with African priorities, my own work on Chinese engagement in Ghana’s energy projects shows that these projects are often negotiated behind closed doors, with few accountability mechanisms and scant transparency in financing. These gaps create space for Canada to offer a distinct and credible alternative.

    Canada’s approach can be different, but it should be no less strategic. It may not match China in scale, but it can offer commercial partnerships rooted in transparency, accountability and collaboration with partners, including those from China.

    Many African governments and civil society entities are calling for exactly this kind of engagement, particularly as citizens demand greater scrutiny over foreign investment. By focusing on responsible business practices, labour standards, environmental safeguards and good governance, Canada can develop a values-based model of economic engagement.

    Despite this potential, Canada’s new Africa Strategy lacks financial commitment. Canada’s 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy was backed by a $2.3 billion envelope. The Africa Strategy’s success will ultimately depend on its ability to mobilize concrete resources and sustained engagement.

    The strategy rightly points to Africa’s economic potential, but stronger links to Canada’s domestic priorities, such as a workforce strategy, a trade road map and implementation tools, would enhance its impact.

    References to the AfCFTA are promising, but Canadian businesses need clearer guidance and support. Realizing the strategy’s goals will require measurable targets, dedicated programming and sustained investment.

    A different kind of engagement

    Canada’s past engagement in Africa has been rooted in diplomacy, development co-operation and peacekeeping. These remain valuable, but today’s African leaders are also seeking trade, investment and private-sector partnerships.

    To become a trusted economic partner, Canada should engage with purpose by introducing targeted financing tools — such as credit lines or investment guarantees — to help Canadian businesses manage risk and seize opportunities aligned with AfCFTA.




    Read more:
    African countries could unlock billions in local and global trade – what’s working and what’s not


    It should also focus on strategic sectors where it already has strengths, like clean energy, health innovation, fintech, agri-business and infrastructure.

    By investing in robust research and in dialogue with the African diaspora, business leaders and governance institutions, Canada strengthens commercial ties while prioritizing transparency, accountability and collaboration. Co-operation in innovation (for example, joint research on climate-smart agriculture or vaccines) could also yield benefits for both sides.

    In an increasing multipolar environment, Africa is not waiting for Canada. It’s assessing and comparing competing external partners. Canada’s ability to position itself as a viable alternative depends not on replicating China’s scale, but on seeing Africa as a true partner and offering mutual partnerships that appeal to Africans and Canadian alike.

    The new Africa Strategy sets an important tone for renewed engagement, but its success will depend on real investment and implementation, which so far lacks dedicated funding. Filling these gaps should be the next step, regardless of who wins Monday’s election.

    Isaac Odoom does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What Canada can learn from China on effectively engaging with Africa – https://theconversation.com/what-canada-can-learn-from-china-on-effectively-engaging-with-africa-252894

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI: AGF Investments Extends Termination Date of AGF Emerging Markets Bond Fund

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    TORONTO, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — AGF Investments is extending the termination date of AGF Emerging Markets Bond Fund (the “Fund”) to on or about May 26, 2025 (the “Fund Termination Date”) in order to facilitate an orderly wind down of the Fund.

    AGF Investments previously announced the Fund Termination Date as on or about April 29, 2025.

    Effective as of the close of business on February 28, 2025, units of the Fund were no longer available for purchase and AGF Investments stopped accepting purchases and switches into the Fund, including systematic purchase and switch plans.

    AGF Investments is waiving the management fee that is normally applicable to the Fund from the close of business on February 28, 2025 until the Fund Termination Date. Note that there may be distributions paid by the Fund prior to the termination.

    Unitholders can transfer their investments into another AGF Fund or redeem their units prior to the Fund Termination Date.

    Investors who remain holding units of the Fund in client-name registered plans will have their units transferred to the same series and purchase option of AGF Canadian Money Market Fund, effective on or about May 26, 2025. Investors who remain holding units of the Fund in client-name non-registered plans and/or any nominee/intermediary-held accounts (both registered and non-registered) will have their units redeemed on or about May 26, 2025, without any redemption fees or sales charges applied.

    AGF Investments strongly encourages unitholders to consult with their financial advisor to discuss their individual circumstances, including possible tax consequences, and determine the solution that best meets their investment needs.

    About AGF Management Limited

    Founded in 1957, AGF Management Limited (AGF) is an independent and globally diverse asset management firm. Our companies deliver excellence in investing in the public and private markets through three business lines: AGF Investments, AGF Capital Partners and AGF Private Wealth.

    AGF brings a disciplined approach, focused on incorporating sound, responsible and sustainable corporate practices. The firm’s collective investment expertise, driven by its fundamental, quantitative and private investing capabilities, extends globally to a wide range of clients, from financial advisors and their clients to high-net worth and institutional investors including pension plans, corporate plans, sovereign wealth funds, endowments and foundations.

    Headquartered in Toronto, Canada, AGF has investment operations and client servicing teams on the ground in North America and Europe. With over $52 billion in total assets under management and fee-earning assets, AGF serves more than 815,000 investors. AGF trades on the Toronto Stock Exchange under the symbol AGF.B.

    About AGF Investments

    AGF Investments is a group of wholly owned subsidiaries of AGF Management Limited, a Canadian reporting issuer. The subsidiaries included in AGF Investments are AGF Investments Inc. (AGFI), AGF Investments America Inc. (AGFA), AGF Investments LLC (AGFUS) and AGF International Advisors Company Limited (AGFIA). The term AGF Investments may refer to one or more of these subsidiaries or to all of them jointly. This term is used for convenience and does not precisely describe any of the separate companies, each of which manages its own affairs.

    AGF Investments entities only provide investment advisory services or offers investment funds in the jurisdiction where such firm and/or product is registered or authorized to provide such services.

    AGF Investments Inc. is a wholly-owned subsidiary of AGF Management Limited and conducts the management and advisory of mutual funds in Canada.

    Disclaimer

    This information is not intended to provide legal, accounting, tax, investment, financial, or other advice, and should not be relied upon for providing such advice. Commissions, trailing commissions, management fees and expenses all may be associated with investment fund investments. Please read the prospectus before investing. Investment funds are not guaranteed, their values change frequently, and past performance may not be repeated.

    Media Contact

    Amanda Marchment
    Director, Corporate Communications
    416-865-4160
    amanda.marchment@agf.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: CVR Energy Reports First Quarter 2025 Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • First quarter net loss attributable to CVR Energy stockholders of $123 million; EBITDA loss of $61 million; adjusted EBITDA of $24 million
    • First quarter loss per diluted share of $1.22 and adjusted loss per diluted share of 58 cents
    • CVR Energy will not pay a cash dividend for the first quarter of 2025
    • CVR Partners announced a cash distribution of $2.26 per common unit

    SUGAR LAND, Texas, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — CVR Energy, Inc. (NYSE: CVI, “CVR Energy” or the “Company”) today announced first quarter 2025 net loss attributable to CVR Energy stockholders of $123 million, or $1.22 per diluted share, compared to first quarter 2024 net income attributable to CVR Energy stockholders of $82 million, or 81 cents per diluted share. Adjusted loss for the first quarter of 2025 was 58 cents per diluted share, compared to adjusted earnings per diluted share of 4 cents in the first quarter of 2024. Net loss for the first quarter of 2025 was $105 million, compared to net income of $90 million in the first quarter of 2024. First quarter 2025 EBITDA loss was $61 million, compared to first quarter 2024 EBITDA of $203 million. Adjusted EBITDA for the first quarter of 2025 was $24 million, compared to adjusted EBITDA of $99 million in the first quarter of 2024.

    “CVR Energy’s 2025 first quarter earnings results for its refining business were impacted by planned and unplanned downtime at the Coffeyville refinery,” said Dave Lamp, CVR Energy’s Chief Executive Officer. “With the turnaround at Coffeyville now completed, we are well-positioned for the upcoming driving season, and we currently have no planned turnarounds at either refinery until 2027.

    “CVR Partners achieved solid operating results for the first quarter of 2025, with a combined ammonia production rate of 101 percent,” Lamp said. “CVR Partners was pleased to declare a first quarter 2025 cash distribution of $2.26 per common unit.”

    Petroleum Segment

    The Petroleum Segment reported a first quarter 2025 net loss of $160 million and EBITDA loss of $119 million, compared to net income of $127 million and EBITDA of $171 million for the first quarter of 2024. Adjusted EBITDA loss for the Petroleum Segment was $30 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to adjusted EBITDA of $67 million for the first quarter of 2024.

    Combined total throughput for the first quarter of 2025 was approximately 120,000 barrels per day (“bpd”) compared to approximately 196,000 bpd of combined total throughput for the first quarter of 2024. The decrease in throughput was primarily due to the turnaround at the Coffeyville, Kansas, refinery during the first quarter of 2025.

    Refining margin for the first quarter of 2025 was $(5) million, or (42) cents per total throughput barrel, compared to $290 million, or $16.29 per total throughput barrel, during the same period in 2024. Included in our first quarter 2025 refining margin were unfavorable mark-to-market impacts on our outstanding Renewable Fuel Standard (“RFS”) obligation of $112 million, favorable unrealized derivative impacts of $3 million primarily related to Canadian crude oil positions, and favorable inventory valuation impacts of $20 million. Excluding these items, adjusted refining margin for the first quarter of 2025 was $7.72 per barrel, compared to an adjusted refining margin per barrel of $10.46 for the first quarter of 2024. The decrease in adjusted refining margin per barrel was primarily due to a decrease in the Group 3 2-1-1 crack spread.

    Renewables Segment

    Effective beginning with the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2024, and due to the prominence of the renewables business relative to the Company’s overall 2024 performance, we revised our reportable segments to reflect a new reportable segment: Renewables. The Renewables Segment includes the operations of the renewable diesel unit and renewable feedstock pretreater at the refinery in Wynnewood, Oklahoma.

    The Renewables Segment reported first quarter 2025 net income of less than $1 million and EBITDA of $6 million, compared to net loss of $10 million and EBITDA loss of $4 million for the first quarter of 2024. Adjusted EBITDA for the Renewables Segment was $3 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to adjusted EBITDA loss of $5 million for the first quarter of 2024.

    Total vegetable oil throughput for the first quarter of 2025 was approximately 156,000 gallons per day (“gpd”), compared to approximately 76,000 gpd for the first quarter of 2024.

    Renewables margin was $16 million, or $1.13 per vegetable oil throughput gallon, for the first quarter of 2025 compared to $4 million, or 65 cents per vegetable oil throughput gallon, for the first quarter of 2024. Factors contributing to our first quarter 2025 renewables margin were higher net sales of $33 million resulting from increased production and sales volumes in the current period coupled with increased D4 RIN and LCFS credit prices, partially offset by a decrease in average CARB ULSD prices of 26 cents per gallon. Higher net sales were partially offset by higher cost of sales of $22 million due to an increase in throughput and production volumes.

    Nitrogen Fertilizer Segment

    The Nitrogen Fertilizer Segment reported net income of $27 million and EBITDA of $53 million on net sales of $143 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to net income of $13 million and EBITDA of $40 million on net sales of $128 million for the first quarter of 2024.

    Production at CVR Partners, LP’s (“CVR Partners”) fertilizer facilities increased compared to the first quarter of 2024, producing a combined 216,000 tons of ammonia during the first quarter of 2025, of which 64,000 net tons were available for sale while the rest was upgraded to other fertilizer products, including 348,000 tons of urea ammonia nitrate (“UAN”). During the first quarter of 2024, the fertilizer facilities produced a combined 193,000 tons of ammonia, of which 60,000 net tons were available for sale while the remainder was upgraded to other fertilizer products, including 305,000 tons of UAN.

    For the first quarter 2025, average realized gate prices for ammonia showed an increase compared to the prior year, up 5 percent to $554 per ton, and UAN was down 4 percent over the prior year to $256 per ton. Average realized gate prices for ammonia and UAN were $528 and $267 per ton, respectively, for the first quarter of 2024.

    Corporate and Other

    The Company reported an income tax benefit of $49 million, or 31.8 percent of loss before income taxes, for the three months ended March 31, 2025, compared to an income tax expense of $17 million, or 15.9 percent of income before income taxes, for the three months ended March 31, 2024. The decrease in income tax expense was primarily due to a decrease in overall pretax earnings while the change in the effective tax rate was primarily due to changes in pretax earnings attributable to noncontrolling interest and the impact of federal and state tax credits and incentives in relation to overall pretax earnings.

    Cash, Debt and Dividend

    Consolidated cash and cash equivalents were $695 million at March 31, 2025, a decrease of $292 million from December 31, 2024. Consolidated total debt and finance lease obligations were $1.9 billion at March 31, 2025, including $570 million held by the Nitrogen Fertilizer Segment.

    CVR Energy will not pay a cash dividend for the first quarter of 2025.

    Today, CVR Partners announced that the Board of Directors of its general partner declared a first quarter 2025 cash distribution of $2.26 per common unit, which will be paid on May 19, 2025, to common unitholders of record as of May 12, 2025.

    First Quarter 2025 Earnings Conference Call

    CVR Energy previously announced that it will host its first quarter 2025 Earnings Conference Call on Tuesday, April 29, at 1 p.m. Eastern. The Earnings Conference Call may also include discussion of Company developments, forward-looking information and other material information about business and financial matters.

    The first quarter 2025 Earnings Conference Call will be webcast live and can be accessed on the Investor Relations section of CVR Energy’s website at www.CVREnergy.com. For investors or analysts who want to participate during the call, the dial-in number is (877) 407-8291. The webcast will be archived and available for 14 days at https://edge.media-server.com/mmc/p/uxpz7jf5. A repeat of the call also can be accessed for 14 days by dialing (877) 660-6853, conference ID 13752979.

    Forward-Looking Statements
    This news release may contain forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. Statements concerning current estimates, expectations and projections about future results, performance, prospects, opportunities, plans, actions and events and other statements, concerns, or matters that are not historical facts are “forward-looking statements,” as that term is defined under the federal securities laws. These forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, statements regarding future: continued safe and reliable operations; drivers of our results; EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA; impacts of planned and unplanned downtime; our position for the upcoming driving season; timing of turnarounds and impacts thereof on our results; asset utilization, capture, production volume, throughput, product yield and crude oil gathering rates, including the factors impacting same; cash flow generation; operating income and net sales, including the factors impacting same; refining margin; crack spreads, including the drivers thereof; impact of costs to comply with the RFS and revaluation of our RFS liability; inventory levels and valuation impacts; derivative gains and losses and the drivers thereof; renewable feedstocks; production rates and operations capabilities of our renewable diesel unit, including the ability to return to hydrocarbon service; demand trends; RIN generation levels; benefits of our corporate transformation to segregate our renewables business; access to capital and new partnerships; RIN pricing, including its impact on performance and the Company’s ability to offset the impact thereof; LCFS credit and CARB ULSD pricing; carbon capture and decarbonization initiatives; demand for refined products; ammonia and UAN pricing; global fertilizer industry conditions; grain prices; crop inventory levels; crop and planting levels; production levels and utilization at our nitrogen fertilizer facilities; nitrogen fertilizer sales volumes; ability to and levels to which we upgrade ammonia to other fertilizer products, including UAN; income tax expense and benefits, including the drivers thereof; pretax earnings and our effective tax rate; the availability and impact of tax credits and incentives; use of proceeds under our debt instruments; debt levels; cash and cash equivalent levels; dividends and distributions, including the timing, payment and amount (if any) thereof; direct operating expenses, capital expenditures, depreciation and amortization; turnaround expense; cash reserves; labor supply shortages, difficulties, disputes or strikes, including the impact thereof; and other matters. You can generally identify forward-looking statements by our use of forward-looking terminology such as “anticipate,” “believe,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “explore,” “evaluate,” “intend,” “may,” “might,” “plan,” “potential,” “predict,” “seek,” “should,” or “will,” or the negative thereof or other variations thereon or comparable terminology. These forward-looking statements are only predictions and involve known and unknown risks and uncertainties, many of which are beyond our control. Investors are cautioned that various factors may affect these forward-looking statements, including (among others) the health and economic effects of any pandemic, demand for fossil fuels and price volatility of crude oil, other feedstocks and refined products; the ability of Company to pay cash dividends and of CVR Partners to make cash distributions; potential operating hazards; costs of compliance with existing or new laws and regulations and potential liabilities arising therefrom; impacts of the planting season on CVR Partners; our controlling shareholder’s intention regarding ownership of our common stock or CVR Partners’ common units; general economic and business conditions; political disturbances, geopolitical instability and tensions; existing and future laws, rulings, policies and regulations, including the reinterpretation or amplification thereof by regulators, and including but not limited to those relating to the environment, climate change, and/or the production, transportation, or storage of hazardous chemicals, materials, or substances, like ammonia; political uncertainty and impacts to the oil and gas industry and the United States economy generally as a result of actions taken by a new administration, including the imposition of tariffs or changes in climate or other energy laws, rules, regulations, or policies; impacts of plant outages; potential operating hazards from accidents, fires, severe weather, tornadoes, floods, wildfires, or other natural disasters; and other risks. For additional discussion of risk factors which may affect our results, please see the risk factors and other disclosures included in our most recent Annual Report on Form 10-K, any subsequently filed Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q and our other Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”) filings. These and other risks may cause our actual results, performance or achievements to differ materially from any future results, performance or achievements expressed or implied by these forward-looking statements. Given these risks and uncertainties, you are cautioned not to place undue reliance on such forward-looking statements. The forward-looking statements included in this news release are made only as of the date hereof. CVR Energy disclaims any intention or obligation to update publicly or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except to the extent required by law.

    About CVR Energy, Inc.
    Headquartered in Sugar Land, Texas, CVR Energy is a diversified holding company primarily engaged in the renewable fuels and petroleum refining and marketing business, as well as in the nitrogen fertilizer manufacturing business through its interest in CVR Partners. CVR Energy subsidiaries serve as the general partner and own 37 percent of the common units of CVR Partners.

    Investors and others should note that CVR Energy may announce material information using SEC filings, press releases, public conference calls, webcasts and the Investor Relations page of its website. CVR Energy may use these channels to distribute material information about the Company and to communicate important information about the Company, corporate initiatives and other matters. Information that CVR Energy posts on its website could be deemed material; therefore, CVR Energy encourages investors, the media, its customers, business partners and others interested in the Company to review the information posted on its website.

    Contact Information:

    Investor Relations
    Richard Roberts
    (281) 207-3205
    InvestorRelations@CVREnergy.com

    Media Relations
    Brandee Stephens
    (281) 207-3516
    MediaRelations@CVREnergy.com

    Non-GAAP Measures

    Our management uses certain non-GAAP performance measures, and reconciliations to those measures, to evaluate current and past performance and prospects for the future to supplement our financial information presented in accordance with accounting principles generally accepted in the United States (“GAAP”). These non-GAAP financial measures are important factors in assessing our operating results and profitability and include the performance and liquidity measures defined below.

    As a result of continuing volatile market conditions and the impacts certain non-cash items may have on the evaluation of our operations and results, the Company began disclosing the Adjusted Refining Margin non-GAAP measure, as defined below, in the second quarter of 2024. We believe the presentation of this non-GAAP measure is meaningful to compare our operating results between periods and better aligns with our peer companies. All prior periods presented have been conformed to the definition below.

    The following are non-GAAP measures we present for the periods ended March 31, 2025 and 2024:

    EBITDA – Consolidated net income (loss) before (i) interest expense, net, (ii) income tax expense (benefit) and (iii) depreciation and amortization expense.

    Petroleum EBITDA, Renewables EBITDA, and Nitrogen Fertilizer EBITDA – Segment net income (loss) before segment (i) interest expense, net, (ii) income tax expense (benefit), and (iii) depreciation and amortization.

    Refining Margin – The difference between our Petroleum Segment net sales and cost of materials and other.

    Adjusted Refining Margin – Refining Margin adjusted for certain significant noncash items and items that management believes are not attributable to or indicative of our underlying operational results of the period or that may obscure results and trends we deem useful.

    Refining Margin and Adjusted Refining Margin, per Throughput Barrel – Refining Margin and Adjusted Refining Margin divided by the total throughput barrels during the period, which is calculated as total throughput barrels per day times the number of days in the period.

    Direct Operating Expenses per Throughput Barrel – Direct operating expenses for our Petroleum Segment divided by total throughput barrels for the period, which is calculated as total throughput barrels per day times the number of days in the period.

    Renewables Margin – The difference between our Renewables Segment net sales and cost of materials and other.

    Adjusted Renewables Margin – Renewables Margin adjusted for certain significant noncash items and items that management believes are not attributable to or indicative of our underlying operational results of the period or that may obscure results and trends we deem useful.

    Renewables Margin and Adjusted Renewables Margin, per Vegetable Oil Throughput Gallon – Renewables Margin and Adjusted Renewables Margin divided by the total vegetable oil throughput gallons for the period, which is calculated as total vegetable oil throughput gallons per day times the number of days in the period.

    Direct Operating Expenses per Vegetable Oil Throughput Gallon – Direct operating expenses for our Renewables Segment divided by total vegetable oil throughput gallons for the period, which is calculated as total vegetable oil throughput gallons per day times the number of days in the period.

    Adjusted EBITDA, Petroleum Adjusted EBITDA, Renewables Adjusted EBITDA, and Nitrogen Fertilizer Adjusted EBITDA – EBITDA, Petroleum EBITDA, Renewables EBITDA, and Nitrogen Fertilizer EBITDA adjusted for certain significant non-cash items and items that management believes are not attributable to or indicative of our underlying operational results of the period or that may obscure results and trends we deem useful.

    Adjusted Earnings (Loss) per Share – Earnings (loss) per share adjusted for certain significant non-cash items and items that management believes are not attributable to or indicative of our on-going operations or that may obscure our underlying results and trends.

    Free Cash Flow – Net cash provided by (used in) operating activities less capital expenditures and capitalized turnaround expenditures.

    We present these measures because we believe they may help investors, analysts, lenders and ratings agencies analyze our results of operations and liquidity in conjunction with our U.S. GAAP results, including but not limited to our operating performance as compared to other publicly traded companies in the refining and fertilizer industries, without regard to historical cost basis or financing methods and our ability to incur and service debt and fund capital expenditures. Non-GAAP measures have important limitations as analytical tools, because they exclude some, but not all, items that affect net earnings and operating income. These measures should not be considered substitutes for their most directly comparable U.S. GAAP financial measures. See “Non-GAAP Reconciliations” included herein for reconciliation of these amounts. Due to rounding, numbers presented within this section may not add or equal to numbers or totals presented elsewhere within this document.

    Factors Affecting Comparability of Our Financial Results

    Petroleum Segment

    Our results of operations for the periods presented may not be comparable with prior periods or to our results of operations in the future due to capitalized expenditures as part of planned turnarounds. Total capitalized expenditures were $166 million and $39 million during the three months ended March 31, 2025 and 2024, respectively.

    CVR Energy, Inc.
    (all information in this release is unaudited)

    Consolidated Statement of Operations Data

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions, except per share data)   2025       2024  
    Net sales $ 1,646     $ 1,863  
    Operating costs and expenses:      
    Cost of materials and other   1,517       1,463  
    Direct operating expenses (exclusive of depreciation and amortization)   154       164  
    Depreciation and amortization   66       75  
    Cost of sales   1,737       1,702  
    Selling, general and administrative expenses (exclusive of depreciation and amortization)   37       36  
    Depreciation and amortization   2       1  
    Loss on asset disposal   1       1  
    Operating (loss) income   (131 )     123  
    Other (expense) income:      
    Interest expense, net   (25 )     (20 )
    Other income, net   2       4  
    (Loss) income before income tax benefit   (154 )     107  
    Income tax (benefit) expense   (49 )     17  
    Net (loss) income   (105 )     90  
    Less: Net income attributable to noncontrolling interest   18       8  
    Net (loss) income attributable to CVR Energy stockholders $ (123 )   $ 82  
           
    Basic and diluted (loss) earnings per share $ (1.22 )   $ 0.81  
    Dividends declared per share $     $ 0.50  
           
    Adjusted (loss) earnings per share * $ (0.58 )   $ 0.04  
    EBITDA * $ (61 )   $ 203  
    Adjusted EBITDA * $ 24     $ 99  
           
    Weighted-average common shares outstanding – basic and diluted   100.5       100.5  

    _______________
    * See “Non-GAAP Reconciliations” section below.

    Selected Consolidated Balance Sheet Data

    (in millions) March 31, 2025   December 31, 2024
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 695     $ 987  
    Working capital (inclusive of cash and cash equivalents)   395       726  
    Total assets   4,251       4,263  
    Total debt and finance lease obligations, including current portion   1,918       1,919  
    Total liabilities   3,480       3,375  
    Total CVR stockholders’ equity   580       703  
                   

    Selected Consolidated Cash Flow Data

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Net cash used in:      
    Operating activities $ (195 )   $ 177  
    Investing activities   (82 )     (55 )
    Financing activities   (15 )     (664 )
    Net decrease in cash, cash equivalents, and restricted cash $ (292 )   $ (542 )
           
    Free cash flow * $ (285 )   $ 121  

    _______________
    * See “Non-GAAP Reconciliations” section below.

    Selected Segment Data

      Three Months Ended March 31,
        2025       2024
    (in millions) Petroleum   Renewables   Nitrogen Fertilizer   Consolidated   Petroleum   Renewables   Nitrogen Fertilizer   Consolidated
    Net sales $ 1,477     $ 66   $ 143   $ 1,646     $ 1,722   $ 33     $ 128   $ 1,863
    Operating (loss) income   (161 )         35     (131 )     118     (10 )     20     123
    Net (loss) income   (160 )         27     (105 )     127     (10 )     13     90
    EBITDA *   (119 )     6     53     (61 )     171     (4 )     40     203
                                   
    Capital expenditures (1)                              
    Maintenance $ 41     $   $ 4   $ 45     $ 22   $ 1     $ 5   $ 30
    Growth   8           2     10       14     7           21
    Total capital expenditures $ 49     $   $ 6   $ 55     $ 36   $ 8     $ 5   $ 51

    _______________
    * See “Non-GAAP Reconciliations” section below.
    (1) Capital expenditures are shown exclusive of capitalized turnaround expenditures.

    Selected Balance Sheet Data

      March 31, 2025   December 31, 2024
    (in millions) Petroleum   Renewables   Nitrogen Fertilizer   Consolidated   Petroleum   Renewables   Nitrogen Fertilizer   Consolidated
    Cash and cash equivalents (1) $ 434   $ 20   $ 122   $ 695   $ 735   $ 13   $ 91   $ 987
    Total assets   3,297     422     1,014     4,251     3,288     420     1,019     4,263
    Total debt and finance lease obligations, including current portion (2)   352         570     1,918     354         569     1,919

    _______________
    (1) Corporate cash and cash equivalents consisted of $119 million and $148 million at March 31, 2025 and December 31, 2024, respectively.
    (2) Corporate total debt and finance lease obligations, including current portion consisted of $996 million and $996 million at March 31, 2025 and December 31, 2024, respectively.

    Petroleum Segment

    Key Operating Metrics per Total Throughput Barrel

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Refining margin * $ (0.42 )   $ 16.29  
    Adjusted refining margin *   7.72       10.46  
    Direct operating expenses *   8.58       5.78  

    _______________
    * See “Non-GAAP Reconciliations” section below.

    Refining Throughput and Production Data by Refinery

    Throughput Data Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in bpd)   2025       2024  
    Coffeyville              
    Gathered crude   26,728       62,405  
    Other domestic   12,348       45,925  
    Canadian   640       9,532  
    Condensate         7,700  
    Other feedstocks and blendstocks   6,330       12,569  
    Wynnewood              
    Gathered crude   58,420       43,059  
    Other domestic   573        
    Condensate   10,152       10,262  
    Other feedstocks and blendstocks   5,186       4,340  
    Total throughput   120,377       195,792  
                   
    Production Data Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in bpd)   2025       2024  
    Coffeyville      
    Gasoline   18,940       72,723  
    Distillate   20,233       56,007  
    Other liquid products   6,324       4,554  
    Solids   1,321       4,980  
    Wynnewood      
    Gasoline   39,740       31,984  
    Distillate   24,948       19,166  
    Other liquid products   5,058       5,563  
    Solids   11       6  
    Total production   116,575       194,983  
           
    Crude utilization (1)   52.7 %     86.6 %
    Light product yield (as % of crude throughput) (2)   95.4 %     100.6 %
    Liquid volume yield (as % of total throughput) (3)   95.7 %     97.0 %
    Distillate yield (as % of crude throughput) (4)   41.5 %     42.0 %

    _______________
    (1) Total Gathered crude, Other domestic, Canadian, and Condensate throughput (collectively, “Total Crude Throughput”) divided by consolidated crude oil throughput capacity of 206,500 bpd.
    (2) Total Gasoline and Distillate divided by Total Crude Throughput.
    (3) Total Gasoline, Distillate, and Other liquid products divided by total throughput.
    (4) Total Distillate divided by Total Crude Throughput.

    Key Market Indicators

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
        2025       2024  
    West Texas Intermediate (WTI) NYMEX $ 71.42     $ 76.91  
    Crude Oil Differentials to WTI:      
    Brent   3.56       4.85  
    WCS (heavy sour)   (12.45 )     (16.91 )
    Condensate   (0.64 )     (0.83 )
    Midland Cushing   1.10       1.59  
    NYMEX Crack Spreads:      
    Gasoline   16.83       22.55  
    Heating Oil   28.46       36.87  
    NYMEX 2-1-1 Crack Spread   22.64       29.71  
    PADD II Group 3 Product Basis:      
    Gasoline   (2.81 )     (9.97 )
    Ultra-Low Sulfur Diesel   (7.19 )     (10.35 )
    PADD II Group 3 Product Crack Spread:      
    Gasoline   14.02       12.58  
    Ultra-Low Sulfur Diesel   21.27       26.51  
    PADD II Group 3 2-1-1   17.65       19.55  
                   

    Renewables Segment

    Key Operating Metrics per Vegetable Oil Throughput Gallon

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
        2025       2024  
    Renewables margin * $ 1.13     $ 0.65  
    Adjusted renewables margin *   0.94       0.47  
    Direct operating expenses *   0.48       0.84  

    _______________
    * See “Non-GAAP Reconciliations” section below.

    Renewables Throughput and Production Data

      Three Months Ended March 31,
    (in gallons per day)   2025       2024  
    Throughput Data      
    Corn Oil   19,503       31,295  
    Soybean Oil   136,440       44,362  
           
    Production Data      
    Renewable diesel   144,189       62,594  
           
    Renewable utilization (1)   61.9 %     30.0 %
    Renewable diesel yield (as % of corn and soybean oil throughput)   92.5 %     82.7 %

    _______________
    (1) Total corn and soybean oil throughput divided by total renewable throughput capacity of 252,000 gallons per day.

    Key Market Indicators

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
        2025       2024  
    Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) soybean oil (dollars per pound) $ 0.44     $ 0.47  
    Midwest crude corn oil (dollars per pound)   0.47       0.55  
    CARB ULSD (dollars per gallon)   2.41       2.66  
    NYMEX ULSD (dollars per gallon)   2.38       2.71  
    California LCFS (dollars per metric ton)   66.12       63.53  
    Biodiesel RINs (dollars per RIN)   0.79       0.58  
                   

    Nitrogen Fertilizer Segment

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (percent of capacity utilization)   2025       2024  
    Ammonia utilization rate (1)   101 %     90 %

    _______________
    (1) Reflects our ammonia utilization rate on a consolidated basis. Utilization is an important measure used by management to assess operational output at each of CVR Partners’ facilities. Utilization is calculated as actual tons produced divided by capacity. We present our utilization for the three months ended March 31, 2025 and 2024 and take into account the impact of our current turnaround cycles on any specific period. Additionally, we present utilization solely on ammonia production rather than each nitrogen product as it provides a comparative baseline against industry peers and eliminates the disparity of plant configurations for upgrade of ammonia into other nitrogen products. With our efforts being primarily focused on ammonia upgrade capabilities, this measure provides a meaningful view of how well we operate.

    Sales and Production Data

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
        2025       2024  
    Consolidated sales volumes (thousands of tons):      
    Ammonia   60       70  
    UAN   336       284  
           
    Consolidated product pricing at gate (dollars per ton): (1)      
    Ammonia $ 554     $ 528  
    UAN   256       267  
           
    Consolidated production volume (thousands of tons):      
    Ammonia (gross produced) (2)   216       193  
    Ammonia (net available for sale) (2)   64       60  
    UAN   348       305  
           
    Feedstock:      
    Petroleum coke used in production (thousands of tons)   131       128  
    Petroleum coke used in production (dollars per ton) $ 42.43     $ 75.71  
    Natural gas used in production (thousands of MMBtus) (3)   2,159       2,148  
    Natural gas used in production (dollars per MMBtu) (3) $ 4.62     $ 3.10  
    Natural gas in cost of materials and other (thousands of MMBtus) (3)   1,605       1,765  
    Natural gas in cost of materials and other (dollars per MMBtu) (3) $ 4.63     $ 3.49  

    _______________
    (1) Product pricing at gate represents sales less freight revenue divided by product sales volume in tons and is shown in order to provide a pricing measure that is comparable across the fertilizer industry.
    (2) Gross tons produced for ammonia represent total ammonia produced, including ammonia produced that was upgraded into other fertilizer products. Net tons available for sale represent ammonia available for sale that was not upgraded into other fertilizer products.
    (3) The feedstock natural gas shown above does not include natural gas used for fuel. The cost of fuel natural gas is included in direct operating expense.

    Key Market Indicators

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
        2025       2024  
    Ammonia — Southern plains (dollars per ton) $ 562     $ 567  
    Ammonia — Corn belt (dollars per ton)   618       598  
    UAN — Corn belt (dollars per ton)   324       292  
           
    Natural gas NYMEX (dollars per MMBtu) $ 3.87     $ 2.10  
                   

    Q2 2025 Outlook

    The table below summarizes our outlook for certain operational statistics and financial information for the second quarter of 2025. See “Forward-Looking Statements” above.

      Q2 2025
      Low   High
    Petroleum      
    Total throughput (bpd)   160,000       180,000  
    Crude utilization (1)   82 %     90 %
    Direct operating expenses (in millions) (2) $ 105     $ 115  
    Turnaround (in millions) (3)   15       20  
           
    Renewables      
    Total throughput (in millions of gallons)   16       20  
    Renewable utilization (4)   70 %     87 %
    Direct operating expenses (in millions) (2) $ 8     $ 10  
           
    Nitrogen Fertilizer      
    Ammonia utilization rate   93 %     97 %
    Direct operating expenses (in millions) (2) $ 57     $ 62  
           
    Capital Expenditures (in millions) (3)      
    Petroleum $ 35     $ 40  
    Renewables   2       4  
    Nitrogen Fertilizer   18       22  
    Other   1       3  
    Total capital expenditures $ 56     $ 69  

    _______________
    (1) Represents crude oil throughput divided by consolidated crude oil throughput capacity of 206,500 bpd.
    (2) Direct operating expenses are shown exclusive of depreciation and amortization, turnaround expenses, and inventory valuation impacts.
    (3) Turnaround and capital expenditures are disclosed on an accrual basis.
    (4) Represents renewable feedstock throughput divided by total renewable throughput capacity of 252,000 gallons per day.

    Non-GAAP Reconciliations

    Reconciliation of Net (Loss) Income to EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Net (loss) income $ (105 )   $ 90  
    Interest expense, net   25       20  
    Income tax (benefit) expense   (49 )     17  
    Depreciation and amortization   68       76  
    EBITDA   (61 )     203  
    Adjustments:      
    Revaluation of RFS liability, unfavorable (favorable)   112       (91 )
    Unrealized (gain) loss on derivatives, net   (3 )     24  
    Inventory valuation impacts, favorable   (24 )     (37 )
    Adjusted EBITDA $ 24     $ 99  
                   

    Reconciliation of Basic and Diluted (Loss) Earnings per Share to Adjusted (Loss) Earnings per Share

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
        2025       2024  
    Basic and diluted (loss) earnings per share $ (1.22 )   $ 0.81  
    Adjustments: (1)      
    Revaluation of RFS liability, unfavorable (favorable)   0.84       (0.67 )
    Unrealized (gain) loss on derivatives, net   (0.03 )     0.18  
    Inventory valuation impacts, favorable   (0.17 )     (0.28 )
    Adjusted (loss) earnings per share $ (0.58 )   $ 0.04  

    _______________
    (1) Amounts are shown after-tax, using the Company’s marginal tax rate, and are presented on a per share basis using the weighted average shares outstanding for each period.

    Reconciliation of Net Cash (Used In) Provided By Operating Activities to Free Cash Flow

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Net cash (used in) provided by operating activities $ (195 )   $ 177  
    Less:      
    Capital expenditures   (51 )     (47 )
    Capitalized turnaround expenditures   (43 )     (12 )
    Return of equity method investment   4       3  
    Free cash flow $ (285 )   $ 121  
                   

    Reconciliation of Petroleum Segment Net (Loss) Income to EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Petroleum net (loss) income $ (160 )   $ 127  
    Interest (income) expense, net         (4 )
    Depreciation and amortization   41       48  
    Petroleum EBITDA   (119 )     171  
    Adjustments:      
    Revaluation of RFS liability, unfavorable (favorable)   112       (91 )
    Unrealized (gain) loss on derivatives, net   (3 )     24  
    Inventory valuation impacts, favorable (1)   (20 )     (37 )
    Petroleum Adjusted EBITDA $ (30 )   $ 67  
                   

    Reconciliation of Petroleum Segment Gross (Loss) Profit to Refining Margin and Adjusted Refining Margin

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Net sales $ 1,477     $ 1,722  
    Less:      
    Cost of materials and other   (1,482 )     (1,432 )
    Direct operating expenses (exclusive of depreciation and amortization)   (93 )     (103 )
    Depreciation and amortization   (41 )     (48 )
    Gross (loss) profit   (139 )     139  
    Add:      
    Direct operating expenses (exclusive of depreciation and amortization)   93       103  
    Depreciation and amortization   41       48  
    Refining margin   (5 )     290  
    Adjustments:      
    Revaluation of RFS liability, unfavorable (favorable)   112       (91 )
    Unrealized (gain) loss on derivatives, net   (3 )     24  
    Inventory valuation impacts, favorable (1)   (20 )     (37 )
    Adjusted refining margin $ 84     $ 186  
           
    Total throughput barrels per day   120,377       195,792  
    Days in the period   90       91  
    Total throughput barrels   10,833,969       17,817,099  
           
    Refining margin per total throughput barrel $ (0.42 )   $ 16.29  
    Adjusted refining margin per total throughput barrel   7.72       10.46  
    Direct operating expenses per total throughput barrel   8.58       5.78  

    _______________
    (1) The Petroleum Segment’s basis for determining inventory value under GAAP is First-In, First-Out (“FIFO”). Changes in crude oil prices can cause fluctuations in the inventory valuation of crude oil, work in process and finished goods, thereby resulting in a favorable inventory valuation impact when crude oil prices increase and an unfavorable inventory valuation impact when crude oil prices decrease. The inventory valuation impact is calculated based upon inventory values at the beginning of the accounting period and at the end of the accounting period.

    Reconciliation of Renewables Segment Net Income (Loss) to EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA

      Three Months Ended March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Renewables net income (loss) $     $ (10 )
    Depreciation and amortization   6       6  
    Renewables EBITDA   6       (4 )
    Adjustments:      
    Inventory valuation impacts, favorable (1)   (3 )     (1 )
    Renewables Adjusted EBITDA $ 3     $ (5 )
                   

    Reconciliation of Renewables Segment Gross Profit (Loss) to Renewables Margin and Adjusted Renewables Margin

      Three Months Ended March 31,
    (in millions, except throughput data)   2025       2024  
    Net sales $ 66     $ 33  
    Less:      
    Cost of materials and other   50       29  
    Direct operating expenses (exclusive of depreciation and amortization)   6       5  
    Depreciation and amortization   6       6  
    Gross profit (loss)   4       (7 )
    Add:      
    Direct operating expenses (exclusive of depreciation and amortization)   6       5  
    Depreciation and amortization   6       6  
    Renewables margin   16       4  
    Inventory valuation impacts, favorable (1)   (3 )     (1 )
    Adjusted renewables margin $ 13     $ 3  
           
    Total vegetable oil throughput gallons per day   155,943       75,657  
    Days in the period   90       91  
    Total vegetable oil throughput gallons   14,034,826       6,884,761  
           
    Renewables margin per vegetable oil throughput gallon $ 1.13     $ 0.65  
    Adjusted renewables margin per vegetable oil throughput gallon   0.94       0.47  
    Direct operating expenses per vegetable oil throughput gallon   0.48       0.84  

    _______________
    (1) The Renewables Segment’s basis for determining inventory value under GAAP is FIFO. Changes in renewable diesel and renewable feedstock prices can cause fluctuations in the inventory valuation of renewable diesel, work in process and finished goods, thereby resulting in a favorable inventory valuation impact when renewable diesel prices increase and an unfavorable inventory valuation impact when renewable diesel prices decrease. The inventory valuation impact is calculated based upon inventory values at the beginning of the accounting period and at the end of the accounting period.

    Reconciliation of Nitrogen Fertilizer Segment Net Income to EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA

      Three Months Ended
    March 31,
    (in millions)   2025       2024  
    Nitrogen Fertilizer net income $ 27     $ 13  
    Interest expense, net   8       8  
    Depreciation and amortization   18       19  
    Nitrogen Fertilizer EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA $ 53     $ 40  
                   

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Youth Mobility Scheme for Uruguayan and British citizens: 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    World news story

    Youth Mobility Scheme for Uruguayan and British citizens: 2025

    The Youth Mobility Scheme allows 500 visas, both for Uruguayan and British nationals, to live, study, work and travel in the UK and Uruguay respectively.

    In 2025, 500 British and 500 Uruguayan nationals aged 18 to 30 years old will be able to experience life and culture in each other’s country for up to 2 years, as established in the agreement that came into effect in both countries on 31 January 2024.

    Uruguayan citizens who would like to travel to the UK under this scheme need to apply for a Youth Mobility Scheme (YMS) visa. British citizens who would like to travel to Uruguay should apply for a Working Holiday temporary residency.

    The scheme desires to foster close relations between British and Uruguayan nationals, intending to promote and facilitate access to opportunities that enable youth to gain a better understanding of the other participant’s culture, society, and languages through travel, work, and life experience abroad.

    This is the first YMS between the UK and a South American Country. The agreement was signed in August 2023 at the Uruguayan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during the visit of FCDO Minister for the Americas and Caribbean David Rutley MP to Uruguay.

    UK has YMS agreements in place with Andorra, Australia, Canada, Republic of Korea, Hong Kong, Iceland, Japan, Monaco, New Zealand, San Marino, Taiwan and Uruguay.

    Uruguay has Working Holiday programmes with Australia, France, Germany, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, and United Kingdom.

    Find below information about the scheme and how to apply, for British and Uruguayan nationals.

    Information for British nationals

    British citizens interested in applying for a Working Holiday temporary residency must attend the Uruguayan Consulate in London and submit the following documents:

    • valid passport in good condition, with an expiry date at least one year in the future
    • a medical certificate from the country of residence where it states that you do not have medical conditions that would make it impossible for you to reside in Uruguay
    • evidence of a Police Certificate from the country of origin and from any country that you have lived in for the past 5 years. This should be apostilled or legalised, whichever is appropriate. In the UK you can apply for this at: http://www.gov.uk/copy-of-police-records. The six must have been issued within the 6 months prior to the filing of the application
    • documents that demonstrate that they have sufficient financial resources to meet their needs (such as salary payslips, bank statements, pensions, etc.) issued within 30 days of the application date
    • declaration of the intended time they will remain in Uruguay, which will be up to 2 years
    • apostille or legalised birth certificate (whichever is the case, if the person was born outside the UK) and translated (by a certified Uruguayan translator, by Consul or by consular intervention, depending on the case) will be required in Uruguay in order to obtain the Uruguayan National Identity card

    Once the documentation is submitted, the Consulate will inform the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ International Migration Direction, which will notify the National Migration Office. A decision will be made within a maximum of 15 working days.

    If the application is successful, the Consulate will let you will know. You will then need to enter Uruguay within 180 days from the notification day. If you need a visa, the Consulate will issue a tourist visa without consulting with the National Migration Office, referring to the temporary residency granted.

    Once you are in Uruguay, you will need to go in person to the National Migration Office and the National Civil Identification Office to apply for the National Identity card and pay the required fees. If youneed more information, please contact the Uruguayan Consulate or Uruguayan Embassy: cdlondres@mrree.gub.uy or urureinounido@mree.gub.uy, or call: +44 (0)207 584 4200

    Information for Uruguayan nationals:

    • applications to the Youth Mobility Scheme are online. You can apply from any country in the world, except from the UK
    • you can apply if you are a Uruguayan National aged 18-30 years old and hold a Uruguayan passport
    • you can spend up to 2 years in the UK, with multiple entries
    • you can work but it is not compulsory. You can travel, study short courses or volunteer
    • you do not need any language, job or skill requirements
    • you must apply for a visa and pay the Immigration Health Surcharge
    • you need to demonstrate you have the equivalent to £2,530 in a bank account for at least the past 28 days before applying
    • you need to get a Criminal Record Certificate. Please request it for Consulate- Ministry of Foreign Affairs, not the British Embassy
    • you cannot apply if you have any dependants living with you or who are financially dependent on you at the time of application
    • you must not have not previously taken part in the scheme

    Applicants will usually get a decision on their visa within 3 weeks.

    For more information, please go to Youth Mobility Scheme visa: Overview – GOV.UK or contact: public.enquiries@homeoffice.gov.uk.

    Updates to this page

    Published 28 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Death of an inmate from the Regional Psychiatric Centre

    Source: Government of Canada News (2)

    April 28, 2025 – Saskatoon, Saskatchewan – Correctional Service Canada

    On April 27, 2025, Rob Wapuchakoos, an inmate from the Regional Psychiatric Centre, died while in our custody of apparent natural causes.

    At the time of death, the inmate was 69 years old and had been serving an indeterminate sentence, which commenced on January 25, 1983.

    The inmate’s next of kin have been notified.

    As in all cases involving the death of an inmate, the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) will review the circumstances. CSC policy requires that the police and the coroner be notified.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Governments of Canada and Manitoba extend deadline for agricultural supports

    Source: Government of Canada News (2)

    April 25, 2025 – Winnipeg, Manitoba – Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada

    The federal, provincial, and territorial governments including Manitoba have extended the enrolment deadline for the 2025 AgriStability program to July 31, 2025, in response to tariffs in the agriculture sector and to allow producers time to enroll in the program as they manage the impact of current market disruptions.

    AgriStability is a business risk management program under the Sustainable Canadian Agricultural Partnership that helps famers manage income risk by providing financial assistance when their farm business experiences a large margin decline. The deadline will be extended from April 30, 2025, to July 31, 2025.

    Minister Kostyshyn is also encouraging producers to learn more about the business risk management programs available through the Manitoba Agricultural Services Corporation (MASC).

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Making every drop of water count

    Demand for water is rising and Alberta is looking at ways to make more water available for farmers, ranchers, businesses and growing communities. The Water Act has not been updated in 25 years and with more families, agri-businesses, food processing plants and many others coming to Alberta, it is important that the system makes every drop count.

    While most of the Water Act is working well, government recently heard from over a thousand Albertans who suggested improvements that could potentially help make the system stronger. Alberta’s government is now seeking public feedback on some of the targeted changes put forward by Albertans to maximize the water supply and make more water available to those who need it.

    “We need to ensure we have the water we need for people, our environment and our major industries for today, tomorrow and for generations to come. Albertans have given us clear feedback on the Water Act, that it can and should be reviewed, and suggested specific updates for further discussion. We know there are many different views and perspectives, and we’re grateful for the participation and engagement to help us get this right.”

    Rebecca Schulz, Minister of Environment and Protected Areas

    Critical areas are not up for discussion

    The foundation of Alberta’s water management system is already working successfully. For example, Alberta’s priority system will continue to be based on principles of first-in-time, first-in-right – a system that has worked well for more than 100 years. There will be no changes considered that reduce anyone’s current water allocations, nor add any new royalties, bulk or volumetric pricing for water.

    Alberta’s Water for Life strategy will keep guiding the province’s water system, ensuring healthy, secure and sustainable water supply for communities, economy and aquatic ecosystems. Alberta will also continue to support water allocation transfers in basins with approved water management plans and will continue to require a special act of the legislature for any high-risk inter-basin transfers.

    Targeted improvements proposed by Albertans

    Having heard from Albertans directly, government is seeking feedback on some of the most commonly raised, or practical, changes that were proposed. The updates could:

    • Streamline regulatory decisions on licence amendments and transfers.
    • Enhance water use information to support licence and transfer decisions.
    • Enable lower risk inter-basin transfers where it is safe and appropriate to do so.
    • Enable management of alternative water sources, such as rainwater, stormwater and wastewater reuse.

    Albertans can provide feedback on the specific proposals until June 30.  

    There will also be targeted in-person sessions across the province with Indigenous communities and water using sectors in May. No decisions have been made, and government will review all the feedback before determining what changes, if any, move forward.

    This engagement builds off the first phase undertaken in fall 2024 and winter 2025, but there is more work to do. Engagement on other ideas for regulatory, policy and program changes put forward by Albertans to improve water availability may also take place in the future as government works to strengthen the water management system.

    Quick facts

    • Alberta’s government engaged with Albertans to hear ideas about how to strengthen and modernize the water system.
      • Phase one occurred October 2024 through January 2025 with more than 1,400 people participating and sharing ideas.
    • Alberta continues to improve water management across the province, including:
      • $5 million over three years for the Alberta Water Storage Assessment Program.
      • $12 million over two years for Bow River Reservoir (with Transportation and Economic Corridors).
      • $25 million investment this year through the Drought and Flood Protection Program.
      • $8.7 million for wetlands through the Wetlands Replacement Program
      • $3.5 million through the Watershed Resiliency and Restoration Program.

    Related information

    • Water availability engagement

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI: Steadyhand Announces Update Regarding Special Meetings of Unitholders

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    VANCOUVER, British Columbia, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Steadyhand Investment Management Ltd. (“Steadyhand”) has discovered that an error was made in connection with the control numbers that were included in the forms of proxy (the “Proxies”) which were mailed to the registered holders of Series A units (the “Unitholders”) of Steadyhand Savings Fund, Steadyhand Income Fund, Steadyhand Founders Fund, Steadyhand Builders Fund, Steadyhand Equity Fund, Steadyhand Global Equity Fund, Steadyhand Small-Cap Equity Fund and Steadyhand Global Small-Cap Equity Fund (collectively, the “Funds”) in connection with the special meetings of Unitholders of the Funds to be held on May 9, 2025 (the “Meetings”).

    Steadyhand has arranged for TSX Trust Company, as proxy agent and scrutineer in connection with the Meetings, to mail corrected Proxies to each Unitholder of the Funds. Unitholders are asked to discard the Proxies previously received with the joint management information circular in respect of the Meetings (the “Circular”) and to use the corrected Proxies, once received, to vote at the Meetings. Unitholders that previously voted online using the Proxies received with the Circular are asked to resubmit their vote using the corrected Proxies which will be mailed to Unitholders on April 28, 2025.

    In light of the above, the proxy agent has extended the cut-off time for submission of Proxies to 10:00 a.m. (Vancouver time) on May 8, 2025.

    About Steadyhand

    Steadyhand is a low-fee investment firm with a mission of providing Canadians with a better investing outcome and a simpler, more personalized experience. It offers clear-cut advice, customized plans, and most importantly, a steady hand, to help investors achieve their financial goals. The firm has approximately $1.3 billion of assets under management with offices in Vancouver and Toronto.

    For further information, please contact:

    David Toyne
    Chief Development Officer
    Steadyhand Investment Funds Inc.
    1-888-888-3147

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Plantro Ltd. Announces Extension of Tender Offer to Acquire up to 15% of Class A Limited Voting Shares of Information Services Corporation

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    BRIDGETOWN, Barbados, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Plantro Ltd. (“Plantro”) today announced that it is extending its ongoing all-cash tender offer (the “Tender Offer”) to acquire up to 2,777,242 class A limited voting shares (the “Class A Shares”) in the capital of Information Services Corporation (TSX: ISC) (“ISC” or the “Company”).

    Pursuant to the extension, the terms of which are set out in a notice of variation and extension dated April 28, 2025 (the “Notice of Variation and Extension”), Plantro has extended the expiry date of the Tender Offer to 5:00pm (Eastern Time) on May 5, 2025, unless further varied, extended, or withdrawn in accordance with the terms of the Tender Offer (the “Expiry Time”).

    Shareholders of ISC who have already validly deposited and not withdrawn their Class A Shares are not required to take any further action to accept the Tender Offer. No Class A Shares will be taken up and paid for by Plantro pursuant to the Tender Offer until after the Expiry Time.

    All other terms of the Tender Offer remain unchanged. Details of the Tender Offer, including instructions for tendering Class A Shares, are included in the amended and restated offer dated April 14, 2025 (the “Offer Document”), as amended by the Notice of Variation and Extension (the Notice of Variation and Extension together with the Offer Document and the amended and restated letter of transmittal dated April 14, 2025, the “Offer Documents”). The Notice of Variation and Extension will be filed and made available on ISC’s SEDAR+ profile at www.sedarplus.ca. Shareholders of ISC should carefully read the Offer Documents prior to making a decision with respect to the Tender Offer.

    About Plantro
    Plantro is a privately held company, with an established track record of making successful investments in undervalued and high quality legal, financial, and information services businesses.

    Shareholder Questions
    Shareholders of ISC who have questions with respect to the Tender Offer, or who need assistance in depositing their Class A Shares, please contact the depositary or the information agent for the Tender Offer at the contact details below:

    Depositary: Odyssey Trust Company
    Toll Free (US & Canada): 1-888-290-1175
    Calls (All Regions): 587-885-0960
    Email: corp.actions@odysseytrust.com

    Information Agent: Carson Proxy
    North America Toll Free: 1-800-530-5189
    Local and Text: 416-751-2066
    Email: info@carsonproxy.com

    Information in Support of Public Broadcast Exemption Under Canadian Law
    Plantro is relying on the exemption under section 9.2(4) of National Instrument 51-102 – Continuous Disclosure Obligations to make this public broadcast solicitation. The following information is provided in accordance with corporate and securities laws applicable to public broadcast solicitations.

    This solicitation is being made by Plantro, and not by or on behalf of management of ISC. The information agent will receive a fee of up to $250,000 for its services as information agent under the Tender Offer, plus ancillary payments and disbursements. Based upon publicly available information, ISC’s registered and head office is located at 300 – 10 Research Drive, Regina, Saskatchewan, S4S 7J7, Canada. Plantro is soliciting proxies in reliance upon the public broadcast exemption to the solicitation requirements under applicable Canadian corporate and securities laws, conveyed by way of public broadcast, including press release, speech or publication, and by any other manner permitted under applicable Canadian securities laws. In addition, this solicitation may be made by mail, telephone, facsimile, email or other electronic means as well as by newspaper or other media advertising and in person by representatives of Plantro. All costs incurred for such solicitation will be borne by Plantro.

    Subject to the terms of the Offer Documents, a registered shareholder who has given a proxy under the terms of the amended and restated letter of transmittal may, prior to its Class A Shares being taken up and paid for under the Tender Offer, revoke the proxy by instrument in writing, including a proxy bearing a later date. The instrument revoking the proxy must be deposited at the registered office of ISC at least 48 hours, exclusive of Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays, preceding the date of the meeting or an adjournment or postponement thereof, or with the Chair of the meeting on the day of the meeting, or in any other manner permitted by law, provided that, in each circumstance, a copy of such revocation has been delivered to the depositary, at its principal office in Toronto, Ontario, Canada prior to the Class A Shares relating to such proxy having been taken up and paid for under the Tender Offer.

    Subject to the terms of the Offer Documents, a non-registered shareholder may revoke a form of proxy or voting instruction form given to an intermediary at any time by written notice to the intermediary in accordance with the instructions given to the non-registered shareholder by its intermediary. Non-registered shareholders should contact their broker for assistance in ensuring that forms of proxies or voting instructions previously given to an intermediary are properly revoked.

    None of Plantro nor, to its knowledge, any of its associates or affiliates, has any material interest, direct or indirect, in any transaction since the commencement of ISC’s most recently completed financial year, or in any proposed transaction which has materially affected or will materially affect ISC or any of its subsidiaries. None of Plantro nor, to its knowledge, any of its associates or affiliates, has any material interest, direct or indirect, by way of beneficial ownership of securities or otherwise, in any matter to be acted upon at any upcoming shareholders’ meeting, other than as set out herein and in the Offer Documents.

    Cautionary Statement Regarding Forward-Looking Information
    This press release may contain forward-looking information and forward-looking statements within the meaning of applicable securities laws. Specifically, certain statements contained in this press release, including without limitation statements regarding the Tender Offer, taking up and paying for Class A Shares deposited under the Tender Offer, and the expiry of the Tender Offer, contain “forward-looking information” and are prospective in nature. In some cases, but not necessarily in all cases, forward-looking statements can be identified by the use of forward looking terminology such as “plans”, “targets”, “expects” or “does not expect”, “is expected”, “an opportunity exists”, “is positioned”, “estimates”, “intends”, “assumes”, “anticipates” or “does not anticipate” or “believes”, or variations of such words and phrases or state that certain actions, events or results “may”, “could”, “would”, “might”, “will” or “will be taken”, “occur” or “be achieved”. In addition, any statements that refer to expectations, projections or other characterizations of future events or circumstances contain forward-looking statements.

    Statements containing forward-looking information are not based on historical facts, but rather on current expectations and projections about future events and are therefore subject to risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results to differ materially from the future outcomes expressed or implied by the statements containing forward-looking information.

    Although Plantro believes that the expectations reflected in statements containing forward-looking information herein made by it (and not, for greater certainty, any forward-looking statements attributable to the Company) are reasonable, such statements involve risks and uncertainties, and undue reliance should not be placed on such statements. Material factors or assumptions that were applied in formulating the forward-looking information contained herein include the assumption that the business and economic conditions affecting the Company’s operations will continue substantially in the current state, including, without limitation, with respect to industry conditions, general levels of economic activity, continuity and availability of personnel, local and international laws and regulations, foreign currency exchange rates and interest rates, inflation, taxes, that there will be no unplanned material changes to the Company’s operations, and that the Company’s public disclosure record is accurate in all material respects and is not misleading (including by omission).

    Plantro cautions that the foregoing list of material factors and assumptions is not exhaustive. While these factors and assumptions are considered by Plantro to be appropriate and reasonable in the circumstances as of the date of this press release, they are subject to known and unknown risks, uncertainties, assumptions and other factors that may cause the actual results, levels of activity, performance, or achievements to be materially different from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking information. Many of these assumptions are based on factors and events that are not within the control of Plantro and there is no assurance that they will prove correct.

    Important facts that could cause outcomes to differ materially from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking information include, among other things, actions taken by the Company in respect of the Tender Offer, the content of subsequent public disclosures by the Company, the failure to satisfy the conditions to the Tender Offer, general economic conditions, legislative or regulatory changes and changes in capital or securities markets. If any of these risks or uncertainties materialize, or if the opinions, estimates or assumptions underlying the forward-looking information prove incorrect, actual results or future events might vary materially from those anticipated in the forward-looking information. Although Plantro has attempted to identify important risk factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in forward-looking information, there may be other risk factors not presently known to Plantro or that Plantro presently believes are not material that could also cause actual results or future events to differ materially from those expressed in such forward-looking information.

    Statements containing forward-looking information in this press release are based on Plantro’s beliefs and opinions at the time the statements are made, and there should be no expectation that such forward-looking information will be updated or supplemented as a result of new information, estimates or opinions, future events or results or otherwise, and Plantro disclaims any obligation to do so, except as required by applicable law. All of the forward-looking information contained in this press release is expressly qualified by the foregoing cautionary statements.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: Juggling dynamite? At 100 days in office, Donald Trump is no Franklin D. Roosevelt

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ronald W. Pruessen, Emeritus Professor of History, University of Toronto

    Watching United States President Donald Trump weave and chainsaw his way through the first 100 days of his second term in office, I’ve been reminded of what Anthony Eden, the United Kingdom’s foreign secretary in the 1930s and later its prime minister, once said about Franklin D. Roosevelt.

    FDR, Eden recalled in his memoirs, was “too like a conjurer, skilfully juggling balls of dynamite, whose nature he failed to understand.”

    The image fits the 47th president much better than the 32nd.

    The dynamite-wielding Trump

    Dynamite has certainly been exploding regularly since Trump took office in January. His actions include:




    Read more:
    How Project 2025 became the blueprint for Donald Trump’s second term


    For non-MAGA enthusiasts, it is easy to surmise — similar to Eden’s remarks on FDR — that Trump does not understand the potential damage of the dynamite he is not just juggling, but hurling.

    A case might be made that some lobs align with Trump’s personal penchant for retribution, or that the chainsaw is being wielded to make room in the federal budget for new tax cuts for the one per cent.

    But such calculations disregard deeply rooted American values like respect for the rule of law and the separation of powers.

    Trump’s actions could suggest a lust for mayhem apparently aimed at dismantling a century of efforts to shape a government that serves global security while also meeting the economic, social and health care needs of American citizens, including safety net provisions for senior citizens, children, farmers, veterans and others.

    Threats today, damage tomorrow

    His apparent fondness for dynamite is already having negative consequences, with seemingly little grasp of the likelihood of worse to come: today, he’s upending the lives of civil servants; tomorrow’s disruptions will likely include an attack on the services provided by agencies like the Social Security Administration and disruption of the flow of funds to many poor school districts.

    Today, the U.S. is struggling with a measles outbreak. But the personal beliefs of Health and Human Services Director Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., a notorious vaccination and public health skeptic, doesn’t bode well for a fight against a rapidly evolving avian flu threat on the near horizon.

    Today’s stock and bond market volatility creates the possibility of a trade war catastrophe and damage to economic stability as the U.S. appears poised to disregard its longtime status as the world economy’s “safe haven.”

    The current tensions in what were once ironclad partnerships with allies that include Canada, the European Union and Ukraine — along with the whiplash reversal of American-Russian dynamics — are reminiscent of the global disruption in the 1930s that featured the Great Depression and the eruption of the Second World War.

    How FDR coped with explosions around him

    If Eden’s image of FDR as a dangerous juggler of dynamite might also apply to Trump, it fails to capture the essential attributes of the 32nd president’s White House career. Eden’s ego seems to have undercut his appraisal of FDR — compounded by his own failure to understand the historical developments that profoundly weakened the British Empire and brought his own career to an end.

    There’s no question dynamite was exploding in 1933, the start of FDR’s 12 years in the White House. But the Depression and its evolving consequences, not FDR’s personal impulses and misconceptions, created a tinderbox decade.

    One of Roosevelt’s great strengths, in fact, was his ability to recognize the acute dangers emanating from a fearful cortege of flaming fuses. Another was his success in turning insights into meaningful actions.

    Roosevelt knew — far better than his predecessor, Herbert Hoover — that the onset of the Depression would require dramatic actions and fundamental reforms.

    His New Deal expanded the government’s role in stimulating the economy (for example, the Public Works Administration), regulation (the Securities Exchange Commission), social welfare initiatives (the Social Security program) and infrastructure development (for example, the Tennessee Valley Authority).

    The Depression wasn’t fully eradicated — that didn’t happen until after war broke out — but the lives of millions of Americans still improved significantly.

    Of equal importance, FDR’s creative thinking and government transformations created building blocks for further post-war reforms, including Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society efforts three decades later.




    Read more:
    The Great Society: the forgotten reform movement


    Roosevelt also knew that the devastation of the Depression and the unparalleled destruction of the Second World War required a transformation of the global arena. He believed technology — air power especially — had created an integrated world. In his January 1943 State of the Union address, he said:

    “Wars grow in size, in death and destruction, and in the inevitability of engulfing all nations, in inverse ratio to the shrinking size of the world as a result of the conquest of the air.”

    Sharing responsibilities

    FDR believed the world he worked to create would be safer and more prosperous because multilateral organizations would encourage greater emphasis on shared resources and responsibilities. The United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank took shape during FDR’s presidency — as did long-term plans for decolonization and human rights initiatives.

    Roosevelt knew too — better than many of his White House successors — that the U.S. needed to share leadership responsibilities. He believed emphatically in multilateralism, recognizing the limits of American resources and power, and the pragmatism of compromising with the priorities of others, whether they were powerful states or colonial peoples.

    His “Four Policemen” approach to maintaining peace — comprising the U.S., the U.K., the Soviet Union and China — would sometimes create unpalatable situations. He was criticized harshly, for example, for naively opening the door to Soviet domination of eastern Europe via the Yalta agreement. Nonetheless, FDR focused on efforts he believed would avert another destructive cataclysm.

    FDR was an imperfect leader in various ways — in not appreciating, for example, how global leadership could result in arrogance. He did, however, understand the explosive domestic and international developments of the 20th century and sought constructive solutions to grave challenges.

    Trump, on the contrary, is seemingly prioritizing destruction over construction. Propelled by a “move fast and break things” mantra, there’s little evidence that he understands its pain nor the damaging consequences of his impulses.

    Ronald W. Pruessen has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    ref. Juggling dynamite? At 100 days in office, Donald Trump is no Franklin D. Roosevelt – https://theconversation.com/juggling-dynamite-at-100-days-in-office-donald-trump-is-no-franklin-d-roosevelt-254773

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Security: Smiths Settlement — RCMP arrests man for assaulting fishery officer

    Source: Royal Canadian Mounted Police

    RCMP Halifax Regional Detachment has arrested a man for assaulting a fishery officer in the lawful execution of their duties in Smiths Settlement.

    On April 26, at approximately 5 a.m., RCMP officers responded to a report of an assault near Hwy 7. RCMP officers learned that Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) was attempting to conduct an inspection at Eel Pond when a man driving an Acura TL collided with a uniformed fishery officer who was on foot and instructing the driver to stop.

    The fishery officer was not injured.

    The 36-year-old driver from Sipekne’katik was safely arrested at the scene by RCMP officers. During a search of the vehicle, an extendable baton and drug paraphernalia were seized.

    The man was later released. He’s scheduled to appear in Dartmouth Provincial Court on August 20, at 9:30 a.m., to face a charge of Assault with a Weapon.

    A second man who was present at the time of the incident was arrested by DFO in relation to a Fisheries Act investigation and later released.

    File #: 25-57781

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI: Secret Benefits Review [2025] Is SecretBenefits.com the Best Sugar Daddy Site?

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    New York City, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Secret Benefits is a popular sugar daddy website that connects wealthy benefactors with attractive, goal-driven partners. Known for its user-friendly design, privacy features, and verified profiles, SecretBenefits.com makes sugar dating simple and secure in 2025.

    SecretBenefits continues to offer a safe and respectful environment for everyone who is navigating the sugar dating landscape. The platform has mutual benefits for both the sugar babies and sugar daddies. With upgraded features and security measures that promote the authenticity and trust of its users, Secret Benefits has shattered all the doubts about whether it is a sugar dating website or just a scam. 

    Why Wait? Join The Best Sugar Dating Site for Free!

    SecretBenefits.com is praised for its transparent and flexible credit system, real people verified profiles, and a login process that’s easy, fast, and reliable, and with the Secret Benefits app coming soon, mobile convenience is also going to become an integral part of this sugar dating website.

    These announcements follow months of monitoring and analyzing the causes of common sugar dating scams and frauds, followed by proactive safety measures that help the users of Secret Benefits avoid sugar daddy scams. As this method of modern dating gains traction, Secret Benefits offers real users, real profiles, and real boundaries, making it the only platform you can trust for your sugar dating experience. 

      Sign Up on Secret Benefits – Discreet & Secure

    Why SecretBenefits.com Is a Secure and Trustworthy Sugar Dating Site in 2025

    Secret Benefits creates a trusted network between individuals who want to build meaningful and mutually beneficial sugar-dating relationships. 

    However, since the sugar dating landscape is heavily dependent on online platforms, it is often plagued by scams, fake profiles, and unclear intentions, and one of the reasons behind them is scam websites. SecretBenefits.com stands out as a 100% reliable and transparent platform for those individuals who want to engage in sugar dating.

    This 2025 report marks a turning point for the sugar dating niche.

    With SecretBenefits, users can now benefit from its safe and secure features, such as enhanced identity verification protocols, search filters, and a modern user dashboard that makes this website very easy to use.

      Join Secret Benefits Today and Start Connecting

    Let’s break down what makes Secret Benefits the top most reliable sugar dating site in 2025.

    1. Transparent and Flexible Credit System

    A flexible credit system allows users of Secret Benefits to have complete freedom in tailoring their sugar dating course in a way they wish. It is very different from traditional subscription-based models that charge recurring fees. SecretBenefits.com accommodates the wants and needs of sugar daddies and sugar babies by offering a credit-based system. This allows users to pay only for the features they use, providing more freedom and control.

    The Key Benefits of the Flexible Credit System Are:

    • No monthly subscriptions – alter your profile as you progress in time
    • No hidden costs – spend only when you initiate a conversation
    • Transparent usage – the credit activity will be tracked very clearly in your account

    The flexible credit system is an attractive feature for users who are tired of overpriced dating websites and their memberships.

    2. Real People, Verified Profiles

    One of the best features of SecretBenefits.com that makes it a legit and secure sugar dating website, as emphasized in its 2025 report, is that it has 100% verified profiles. Secret Benefits has implemented multiple layers of security and is moving towards a multi-step verification process for users, merging simple verification methods like email checks and phones with photo validation and biometric matching. All of these measures solidify the authenticity of Secret Benefits and ensure that users are real people seeking genuine sugar relationships and arrangements.

    The Secret Benefits verification tools include:

    • Photo validation processes
    • Manually approved profiles
    • In-house monitoring team to review reported users

    By verifying both the identities of sugar daddies and sugar babies, Secret Benefits ensures that only real and verified users are allowed to join.

    Users feel safe knowing that Secret Benefits will keep fraudsters off the app, creating a trustworthy platform for the sugar dating community.

    Start Your Sugar Dating Journey on Secret Benefits

    3. SecretBenefits Login: Easy, Fast, and Secure

    Logging into SecretBenefits.com is as simple as it is secure. 

    The login credentials used by Secret Benefits identifies each profile separately, such as by username and password. These enable users to verify their identity if they want to log in to their online accounts.

    New users can sign up within minutes, and returning members enjoy the security of their accounts and passwords from multi-device compatibility and smart authentication layers. Secret Benefits is an online platform that includes the personal data of the sugar dating community, which is why there is a dire need for secure login credentials.

    Digital profiles exist for sugar babies as well as sugar daddies, and they hold sensitive information like their names, date of birth, mailing addresses, email addresses, and banking details.

    Secret Benefits offers an easy, fast, and secure login experience via:

    • Two-factor authentication
    • Password reset protocols
    • Secure browsing with HTTPS encryption

    SecretBenefits.com protects all of its accounts with a streamlined interface so that logging in, exploring profiles, and communicating is as enjoyable as it is secure.

    4. Design and User Interface: Sleek and User-Centric 

    SecretBenefits.com’s new design update in 2025 has made the site even more modern. User-centric design is very important as it directly influences the credibility and reliability of the sugar dating website. Websites that prioritize user needs create a platform that is not just intuitive but also functional.

    So, whether you’re accessing SecretBenefits.com from a desktop or mobile, the interface will always appear to be responsive and clean. SecretBenefits places its users at the center of its website design and development. By combining strategic processes, Secret Benefits ensures that the users never feel overwhelmed and that every design element, from the dashboard to the profile grid and messaging features, is optimized for their ease of use.

      Find a Mutually Beneficial Relationship with Secret Benefits

    5. Secret Benefits App: Coming Soon

    While Secret Benefits is fully accessible via a mobile browser and offers a better reach with its website, it is also a versatile platform. Those members of the sugar dating community who want personalized experiences will benefit from the mobile app that will help them customize their experience as per their needs. 

    However, it has been confirmed in the 2025 report that a Secret Benefits App is in the development phase and expected to launch later this year.

    The features that you can expect from the SecretBenefits.com app are:

    • Swipe-style browsing
    • Push notifications for messages
    • Integrated video calling
    • Biometric login support

    This highly anticipated app will work even faster than the website and perform actions quicker than the website SecretBenefits.com. It is expected to improve on-the-go connectivity and convenience for both sugar daddies and sugar babies.

    Join Thousands Using Secret Benefits for Sugar Dating

    User Reviews: What SecretBenefits Members Are Saying in 2025

    Secret Benefits reviews have continuously shown a strong satisfaction rate from sugar babies and sugar daddies. Here are some testimonials received by SecretsBenefits in 2025:

    “I had high expectations from the beginning. Joined SecretBenefits in January 2025 and I wasn’t surprised to see how real most of the profiles are. I connected with someone in less two weeks!” – Rebecca from Atlanta.

    “I travel very often, and one platform isn’t enough to connect with sugar dating community members from all over the world. But that’s not the case with SecretBenefits.com! It gives me amazing access to people all over the world and it is also reliable and safe.” – Sarah from Los Angeles.

    “Compared to other sites I’ve used, SecretBenefits.com is worth every credit. You really do meet real sugar daddies here.” – Claire from Chicago.

    Of course, every website has occasional critiques, and SecretBenefits.com was no exception.

    Some users noted that the regional availability was limited and that there were delays in customer support. However, SecretBenefits has promptly addressed all of these issues in its new report, and hence, all the users of the sugar community are now promised more efficient responses and a better and more modern user experience. SecretBenefits.com is also expanding its reach into new markets to add versatility and more features to the website for the sugar dating community.

    Explore Verified Sugar Daddy Matches on Secret Benefits

    Is SecretBenefits.com a Trustworthy Sugar Dating Website or a Scam? 

    After reading about the countless sugar daddy scams that revolve around Instagram, Snapchat, and other platforms on the internet, it’s natural to wonder if you can ever actually find a real sugar daddy online, and if so, where?

    There is only one answer to that: secretbenefits.com!

    SecretBenefits.com has eradicated all the possibilities of sketchy DMs from strangers on social media, thus bypassing fake sugar daddies and protecting its users from their scams. SecretBenefits.com is a legitimate and dedicated sugar dating platform that builds genuine connections between consenting adults. The reason why SecretBenefits.com is such an authentic and reliable website in the sugar dating world is that it clearly outlines terms of use, ensures profile verification, and reinforces messaging systems built into the platform to provide a safer, much more reliable, and structured environment, which is very much professional and different as compared to random apps or messaging platforms.

    So, is SecretBenefits.com a scam? Absolutely not!

    It’s a trusted website used by thousands of real sugar babies and sugar daddies who want a transparent approach to mutually beneficial relationships.

    Meet Real Sugar Daddies and Babies on Secret Benefits

    What Makes SecretBenefits Different from Sugar Daddy Scams?

    Secretbenefits.com never lets its users wander to third-party apps to communicate. The website encourages communication through its internal messaging system, thus reducing the need to switch to WhatsApp or Telegram. This is because these messaging apps are often a breeding ground for scammers in the sugar dating world. SecretBenefits.com also has a photo verification process, which helps you steer clear of catfishers who commonly use stock photos or stolen identities, just like they do on social media platforms.

    Most importantly, secretbenefits applies the same rules of discrimination on itself just like it does with the rest of the users. SecretBenefits.com will never ask for your banking information, nor will it facilitate payments between users. If someone on the site is asking you for money, you must immediately block and report them, as SecretBenefits.com has all the mechanisms necessary to deal with such cases promptly.

    Get Instant Access to Secret Benefits – Sign Up Free

    Real Users. Real Profiles. Real Boundaries.

    Another reason why so many users in the sugar dating world rely on SecretBenefits.com is that the entire platform is built on boundaries and mutual respect. 

    Sugar dating isn’t for everyone, but SecretBenefits.com makes this kind of relationship easier, even for amateurs. Those who join secret benefits are very clear about what they’re seeking, and the platforms allow them to showcase their needs and requirements on their own terms. This reduces confusion and friction between the users and cuts through the awkward small talk.

    Sugar babies can boost their profiles with detailed bios, preference filters, and a safe and secure management system that gives them the power to initiate conversations without any threat of scams or phishing. Sugar daddies, on the other hand, also benefit from a respectful environment where they can find companions who will have as much value for authenticity as they have.

    Unlock Exclusive Connections on Secret Benefits

    Can You Trust SecretBenefits?

    Yes. SecretBenefits.com is a 100% trustworthy sugar dating website.

    If you’re serious about sugar dating, SecretBenefits.com is one of the safest places to start. 

    It is true that no platform can eliminate scams and risk 100%. However, SecretBenefits.com has taken multiple steps to eliminate the risks of fraud or scams and to build a reputable community.

    Still doubtful? Explore secretbenefits.com yourself. It is easy to get started. Just create a free profile, browse anonymously, and take your time navigating the safe and secure environment of sugar dating.

    SecretBenefits.com Demographics and User Insights

    Secret Benefits has achieved significant growth in both user base and engagement rates. According to internal analytics released in the report, 70% of users created profiles as sugar babies, 30% created profiles as sugar daddies, and every month, there are 17 000 000 visits per month, and over 2 million messages are exchanged monthly.

    The reason why SecretBenefits.com is growing at such an appreciable rate is because it is a safe and simple platform that brings authenticity and reliability to the sugar dating experience.

    Browse Verified Profiles on Secret Benefits Now

    Secret Benefits Login, Support, and Help Desk

    If you ever face login problems, SecretBenefits offers fast support. The help desk now operates 24/7. So whenever you have any password resets, account recovery, or profile visibility concerns, reach out to the team, and your concerns will be addressed within hours.

    The most common login-related concerns that users of SecretBenefits.com face include the following:

    • Forgotten password retrieval
    • Email verification delays
    • Account review/approval timelines.

    However, the website platform and user experience have been dramatically improved, and in 2025, the login support at SecretBenefits.com will be more straightforward than ever.

    Create Your Free Secret Benefits Profile Now

    How SecretBenefits.com Works

    Secret Benefits connects sugar daddies and sugar babies via a safe, secure, user-friendly platform. Both sugar daddies and sugar babies can explore each other’s profiles. The platform operates as a credit-based platform and is available throughout the US, UK, Australia, and Canada. Here is how to get started;

    1. Sign up by verifying your email.
    2. Create a profile and upload your photos.
    3. If you are a sugar daddy, purchase credits ($0.29-0.59 each) to unlock messaging and photo features.
    4. After that you can initiate conversations and enjoy other features using credits.
    5. Chat, set expectations, and meet IRL if both parties are comfortable.

    Message Attractive Members on Secret Benefits Today

    How SecretBenefits.com Protects Your Privacy

    In 2025, online privacy is more important than ever. But it is compromised in more than one way in the sugar dating world when scammers enter the field.

    Secret Benefits has adopted many high-standard privacy practices that eradicate any chances of scams or fraud and guarantee complete protection to its online sugar dating users. Here is what is included in the privacy practices.

    • No public display of sensitive information
    • Users can choose what images are shown (public vs. private galleries)
    • Location-hiding features are available
    • No third-party data sharing.

    Is SecretBenefits.com Legit in 2025?

    Yes. Secret Benefits is a real sugar dating website that has millions of users worldwide. It is 100% legit and authentic.

    According to recent reviews and user feedback, Secret Benefits has come out to be a safe and reliable online platform where sugar daddies and sugar babies chat and get to know each other. After the initial conversation takes place and they are both comfortable with each other’s company, both parties can meet in real life based on mutual consent and respect.

    Find a Successful Partner on Secret Benefits

    Final Thoughts: Is SecretBenefits Worth It in 2025?

    The 2025 report solidifies the fact that SecretBenefits.com is the most premium and trustworthy sugar dating platform. Its credit system is fair. Its user base trusts the platform 100%. And its security features are top-tier and foolproof.

    For anyone looking to explore sugar dating in a safe and secure environment, SecretBenefits is the best place to start.

    Media Contact

    Company: Secret Benefits

    Email: support@secretbenefits.com

    Address: 3711 Taylor Street, New York, NY 10011

    URL: https:/secretbenefits.com

    Phone: +1 9146236465

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘White Lotus’ music: When talented creators strive to realize their visions, differences and chattering can erupt

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James Deaville, Professor of Music, Carleton University

    After the first two seasons of The White Lotus (set respectively in Hawaii and Sicily), the buzz in the media and on social media typically focused on the selection of the next site for the award-winning show.

    Not so much in 2025, after the close of Season 3’s Thailand-based episodes. Instead, the internet and social media have been alive with chatter over the announcement by Canadian Chilean composer Cristóbal Tapia de Veer that he was quitting the mega-hit franchise to the shock and disappointment of many of the show’s fans.

    Tapia de Veer revealed his intention in an interview with the New York Times published April 2, just four days before the season’s finale, which aired to a series-record viewership. His departure announcement, twinned with criticism of White Lotus writer, creator and showrunner Mike White, has highlighted issues with creative tensions behind such collaborative productions.

    ‘The White Lotus’ Season 3 opening theme song.

    Acclaimed music

    The Québec-trained composer’s 2022 and 2023 music-related White Lotus Emmy awards recognize his aural contributions to the highly awarded hit series. The music’s idiosyncratic mixture of a recognizable theme, bizarre vocalizations and site-based instrumentation has received a lot of popular attention and acclaim.




    Read more:
    HBO’s ‘The White Lotus’: Eerie music heightens drama of rich people’s bad behaviour and emotional dysfunction


    In contrast, some members of the public reacted with hostility toward this season’s theme music. This was partly because it did not use the identifiable thematic material that bound together the first seasons: a four-note theme that has been transliterated as “ooh-loo-loo-loos” and was the basis for the title theme music in the first two seasons.

    The Season 3 theme nevertheless sounds familiar due to Tapia de Veer’s ongoing quirky use of the voice. Novel ways of using it have been the foundations of all the Lotus themes, and in Season 3, it imitated monkey sounds.

    As White said in a statement about the show: “There’s this kind of conflict between wanting to be this spiritual creature that has an idealism and working towards something that’s some semblance of goodness, and then there’s this antic monkey side that keeps putting you in situations that are compromised.”

    ‘Ooh-loo-loos’ and creative differences

    Still, Tapia de Veer said he knew his novel Season 3 approach was a “kind of a risk,” to the extent that he produced an extended version with the traditional “ooh-loo-loo-loos” for insertion later in the show, but White rejected the idea.

    According to the composer, White wanted “more of a ‘chill, sexy vibe’” compared to Tapia de Veer’s more experimental tracks. On the Howard Stern Show, when asked what happened, White had a different perspective, saying: “I honestly don’t know what happened. Reading the interviews … I just don’t think he respected me.”

    The director said he didn’t think they had fought, and expressed dismay that Tapia de Veer brought criticisms and perceived differences to the media.

    To this, Tapia de Veer told the BBC he went public because White hadn’t handled the news “in a normal business manner,” and he said White’s comments on the Stern show demonstrated the director doesn’t fully appreciate the importance of the music on the show.

    On his YouTube channel, Tapia de Veer has uploaded another variant of the theme (“Enlightenment”) under the track title “Full Moon Party,” as well as a 45-minute loop of the 11-note theme.

    What unites the Season 3 tracks is the leaping, non-melodic theme, repeated over and over in changing synthesizer settings. The composer has said no soundtrack album for Season 3 will be forthcoming.




    Read more:
    HBO’s ‘The White Lotus’: Eerie music heightens drama of rich people’s bad behaviour and emotional dysfunction


    Scores gives unity through themes

    The positions of White and Tapia de Veer equally suggest a lack of effective communication, and as named or all but named by both parties, a lack of respect. Both are crucial elements behind the interpersonal relationships required in audiovisual production.

    In the traditional collaboration, the composer falls under the leadership of the director or showrunner, not least because the music is the final audiovisual element added to the mix.

    ‘The White Lotus’ music making, video from Cristóbal Tapia de Veer.

    By the time the film text reaches the composer, the visual track and dialogue have been locked — shooting is completed — yet it lacks the decisive contribution the score makes in defining characters, establishing moods and atmospheres, and giving unity to the whole through recurring themes.

    The composer may work at their own keyboard or digital audio workstation, yet customarily in collaboration with the project’s other creative forces, especially the director.

    Notorious score differences

    Differences between film directors or television producers and composers are not new, the most notorious being Stanley Kubrick’s rejection of Alex North’s score for 2001: A Space Odyssey. This was in favour of the music Kubrick had chosen to temporarily accompany the visual track.

    In another well-known instance, Alfred Hitchcock — under pressure from executives at Universal — replaced the Torn Curtain score (1966) by long-term collaborator Bernard Herrmann with more contemporary-sounding music by John Addison, which ended the decade-long association of composer and director.

    More recently, Gabriel Yared’s score for Troy (2004), directed by Wolfgang Petersen, was replaced with one by James Horner, because test audiences disapproved of Yared’s music.

    Composer withdrawls rare

    With The White Lotus, however, we have a composer walking away from a job in a very public way. A composer’s resignation is not without precedent, yet it remains considerably rarer than their firing. Major film scorer Dmitri Tiomkin withdrew from two early 1960s projects directed by Robert Aldrich, but because of other commitments rather than any disagreement.

    In contrast, Leonard Bernstein did threaten to walk away from West Side Story in 1949 over creative tensions with writer Arthur Laurents — still, this was communicated privately.

    Canadian composer Howard Shore withdrew from Peter Jackson’s King Kong (2005), but in this case, Shore said the parting was amicable and related to “differing creative aspirations.”

    Future seasons?

    The drama around White Lotus music is unique because both director and composer have talked with the press.

    If we look beyond the specifics of the music, however, we realize that this is not just about a (new) theme song and its use (or non-use) in the series. Rather, the “differences” cut to the heart of the often fraught working relationship between highly talented creators who strive to realize their visions.

    What does this mean for the music for Season 4 of The White Lotus? White has not suggested a successor, so commentators have fixated on the disagreements over Season 3 rather than speculating about a future sound. We will have to wait and listen.

    James Deaville does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘White Lotus’ music: When talented creators strive to realize their visions, differences and chattering can erupt – https://theconversation.com/white-lotus-music-when-talented-creators-strive-to-realize-their-visions-differences-and-chattering-can-erupt-254032

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Security: Hammonds Plains — RCMP Halifax Regional Detachment investigates vehicle crash

    Source: Royal Canadian Mounted Police

    RCMP Halifax Regional Detachment is investigating a vehicle crash involving a fatality in Hammonds Plains.

    Yesterday, at approximately 8:40 p.m., RCMP officers, fire services, and EHS responded to a report of a vehicle crash at the intersection of Kingswood Dr. and Terradore Ln. Investigators learned that a Ford Edge travelling on Terradore Ln. went through the intersection, struck a fire hydrant, and came to rest in the tree line.

    The driver, a 72-year-old Hammonds Plains man, who was pronounced deceased at the scene, is believed to have suffered a medical incident.

    The passenger, a 70-year-old Hammonds Plains woman, suffered non-life-threatening injuries and was transported to hospital by EHS.

    The investigation remains ongoing.

    Our thoughts are with the man’s loved ones at this difficult time.

    File #: 25-58591

    MIL Security OSI