NewzIntel.com

Category: DJF

  • MIL-OSI Security: Cuban men arrested for roles in nationwide multimillion-dollar auto theft ring

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    McALLEN, Texas – Two Cuban nationals have been taken into custody on charges related to the exportation of stolen motor vehicles, announced U.S. Attorney Nicholas J. Ganjei.

    Sadiel Noa-Aguila, 42, and Miguel Baez-Echevarria, 36, resided in Pharr and Las Vegas, Nevada, respectively. 

    Noa-Aguila is set to make his initial appearance before U.S. Magistrate Judge J. Scott Hacker in McAllen at 9 a.m., while Baez is expected to appear before U.S. Magistrate Judge Brenda Wexler in Las Vegas.  

    According to the criminal complaint unsealed upon their arrests, authorities launched an investigation in 2024 that uncovered a large ring linked to numerous vehicle thefts nationwide. The charges allege the vehicles were primarily stolen from major metropolitan airports and surrounding areas, including Las Vegas; Phoenix, Arizona; Salt Lake City, Utah; Denver, Colorado; Fort Lauderdale, Florida; and Texas cities including Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston.

    As part of the scheme, co-conspirators allegedly used electronic devices to steal the vehicles and reprogram key fobs. They then equipped the vehicles with fraudulent license plates or altered vehicle identification numbers before reselling them, according to the charges. Several vehicles were also allegedly exported to Mexico through ports of entry in Hidalgo County and El Paso. 

    Noa-Aguila allegedly attempted to export one of the vehicles, a 2022 GMC Sierra AT4 through a port of entry in Hidalgo County Oct. 1, 2024. It had been reported stolen in Denver the previous month, according to the allegations.

    The charges allege Baez is linked to the theft of at least 15 additional vehicles and estimates the organization stole vehicles worth millions of dollars in total.

    Both are charged with aiding and abetting the exportation of stolen motor vehicles which carries a maximum 10-year-prison term, upon conviction. Baez also faces charges of conspiracy to commit money laundering for which he could receive up to 20 years in federal prison.  

    Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) – Homeland Security Investigations and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives are conducting the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) operation with the assistance of the FBI, U.S. Marshals Service, Customs and Border Protection, ICE – Enforcement and Removal Operations, Texas Department of Public Safety, Dallas Fort Worth Airport Department of Public Safety, Tarrant County District Attorneys’ Office and Tarrant County Regional Auto Crimes Task Force as well as sheriff’s offices in El Paso and Hidalgo Counties; Otero County, New Mexico; Broward County, Florida; and police departments in El Paso, Houston and Pharr; Las Vegas; Phoenix; Salt Lake City; and Denver.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Roberto Lopez Jr. is prosecuting the case.

    This case is part of Operation Take Back America, a nationwide initiative that marshals the full resources of the Department of Justice to repel the invasion of illegal immigration, achieve the total elimination of cartels and transnational criminal organizations and protect our communities from the perpetrators of violent crime. Operation Take Back America streamlines efforts and resources from the Department’s OCDETF and Project Safe Neighborhood.

    A criminal complaint is a formal accusation of criminal conduct, not evidence. A defendant is presumed innocent unless convicted through due process of law. 

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Former Medical Doctor Charged with Naturalization Fraud

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    Defendant currently serving sentence for attempted murder of his unborn child in 2014

    CLEVELAND – A federal grand jury has returned an indictment charging a former medical doctor with naturalization fraud, for providing false answers on a U.S. citizenship application and during an in-person interview.

    According to the factual allegations in the indictment, Yousif Abdulraouf Alhallaq, 46, of Canton, was born in Kuwait but was a Jordanian citizen at the time he entered the United States on an H1B visa in 2006. In 2011, Alhallaq filed an application to become a permanent resident of the United States, which was approved and granted him lawful status. Since approximately 2012, Alhallaq worked as a medical doctor in Northeast Ohio. Then, in December 2014, the defendant poisoned a victim who was pregnant with his child, in an attempt to terminate the pregnancy without her knowledge. On March 18, 2021, Alhallaq was indicted in the Stark County Court of Common Pleas and charged with one count of attempted murder and two counts of felonious assault for trying to purposely cause the termination of the victim’s pregnancy and knowingly causing serious physical harm to the victim and her unborn child. In September 2021, Alhallaq pleaded guilty to the charges and was sentenced to four years in prison.

    Before Alhallaq was indicted and sentenced in 2021, Alhallaq mailed a federal application in late 2017, Form N-400, to become a naturalized U.S. citizen. In the application he submitted “no” answers to the following questions:

    • 14C – Were you ever involved in any way with killing or trying to kill someone?
    • 14D – Were you ever involved in any way with badly hurting, or trying to hurt a person on purpose?
    • 22 – Have you ever committed, assisted in committing, or attempted to commit a crime or offense for which you were not arrested?

    In March 2018, Alhallaq continued with the process of applying for U.S. citizenship and was interviewed by an immigration officer to review the previously submitted naturalization application. Under oath, the defendant verbally confirmed answers to questions 14C, 14D, and 22 as “no” which matched those initially submitted by mail. On May 4, 2018, the defendant became a naturalized U.S. citizen during a ceremony in Stark County, Ohio.

    The grand jury charges that although Alhallaq knowingly committed acts of attempted murder and felonious assault against his unborn child in 2014, he nonetheless proceeded to sign his naturalization application in 2017 and then provided verbal confirmation to an immigration official during an interview in 2018 and in both instances attested to the truthfulness of the information he provided, which resulted in being granted U.S. citizenship.

    Alhallaq faces a maximum of up to 10 years in prison for naturalization fraud.

    If convicted, the defendant’s sentence will be determined by the Court after a review of factors unique to this case, including the defendant’s prior criminal record, his role in the offense, and the characteristics of the violation. In all cases, the sentence will not exceed the statutory maximum, and in most cases, it will be less than the maximum.

    The investigation preceding the indictment was conducted by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Homeland Security Investigations (HSI). This case is being prosecuted by Matthew W. Shepherd for the Northern District of Ohio.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. The defendant is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Former Medical Doctor Charged with Naturalization Fraud

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    Defendant currently serving sentence for attempted murder of his unborn child in 2014

    CLEVELAND – A federal grand jury has returned an indictment charging a former medical doctor with naturalization fraud, for providing false answers on a U.S. citizenship application and during an in-person interview.

    According to the factual allegations in the indictment, Yousif Abdulraouf Alhallaq, 46, of Canton, was born in Kuwait but was a Jordanian citizen at the time he entered the United States on an H1B visa in 2006. In 2011, Alhallaq filed an application to become a permanent resident of the United States, which was approved and granted him lawful status. Since approximately 2012, Alhallaq worked as a medical doctor in Northeast Ohio. Then, in December 2014, the defendant poisoned a victim who was pregnant with his child, in an attempt to terminate the pregnancy without her knowledge. On March 18, 2021, Alhallaq was indicted in the Stark County Court of Common Pleas and charged with one count of attempted murder and two counts of felonious assault for trying to purposely cause the termination of the victim’s pregnancy and knowingly causing serious physical harm to the victim and her unborn child. In September 2021, Alhallaq pleaded guilty to the charges and was sentenced to four years in prison.

    Before Alhallaq was indicted and sentenced in 2021, Alhallaq mailed a federal application in late 2017, Form N-400, to become a naturalized U.S. citizen. In the application he submitted “no” answers to the following questions:

    • 14C – Were you ever involved in any way with killing or trying to kill someone?
    • 14D – Were you ever involved in any way with badly hurting, or trying to hurt a person on purpose?
    • 22 – Have you ever committed, assisted in committing, or attempted to commit a crime or offense for which you were not arrested?

    In March 2018, Alhallaq continued with the process of applying for U.S. citizenship and was interviewed by an immigration officer to review the previously submitted naturalization application. Under oath, the defendant verbally confirmed answers to questions 14C, 14D, and 22 as “no” which matched those initially submitted by mail. On May 4, 2018, the defendant became a naturalized U.S. citizen during a ceremony in Stark County, Ohio.

    The grand jury charges that although Alhallaq knowingly committed acts of attempted murder and felonious assault against his unborn child in 2014, he nonetheless proceeded to sign his naturalization application in 2017 and then provided verbal confirmation to an immigration official during an interview in 2018 and in both instances attested to the truthfulness of the information he provided, which resulted in being granted U.S. citizenship.

    Alhallaq faces a maximum of up to 10 years in prison for naturalization fraud.

    If convicted, the defendant’s sentence will be determined by the Court after a review of factors unique to this case, including the defendant’s prior criminal record, his role in the offense, and the characteristics of the violation. In all cases, the sentence will not exceed the statutory maximum, and in most cases, it will be less than the maximum.

    The investigation preceding the indictment was conducted by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Homeland Security Investigations (HSI). This case is being prosecuted by Matthew W. Shepherd for the Northern District of Ohio.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. The defendant is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Wakpala Woman Sentenced to 13 Years in Federal Prison for Killing Her Mother within the Standing Rock Reservation

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    ABERDEEN – United States Attorney Alison J. Ramsdell announced today that U.S. District Judge Charles B. Kornmann has sentenced a Wakpala, South Dakota, woman convicted of Voluntary Manslaughter. The sentencing took place on June 23, 2025.

    Malania Rose Fast Horse, age 25, was sentenced to 13 years in federal prison, followed by three years of supervised release, and ordered to pay a $100 special assessment to the Federal Crime Victims Fund.

    Fast Horse was indicted by a federal grand jury in January 2025. She pleaded guilty on March 6, 2025.

    Fast Horse quarreled with her mother in their Wakpala, South Dakota, home, within the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation, on Christmas Eve 2024. Fast Horse lost her temper and stabbed her mother several times in the chest, arm, and hand. Fast Horse ambled to her grandmother’s home next door and told her grandmother and brother she had stabbed her mother. She then grabbed some cigarettes and left. Fast Horse’s brother ran next door, finding his mother lying in a pool of blood on the floor, alive but incoherent. Although EMS was promptly dispatched, Fast Horse’s mother later succumbed to her injuries.

    This matter was prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s Office because the Major Crimes Act, a federal statute, mandates that certain violent crimes alleged to have occurred in Indian country be prosecuted in federal court as opposed to State court.

    This case was investigated by the FBI and the Bureau of Indian Affairs – Office of Justice Services. Assistant U.S. Attorney Carl Thunem prosecuted the case.

    Fast Horse was immediately remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service. 

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Wakpala Woman Sentenced to 13 Years in Federal Prison for Killing Her Mother within the Standing Rock Reservation

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    ABERDEEN – United States Attorney Alison J. Ramsdell announced today that U.S. District Judge Charles B. Kornmann has sentenced a Wakpala, South Dakota, woman convicted of Voluntary Manslaughter. The sentencing took place on June 23, 2025.

    Malania Rose Fast Horse, age 25, was sentenced to 13 years in federal prison, followed by three years of supervised release, and ordered to pay a $100 special assessment to the Federal Crime Victims Fund.

    Fast Horse was indicted by a federal grand jury in January 2025. She pleaded guilty on March 6, 2025.

    Fast Horse quarreled with her mother in their Wakpala, South Dakota, home, within the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation, on Christmas Eve 2024. Fast Horse lost her temper and stabbed her mother several times in the chest, arm, and hand. Fast Horse ambled to her grandmother’s home next door and told her grandmother and brother she had stabbed her mother. She then grabbed some cigarettes and left. Fast Horse’s brother ran next door, finding his mother lying in a pool of blood on the floor, alive but incoherent. Although EMS was promptly dispatched, Fast Horse’s mother later succumbed to her injuries.

    This matter was prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s Office because the Major Crimes Act, a federal statute, mandates that certain violent crimes alleged to have occurred in Indian country be prosecuted in federal court as opposed to State court.

    This case was investigated by the FBI and the Bureau of Indian Affairs – Office of Justice Services. Assistant U.S. Attorney Carl Thunem prosecuted the case.

    Fast Horse was immediately remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service. 

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Nigerian National Pleads Guilty to Role in Romance Scam and Money Laundering Scheme

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    Defendant tricked a Massachusetts resident into wiring more than $2.5 million abroad

    BOSTON – A Nigerian national pleaded guilty yesterday in federal court in Boston to his involvement in the theft of more than $2.5 million from six romance scam victims by transferring their money to cryptocurrency accounts that he controlled.  

    Charles Uchenna Nwadavid, 35, of Abuja, Nigeria, pleaded guilty to mail fraud, aiding and abetting money laundering and money laundering. U.S. District Court Judge Leo T. Sorokin scheduled sentencing for Sept. 23, 2025. Nwadavid was arrested in April 2025 after arriving on a flight from the United Kingdom to Dallas-Fort Worth International Airport. In January 2024, a federal grand jury in Boston indicted Nwadavid on charges of mail fraud and money laundering.

    According to the charging documents, “romance scams” recruit victims through advertisements for online relationships on dating or social media websites. Individuals perpetuating romance scams create fictitious profiles and then use them to gain victims’ trust through a purported romantic relationship. Perpetrators then direct their victims to send money or to conduct financial transactions involving other victims’ money under false pretenses, such as an urgent need for money to secure a multi-million dollar inheritance or to pay for an unexpected hospitalization.  

    Between in or about 2016 and September 2019, Nwadavid participated in romance scams that tricked victims into sending money abroad. In an effort to conceal the ultimate recipient of the victims’ funds, a victim from Massachusetts was tricked into receiving funds from five other victims around the United States. The victim then passed the funds to Nwadavid through a series of cryptocurrency transactions. Nwadavid repeatedly accessed accounts in the victim’s name from overseas, to transfer the victims’ funds to accounts he controlled at LocalBitcoins, an online cryptocurrency platform.  

    The mail fraud charge provides for a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, three years of supervised release, a fine of up to $250,000 or twice the loss to the victim, restitution and forfeiture. The money laundering charges provide for a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, three years of supervised release and a fine of up to $500,000 or twice the value of the property involved in the laundering transactions, restitution and forfeiture. The defendant is subject to deportation upon completion of any sentence imposed. Sentences are imposed by a federal district court judge based upon the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and statutes which govern the determination of a sentence in a criminal case.

    United States Attorney Leah B. Foley and Ted E. Docks, Special Agent in Charge of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Boston Division made the announcement today. Assistant U.S. Attorneys Seth B. Kosto and Mackenzie A. Queenin of the Criminal Division are prosecuting the case.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Nigerian National Pleads Guilty to Role in Romance Scam and Money Laundering Scheme

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    Defendant tricked a Massachusetts resident into wiring more than $2.5 million abroad

    BOSTON – A Nigerian national pleaded guilty yesterday in federal court in Boston to his involvement in the theft of more than $2.5 million from six romance scam victims by transferring their money to cryptocurrency accounts that he controlled.  

    Charles Uchenna Nwadavid, 35, of Abuja, Nigeria, pleaded guilty to mail fraud, aiding and abetting money laundering and money laundering. U.S. District Court Judge Leo T. Sorokin scheduled sentencing for Sept. 23, 2025. Nwadavid was arrested in April 2025 after arriving on a flight from the United Kingdom to Dallas-Fort Worth International Airport. In January 2024, a federal grand jury in Boston indicted Nwadavid on charges of mail fraud and money laundering.

    According to the charging documents, “romance scams” recruit victims through advertisements for online relationships on dating or social media websites. Individuals perpetuating romance scams create fictitious profiles and then use them to gain victims’ trust through a purported romantic relationship. Perpetrators then direct their victims to send money or to conduct financial transactions involving other victims’ money under false pretenses, such as an urgent need for money to secure a multi-million dollar inheritance or to pay for an unexpected hospitalization.  

    Between in or about 2016 and September 2019, Nwadavid participated in romance scams that tricked victims into sending money abroad. In an effort to conceal the ultimate recipient of the victims’ funds, a victim from Massachusetts was tricked into receiving funds from five other victims around the United States. The victim then passed the funds to Nwadavid through a series of cryptocurrency transactions. Nwadavid repeatedly accessed accounts in the victim’s name from overseas, to transfer the victims’ funds to accounts he controlled at LocalBitcoins, an online cryptocurrency platform.  

    The mail fraud charge provides for a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, three years of supervised release, a fine of up to $250,000 or twice the loss to the victim, restitution and forfeiture. The money laundering charges provide for a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, three years of supervised release and a fine of up to $500,000 or twice the value of the property involved in the laundering transactions, restitution and forfeiture. The defendant is subject to deportation upon completion of any sentence imposed. Sentences are imposed by a federal district court judge based upon the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and statutes which govern the determination of a sentence in a criminal case.

    United States Attorney Leah B. Foley and Ted E. Docks, Special Agent in Charge of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Boston Division made the announcement today. Assistant U.S. Attorneys Seth B. Kosto and Mackenzie A. Queenin of the Criminal Division are prosecuting the case.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Bullhead Woman Sentenced to 2 Years in Federal Prison for Assault with a Dangerous Weapon within the Standing Rock Reservation

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    ABERDEEN – United States Attorney Alison J. Ramsdell announced today that U.S. District Judge Charles B. Kornmann has sentenced a Bullhead, South Dakota, woman convicted of Assault with a Dangerous Weapon. The sentencing took place on June 23, 2025.

    Kaitlyn Shantell Left Hand, age 27, was sentenced to two years in federal prison, followed by three years of supervised release, and ordered to pay a $100 special assessment to the Federal Crime Victims Fund.

    Left Hand was indicted by a federal grand jury in September 2024. She pleaded guilty on February 26, 2025.

    On July 2, 2024, Left Hand saw two women brawling in Bullhead, South Dakota, which lies within the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation. Left Hand and a passerby decided to wade into the affray, intending to break it up. Their good intentions went awry. Left Hand, panicked, drew a small knife and stabbed one woman in the head and the abdomen and another woman in the back. The injured women needed stitches, but nothing further.

    This matter was prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s Office because the Major Crimes Act, a federal statute, mandates that certain violent crimes alleged to have occurred in Indian country be prosecuted in federal court as opposed to State court.

    This case was investigated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs – Office of Justice Services. Assistant U.S. Attorney Carl Thunem prosecuted the case.

    Left Hand was immediately remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service. 

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Bullhead Woman Sentenced to 2 Years in Federal Prison for Assault with a Dangerous Weapon within the Standing Rock Reservation

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    ABERDEEN – United States Attorney Alison J. Ramsdell announced today that U.S. District Judge Charles B. Kornmann has sentenced a Bullhead, South Dakota, woman convicted of Assault with a Dangerous Weapon. The sentencing took place on June 23, 2025.

    Kaitlyn Shantell Left Hand, age 27, was sentenced to two years in federal prison, followed by three years of supervised release, and ordered to pay a $100 special assessment to the Federal Crime Victims Fund.

    Left Hand was indicted by a federal grand jury in September 2024. She pleaded guilty on February 26, 2025.

    On July 2, 2024, Left Hand saw two women brawling in Bullhead, South Dakota, which lies within the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation. Left Hand and a passerby decided to wade into the affray, intending to break it up. Their good intentions went awry. Left Hand, panicked, drew a small knife and stabbed one woman in the head and the abdomen and another woman in the back. The injured women needed stitches, but nothing further.

    This matter was prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s Office because the Major Crimes Act, a federal statute, mandates that certain violent crimes alleged to have occurred in Indian country be prosecuted in federal court as opposed to State court.

    This case was investigated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs – Office of Justice Services. Assistant U.S. Attorney Carl Thunem prosecuted the case.

    Left Hand was immediately remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service. 

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Four SoCal Residents Sentenced for Their Roles in an Armed Robbery and Carjacking at Car Repair Shop in San Bernardino County

    Source: US FBI

    Three Southern California residents on June 23 were sentenced to prison for their roles in a 2024 armed robbery and carjacking at a Bloomington, California, auto repair shop and ordered to pay $11,980 in restitution.

    All four defendants were found guilty by a jury of participating in an armed robbery and carjacking of a car repair business in Bloomington, California, in which one victim was pistol-whipped into near unconsciousness. At the conclusion of a 13-day trial, a federal jury on late June 18 returned a guilty verdict on all counts against the following defendants:

    • Marcos Guerrero, 49, of Glendora, California, was sentenced to 219 months in federal prison.
    • Elijah Gafare, 36, of West Covina, California, was sentenced to 20 years in federal prison.
    • Cinthia Leal, 39, of Glendora, California, was sentenced to 12 years in federal prison.
    • A fourth defendant, Vincent Solarez, 59, of Upland, California, was sentenced to four years in prison on June 2. Solarez was also ordered to pay $11,980 in restitution.

    All four defendants were found guilty of one count of conspiracy to interfere with commerce by robbery (Hobbs Act), one count of Hobbs Act robbery, and one count of carjacking.

    Guerrero, Gafare, and Leal also were found guilty of witness tampering and using, carrying, and brandishing a firearm in furtherance of and in relation to a crime of violence. Guerrero, further, was found guilty of being a felon in possession of a firearm and ammunition.

    According to evidence presented at trial, Guerrero, Gafare, Leal, and Solarez participated in an armed robbery of a car repair shop in Bloomington, California, in the early morning hours of March 12, 2024. During the robbery, two of the defendants brandished firearms, and one of the defendants pistol-whipped one of the victims into near-unconsciousness.

    The defendants kept the victims hostage and threatened to kill them if the victims didn’t hand over cash, their car, and if they ever called law enforcement. In total, defendants stole several thousand dollars in cash and the business surveillance system, in addition to the victim’s car and other property.

    Law enforcement tracked the defendants down and arrested them in May and June of 2024.

    On May 30, 2024, Guerrero illegally possessed a .45-caliber firearm and dozens of rounds of ammunition. He isn’t permitted to possess firearms and ammunition because his criminal history includes convictions in San Bernardino County Superior Court for home invasion robbery, first-degree residential burglary, false imprisonment by violence, possession of a firearm by a felon, and evading a police officer.

    The FBI Inland Violent Crimes Suppression Task Force and the San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department investigated this matter.

    Assistant U.S. Attorneys Joshua J. Lee and Neil P. Thakor of the General Crimes Section, and Tritia L. Yuen of the Riverside Branch Office, are prosecuting this case.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: Philadelphia Vertical Farmer Pleads Guilty to Wire Fraud and Tax Evasion

    Source: United States Attorneys General

    A Pennsylvania man pleaded guilty yesterday to wire fraud and tax evasion.

    The following is according to court documents and statements made in court: John (Jack) Griffin of Philadelphia was the principal and founder of Second Story Farming Inc., which did business as Metropolis Farms. Second Story Farming had several lines of business, including growing crops in vertical farms to sell to customers, developing sustainable vertical farming technologies, and selling vertical farming systems to customers. Vertical farming refers to a practice of growing crops vertically and in horizontally stacked layers.

    In 2017, Griffin, through Second Story Farming, sold vertical farming systems along with the equipment, supplies, materials, and operational instructions necessary to operate them to two companies. Before entering into the contracts, Griffin provided financial projections to them that grossly overstated the anticipated revenues that could be generated by the vertical farms and grossly understated the anticipated expenses necessary to operate the vertical farms. In reliance on the financial projections, the companies each paid Second Story Farming to set up vertical farms for them. Rather than use those funds to provide them with vertical farms, Griffin used most of the money to pay his own personal expenses and operate Second Story Farming’s research and development line of business.

    In 2017, Griffin earned income from his work at Second Story Farming. Despite being legally required to file a tax return for that year, Griffin did not do so. Griffin tried to conceal that he received any income in 2017 by, among other things, withdrawing cash and paying personal expense from his business’s bank accounts and transferring funds from his business to his wife, and withdrawing cash from Second Story Farming’s business bank account.  

    Griffin is scheduled to be sentenced on Oct. 22. He faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison on each of the wire fraud charges and a maximum penalty of five years in prison on the tax evasion charge. He also faces a period of supervised release, restitution, and monetary penalties. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    Acting Deputy Assistant Attorney Karen E. Kelly of the Justice Department’s Tax Division and U.S. Attorney David Metcalf for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania made the announcement.

    IRS Criminal Investigation, the FBI, and the U.S. Postal Inspection Service are investigating the case.

    Trial Attorney Catriona Coppler of the Tax Division and Assistant U.S. Attorney Francis Weber for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania are prosecuting the case.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Security: British Man Sentenced to 42 Years in Prison for Three Counts of Sexual Exploitation of a Child

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    SPRINGFIELD, Ill. – A British man, Scott West, 40, of Manchester, United Kingdom, was sentenced on June 23, 2025, to 42 years in prison following his convictions for three counts of sexual exploitation of a child.

    At the sentencing hearing, the court was informed that West and another co-conspirator created an account on a popular social media platform in which the two men pretended to be a young woman. Both men used the account to reach out to young boys to solicit sexually explicit photos. Multiple minors contacted by West were in the Central District of Illinois. When a victim responded by sending sexually explicit photos to the account, West would solicit more photos, threatening to expose the victim if he did not comply. Independently, West would meet children online and engage in similar behavior, knowingly soliciting sexually explicit photos from underage boys in multiple different countries.

    Also at the hearing, U.S. Chief District Judge Sara Darrow found that the offense involved the knowing misrepresentation of a participant’s identity to persuade, induce, entice, and coerce a minor to engage in sexually explicit conduct.

    West was indicted in December 2022, and a request was made to the government of the United Kingdom for his extradition in June 2023. He was extradited to the United States in October 2024 by the United States Marshals Service and remained in their custody after United States Magistrate Judge Jonathan E. Hawley ordered his detention. West pleaded guilty in January 2025.

    The statutory penalties for sexual exploitation of a child include not less than 15 years and up to 30 years’ imprisonment per count, to be followed by not less than 5 years and up to a life term of supervised release on each count. Judge Darrow further ordered that West serve a ten-year term of supervised release.

    “West manipulated and preyed upon children on two continents in his quest to fulfill his own sexual desires.”said Assistant U.S. Attorney Sarah E. Seberger. “This extradition and sentence ensured that his American victims received justice in the United States for his crimes. We will continue to work with law enforcement across the globe to bring justice to victims of abuse.”

    “Adults should protect children, not prey upon them online as the predator in this case did to victims in multiple countries. The sentencing in this case reflects the heinousness of this man’s insidious actions to threaten and harm kids,” said Michael Kurzeja, Resident Agent in Charge of the U.S. Secret Service Springfield Resident Office. “The Secret Service is committed to keeping children safe online and pursuing crimes committed against them. Thanks to the U.S. Attorney’s Office of the Central District of Illinois, the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs, the U.S. Marshals Service, the Greater Manchester Police Serious Crime Division in England, the Illinois State Police and all of our local law enforcement partners for helping bring this defendant to justice.”

    The Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs provided significant assistance in securing the defendant’s arrest and extradition from the United Kingdom.

    The United States Secret Service and the Greater Manchester Police Online Child Abuse Investigation Team in England investigated the case, with assistance from the Illinois State Police and several local Illinois police departments and sheriffs’ offices: the Geneseo Police Department, the Colona Police Department, the Henry County Sheriff’s Office, and the Kewanee Police Department. Significant assistance was also provided by the U.S. Marshals Service. Assistant U.S. Attorney Seberger represented the government in the prosecution.

    This case was brought as part of Project Safe Childhood, a nationwide initiative to combat the epidemic of child sexual exploitation and abuse launched in May 2006 by the Department of Justice. Led by U.S. Attorneys’ Offices and the Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section, Project Safe Childhood marshals federal, state, and local resources to better locate, apprehend, and prosecute individuals who exploit children via the internet, as well as to identify and rescue victims. For more information about Project Safe Childhood, please visit www.justice.gov/psc.

    The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Central District of Illinois and the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children (NCMEC) encourage parents to discuss online safety with their children and to ask for help from adults or professionals if they have experienced threats online. Children should know it is always okay to speak with a trusted adult if something they are experiencing online makes them uncomfortable. For more information contact gethelp@ncmec.org. NCMEC also has a CyberTipline for reporting child sexual exploitation. 

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Media Registration Opens for APEC Ministerial and High-Level Meetings in Incheon Singapore | 26 June 2025 APEC Secretariat Media registration is now open for the upcoming APEC high-level and ministerial meetings taking place in Incheon, Republic of Korea, from 31 July to 12 August 2025.

    Source: APEC – Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation

    Media registration is now open for the upcoming APEC high-level and ministerial meetings taking place in Incheon, Republic of Korea, from 31 July to 12 August 2025.

    Convened under the 2025 APEC theme “Building a Sustainable Tomorrow: Connect, Innovate, Prosper,” these meetings will bring together ministers, senior officials and stakeholders from the 21 APEC member economies to advance regional collaboration on shared challenges.

    The following meetings are open to accredited media for in-person coverage:

    APEC High-Level Dialogue on Anti-Corruption Cooperation (AHDAC)
    31 July – 1 August 2025

    This dialogue will serve as a platform for APEC economies to reaffirm their commitment to integrity, transparency and clean governance. Hosted by the Republic of Korea’s Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission, the meeting aims to foster enhanced collaboration among diverse stakeholders to address complex corruption challenges. Delegates are expected to share institutional reforms, enforcement mechanisms and best practices that strengthen the rule of law, build public trust and ensure a level playing field for economic activity across the region.

    APEC Digital and Artificial Intelligence Ministerial Meeting (DMM) 
    4 – 6 August 2025

    This meeting will bring together ministers overseeing telecommunications, ICT and digital innovation to chart a collaborative path forward on emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI). Key areas of discussion include advancing inclusive digital infrastructure, strengthening digital skills across populations and supporting interoperability of technology standards across borders. Ministers will also explore innovative ways to leverage digital technologies for sustainable growth, address socio-economic challenges and accelerate regional economic cooperation to facilitate cross-border trade and investment.

    APEC Food Security Ministerial Meeting (FSMM)
    9 – 10 August 2025

    This ministerial will bring together APEC economies to strengthen regional cooperation on food security. Discussions will focus on accelerating innovation in agri-food systems, reducing food loss and waste and improving support for small-scale producers. Ministers are expected to review the progress of the APEC Food Security Roadmap Towards 2030, explore ways to deepen public-private partnerships and formalize the role of emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, to enhance productivity, sustainability and resilience of food security systems in the region.

    APEC Women and the Economy Forum (WEF)
    12 August 2025

    The WEF will bring together ministers and stakeholders to advance women’s economic empowerment and inclusive growth. Discussions will address barriers to women’s full participation in the economy, with a focus on leadership, digital inclusion, care infrastructure and gender-responsive policy design. The forum supports the implementation of the La Serena Roadmap for Women and Inclusive Growth.

    Media Accreditation Process

    Journalists wishing to cover the above meetings must request a dedicated media registration link by emailing the APEC 2025 Korea media team at [email protected] no later than 14 July 2025.

    Upon receiving the registration link, media representatives should follow the instructions to complete their accreditation. Due to space limitations, each economy may submit up to three (3) media accreditation requests.

    Accredited media will be granted access to scheduled press conferences and to the media lounge operating at Songdo Convensia from 3 to 15 August 2025. The lounge will be open from 2:00 PM to 6:00PM on 3 August, and from 9:00AM to 6:00PM daily from 4 to 15 August (KST).

    Scheduled press conferences:

    • 4 August 2025 – Digital and AI Ministerial Meeting (DMM)
    • 10 August 2025 – Food Security Ministerial Meeting (FSMM)
    • 12 August 2025 – Women and the Economy Forum (WEF)
    • 15 August 2025 – Third Senior Officials’ Meeting (SOM3)

    Details regarding press conference times and logistics will be shared with accredited media. For further information or assistance, please contact [email protected] for media-related inquiries.

    For media inquiries, please contact: [email protected]

    MIL OSI Economics –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Netflix gives African film a platform – but the cultural price is high

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed, Assistant Professor of Communication, Cornell University

    Netflix began its Africa operations in South Africa in 2016. When the US streaming giant announced it was setting up shop in Nigeria in 2020, many west African film-makers, writers, artists and media audiences were jubilant.

    Finally, west Africa’s creativity and brilliance would be formally recognised on the world stage. Netflix Naija’s purpose was to produce local content for Netflix just like Netflix South Africa and later Netflix Kenya.

    Read more: Netflix Naija: creative freedom in Nigeria’s emerging digital space?

    Some film-makers have been wary of US cultural imperialism happening through the market dominance of Netflix and other US streamers. Others have rushed to the streamer to sign deals that will gain their films and TV shows a global audience.

    Netflix’s interest in African stories comes with a colonial power dynamic that research and scholarship has not fully explored. As a scholar of media and communication, I recently examined the effect US streamers are having on the stories being told in films in Nigeria and Ghana.

    In my study, I argue that despite the growing global interest in African pop culture, African creative workers need to be careful about interest from global conglomerates. We can’t talk about African cinemas going global without paying attention to how Hollywood’s colonial relationship with Africa has shaped and influenced what African filmmakers believe will sell globally.

    Read more: Black Panther, Wakanda Forever and the problem with Hollywood – an African perspective

    What price is being paid to appeal to global audiences? Film-makers might focus so much on the western gaze that they lose focus on telling African stories authentically and respectfully.

    In my study, I analyse various films including the Ghanaian film Azali and the Nigerian movie Lionheart to argue that that’s exactly what’s happening.

    Dancing to the tune of the west

    Despite the existence of thriving African film and TV industries before the advent of streaming technologies, we are seeing a replication of what I call the everydayness of colonialism in the area of media representations of the continent.

    Here, African filmmakers and producers find themselves jumping through hoops to tell stories that are “fit” to be streamed to Netflix’s millions of American, European and global subscribers. Global cosmopolitan audiences are prioritised over African audiences.

    Read more: Woman King is set in Benin but filmed in South Africa – in the process it erases real people’s struggles

    African audiences at home and in the diaspora are the reason we have vibrant film industries such as Nollywood to begin with.

    This displacement of African audiences happens both in representation and in access.

    Most African movie audiences do not have access to Netflix and other streaming platforms due to the digital divide and the cost of subscribing. So the target audience shifts to the elite, both African and global, who can afford to stream.

    Azali and Lionheart

    Ghana and Nigeria’s film industries were developed by artists who wanted to reflect their societies to their communities. I found that with Netflix’s arrival, there is a danger of disrupting and undoing this important work.

    The intervention of US streamers has led to the development of glossier versions of Africa. They are universal enough to be consumed by anyone, anywhere in the world, even if it means sacrificing the integrity of stories to achieve this global appeal.

    In Azali, for example, I found that the film sacrificed authentic language and geographical accuracy to tell a story for a western audience.

    Azali explores the themes of child marriage, child-trafficking and rural-urban migration in Ghana. Here, a film about the Dagbamba was set in the town of Zebilla, where Dagbanli is not the dominant language. The film cast non-Dagbanli speakers in major roles to speak a language they neither understood nor had any proficiency in. If Dagbamba had been centred as the primary audience of the movie, this cultural indignity might not have happened.

    Lionheart, though star-studded, departed from traditional Nollywood narrative conventions. The film tells the story of a wealthy Nigerian family and the quest of a young woman to take control of the family business. The movie had high production values and told a story that would be considered universally relatable. However, it was disqualified in its bid for an Oscar nomination in the Best International Feature Film category because of its majority English dialogue. Despite appealing to Netflix in the area of production quality and storyline, African film-makers were still punished by the Academy.

    Nigeria and Ghana’s film industries have traditionally told a wide variety of African stories. Netflix’s arrival is reducing African stories to stories about the elite and for the global cosmopolitan elite.

    Stories about the majority of Africans are being erased. Africa becomes a backdrop to tell stories about the elite class.

    In my study, I argue that narrative construction is an important part of identity and that when external factors begin to determine how African stories are told, it distorts the image of Africa for Africans and raises questions of cultural sovereignty.

    Moving forward

    It is refreshing to see African cultures appreciated on a global scale. But this shouldn’t erase narratives about the African masses and working communities.

    There are film-makers that are resisting the Netflix canon. Nigerian actress and producer Funke Akindele shows that this is possible in A Tribe Called Judah. Her film set a new box office record in Nigeria by avoiding direct to Netflix/streamer distribution and staying true to African audiences. The film tells the story of how a single mother and her five sons navigate poverty in Lagos. It was later licensed to stream on Amazon Prime Video after it made history at the box office in Nigeria.

    Other film-makers like Omoni Oboli, whose approach centres the Nigerian masses, has turned to YouTube. She tells Nigerian stories while resisting the exploitation that can often come with signing a Netflix deal.

    Read more: The unique strategy Netflix deployed to reach 90 million worldwide subscribers

    These projects offer an alternative. As Netflix expands, African creative workers and cultural policymakers must protect the narrative integrity of African stories and resist the economic exploitation of African film-makers. Productions can capture the nuances of African stories while representing African languages and cultures with respect and dignity – without selling out to western values.

    – Netflix gives African film a platform – but the cultural price is high
    – https://theconversation.com/netflix-gives-african-film-a-platform-but-the-cultural-price-is-high-259252

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Sudan: foreign interests are deepening a devastating war – only regional diplomacy can stop them

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By John Mukum Mbaku, Professor, Weber State University

    The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces has raged since April 2023. It’s turned Sudan into the site of one of the world’s most catastrophic humanitarian and displacement crises.

    At least 150,000 people have been killed. More than 14 million have been displaced, with over 3 million fleeing to neighbouring countries like Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan. Once a vibrant capital city, Khartoum is now a “burnt-out shell”.

    This devastating war, rooted in long-standing ethnic, political and economic tensions, has been compounded by what international and regional actors have done and failed to do. As Amnesty International notes, the international response remains “woefully inadequate”.

    The problem lies in the fact that external involvement has not been neutral. Instead of halting the conflict, many external players have complicated it. In some cases, international interventions have escalated it.

    More than 10 countries across Africa, the Middle East and Asia have been drawn into Sudan’s war. This has turned it into a proxy conflict that reflects the interests of external actors, such as Egypt, Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

    Several actors have taken sides.

    Saudi Arabia, for instance, backs the Sudanese army. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is alleged to support the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. Egypt, citing historical ties, backs the army. For their part, Ethiopia and Eritrea reportedly support the paramilitary group. Chad has been accused of facilitating arms shipments to the Rapid Support Forces via its eastern airports. Russia, Ukraine, Turkey and Iran have also been linked to diplomatic and military support to Sudan’s army.

    These geopolitical entanglements have made peace nearly impossible, deepening the conflict instead of resolving it.

    I have studied Africa’s governance failures for more than 30 years, from military elites and coups to state capture and political instability. Based on this, my view is that Sudan’s conflict cannot be resolved without serious international commitment to neutrality and peace.

    Read more: Sudan’s peace mediation should be led by the African Union: 3 reasons why

    The involvement of foreign actors on opposing sides must be reversed. International involvement must be premised on helping the Sudanese people develop the capacity to resolve governance problems themselves.

    For this to happen, regional diplomacy must be stepped up. The African Union must assert its legitimacy and take the lead in addressing this challenging crisis. It can do this by putting pressure on member states to ensure that any ceasefire agreements are enforced.

    The East African Community and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development can provide assistance in securing a peace agreement and ensuring it’s enforced. Members of these continental organisations can encourage external actors to limit their intervention in Sudan to activities that promote democratic governance and sustainable development.

    The African Union

    The African Union should play a central role in bringing peace to Sudan. But its absence has been conspicuous.

    Despite adopting the “African solutions to African problems” mantra, the African Union has neither held Sudan’s warlords accountable nor put in place adequate civilian protection measures.

    First, it could have worked closely with the UN to deploy a mission to Sudan with a mandate to protect civilians, monitor human rights (especially the rights of women and girls), assist in the return of all displaced persons and prevent any further attacks on civilians.

    Second, the African Union could have sent an expert group to investigate human rights violations, especially sexual violence. The results could have been submitted to the union’s Peace and Security Council for further action.

    Third, the African Union could have worked closely with regional and international actors, including the Arab League. This would ensure a unified approach to the conflict, based on the interests of Sudanese people for peace and development.

    Finally, the AU could have addressed the root causes of Sudan’s conflicts, which include extreme poverty, inequality, political exclusion and economic marginalisation.

    The African Union could also make use of the insights and knowledge gleaned by African leaders like Kenya’s William Ruto and Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who have attempted to mediate, but have failed. The AU should also use the political expertise of elder statesmen, such as Thabo Mbeki, Moussa Faki and Olusegun Obasanjo, to help address the conflict and humanitarian crisis.

    The United Arab Emirates

    The UAE is alleged to back the paramilitary troops in the war. In recent years, the UAE has become increasingly involved in African conflicts. It has supported various factions to conflicts in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel region and Libya.

    Its increased involvement in Africa is driven by several strategic interests. These include fighting terrorism, securing maritime routes, and expanding its trade and influence.

    Read more: Sudan is burning and foreign powers are benefiting – what’s in it for the UAE

    In 2009, the UAE helped Sudan mediate its border conflict with Chad. The UAE supported the ouster of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019, as well as Sudan’s transitional military council.

    In 2021, the UAE signed a strategic partnership with Sudan to modernise its political institutions and return the country to the international community. The UAE has stated that it has taken a neutral position in the present conflict. However, on 6 March 2025, Sudan brought a case against the UAE to the International Court of Justice. It accused the UAE of complicity in genocide, alleging that the UAE “has been arming the RSF with the aim of wiping out the non-Arab Massalit population of West Darfur.”

    The United States

    During his first term, US president Donald Trump spearheaded the Abraham Accords. These agreements were aimed at normalising relations between Israel and several Arab countries, including Sudan. Subsequently, Sudan was removed from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism.

    The accords appeared to have brought Khartoum closer to Washington. They provided avenues for the type of engagement that could have placed it in good stead when Trump returned to the White House in 2025.

    However, Sudan’s internal political and economic instability, including the present civil war, has complicated the situation.

    The Abraham Accords were a significant foreign policy achievement for Trump. A peaceful, democratically governed, and economically stable and prosperous Sudan could serve as the foundation for Trump’s “circle of peace” in the Middle East.

    But Trump and his administration are preoccupied with other domestic and foreign policy priorities. During his May 2025 visit to Saudi Arabia, Trump did not officially address the conflict in Sudan. Instead, he placed emphasis on securing business deals and investments.

    The European Union

    The European Union has strongly condemned the violence and the atrocities committed during the war in Sudan, especially against children and women. The organisation has appealed for an immediate and lasting ceasefire while noting that Sudan faces the “most catastrophic humanitarian crisis of the 21st century”.

    Unfortunately, member countries will remain preoccupied with helping Ukraine, especially given the growing uncertainty in Washington’s relationship with the authorities in Kyiv.

    The preoccupation and focus of the EU and the US on Gaza, Ukraine and Iran may, however, be underestimating the geopolitical risks Sudan’s war is generating.

    A peaceful and democratically governed Sudan can contribute to peace not just in the region, but also in many other parts of the world.

    What now?

    To end Sudan’s war and prevent future ones, international and African actors must do more than issue statements. They must act coherently, collectively and with genuine commitment to the Sudanese people’s right to peace, democratic governance and sustainable development.

    Democracy and the rule of law are key to peaceful coexistence and sustainable development in Sudan. However, establishing and sustaining institutions that enhance and support democracy is the job of the Sudanese people. The external community can provide the financial support that Sudan is likely to need. It can also support the strengthening of electoral systems, civic education and citizen trust in public institutions.

    – Sudan: foreign interests are deepening a devastating war – only regional diplomacy can stop them
    – https://theconversation.com/sudan-foreign-interests-are-deepening-a-devastating-war-only-regional-diplomacy-can-stop-them-259824

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Women trapped with abusers: South Africa’s COVID lockdowns exposed serious protection gaps

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Marinei Herselman, Lecturer, University of Fort Hare

    The unintended consequences of measures introduced to limit the spread of the COVID-19 virus from 2020 to 2022 have been studied extensively. Research in South Africa shows that some of these measures added to social ills, such as unemployment and poverty.

    Another impact of “lockdown” was on gender-based violence. The government’s Gender-Based Violence Command Centre reported over 120,000 cases within the first three weeks of lockdown.

    In the year 2019-20, 53,293 sexual offences were reported, an average of 146 per day. This was up from 52,420 in 2018-19. Most of these were cases of rape. The police recorded 42,289 rapes in 2019-20, up from 41,583 in 2018-19, an average of 116 rapes each day. Further, a total of 2,695 women were murdered in South Africa in 2019-20. This means a woman is murdered every three hours.

    The lockdown measures required people to remain indoors. Schools and non-essential establishments like restaurants were closed. Travelling internationally and between provinces was prohibited.

    Research showed that the lockdown measures trapped many women and children in abusive environments. The gender-based violence incidents highlighted gaps in support services and underscored the critical role of social workers in crisis situations.

    In a recent paper, we described our study of the impact the lockdown measures had on gender-based violence in Matatiele, a small town in South Africa’s Eastern Cape, one of the poorest regions in the country.

    The study highlighted the need to integrate gender-based violence support services into emergency plans to ensure continuity of care in times of crisis. In addition, the challenges faced by social workers during the pandemic showed systemic weaknesses in the support infrastructure.

    Read more: South African women face exclusion from society due to gender-based violence – how they’re fighting back

    We recommend prioritising gender-based violence services, expanding the social work workforce, and ensuring accessible, effective support mechanisms to safeguard survivors. By engaging local and provincial partners through cross-sector collaboration, South Africa can build a more equitable society and empower survivors during future emergencies.

    Interviewing survivors of violence

    Our findings were based on interviews with 30 survivors of gender-based violence and five social workers at the Thuthuzela Care Centre in Matatiele, which provides support for rape survivors. Twenty-four of the survivors (80%) were women and six (20%) were males. The participants were aged 18-35.

    We found that 63.3% of survivors experienced gender-based violence differently during the pandemic, primarily because access to support services was reduced. Key findings were that:

    • survivors found it difficult to reach police stations, hospitals and support centres

    • a lack of transport and staffing made access to services even more difficult than usual

    • survivors were often imprisoned with their abusers, making it nearly impossible to escape the abusive environment

    • the closure of schools and community centres destroyed additional refuges and support networks

    • social workers reported that remote counselling methods, such as telephone calls, were less effective

    • poor internet connection and the inability to meet in person limited the quality of psychosocial support provided

    • many perpetrators faced job losses and economic hardships; this led to increased stress and violence.

    Our findings highlight how public health crises can worsen existing social vulnerabilities. The COVID-19 pandemic starkly illustrated the vulnerability of survivors during crises and the role of social workers in providing support.

    Read more: Spoken word poetry challenges gender-based violence in Namibia

    Women’s experiences

    As shown in the table, some participants said their experiences of abuse were the same before and during COVID-19. This might be because a participant was abused during the pandemic and had not been a victim before.

    Supplied by author.

    Most of the research participants said their experience of gender-based violence was different from how it had been before COVID-19. Asked to explain, most of them responded in similar ways.

    One of the women said:

    I have difficulty escaping my abuser.

    Another said:

    I struggled to sleep, and I was anxious for a long time. I accepted the situation and told myself that I will be fine. I was abused by a stranger, which made it difficult for me to get justice but I told myself that abuse is something that you cannot run away from.

    Lack of sleep is a common challenge for many survivors of gender-based violence.

    One of the male survivors in the study, a married man, spoke of the difficulty of dealing with societal norms which are rooted in patriarchy. There’s a local saying which captures the typical attitude: indoda yokwenyani ayikhali (“a real man does not cry”).

    There appeared to be a general sense that gender-based violence would not change, so women and men just accepted and normalised it.

    Read more: Men abused by women don’t all fight back. Some believe a strong man is non-violent – South African study

    Next steps

    An effective response to gender-based violence requires sufficient staffing of response facilities. There is also a need for robust communication tools and training to handle remote support scenarios as happened during COVID.

    Gender-based violence is a serious problem that needs a multi-faceted response. Governments, and non-profit, non-governmental and civil society organisations must work together. This will help in achieving UN Sustainable Development Goal 5 on gender equality. Gender equality is a fundamental human right. It is a foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. While some progress has been made in recent decades, the world is not on track to achieve gender equality by 2030.

    To lessen the impact of future crises on survivors of gender-based violence, several steps are essential:

    • the government must recognise support services as critical in emergencies; social workers must be classified as essential personnel so that they can continue their work without restrictions

    • essential services such as safe shelters, mental health support and legal aid must be in place, and healthcare services must be fully available, well-equipped and well-staffed

    • the government must expand and train the social worker workforce, and provide specialised training for any crisis situation in the future

    • there is need to develop support channels, including online platforms, helplines and mobile outreach programmes

    • investing in reliable communication technologies and transportation can help people reach support services

    • long-term strategies should focus on reducing gender inequalities and challenging patriarchal norms.

    Bongeka Zawani, a master’s student at the University of Fort Hare, carried out the study this article is based on.

    – Women trapped with abusers: South Africa’s COVID lockdowns exposed serious protection gaps
    – https://theconversation.com/women-trapped-with-abusers-south-africas-covid-lockdowns-exposed-serious-protection-gaps-243198

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Can academics use AI to write journal papers? What the guidelines say

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Sumaya Laher, Professor, University of the Witwatersrand

    Artificial intelligence (AI) refers to “intelligent machines and algorithms that can reason and adapt based on sets of rules and environments which mimic human intelligence”. This field is evolving rapidly and the education sector, for one, is abuzz with discussion on AI use for writing.

    This matters not just for academics, but for anyone relying on trustworthy information, from journalists and policymakers to educators and the public. Ensuring transparency in how AI is used protects the credibility of all published knowledge.

    Read more: AI in education: what those buzzwords mean

    In education and research, AI can generate text, improve writing style, and even analyse data. It saves time and resources by allowing quick summarising of work, language editing and reference checking. It also holds potential for enhancing scholarly work and even inspiring new ideas.

    Equally AI is able to generate entire pieces of work. Sometimes it’s difficult to distinguish original work written by an individual and work generated by AI.

    This is a serious concern in the academic world – for universities, researchers, lecturers and students. Some uses of AI are seen as acceptable and others are not (or not yet).

    Read more: AI can be a danger to students – 3 things universities must do

    As editor and editorial board member of several journals, and in my capacity as a researcher and professor of psychology, I have grappled with what counts as acceptable use of AI in academic writing. I looked to various published guidelines:

    The guidelines are unanimous that AI tools cannot be listed as co-authors or take responsibility for the content. Authors remain fully responsible for verifying the accuracy, ethical use and integrity of all AI-influenced content. Routine assistance does not need citation, but any substantive AI-generated content must be clearly referenced.

    Let’s unpack this a bit more.

    Assisted versus generated content

    In understanding AI use in academic writing, it’s important to distinguish between AI-assisted content and AI-generated content.

    AI-assisted content refers to work that is predominantly written by an individual but has been improved with the aid of AI tools. For example, an author might use AI to assist with grammar checks, enhance sentence clarity, or provide style suggestions. The author remains in control, and the AI merely acts as a tool to polish the final product.

    This kind of assistance is generally accepted by most publishers as well as the Committee on Publication Ethics, without the need for formal disclosure. That’s as long as the work remains original and the integrity of the research is upheld.

    AI-generated content is produced by the AI itself. This could mean that the AI tool generates significant portions of text, or even entire sections, based on detailed instructions (prompts) provided by the author.

    This raises ethical concerns, especially regarding originality, accuracy and authorship. Generative AI draws its content from various sources such as web scraping, public datasets, code repositories and user-generated content – basically any content that it is able to access. You can never be sure about the authenticity of the work. AI “hallucinations” are common. Generative AI might be plagiarising someone else’s work or infringing on copyright and you won’t know.

    Read more: What are AI hallucinations? Why AIs sometimes make things up

    Thus, for AI-generated content, authors are required to make clear and explicit disclosures. In many cases, this type of content may face restrictions. Publishers may even reject it outright, as outlined in the Committee on Publication Ethics guidelines.

    What’s allowed and what’s not

    Based on my readings of the guidelines, I offer some practical tips for using AI in academic writing. These are fairly simple and could be applicable across disciplines.

    • The guidelines all say AI tools can be used for routine tasks like improving grammar, revising sentence structure, or assisting with literature searches. These applications do not require specific acknowledgement.

    • Across the guidelines reviewed, AI generated content is not allowed unless there are clear reasons why this was necessary for the research and the content is clearly marked and referenced as such. Thus, depending on how AI is used, it must be referenced in the manuscript. This could be in the literature review, or in the methods or results section.

    • Sage and the Committee on Publication Ethics emphasise that authors must disclose when AI-generated content is used by citing this appropriately. There are different conventions for citing AI use but all seem to agree that the name of the generative tool used, the date accessed and the prompt used should be cited. This level of transparency is necessary to uphold the credibility of academic work.

    • Other aspects linked to AI assistance like correcting code, generating tables or figures, reducing word count or checking on analyses cannot be referenced directly in the body of the manuscript. In line with current best practice recommendations, this should be indicated at the end of the manuscript.

    • Authors are responsible for checking the accuracy of any AI content, whether AI assisted or AI generated, ensuring it’s free from bias, plagiarism, and potential copyright infringements.

    The final word (for now)

    AI tools can undoubtedly enhance the academic writing process, but their use must be approached with transparency, caution, and respect for ethical standards.

    Authors must remain vigilant in maintaining academic integrity, particularly when AI is involved. Authors should verify the accuracy and appropriateness of AI-generated content, ensuring that it doesn’t compromise the originality or validity of their work.

    Read more: South African university students use AI to help them understand – not to avoid work

    There have been excellent suggestions as to when the declaration of AI should be mandatory, optional and unnecessary. If unsure, the best advice would be to include the use of any form of AI (assisted or generated) in the acknowledgement.

    It is very likely that these recommendations will be revised in due course as AI continues to evolve. But it is equally important that we start somewhere. AI tools are here to stay. Let’s deal with it constructively and collaboratively.

    – Can academics use AI to write journal papers? What the guidelines say
    – https://theconversation.com/can-academics-use-ai-to-write-journal-papers-what-the-guidelines-say-258824

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Nnamdi O. Madichie, Professor of Marketing & Entrepreneurship, University of Kigali

    Every December in Nigeria and Ghana a giant party takes place, unfolding in a whirlwind of concerts, festivals, weddings, art shows, dress-ups, meet-ups and travel. Locals and diaspora west Africans returning from overseas come together to create Detty December, a festive event stretching from mid-December to the new year.

    Detty is a playful term for “dirty” in the regional Pidgin language and “Detty December” is a term commonly believed to have been coined by Afropop star Mr Eazi in 2016. It means letting loose and indulging in some fun and revelry.

    Major events headlined by local and international music stars punctuate Detty December. In Nigeria events range from Flytime Fest in Lagos to Carnival Calabar, which showcases cultural heritage. In Ghana, festivals like AfroFuture and Afro Nation attract global celebrities and influencers as well as returning citizens.

    But this isn’t just a holiday fling. Propelled by youthful energy and cultural innovation, it’s an economic phenomenon. And it represents a shift in Africa’s urban landscape and its relationship with the rest of the world.

    Detty December now stands as a pillar of Africa’s creative economy, which has built on the global popularity of music from the continent, from Afrobeats to amapiano.

    As marketing and entrepreneurship lecturers with an eye on the creative industries, we’ve researched Detty December and believe it’s a cultural tourism phenomenon with the potential to spread across the continent. In fact, it’s already begun to do so.

    Nigeria: the economic power of Detty December

    Despite infrastructure challenges, places like Lagos are new cultural epicentres. During Detty December the city becomes a carnival of reunions and celebrations. “I Just Got Backs” (IJGBs) return, music spills from every bar and events pop up daily.

    Once simply a cultural moment, Detty December has rapidly become a powerful economic engine. It makes a big impact on hospitality, entertainment, tourism and local businesses.

    In Lagos alone, the 2024 festivities generated an estimated US$71.6 million in state revenue. Hotels contributed US$44 million and short-term rentals added US$30 million.

    Nationally, the impact is even more staggering. Detty December injected over US$220 million into Nigeria’s economy in 2023.

    A major driver of this growth is tourism. An estimated 1.2 million visitors flocked to Lagos in December 2024. Nearly 90% of these were diaspora Nigerians.

    Afrobeats star Wizkid’s Made in Lagos concert alone pulled in nearly US$650,000 in ticket sales. New song releases on Fridays have become features of the season.

    Beyond direct spending, Detty December creates temporary and permanent jobs and bolsters small businesses.

    Ghana: December in GH

    The government of neighbouring Ghana has recognised this potential, strategically branding its festive season December in GH. This initiative leverages cultural tourism for substantial economic gain. The country even takes measures like visa-on-arrival in December to encourage visitors.

    This builds on cultural tourism successes like the 2019 Year of Return campaign. In 2023, December in GH reportedly attracted about 115,000 participants.

    Even in a challenging economic climate, Detty December continues to thrive. This indicates a desire for cultural connection and a much-needed escape, especially among the continent’s youth and its global diaspora communities.

    South Africa: Ke Dezemba

    From Flytime in Lagos and AfroNation in Accra to Alte Sounds in Kigali and the vibrant December nightlife in Mombasa or Johannesburg’s rooftop party events, African cities have become seasonal epicentres for cultural consumption.

    “Ke Dezemba” is a term used in South Africa to describe the festive season. It’s a vibrant and celebratory term that’s often associated with summer holidays, braaiing (barbecuing) and social gatherings. It could become the branding of the country’s own Detty December.

    South Africa’s global profile has been raised during its 2025 presidency of the G20. Adopting its own version of Detty December could continue to amplify Brand South Africa. It could show off the country’s vibrancy, creativity, hospitality and potential for investment.

    Aligning cultural celebration with global visibility could reframe a season of revelry into a strategic cultural and economic asset. For South Africa, this could inject capital into the tourism sector, boosting hospitality, transport and ancillary services.

    Read more: Culture can build a better world: four key issues on Africa’s G20 agenda

    Beyond direct tourism, the spotlight on South African art and culture during this period could make a lasting impact on the creative economy, fostering growth and job creation.

    Physical celebration could be digitally amplified to make a lasting impression.

    A notable example is Spotify’s unveiling of its Detty December hub. The music streaming service intends celebrating the festive season across west Africa and South Africa with playlists of party tracks.

    Spotify’s Phiona Okumu explains:

    Detty December is a special time for our users in west Africa, and Ke Dezemba symbolises South Africa’s spirit of celebration.

    How to make it work

    The lessons from west African cities suggest that cultural economies thrive with:

    • flexible governance

    • inclusive participation

    • engaged diasporas

    • innovative business models.

    For Nigeria’s Detty December model to be sustainable it would require strategic policy support, urban planning integration and investment in creative infrastructure.

    A group of diasporans in Ghana at the AfroFuture festival. Fquasie/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Funding models such as memberships and sponsorships are crucial for the longevity of music festivals. Policy support and infrastructure investment are necessary to unlock the full potential of the creative sector.

    Cultural tourism, powerfully embodied by Detty December, is emerging as a viable economic strategy for African cities. This signals a broader recognition of culture’s economic power. It offers a compelling canvas for economic development and nation branding.

    – Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money
    – https://theconversation.com/detty-december-started-as-a-nigerian-cultural-moment-now-its-spreading-across-the-continent-and-minting-money-258949

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Netflix gives African film a platform – but the cultural price is high

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed, Assistant Professor of Communication, Cornell University

    Netflix began its Africa operations in South Africa in 2016. When the US streaming giant announced it was setting up shop in Nigeria in 2020, many west African film-makers, writers, artists and media audiences were jubilant.

    Finally, west Africa’s creativity and brilliance would be formally recognised on the world stage. Netflix Naija’s purpose was to produce local content for Netflix just like Netflix South Africa and later Netflix Kenya.



    Read more:
    Netflix Naija: creative freedom in Nigeria’s emerging digital space?

    Some film-makers have been wary of US cultural imperialism happening through the market dominance of Netflix and other US streamers. Others have rushed to the streamer to sign deals that will gain their films and TV shows a global audience.

    Netflix’s interest in African stories comes with a colonial power dynamic that research and scholarship has not fully explored. As a scholar of media and communication, I recently examined the effect US streamers are having on the stories being told in films in Nigeria and Ghana.

    In my study, I argue that despite the growing global interest in African pop culture, African creative workers need to be careful about interest from global conglomerates. We can’t talk about African cinemas going global without paying attention to how Hollywood’s colonial relationship with Africa has shaped and influenced what African filmmakers believe will sell globally.



    Read more:
    Black Panther, Wakanda Forever and the problem with Hollywood – an African perspective

    What price is being paid to appeal to global audiences? Film-makers might focus so much on the western gaze that they lose focus on telling African stories authentically and respectfully.

    In my study, I analyse various films including the Ghanaian film Azali and the Nigerian movie Lionheart to argue that that’s exactly what’s happening.

    Dancing to the tune of the west

    Despite the existence of thriving African film and TV industries before the advent of streaming technologies, we are seeing a replication of what I call the everydayness of colonialism in the area of media representations of the continent.

    Here, African filmmakers and producers find themselves jumping through hoops to tell stories that are “fit” to be streamed to Netflix’s millions of American, European and global subscribers. Global cosmopolitan audiences are prioritised over African audiences.



    Read more:
    Woman King is set in Benin but filmed in South Africa – in the process it erases real people’s struggles

    African audiences at home and in the diaspora are the reason we have vibrant film industries such as Nollywood to begin with.

    This displacement of African audiences happens both in representation and in access.

    Most African movie audiences do not have access to Netflix and other streaming platforms due to the digital divide and the cost of subscribing. So the target audience shifts to the elite, both African and global, who can afford to stream.

    Azali and Lionheart

    Ghana and Nigeria’s film industries were developed by artists who wanted to reflect their societies to their communities. I found that with Netflix’s arrival, there is a danger of disrupting and undoing this important work.

    The intervention of US streamers has led to the development of glossier versions of Africa. They are universal enough to be consumed by anyone, anywhere in the world, even if it means sacrificing the integrity of stories to achieve this global appeal.

    In Azali, for example, I found that the film sacrificed authentic language and geographical accuracy to tell a story for a western audience.

    Azali explores the themes of child marriage, child-trafficking and rural-urban migration in Ghana. Here, a film about the Dagbamba was set in the town of Zebilla, where Dagbanli is not the dominant language. The film cast non-Dagbanli speakers in major roles to speak a language they neither understood nor had any proficiency in. If Dagbamba had been centred as the primary audience of the movie, this cultural indignity might not have happened.

    Lionheart, though star-studded, departed from traditional Nollywood narrative conventions. The film tells the story of a wealthy Nigerian family and the quest of a young woman to take control of the family business. The movie had high production values and told a story that would be considered universally relatable. However, it was disqualified in its bid for an Oscar nomination in the Best International Feature Film category because of its majority English dialogue. Despite appealing to Netflix in the area of production quality and storyline, African film-makers were still punished by the Academy.

    Nigeria and Ghana’s film industries have traditionally told a wide variety of African stories. Netflix’s arrival is reducing African stories to stories about the elite and for the global cosmopolitan elite.

    Stories about the majority of Africans are being erased. Africa becomes a backdrop to tell stories about the elite class.

    In my study, I argue that narrative construction is an important part of identity and that when external factors begin to determine how African stories are told, it distorts the image of Africa for Africans and raises questions of cultural sovereignty.

    Moving forward

    It is refreshing to see African cultures appreciated on a global scale. But this shouldn’t erase narratives about the African masses and working communities.

    There are film-makers that are resisting the Netflix canon. Nigerian actress and producer Funke Akindele shows that this is possible in A Tribe Called Judah. Her film set a new box office record in Nigeria by avoiding direct to Netflix/streamer distribution and staying true to African audiences. The film tells the story of how a single mother and her five sons navigate poverty in Lagos. It was later licensed to stream on Amazon Prime Video after it made history at the box office in Nigeria.

    Other film-makers like Omoni Oboli, whose approach centres the Nigerian masses, has turned to YouTube. She tells Nigerian stories while resisting the exploitation that can often come with signing a Netflix deal.



    Read more:
    The unique strategy Netflix deployed to reach 90 million worldwide subscribers

    These projects offer an alternative. As Netflix expands, African creative workers and cultural policymakers must protect the narrative integrity of African stories and resist the economic exploitation of African film-makers. Productions can capture the nuances of African stories while representing African languages and cultures with respect and dignity – without selling out to western values.

    Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Netflix gives African film a platform – but the cultural price is high – https://theconversation.com/netflix-gives-african-film-a-platform-but-the-cultural-price-is-high-259252

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Netflix gives African film a platform – but the cultural price is high

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed, Assistant Professor of Communication, Cornell University

    Netflix began its Africa operations in South Africa in 2016. When the US streaming giant announced it was setting up shop in Nigeria in 2020, many west African film-makers, writers, artists and media audiences were jubilant.

    Finally, west Africa’s creativity and brilliance would be formally recognised on the world stage. Netflix Naija’s purpose was to produce local content for Netflix just like Netflix South Africa and later Netflix Kenya.



    Read more:
    Netflix Naija: creative freedom in Nigeria’s emerging digital space?

    Some film-makers have been wary of US cultural imperialism happening through the market dominance of Netflix and other US streamers. Others have rushed to the streamer to sign deals that will gain their films and TV shows a global audience.

    Netflix’s interest in African stories comes with a colonial power dynamic that research and scholarship has not fully explored. As a scholar of media and communication, I recently examined the effect US streamers are having on the stories being told in films in Nigeria and Ghana.

    In my study, I argue that despite the growing global interest in African pop culture, African creative workers need to be careful about interest from global conglomerates. We can’t talk about African cinemas going global without paying attention to how Hollywood’s colonial relationship with Africa has shaped and influenced what African filmmakers believe will sell globally.



    Read more:
    Black Panther, Wakanda Forever and the problem with Hollywood – an African perspective

    What price is being paid to appeal to global audiences? Film-makers might focus so much on the western gaze that they lose focus on telling African stories authentically and respectfully.

    In my study, I analyse various films including the Ghanaian film Azali and the Nigerian movie Lionheart to argue that that’s exactly what’s happening.

    Dancing to the tune of the west

    Despite the existence of thriving African film and TV industries before the advent of streaming technologies, we are seeing a replication of what I call the everydayness of colonialism in the area of media representations of the continent.

    Here, African filmmakers and producers find themselves jumping through hoops to tell stories that are “fit” to be streamed to Netflix’s millions of American, European and global subscribers. Global cosmopolitan audiences are prioritised over African audiences.



    Read more:
    Woman King is set in Benin but filmed in South Africa – in the process it erases real people’s struggles

    African audiences at home and in the diaspora are the reason we have vibrant film industries such as Nollywood to begin with.

    This displacement of African audiences happens both in representation and in access.

    Most African movie audiences do not have access to Netflix and other streaming platforms due to the digital divide and the cost of subscribing. So the target audience shifts to the elite, both African and global, who can afford to stream.

    Azali and Lionheart

    Ghana and Nigeria’s film industries were developed by artists who wanted to reflect their societies to their communities. I found that with Netflix’s arrival, there is a danger of disrupting and undoing this important work.

    The intervention of US streamers has led to the development of glossier versions of Africa. They are universal enough to be consumed by anyone, anywhere in the world, even if it means sacrificing the integrity of stories to achieve this global appeal.

    In Azali, for example, I found that the film sacrificed authentic language and geographical accuracy to tell a story for a western audience.

    Azali explores the themes of child marriage, child-trafficking and rural-urban migration in Ghana. Here, a film about the Dagbamba was set in the town of Zebilla, where Dagbanli is not the dominant language. The film cast non-Dagbanli speakers in major roles to speak a language they neither understood nor had any proficiency in. If Dagbamba had been centred as the primary audience of the movie, this cultural indignity might not have happened.

    Lionheart, though star-studded, departed from traditional Nollywood narrative conventions. The film tells the story of a wealthy Nigerian family and the quest of a young woman to take control of the family business. The movie had high production values and told a story that would be considered universally relatable. However, it was disqualified in its bid for an Oscar nomination in the Best International Feature Film category because of its majority English dialogue. Despite appealing to Netflix in the area of production quality and storyline, African film-makers were still punished by the Academy.

    Nigeria and Ghana’s film industries have traditionally told a wide variety of African stories. Netflix’s arrival is reducing African stories to stories about the elite and for the global cosmopolitan elite.

    Stories about the majority of Africans are being erased. Africa becomes a backdrop to tell stories about the elite class.

    In my study, I argue that narrative construction is an important part of identity and that when external factors begin to determine how African stories are told, it distorts the image of Africa for Africans and raises questions of cultural sovereignty.

    Moving forward

    It is refreshing to see African cultures appreciated on a global scale. But this shouldn’t erase narratives about the African masses and working communities.

    There are film-makers that are resisting the Netflix canon. Nigerian actress and producer Funke Akindele shows that this is possible in A Tribe Called Judah. Her film set a new box office record in Nigeria by avoiding direct to Netflix/streamer distribution and staying true to African audiences. The film tells the story of how a single mother and her five sons navigate poverty in Lagos. It was later licensed to stream on Amazon Prime Video after it made history at the box office in Nigeria.

    Other film-makers like Omoni Oboli, whose approach centres the Nigerian masses, has turned to YouTube. She tells Nigerian stories while resisting the exploitation that can often come with signing a Netflix deal.



    Read more:
    The unique strategy Netflix deployed to reach 90 million worldwide subscribers

    These projects offer an alternative. As Netflix expands, African creative workers and cultural policymakers must protect the narrative integrity of African stories and resist the economic exploitation of African film-makers. Productions can capture the nuances of African stories while representing African languages and cultures with respect and dignity – without selling out to western values.

    Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Netflix gives African film a platform – but the cultural price is high – https://theconversation.com/netflix-gives-african-film-a-platform-but-the-cultural-price-is-high-259252

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Nnamdi O. Madichie, Professor of Marketing & Entrepreneurship, University of Kigali

    Festivals like Carnival Calabar in Nigeria abound throughout the year-end parties across west Africa and beyond. Akintomiwaao/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Every December in Nigeria and Ghana a giant party takes place, unfolding in a whirlwind of concerts, festivals, weddings, art shows, dress-ups, meet-ups and travel. Locals and diaspora west Africans returning from overseas come together to create Detty December, a festive event stretching from mid-December to the new year.

    Detty is a playful term for “dirty” in the regional Pidgin language and “Detty December” is a term commonly believed to have been coined by Afropop star Mr Eazi in 2016. It means letting loose and indulging in some fun and revelry.

    Major events headlined by local and international music stars punctuate Detty December. In Nigeria events range from Flytime Fest in Lagos to Carnival Calabar, which showcases cultural heritage. In Ghana, festivals like AfroFuture and Afro Nation attract global celebrities and influencers as well as returning citizens.

    But this isn’t just a holiday fling. Propelled by youthful energy and cultural innovation, it’s an economic phenomenon. And it represents a shift in Africa’s urban landscape and its relationship with the rest of the world.

    Detty December now stands as a pillar of Africa’s creative economy, which has built on the global popularity of music from the continent, from Afrobeats to amapiano.

    As marketing and entrepreneurship lecturers with an eye on the creative industries, we’ve researched Detty December and believe it’s a cultural tourism phenomenon with the potential to spread across the continent. In fact, it’s already begun to do so.

    Nigeria: the economic power of Detty December

    Despite infrastructure challenges, places like Lagos are new cultural epicentres. During Detty December the city becomes a carnival of reunions and celebrations. “I Just Got Backs” (IJGBs) return, music spills from every bar and events pop up daily.

    Once simply a cultural moment, Detty December has rapidly become a powerful economic engine. It makes a big impact on hospitality, entertainment, tourism and local businesses.

    In Lagos alone, the 2024 festivities generated an estimated US$71.6 million in state revenue. Hotels contributed US$44 million and short-term rentals added US$30 million.

    Nationally, the impact is even more staggering. Detty December injected over US$220 million into Nigeria’s economy in 2023.

    A major driver of this growth is tourism. An estimated 1.2 million visitors flocked to Lagos in December 2024. Nearly 90% of these were diaspora Nigerians.

    Afrobeats star Wizkid’s Made in Lagos concert alone pulled in nearly US$650,000 in ticket sales. New song releases on Fridays have become features of the season.

    Beyond direct spending, Detty December creates temporary and permanent jobs and bolsters small businesses.

    Ghana: December in GH

    The government of neighbouring Ghana has recognised this potential, strategically branding its festive season December in GH. This initiative leverages cultural tourism for substantial economic gain. The country even takes measures like visa-on-arrival in December to encourage visitors.

    This builds on cultural tourism successes like the 2019 Year of Return campaign. In 2023, December in GH reportedly attracted about 115,000 participants.

    Even in a challenging economic climate, Detty December continues to thrive. This indicates a desire for cultural connection and a much-needed escape, especially among the continent’s youth and its global diaspora communities.

    South Africa: Ke Dezemba

    From Flytime in Lagos and AfroNation in Accra to Alte Sounds in Kigali and the vibrant December nightlife in Mombasa or Johannesburg’s rooftop party events, African cities have become seasonal epicentres for cultural consumption.

    “Ke Dezemba” is a term used in South Africa to describe the festive season. It’s a vibrant and celebratory term that’s often associated with summer holidays, braaiing (barbecuing) and social gatherings. It could become the branding of the country’s own Detty December.

    South Africa’s global profile has been raised during its 2025 presidency of the G20. Adopting its own version of Detty December could continue to amplify Brand South Africa. It could show off the country’s vibrancy, creativity, hospitality and potential for investment.

    Aligning cultural celebration with global visibility could reframe a season of revelry into a strategic cultural and economic asset. For South Africa, this could inject capital into the tourism sector, boosting hospitality, transport and ancillary services.



    Read more:
    Culture can build a better world: four key issues on Africa’s G20 agenda

    Beyond direct tourism, the spotlight on South African art and culture during this period could make a lasting impact on the creative economy, fostering growth and job creation.

    Physical celebration could be digitally amplified to make a lasting impression.

    A notable example is Spotify’s unveiling of its Detty December hub. The music streaming service intends celebrating the festive season across west Africa and South Africa with playlists of party tracks.

    Spotify’s Phiona Okumu explains:

    Detty December is a special time for our users in west Africa, and Ke Dezemba symbolises South Africa’s spirit of celebration.

    How to make it work

    The lessons from west African cities suggest that cultural economies thrive with:

    • flexible governance

    • inclusive participation

    • engaged diasporas

    • innovative business models.

    For Nigeria’s Detty December model to be sustainable it would require strategic policy support, urban planning integration and investment in creative infrastructure.

    A group of diasporans in Ghana at the AfroFuture festival.
    Fquasie/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Funding models such as memberships and sponsorships are crucial for the longevity of music festivals. Policy support and infrastructure investment are necessary to unlock the full potential of the creative sector.

    Cultural tourism, powerfully embodied by Detty December, is emerging as a viable economic strategy for African cities. This signals a broader recognition of culture’s economic power. It offers a compelling canvas for economic development and nation branding.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money – https://theconversation.com/detty-december-started-as-a-nigerian-cultural-moment-now-its-spreading-across-the-continent-and-minting-money-258949

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Nnamdi O. Madichie, Professor of Marketing & Entrepreneurship, University of Kigali

    Festivals like Carnival Calabar in Nigeria abound throughout the year-end parties across west Africa and beyond. Akintomiwaao/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Every December in Nigeria and Ghana a giant party takes place, unfolding in a whirlwind of concerts, festivals, weddings, art shows, dress-ups, meet-ups and travel. Locals and diaspora west Africans returning from overseas come together to create Detty December, a festive event stretching from mid-December to the new year.

    Detty is a playful term for “dirty” in the regional Pidgin language and “Detty December” is a term commonly believed to have been coined by Afropop star Mr Eazi in 2016. It means letting loose and indulging in some fun and revelry.

    Major events headlined by local and international music stars punctuate Detty December. In Nigeria events range from Flytime Fest in Lagos to Carnival Calabar, which showcases cultural heritage. In Ghana, festivals like AfroFuture and Afro Nation attract global celebrities and influencers as well as returning citizens.

    But this isn’t just a holiday fling. Propelled by youthful energy and cultural innovation, it’s an economic phenomenon. And it represents a shift in Africa’s urban landscape and its relationship with the rest of the world.

    Detty December now stands as a pillar of Africa’s creative economy, which has built on the global popularity of music from the continent, from Afrobeats to amapiano.

    As marketing and entrepreneurship lecturers with an eye on the creative industries, we’ve researched Detty December and believe it’s a cultural tourism phenomenon with the potential to spread across the continent. In fact, it’s already begun to do so.

    Nigeria: the economic power of Detty December

    Despite infrastructure challenges, places like Lagos are new cultural epicentres. During Detty December the city becomes a carnival of reunions and celebrations. “I Just Got Backs” (IJGBs) return, music spills from every bar and events pop up daily.

    Once simply a cultural moment, Detty December has rapidly become a powerful economic engine. It makes a big impact on hospitality, entertainment, tourism and local businesses.

    In Lagos alone, the 2024 festivities generated an estimated US$71.6 million in state revenue. Hotels contributed US$44 million and short-term rentals added US$30 million.

    Nationally, the impact is even more staggering. Detty December injected over US$220 million into Nigeria’s economy in 2023.

    A major driver of this growth is tourism. An estimated 1.2 million visitors flocked to Lagos in December 2024. Nearly 90% of these were diaspora Nigerians.

    Afrobeats star Wizkid’s Made in Lagos concert alone pulled in nearly US$650,000 in ticket sales. New song releases on Fridays have become features of the season.

    Beyond direct spending, Detty December creates temporary and permanent jobs and bolsters small businesses.

    Ghana: December in GH

    The government of neighbouring Ghana has recognised this potential, strategically branding its festive season December in GH. This initiative leverages cultural tourism for substantial economic gain. The country even takes measures like visa-on-arrival in December to encourage visitors.

    This builds on cultural tourism successes like the 2019 Year of Return campaign. In 2023, December in GH reportedly attracted about 115,000 participants.

    Even in a challenging economic climate, Detty December continues to thrive. This indicates a desire for cultural connection and a much-needed escape, especially among the continent’s youth and its global diaspora communities.

    South Africa: Ke Dezemba

    From Flytime in Lagos and AfroNation in Accra to Alte Sounds in Kigali and the vibrant December nightlife in Mombasa or Johannesburg’s rooftop party events, African cities have become seasonal epicentres for cultural consumption.

    “Ke Dezemba” is a term used in South Africa to describe the festive season. It’s a vibrant and celebratory term that’s often associated with summer holidays, braaiing (barbecuing) and social gatherings. It could become the branding of the country’s own Detty December.

    South Africa’s global profile has been raised during its 2025 presidency of the G20. Adopting its own version of Detty December could continue to amplify Brand South Africa. It could show off the country’s vibrancy, creativity, hospitality and potential for investment.

    Aligning cultural celebration with global visibility could reframe a season of revelry into a strategic cultural and economic asset. For South Africa, this could inject capital into the tourism sector, boosting hospitality, transport and ancillary services.



    Read more:
    Culture can build a better world: four key issues on Africa’s G20 agenda

    Beyond direct tourism, the spotlight on South African art and culture during this period could make a lasting impact on the creative economy, fostering growth and job creation.

    Physical celebration could be digitally amplified to make a lasting impression.

    A notable example is Spotify’s unveiling of its Detty December hub. The music streaming service intends celebrating the festive season across west Africa and South Africa with playlists of party tracks.

    Spotify’s Phiona Okumu explains:

    Detty December is a special time for our users in west Africa, and Ke Dezemba symbolises South Africa’s spirit of celebration.

    How to make it work

    The lessons from west African cities suggest that cultural economies thrive with:

    • flexible governance

    • inclusive participation

    • engaged diasporas

    • innovative business models.

    For Nigeria’s Detty December model to be sustainable it would require strategic policy support, urban planning integration and investment in creative infrastructure.

    A group of diasporans in Ghana at the AfroFuture festival.
    Fquasie/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Funding models such as memberships and sponsorships are crucial for the longevity of music festivals. Policy support and infrastructure investment are necessary to unlock the full potential of the creative sector.

    Cultural tourism, powerfully embodied by Detty December, is emerging as a viable economic strategy for African cities. This signals a broader recognition of culture’s economic power. It offers a compelling canvas for economic development and nation branding.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money – https://theconversation.com/detty-december-started-as-a-nigerian-cultural-moment-now-its-spreading-across-the-continent-and-minting-money-258949

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Can academics use AI to write journal papers? What the guidelines say

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Sumaya Laher, Professor, University of the Witwatersrand

    Artificial intelligence (AI) refers to “intelligent machines and algorithms that can reason and adapt based on sets of rules and environments which mimic human intelligence”. This field is evolving rapidly and the education sector, for one, is abuzz with discussion on AI use for writing.

    This matters not just for academics, but for anyone relying on trustworthy information, from journalists and policymakers to educators and the public. Ensuring transparency in how AI is used protects the credibility of all published knowledge.



    Read more:
    AI in education: what those buzzwords mean

    In education and research, AI can generate text, improve writing style, and even analyse data. It saves time and resources by allowing quick summarising of work, language editing and reference checking. It also holds potential for enhancing scholarly work and even inspiring new ideas.

    Equally AI is able to generate entire pieces of work. Sometimes it’s difficult to distinguish original work written by an individual and work generated by AI.

    This is a serious concern in the academic world – for universities, researchers, lecturers and students. Some uses of AI are seen as acceptable and others are not (or not yet).



    Read more:
    AI can be a danger to students – 3 things universities must do

    As editor and editorial board member of several journals, and in my capacity as a researcher and professor of psychology, I have grappled with what counts as acceptable use of AI in academic writing. I looked to various published guidelines:

    The guidelines are unanimous that AI tools cannot be listed as co-authors or take responsibility for the content. Authors remain fully responsible for verifying the accuracy, ethical use and integrity of all AI-influenced content. Routine assistance does not need citation, but any substantive AI-generated content must be clearly referenced.

    Let’s unpack this a bit more.

    Assisted versus generated content

    In understanding AI use in academic writing, it’s important to distinguish between AI-assisted content and AI-generated content.

    AI-assisted content refers to work that is predominantly written by an individual but has been improved with the aid of AI tools. For example, an author might use AI to assist with grammar checks, enhance sentence clarity, or provide style suggestions. The author remains in control, and the AI merely acts as a tool to polish the final product.

    This kind of assistance is generally accepted by most publishers as well as the Committee on Publication Ethics, without the need for formal disclosure. That’s as long as the work remains original and the integrity of the research is upheld.

    AI-generated content is produced by the AI itself. This could mean that the AI tool generates significant portions of text, or even entire sections, based on detailed instructions (prompts) provided by the author.

    This raises ethical concerns, especially regarding originality, accuracy and authorship. Generative AI draws its content from various sources such as web scraping, public datasets, code repositories and user-generated content – basically any content that it is able to access. You can never be sure about the authenticity of the work. AI “hallucinations” are common. Generative AI might be plagiarising someone else’s work or infringing on copyright and you won’t know.



    Read more:
    What are AI hallucinations? Why AIs sometimes make things up

    Thus, for AI-generated content, authors are required to make clear and explicit disclosures. In many cases, this type of content may face restrictions. Publishers may even reject it outright, as outlined in the Committee on Publication Ethics guidelines.

    What’s allowed and what’s not

    Based on my readings of the guidelines, I offer some practical tips for using AI in academic writing. These are fairly simple and could be applicable across disciplines.

    • The guidelines all say AI tools can be used for routine tasks like improving grammar, revising sentence structure, or assisting with literature searches. These applications do not require specific acknowledgement.

    • Across the guidelines reviewed, AI generated content is not allowed unless there are clear reasons why this was necessary for the research and the content is clearly marked and referenced as such. Thus, depending on how AI is used, it must be referenced in the manuscript. This could be in the literature review, or in the methods or results section.

    • Sage and the Committee on Publication Ethics emphasise that authors must disclose when AI-generated content is used by citing this appropriately. There are different conventions for citing AI use but all seem to agree that the name of the generative tool used, the date accessed and the prompt used should be cited. This level of transparency is necessary to uphold the credibility of academic work.

    • Other aspects linked to AI assistance like correcting code, generating tables or figures, reducing word count or checking on analyses cannot be referenced directly in the body of the manuscript. In line with current best practice recommendations, this should be indicated at the end of the manuscript.

    • Authors are responsible for checking the accuracy of any AI content, whether AI assisted or AI generated, ensuring it’s free from bias, plagiarism, and potential copyright infringements.

    The final word (for now)

    AI tools can undoubtedly enhance the academic writing process, but their use must be approached with transparency, caution, and respect for ethical standards.

    Authors must remain vigilant in maintaining academic integrity, particularly when AI is involved. Authors should verify the accuracy and appropriateness of AI-generated content, ensuring that it doesn’t compromise the originality or validity of their work.



    Read more:
    South African university students use AI to help them understand – not to avoid work

    There have been excellent suggestions as to when the declaration of AI should be mandatory, optional and unnecessary. If unsure, the best advice would be to include the use of any form of AI (assisted or generated) in the acknowledgement.

    It is very likely that these recommendations will be revised in due course as AI continues to evolve. But it is equally important that we start somewhere. AI tools are here to stay. Let’s deal with it constructively and collaboratively.

    Sumaya Laher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Can academics use AI to write journal papers? What the guidelines say – https://theconversation.com/can-academics-use-ai-to-write-journal-papers-what-the-guidelines-say-258824

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Women trapped with abusers: South Africa’s COVID lockdowns exposed serious protection gaps

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Marinei Herselman, Lecturer, University of Fort Hare

    The unintended consequences of measures introduced to limit the spread of the COVID-19 virus from 2020 to 2022 have been studied extensively. Research in South Africa shows that some of these measures added to social ills, such as unemployment and poverty.

    Another impact of “lockdown” was on gender-based violence. The government’s Gender-Based Violence Command Centre reported over 120,000 cases within the first three weeks of lockdown.

    In the year 2019-20, 53,293 sexual offences were reported, an average of 146 per day. This was up from 52,420 in 2018-19. Most of these were cases of rape. The police recorded 42,289 rapes in 2019-20, up from 41,583 in 2018-19, an average of 116 rapes each day. Further, a total of 2,695 women were murdered in South Africa in 2019-20. This means a woman is murdered every three hours.

    The lockdown measures required people to remain indoors. Schools and non-essential establishments like restaurants were closed. Travelling internationally and between provinces was prohibited.

    Research showed that the lockdown measures trapped many women and children in abusive environments. The gender-based violence incidents highlighted gaps in support services and underscored the critical role of social workers in crisis situations.

    In a recent paper, we described our study of the impact the lockdown measures had on gender-based violence in Matatiele, a small town in South Africa’s Eastern Cape, one of the poorest regions in the country.

    The study highlighted the need to integrate gender-based violence support services into emergency plans to ensure continuity of care in times of crisis. In addition, the challenges faced by social workers during the pandemic showed systemic weaknesses in the support infrastructure.



    Read more:
    South African women face exclusion from society due to gender-based violence – how they’re fighting back

    We recommend prioritising gender-based violence services, expanding the social work workforce, and ensuring accessible, effective support mechanisms to safeguard survivors. By engaging local and provincial partners through cross-sector collaboration, South Africa can build a more equitable society and empower survivors during future emergencies.

    Interviewing survivors of violence

    Our findings were based on interviews with 30 survivors of gender-based violence and five social workers at the Thuthuzela Care Centre in Matatiele, which provides support for rape survivors. Twenty-four of the survivors (80%) were women and six (20%) were males. The participants were aged 18-35.

    We found that 63.3% of survivors experienced gender-based violence differently during the pandemic, primarily because access to support services was reduced. Key findings were that:

    • survivors found it difficult to reach police stations, hospitals and support centres

    • a lack of transport and staffing made access to services even more difficult than usual

    • survivors were often imprisoned with their abusers, making it nearly impossible to escape the abusive environment

    • the closure of schools and community centres destroyed additional refuges and support networks

    • social workers reported that remote counselling methods, such as telephone calls, were less effective

    • poor internet connection and the inability to meet in person limited the quality of psychosocial support provided

    • many perpetrators faced job losses and economic hardships; this led to increased stress and violence.

    Our findings highlight how public health crises can worsen existing social vulnerabilities. The COVID-19 pandemic starkly illustrated the vulnerability of survivors during crises and the role of social workers in providing support.



    Read more:
    Spoken word poetry challenges gender-based violence in Namibia

    Women’s experiences

    As shown in the table, some participants said their experiences of abuse were the same before and during COVID-19. This might be because a participant was abused during the pandemic and had not been a victim before.

    Most of the research participants said their experience of gender-based violence was different from how it had been before COVID-19. Asked to explain, most of them responded in similar ways.

    One of the women said:

    I have difficulty escaping my abuser.

    Another said:

    I struggled to sleep, and I was anxious for a long time. I accepted the situation and told myself that I will be fine. I was abused by a stranger, which made it difficult for me to get justice but I told myself that abuse is something that you cannot run away from.

    Lack of sleep is a common challenge for many survivors of gender-based violence.

    One of the male survivors in the study, a married man, spoke of the difficulty of dealing with societal norms which are rooted in patriarchy. There’s a local saying which captures the typical attitude: indoda yokwenyani ayikhali (“a real man does not cry”).

    There appeared to be a general sense that gender-based violence would not change, so women and men just accepted and normalised it.



    Read more:
    Men abused by women don’t all fight back. Some believe a strong man is non-violent – South African study

    Next steps

    An effective response to gender-based violence requires sufficient staffing of response facilities. There is also a need for robust communication tools and training to handle remote support scenarios as happened during COVID.

    Gender-based violence is a serious problem that needs a multi-faceted response. Governments, and non-profit, non-governmental and
    civil society organisations must work together. This will help in achieving UN Sustainable Development Goal 5 on gender equality. Gender equality is a fundamental human right. It is a foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. While some progress has been made in recent decades, the world is not on track to achieve gender equality by 2030.

    To lessen the impact of future crises on survivors of gender-based violence, several steps are essential:

    • the government must recognise support services as critical in emergencies; social workers must be classified as essential personnel so that they can continue their work without restrictions

    • essential services such as safe shelters, mental health support and legal aid must be in place, and healthcare services must be fully available, well-equipped and well-staffed

    • the government must expand and train the social worker workforce, and provide specialised training for any crisis situation in the future

    • there is need to develop support channels, including online platforms, helplines and mobile outreach programmes

    • investing in reliable communication technologies and transportation can help people reach support services

    • long-term strategies should focus on reducing gender inequalities and challenging patriarchal norms.

    Bongeka Zawani, a master’s student at the University of Fort Hare, carried out the study this article is based on.

    Marinei Herselman and Bongeka Zwani received funding from the University of Fort Hare GMRDC for this study.

    – ref. Women trapped with abusers: South Africa’s COVID lockdowns exposed serious protection gaps – https://theconversation.com/women-trapped-with-abusers-south-africas-covid-lockdowns-exposed-serious-protection-gaps-243198

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Sudan: foreign interests are deepening a devastating war – only regional diplomacy can stop them

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By John Mukum Mbaku, Professor, Weber State University

    The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces has raged since April 2023. It’s turned Sudan into the site of one of the world’s most catastrophic humanitarian and displacement crises.

    At least 150,000 people have been killed. More than 14 million have been displaced, with over 3 million fleeing to neighbouring countries like Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan. Once a vibrant capital city, Khartoum is now a “burnt-out shell”.

    This devastating war, rooted in long-standing ethnic, political and economic tensions, has been compounded by what international and regional actors have done and failed to do. As Amnesty International notes, the international response remains “woefully inadequate”.

    The problem lies in the fact that external involvement has not been neutral. Instead of halting the conflict, many external players have complicated it. In some cases, international interventions have escalated it.

    More than 10 countries across Africa, the Middle East and Asia have been drawn into Sudan’s war. This has turned it into a proxy conflict that reflects the interests of external actors, such as Egypt, Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

    Several actors have taken sides.

    Saudi Arabia, for instance, backs the Sudanese army. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is alleged to support the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. Egypt, citing historical ties, backs the army. For their part, Ethiopia and Eritrea reportedly support the paramilitary group. Chad has been accused of facilitating arms shipments to the Rapid Support Forces via its eastern airports. Russia, Ukraine, Turkey and Iran have also been linked to diplomatic and military support to Sudan’s army.

    These geopolitical entanglements have made peace nearly impossible, deepening the conflict instead of resolving it.

    I have studied Africa’s governance failures for more than 30 years, from military elites and coups to state capture and political instability. Based on this, my view is that Sudan’s conflict cannot be resolved without serious international commitment to neutrality and peace.



    Read more:
    Sudan’s peace mediation should be led by the African Union: 3 reasons why

    The involvement of foreign actors on opposing sides must be reversed. International involvement must be premised on helping the Sudanese people develop the capacity to resolve governance problems themselves.

    For this to happen, regional diplomacy must be stepped up. The African Union must assert its legitimacy and take the lead in addressing this challenging crisis. It can do this by putting pressure on member states to ensure that any ceasefire agreements are enforced.

    The East African Community and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development can provide assistance in securing a peace agreement and ensuring it’s enforced. Members of these continental organisations can encourage external actors to limit their intervention in Sudan to activities that promote democratic governance and sustainable development.

    The African Union

    The African Union should play a central role in bringing peace to Sudan. But its absence has been conspicuous.

    Despite adopting the “African solutions to African problems” mantra, the African Union has neither held Sudan’s warlords accountable nor put in place adequate civilian protection measures.

    First, it could have worked closely with the UN to deploy a mission to Sudan with a mandate to protect civilians, monitor human rights (especially the rights of women and girls), assist in the return of all displaced persons and prevent any further attacks on civilians.

    Second, the African Union could have sent an expert group to investigate human rights violations, especially sexual violence. The results could have been submitted to the union’s Peace and Security Council for further action.

    Third, the African Union could have worked closely with regional and international actors, including the Arab League. This would ensure a unified approach to the conflict, based on the interests of Sudanese people for peace and development.

    Finally, the AU could have addressed the root causes of Sudan’s conflicts, which include extreme poverty, inequality, political exclusion and economic marginalisation.

    The African Union could also make use of the insights and knowledge gleaned by African leaders like Kenya’s William Ruto and Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who have attempted to mediate, but have failed. The AU should also use the political expertise of elder statesmen, such as Thabo Mbeki, Moussa Faki and Olusegun Obasanjo, to help address the conflict and humanitarian crisis.

    The United Arab Emirates

    The UAE is alleged to back the paramilitary troops in the war. In recent years, the UAE has become increasingly involved in African conflicts. It has supported various factions to conflicts in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel region and Libya.

    Its increased involvement in Africa is driven by several strategic interests. These include fighting terrorism, securing maritime routes, and expanding its trade and influence.



    Read more:
    Sudan is burning and foreign powers are benefiting – what’s in it for the UAE

    In 2009, the UAE helped Sudan mediate its border conflict with Chad. The UAE supported the ouster of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019, as well as Sudan’s transitional military council.

    In 2021, the UAE signed a strategic partnership with Sudan to modernise its political institutions and return the country to the international community. The UAE has stated that it has taken a neutral position in the present conflict. However, on 6 March 2025, Sudan brought a case against the UAE to the International Court of Justice. It accused the UAE of complicity in genocide, alleging that the UAE “has been arming the RSF with the aim of wiping out the non-Arab Massalit population of West Darfur.”

    The United States

    During his first term, US president Donald Trump spearheaded the Abraham Accords. These agreements were aimed at normalising relations between Israel and several Arab countries, including Sudan. Subsequently, Sudan was removed from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism.

    The accords appeared to have brought Khartoum closer to Washington. They provided avenues for the type of engagement that could have placed it in good stead when Trump returned to the White House in 2025.

    However, Sudan’s internal political and economic instability, including the present civil war, has complicated the situation.

    The Abraham Accords were a significant foreign policy achievement for Trump. A peaceful, democratically governed, and economically stable and prosperous Sudan could serve as the foundation for Trump’s “circle of peace” in the Middle East.

    But Trump and his administration are preoccupied with other domestic and foreign policy priorities. During his May 2025 visit to Saudi Arabia, Trump did not officially address the conflict in Sudan. Instead, he placed emphasis on securing business deals and investments.

    The European Union

    The European Union has strongly condemned the violence and the atrocities committed during the war in Sudan, especially against children and women. The organisation has appealed for an immediate and lasting ceasefire while noting that Sudan faces the “most catastrophic humanitarian crisis of the 21st century”.

    Unfortunately, member countries will remain preoccupied with helping Ukraine, especially given the growing uncertainty in Washington’s relationship with the authorities in Kyiv.

    The preoccupation and focus of the EU and the US on Gaza, Ukraine and Iran may, however, be underestimating the geopolitical risks Sudan’s war is generating.

    A peaceful and democratically governed Sudan can contribute to peace not just in the region, but also in many other parts of the world.

    What now?

    To end Sudan’s war and prevent future ones, international and African actors must do more than issue statements. They must act coherently, collectively and with genuine commitment to the Sudanese people’s right to peace, democratic governance and sustainable development.

    Democracy and the rule of law are key to peaceful coexistence and sustainable development in Sudan. However, establishing and sustaining institutions that enhance and support democracy is the job of the Sudanese people. The external community can provide the financial support that Sudan is likely to need. It can also support the strengthening of electoral systems, civic education and citizen trust in public institutions.

    John Mukum Mbaku does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sudan: foreign interests are deepening a devastating war – only regional diplomacy can stop them – https://theconversation.com/sudan-foreign-interests-are-deepening-a-devastating-war-only-regional-diplomacy-can-stop-them-259824

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Sudan: foreign interests are deepening a devastating war – only regional diplomacy can stop them

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By John Mukum Mbaku, Professor, Weber State University

    The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces has raged since April 2023. It’s turned Sudan into the site of one of the world’s most catastrophic humanitarian and displacement crises.

    At least 150,000 people have been killed. More than 14 million have been displaced, with over 3 million fleeing to neighbouring countries like Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan. Once a vibrant capital city, Khartoum is now a “burnt-out shell”.

    This devastating war, rooted in long-standing ethnic, political and economic tensions, has been compounded by what international and regional actors have done and failed to do. As Amnesty International notes, the international response remains “woefully inadequate”.

    The problem lies in the fact that external involvement has not been neutral. Instead of halting the conflict, many external players have complicated it. In some cases, international interventions have escalated it.

    More than 10 countries across Africa, the Middle East and Asia have been drawn into Sudan’s war. This has turned it into a proxy conflict that reflects the interests of external actors, such as Egypt, Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

    Several actors have taken sides.

    Saudi Arabia, for instance, backs the Sudanese army. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is alleged to support the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. Egypt, citing historical ties, backs the army. For their part, Ethiopia and Eritrea reportedly support the paramilitary group. Chad has been accused of facilitating arms shipments to the Rapid Support Forces via its eastern airports. Russia, Ukraine, Turkey and Iran have also been linked to diplomatic and military support to Sudan’s army.

    These geopolitical entanglements have made peace nearly impossible, deepening the conflict instead of resolving it.

    I have studied Africa’s governance failures for more than 30 years, from military elites and coups to state capture and political instability. Based on this, my view is that Sudan’s conflict cannot be resolved without serious international commitment to neutrality and peace.



    Read more:
    Sudan’s peace mediation should be led by the African Union: 3 reasons why

    The involvement of foreign actors on opposing sides must be reversed. International involvement must be premised on helping the Sudanese people develop the capacity to resolve governance problems themselves.

    For this to happen, regional diplomacy must be stepped up. The African Union must assert its legitimacy and take the lead in addressing this challenging crisis. It can do this by putting pressure on member states to ensure that any ceasefire agreements are enforced.

    The East African Community and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development can provide assistance in securing a peace agreement and ensuring it’s enforced. Members of these continental organisations can encourage external actors to limit their intervention in Sudan to activities that promote democratic governance and sustainable development.

    The African Union

    The African Union should play a central role in bringing peace to Sudan. But its absence has been conspicuous.

    Despite adopting the “African solutions to African problems” mantra, the African Union has neither held Sudan’s warlords accountable nor put in place adequate civilian protection measures.

    First, it could have worked closely with the UN to deploy a mission to Sudan with a mandate to protect civilians, monitor human rights (especially the rights of women and girls), assist in the return of all displaced persons and prevent any further attacks on civilians.

    Second, the African Union could have sent an expert group to investigate human rights violations, especially sexual violence. The results could have been submitted to the union’s Peace and Security Council for further action.

    Third, the African Union could have worked closely with regional and international actors, including the Arab League. This would ensure a unified approach to the conflict, based on the interests of Sudanese people for peace and development.

    Finally, the AU could have addressed the root causes of Sudan’s conflicts, which include extreme poverty, inequality, political exclusion and economic marginalisation.

    The African Union could also make use of the insights and knowledge gleaned by African leaders like Kenya’s William Ruto and Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who have attempted to mediate, but have failed. The AU should also use the political expertise of elder statesmen, such as Thabo Mbeki, Moussa Faki and Olusegun Obasanjo, to help address the conflict and humanitarian crisis.

    The United Arab Emirates

    The UAE is alleged to back the paramilitary troops in the war. In recent years, the UAE has become increasingly involved in African conflicts. It has supported various factions to conflicts in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel region and Libya.

    Its increased involvement in Africa is driven by several strategic interests. These include fighting terrorism, securing maritime routes, and expanding its trade and influence.



    Read more:
    Sudan is burning and foreign powers are benefiting – what’s in it for the UAE

    In 2009, the UAE helped Sudan mediate its border conflict with Chad. The UAE supported the ouster of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019, as well as Sudan’s transitional military council.

    In 2021, the UAE signed a strategic partnership with Sudan to modernise its political institutions and return the country to the international community. The UAE has stated that it has taken a neutral position in the present conflict. However, on 6 March 2025, Sudan brought a case against the UAE to the International Court of Justice. It accused the UAE of complicity in genocide, alleging that the UAE “has been arming the RSF with the aim of wiping out the non-Arab Massalit population of West Darfur.”

    The United States

    During his first term, US president Donald Trump spearheaded the Abraham Accords. These agreements were aimed at normalising relations between Israel and several Arab countries, including Sudan. Subsequently, Sudan was removed from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism.

    The accords appeared to have brought Khartoum closer to Washington. They provided avenues for the type of engagement that could have placed it in good stead when Trump returned to the White House in 2025.

    However, Sudan’s internal political and economic instability, including the present civil war, has complicated the situation.

    The Abraham Accords were a significant foreign policy achievement for Trump. A peaceful, democratically governed, and economically stable and prosperous Sudan could serve as the foundation for Trump’s “circle of peace” in the Middle East.

    But Trump and his administration are preoccupied with other domestic and foreign policy priorities. During his May 2025 visit to Saudi Arabia, Trump did not officially address the conflict in Sudan. Instead, he placed emphasis on securing business deals and investments.

    The European Union

    The European Union has strongly condemned the violence and the atrocities committed during the war in Sudan, especially against children and women. The organisation has appealed for an immediate and lasting ceasefire while noting that Sudan faces the “most catastrophic humanitarian crisis of the 21st century”.

    Unfortunately, member countries will remain preoccupied with helping Ukraine, especially given the growing uncertainty in Washington’s relationship with the authorities in Kyiv.

    The preoccupation and focus of the EU and the US on Gaza, Ukraine and Iran may, however, be underestimating the geopolitical risks Sudan’s war is generating.

    A peaceful and democratically governed Sudan can contribute to peace not just in the region, but also in many other parts of the world.

    What now?

    To end Sudan’s war and prevent future ones, international and African actors must do more than issue statements. They must act coherently, collectively and with genuine commitment to the Sudanese people’s right to peace, democratic governance and sustainable development.

    Democracy and the rule of law are key to peaceful coexistence and sustainable development in Sudan. However, establishing and sustaining institutions that enhance and support democracy is the job of the Sudanese people. The external community can provide the financial support that Sudan is likely to need. It can also support the strengthening of electoral systems, civic education and citizen trust in public institutions.

    John Mukum Mbaku does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sudan: foreign interests are deepening a devastating war – only regional diplomacy can stop them – https://theconversation.com/sudan-foreign-interests-are-deepening-a-devastating-war-only-regional-diplomacy-can-stop-them-259824

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Europe: European rural areas face higher levels of energy poverty

    Source: European Union 2

    Around 48 million Europeans are unable to keep their homes warm, according to a new report. Rural areas in the EU experience higher levels of energy poverty, especially in Bulgaria, Romania and Greece. However, rural areas are ahead of cities in carrying out energy efficiency improvements.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

  • MIL-OSI Europe: European rural areas face higher levels of energy poverty

    Source: European Union 2

    Around 48 million Europeans are unable to keep their homes warm, according to a new report. Rural areas in the EU experience higher levels of energy poverty, especially in Bulgaria, Romania and Greece. However, rural areas are ahead of cities in carrying out energy efficiency improvements.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

  • MIL-OSI Banking: Samsung in Partnership with CUT Host Graduation Ceremony for 2nd Cohort

    Source: Samsung

    Samsung in mphopartnership with the Central University of Technology (CUT) recently hosted a graduation ceremony where certificates were awarded to 21 students from the 2nd cohort that have successfully completed studies in AI in the prestigious Samsung Innovation Campus (SIC) programme.
    At this year’s graduation, the SIC partnership with CUT is also celebrating the fact that 16 out of the 21 students have already secured employment, while five (5) of these graduates have opted to further their studies. This is a key milestone in this partnership and a confirmation of how this SIC programme has successfully managed to fulfil its main objectives of addressing South Africa’s youth unemployment and the critical skills gap in technology and innovation.
    Since November 2022, when the Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) was signed by Samsung and CUT – this SIC programme has been able to equip an overall group of 71 enthusiastic, young participants with in-demand skills in 4IR including Artificial Intelligence (AI), as well as Coding and Programming (C&P). This second cohort of CUT students that is now graduating with skills in AI; were also part of the cohort that completed Coding and Programming in Python. The programme has been structured in such a way that it includes theoretical learning, practical sessions and capstone projects.
    These essential skills that these CUT students have acquired have not only prepared them for the demands of the modern tech industry but have also turned them into a group of eligible young professionals – able to secure permanent employment in the local market. This global SIC programme is in line with the country’s transformation goals outlined in the National Development Plan, the long-term strategic plan for South Africa’s future which aims to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030.
    Professor Wendy Setlalentoa, CUT acting Deputy Vice Chancellor: Research, Innovation and Engagement said: “We are grateful to Samsung for choosing to partner with our institution and for helping us to make a lasting difference in the lives of young people in South Africa. This partnership is a perfect example of a well-functioning and mutually beneficial Public-Private Partnership (PPP) with tangible examples of how to address youth unemployment and skills development.
     

     
    “In the last few years, our institution has had the opportunity to play a crucial role in providing the curriculum and training for students in 4IR skills and focus on developing practical skills that have helped prepare our graduates for future careers in innovation and technology space,” added Prof. Setlalentoa.
    CUT’s Centre for Innovation in Learning and Teaching (CILT) has also supported the SIC programme by creating an enabling education environment and improving the quality of teaching and learning. Also, CUT students that participated in the SIC programme have now developed stronger problem-solving skills, which are crucial for both career advancement and entrepreneurial pursuits.
    And furthermore, the institution’s broader emphasis on work-integrated learning and industry exposure has allowed CUT to play an instrumental role in securing jobs for students participating in the SIC programme, primarily through its Careers Office and other key industry partners. Some of the partners who are employers to these employed graduates and their primary activities include: Capacity – Full stack developer in Python; BoxFusion – Junior Data Analyst and Junior Software Engineer respectively; Vodacom – Software Architect; BitCube – Junior Software Developer Associate and Standard Bank – Junior Software Engineer.
    One of the top performing students in the graduating cohort, Mpho Macdonald Ramaisa said: “I am overjoyed and exceptionally grateful to have been part of the SIC programme. The programme has equipped me with critical skills, particularly in the tech field and these, have now boosted my confidence in my abilities, given me a clearer career direction and enhanced my innovative thinking skills.
     

     
    “The majority of us have already secured jobs and this alone, has given us a sense of purpose and accomplishment. For us, access to these in-demand tech skills needed by our local economy and the employment opportunities that we have secured – means that we will be able to create better opportunities for ourselves and our families,” Ramaisa.
    The partnership between Samsung and CUT has also seen success in the increase of female representation in the SIC programme as well as in ensuring that graduates have better opportunities in the job market or entrepreneurship space. The gender split in this graduating cohort is as follows: 52% female representation.
    Lefa Makgato, Corporate Social Responsibility Manager for Samsung Electronics in Southern Africa said: “We are very proud of what this partnership has achieved since inception; and how well its accomplishments align with the country’s vision 2030 goals.
     

     
    Importantly, this collaboration with CUT has also ensured that these students are now equipped with skills to contribute to the digital economy. But most importantly, in conjunction with CUT – we have now been able to accomplish Samsung’s education vision which centres around fostering future technological leaders and ICT entrepreneurs by providing accessible and engaging learning experiences that integrate technology and real-world application.”

    MIL OSI Global Banks –

  • Amit Shah celebrates 50 years of Official Language Dept, stresses Indian languages’ role in unity

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation, Amit Shah on Thursday addressed the Golden Jubilee Celebration of the Department of Official Language in New Delhi as the Chief Guest, highlighting the pivotal role of Indian languages in fostering national pride and unity. The event, attended by dignitaries including Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta, Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Bandi Sanjay Kumar, Vice Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on Official Language Bhartruhari Mahtab, Rajya Sabha MP  Sudhanshu Trivedi, and Secretary of the Department of Official Language Smt. Anshuli Arya, marked 50 years of the department’s efforts to promote Indian languages in governance.

    Shah emphasized that the 50-year journey of the Department of Official Language, from 1975 to 2025, will be remembered as a golden chapter in India’s quest to revive its self-respect. He noted that the department was established to ensure governance reflects the linguistic identity of the nation’s citizens, awakening national pride. “Language is not just a medium of communication but the soul of a nation,” Shah said, stressing that no country can preserve its culture, history, or values without nurturing its languages. He underscored the need for governance in mother tongues to align with India’s cultural ethos and propel the nation forward with self-respect.

    Reflecting on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, Shah highlighted the unprecedented boost to Indian languages in technology, education, and administration over the past 11 years. He cited initiatives like the “Ek Bharat, Shreshtha Bharat” program, which has fostered unity through events such as Kashi-Tamil Sangamam, Kashi-Telugu Sangamam, Saurashtra-Tamil Sangamam, Shashwat Mithila Mahotsav, and Bhasha Sangam. The Bhasha Sangam initiative, teaching students 100 common sentences in the 22 constitutionally recognized languages, was described as a transformative step to strengthen linguistic unity. Shah predicted that this initiative would grow into a “vast banyan tree,” revitalizing Indian languages.

    The Union Home Minister also praised the creation of the “Hindi Shabdsindhu,” a significant effort to make Hindi more flexible and inclusive by incorporating commonly used words, regardless of their origin. He expressed confidence that this initiative would enrich Hindi and foster connections with other Indian languages. Additionally, Shah highlighted the establishment of the Bharatiya Bhasha Anubhag, which aims to ensure that state and central administrations operate in Indian languages. He emphasized that Hindi is a “friend” to all Indian languages, working together to elevate national pride.

    Shah noted significant strides in education, with technical education now offered in 12 Indian languages and Madhya Pradesh pioneering medical education