Category: Education

  • MIL-Evening Report: More people are asking generative AI questions about their health. But the wrong answer can be risky

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julie Ayre, Post Doctoral Research Fellow, Sydney Health Literacy Lab, University of Sydney

    Shvets Production/Pexels

    More people are turning to generative artificial intelligence (AI) to help them in their daily and professional lives. ChatGPT is one of the most well-known and widely available generative AI tools. It gives tailored, plausible answers to any question for free.

    There is so much potential for generative AI tools to help people learn about their health. But the answers are not always correct. Relying solely on ChatGPT for health advice can be risky and cause unnecessary concern.

    Generative AI is still a relatively new technology, and is constantly changing. Our new study provides the first Australian data about who is using ChatGPT to answer health questions, for what purposes.

    The results can help tell people how to use this new technology for their health, and the new skills needed to use it safely – in other words, to build “AI health literacy”.

    Who uses ChatGPT for health? What do they ask?

    In June 2024 we asked a nationally representative sample of more than 2,000 Australians if they had used ChatGPT to answer health questions.

    One in ten (9.9%) had asked ChatGPT a health question in the first half of 2024.

    On average they reported that they “somewhat” trusted ChatGPT (3.1 out of 5).

    We also found the proportion of people using ChatGPT for health was higher for people who had low health literacy, were born in a non-English speaking country, or spoke another language at home.

    This suggests ChatGPT may be supporting people who find it hard to engage with traditional forms of health information in Australia.

    One in ten Australians asked ChatGPT a health question in the first half of last year.
    Kampus Productions/Pexels

    The most common questions that people asked ChatGPT related to:

    • learning about a health condition (48%)
    • finding out what symptoms mean (37%)
    • asking about actions (36%)
    • or understanding medical terms (35%).

    More than half (61%) had asked at least one question that would usually require clinical advice. We classified these questions as “riskier”. Asking ChatGPT what your symptoms mean can give you a rough idea, but cannot substitute clinical advice.

    People who were born in a non-English speaking country or who spoke another language at home were more likely to ask these types of questions.

    Why does this matter?

    The number of people using generative AI for health information is likely to grow. In our study, 39% of people who had not yet used ChatGPT for health would consider doing so in the next six months.

    The overall number of people using generative AI tools for health information is even higher if we consider other tools such as Google Gemini, Microsoft Copilot, and Meta AI.

    Notably, in our study we saw that people from culturally and linguistically diverse communities may be more likely to use ChatGPT for health information.

    If they were asking ChatGPT to translate health information, this adds another layer of complexity. Generative AI tools are generally less accurate in other languages.

    We need investment in services (whether human or machine) to ensure speaking another language is not a barrier to high quality health information.

    What does ‘AI health literacy’ look like?

    Generative AI is here to stay, presenting both opportunities and risks to people who use it for health information.

    On the one hand, this technology appeals to people who already face significant barriers accessing health care and health information. One of its key benefits is its ability to instantly provide health information that is easy to understand.

    A recent review of studies showed generative AI tools are increasingly capable of answering general health questions using plain language, although they were less accurate for complex health topics.

    This has clear benefits as most health information is written at a level that is too complex for the general population, including during the pandemic.

    On the other hand, people are turning to general-purpose AI tools for health advice. This is riskier for questions that require clinical judgment and a broader understanding of the patient.

    There have already been case studies showing the dangers of using general purpose AI tools to decide whether to go to hospital or not.

    Where else can you go for this information?

    We need to help people think carefully about the kinds of questions they’re asking AI tools, and connect them with appropriate services that can answer these riskier questions.

    Organisations such as HealthDirect provide a national free helpline where you can speak with a registered nurse about whether to go to hospital or see a doctor. HealthDirect also provides an online SymptomChecker tool to help you figure out your next steps.

    While many Australian health agencies are developing AI policies, most are focused on how health services and staff engage with this technology.

    We urgently need to equip our community with AI health literacy skills. This need will grow as more people use AI tools for health, and it will also change as the AI tools evolve.

    Julie Ayre receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (APP2017278). The Health Literacy Editor is a research tool owned by the University of Sydney. It is sublicensed to Health Literacy Solutions PTY Ltd to enable wider public use. Julie Ayre (study author) is a co-director of Health Literacy Solutions PTY Ltd. She takes no personal income from Health Literacy Solutions PTY Ltd or the Health Literacy Editor.

    Kirsten McCaffery receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (APP2016719). The Health Literacy Editor is a research tool owned by the University of Sydney. It is sub-licensed to Health Literacy Solutions PTY Ltd to enable wider public use. Kirsten McCaffery is a co-director of Health Literacy Solutions PTY Ltd. She takes no personal income from Health Literacy Solutions PTY Ltd or the Health Literacy Editor.

    Erin Cvejic does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. More people are asking generative AI questions about their health. But the wrong answer can be risky – https://theconversation.com/more-people-are-asking-generative-ai-questions-about-their-health-but-the-wrong-answer-can-be-risky-249383

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  • MIL-Evening Report: The prime minister earns $607,000 a year. Why does his top public servant earn more than $1 million?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Wallace, Professor, School of Politics Economics & Society, Faculty of Business Government & Law, University of Canberra

    Tasmanian Senator Jacqui Lambie represents the lowest-income Australians, with median weekly earnings of $1,208 a week. In the Australian Capital Territory, where the nation’s highest median weekly earners live, including the brains trust of the Australian Public Service, it’s $1,688 a week – 40% higher.

    As a federal politician, Lambie shuttles between these two starkly different earnings worlds and is not happy about the disparity.

    Of course, Lambie herself is on a reasonable wicket. Parliamentarians’ base salaries are $233,660 a year, according to an Instagram post she made this month drawing attention to the issue.

    At a time of considerable financial stress for Australians hit by the combination of inflation, high interest rates and housing shortages, Lambie struck a nerve with her post, which listed a range of public roles drawing big six figure-plus annual salaries.

    In doing so, Lambie underlined the far higher salaries paid to senior public servants compared to the ministers to whom they’re responsible.

    Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet Secretary Glyn Davis earns $1,011,410 a year, 66% more than the man he serves, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, who earns $607,516.

    Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy’s salary is more than double that of Treasurer Jim Chalmers, who is paid $438,112. Another three departmental secretaries each earn $960,840.

    Lambie’s Instagram post drew hundreds of comments including:

    How does a public servant earn more than the prime minister? That’s wrong!!

    Politicians get flak about their salaries from belligerent constituents, but also keenly feel the injustice of earning far less than senior public servants.

    Higher pay for higher risk

    The salaries of both politicians and public servants have long and specific histories. Without an income, only the rich could afford to be politicians, so publicly paid allowances and salaries have historically been an important equity and inclusion measure. They remain so today.

    The original framers of the public service component of our Westminster system of government believed that to prevent conflicts of interest that drive corruption, the bureaucracy ought to be staffed by “permanent officers” with job security. In exchange for what, barring wrongdoing, was going to be a lifetime career, public service pay was historically adequate but not extravagant.

    This nexus was broken when, in exchange for higher pay, the Keating government introduced five-year contracts for departmental secretaries in March 1994. Three departmental secretaries refused contracts and continued as “permanent officers”. The rest took the money and the increased employment risk that went with it.

    Two years later, the Keating government lost office and incoming Prime Minister John Howard summarily fired nearly a third of departmental secretaries, fatally eroding the “frank and fearless” tradition of public service advice underpinned by security of employment.

    Compromised advice

    Contract employment for secretaries, who effectively can now be fired at will, not only created pressure for public servants to tell ministers what they wanted to hear, but also untethered their salaries from historical norms. Higher pay reflected that insecurity. The flow-on effect meant other salaries in the senior executive service also floated upwards.

    Contracts for secretaries have also been central to the revolving door that’s developed between the top of the public service and large consulting firms, creating conflicts of interest unknown in the traditional Westminster public service.

    The big four consulting firms are attractive alternative employers for highly paid and insecure departmental secretaries.

    Little wonder, then, that a quasi-privatisation of public service advice through consultancy contracts to those firms occurred, at vast expense to taxpayers – something Finance Minister Katy Gallagher has made strong efforts to reverse.

    Lambie’s push for answers

    Lambie has introduced the Remuneration Tribunal Amendment (There for the Public Service, Not Profit) Bill 2025 to cap senior APS pay at $430,000. It’s a bid to address remuneration which has raced far beyond ministerial salaries, and well beyond reasonable public expectations.

    The Lambie bill has been referred to a Senate committee, which presents an opportunity to evolve debate on the deeper reasons for what has gone awry in the public service and to devise a response that gets to the root of the problem.

    The precarity of contract employment for departmental secretaries, which is used to justify high salaries, is both unnecessary and harmful to the quality of public policy and administration in Australia.

    The intrinsic interest and challenge of working for the nation and the betterment of its citizens has always paid well in terms of a “psychic wage” on top of senior public servants’ actual salaries. If the complaint is that an executive could make much more in the private sector, they’re probably not the right person to work in the public service anyway.

    One reply to Lambie’s Insta post summed up the situation:

    It’s the pollies that made this mess.

    Politicians are the ones who are going to have to clean it up.

    It is neither likely nor plausible that highly paid public service leaders will cut their own salaries in return for an end to the five year contract system for secretaries.

    But that is what a return to good public service governance – and to frank and fearless advice in the national interest – now requires.

    Chris Wallace has received funding from the Australian Research Council.

    ref. The prime minister earns $607,000 a year. Why does his top public servant earn more than $1 million? – https://theconversation.com/the-prime-minister-earns-607-000-a-year-why-does-his-top-public-servant-earn-more-than-1-million-250045

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Will the government’s online gambling advertising legislation ever eventuate? Don’t bet on it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Rowe, Emeritus Professor of Cultural Research, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

    Lukas Coch/AAP, Shutterstock, X.com, The Conversation

    As the next federal election came into view before the summer break, concern increased that Labor wouldn’t be honouring its commitment to introduce new restrictions on online (especially sport) gambling advertising during the current parliamentary sitting.

    Those fears were well-founded, despite pressure from many sides and broad bipartisan political support.

    The Greens made a last-ditch attempt to cooperate with the government to pass some reforms in the February 2025 sitting, but were rebuffed.

    Instead, Communications Minister Michelle Rowland blamed the delay on the complexity of advertising reform and the need to continue consultation.

    This is despite a House of Representatives inquiry into the harmful impacts of online gambling, led by the late Labor MP Peta Murphy, concluding in June 2023.

    In the meantime, much less well-researched but wider-ranging legislation banning children under 16 from using social media was introduced and passed in just eight days in November 2024.

    There are both deep historical and immediate political reasons why this legislation has been bogged down.

    A nation of sporting gamblers

    Professional sport in Australia has an inglorious history of promoting unhealthy goods and services, including cigarettes, sugary drinks, fast food, alcohol and gambling.

    Television and, later, online advertisements have been particularly effective vehicles for connecting sport gambling with potential consumers.

    This has prompted widespread objections to the health and social consequences and intrusiveness of gambling advertising.

    There is convincing evidence that Australia’s world-leading per capita expenditure on gambling and the integral role of sport gambling ads cause harm to a considerable number of people, families and communities.

    Such harm includes negative effects on relationships, health, psychological wellbeing, finances, work and study.

    The gamblification of sport

    Although sport comes third among the main areas of gambling in Australia, it is by far the most prominent, especially in homes.




    Read more:
    Pokies? Lotto? Sports betting? Which forms of problem gambling affect Australians the most?


    The so-called gamblification of sport, accelerated by digitisation, normalises the concept of betting odds among children and young people.

    Sport and media’s enthusiasm for gambling money has provoked strong pushback over its negative social consequences, with mounting public pressure for greater controls on gambling advertising.

    A recent poll found about 72% of those surveyed wanted to ban online gambling ads, while another of AFL fans reported 76% supported television and radio ad bans.

    The response of and to the Murphy Report

    The House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs was charged with investigating online gambling and its impacts.

    It made 31 recommendations, with rare cross-party support, in its “you win some, you lose more” report (which was not only about sport).

    Contrary to most public debate and media reporting, it did not formally recommend a blanket ban on all gambling advertising. Its terms of reference only covered online gambling.

    But Murphy’s foreword – calling for a “phased, comprehensive ban on all gambling advertising on all media; broadcast and online, that leaves no room for circumvention” – caught the most attention.

    The main recommendation was for a three-year, four-phase ban on all forms of online gambling advertising. Dedicated racing channels and programming were exempted and small community radio broadcasters given extra time to comply.

    After further consultation lasting almost 18 months, it’s clear this calibrated proposal is not favoured by the government.

    Journalists were backgrounded about a watered down law capping ads for gambling at two per hour per TV channel before 10pm, and banning them for an hour either side of a live sport event. A blanket ban would apply only to betting ads on social media and other digital platforms.

    Yet even these more modest reforms did not proceed as anticipated.

    The reason, it has been widely reported, was heavy lobbying by the sport, media and gambling industries.

    High-stakes horse trading

    The privileged access to government gained by these sectional interests has had a powerful impact on gambling legislation.

    The Coalition of Major Professional and Participation Sports has continually resisted tightening regulations on sport sponsorship and gambling ads.

    It claims their reduction or loss would damage the financial viability of its members and their support for grassroots sport.

    However, Australia’s major sports leagues derive significant gambling revenue from direct sources (sponsorship, product fees) and indirectly from the value of media rights.

    The AFL and NRL generated cumulative revenues of $1.06 billion and $701 million respectively in 2023.

    So while sport leagues would have less capacity to monetise their media rights if gambling ads were reduced, it would neither threaten professional sport in general nor seriously jeopardise funding of junior participation.

    Follow the money

    An Australian Communications and Media Authority report discovered capital city free-to-air television featured 1,381 gambling spots per day between May 2022 and April 2023.

    Gambling companies spent $162 million on free-to-air television advertising during this period, not including further investment on subscription platforms.

    As free-to-air commercial TV is already losing advertising income to digital media platforms, restrictions on this lucrative advertiser category would not be as easily absorbed today as the tobacco advertising bans in the 1970s.

    This is why sports and their media and betting partners are fighting so hard against the legislation.

    And all this capital flowing to and through sport, gambling, and media has created the potential to inflict political harm on gambling reforming governments.

    Negotiations behind closed doors can easily break out into public campaigns, akin to the infamous “axe the (carbon) tax” agitation, if powerful organisations are not satisfied.

    Gambling and the young voter

    Sport gambling ads in Australia have especially targeted young men in a jocular larrikin style. But young women are now also being induced to gamble in greater numbers.




    Read more:
    9 out of 10 Australian sports bettors are men. Here’s why that might change


    Those who want curbs on sport gambling advertisements have been cast by some as “wowsers” and “puritans”.

    State intervention in the sport-media-gambling nexus may provoke a backlash that working-class men are under attack for engaging in their favourite pastimes.

    Like the latest reforms to sport TV anti-siphoning laws, new policies are the product of high-stakes horse trading between nervous governments and pressure groups with manifestly variable degrees of influence.

    As in the gambling world, evidence-based policy can confront very uneven odds.

    David Rowe has received funding from the Australian Research Council to support research relating to this article: Struggling for Possession: The Control and Use of Online Media Sport (with Brett Hutchins, DP0877777); ‘A Nation of “Good Sports”? Cultural Citizenship and Sport in Contemporary Australia’ (DP130104502), and ‘Australian Cultural Fields: National and Transnational Dynamics’ (with Tony Bennett et al, DP140101970).

    Hunter Fujak does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Will the government’s online gambling advertising legislation ever eventuate? Don’t bet on it – https://theconversation.com/will-the-governments-online-gambling-advertising-legislation-ever-eventuate-dont-bet-on-it-238084

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Humans generate 62 million tonnes of e-waste each year. Here’s what happens when it’s recycled

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sukhbir Sandhu, Associate Professor in Sustainability, University of South Australia

    Huguette Roe/Shutterstock

    In 2022, humans generated roughly 62 million tonnes of electronic waste – or e-waste. That’s enough to fill more than 1.5 million garbage trucks. And by 2030, that figure is expected to rise to 82 million tonnes.

    Australia is a huge contributor to this problem. Every year each Australian, on average, generates 20kg of e-waste, compared with the global average of 7kg per person.

    Less than one quarter of the world’s e-waste – which includes desktop computers, laptops, mobile phones, televisions, kitchen appliances, batteries and solar panels – is recycled. That means most of it ends up in landfill, which can result in major accidents. For example, earlier this month, a rubbish truck in Melbourne caught fire after a laptop battery that had been thrown in the garbage bin exploded.

    So what can be done to increase the amount of e-waste that’s recycled? And what actually happens during the e-waste recycling process?

    From breakdown to planned obsolescence

    The growing problem of e-waste is fuelled by both perceived and planned obsolescence.

    Perceived obsolescence happens when we discard functioning products in favour of newer models. For example, we buy the latest iPhone even though our current phone works fine.

    Planned obsolescence is when manufacturers “build in” a use-by date. One way they do this is by not offering software updates, which then renders an existing product incompatible with other, newer devices or presents cybersecurity risks.

    Of course, sometimes existing electronic products simply stop working, which forces us to buy a replacement.

    A multi-step process

    In Australia, the process of recycling e-waste starts with consumers delivering their e-waste to a designated collection centre.

    Some manufacturers offer trade-in programs where people can drop off their old phones and laptops at retail shops and get a small discount on a new product. Some councils also run services for periodic collection and offer drop-off centres for e-waste.

    The collection is followed by sorting and inspection of the discarded items.

    At this stage, the discarded electronic items are sorted based on the type of devices. Some devices can be refurbished and reused if they are still functional.

    Those that cannot be refurbished are dismantled.

    This involves separating the various components, such as circuit boards, batteries and wiring. Hazardous materials such as mercury and lead are removed, before recyclable and valuable materials are recovered. These include plastic and glass, as well as precious metals like gold and silver from the circuit boards.

    After purifying and refining, the recycled materials can be used in new electronics or put to other uses.

    According to the national waste report there are 535 facilities in Australia that accept e-waste. But only 20 facilities reprocess these for further recycling.

    This means much of Australia’s e-waste is exported to China, India and other Asian countries to be recycled.

    Less than one quarter of the world’s e-waste is recycled.
    SibFilm/Shutterstock

    Significant challenges

    There are significant challenges when it comes to recycling e-waste.

    Some are associated with consumer behaviour. For example, unlike kerbside recycling services for paper, glass and cardboard, recycling e-waste generally involves consumers making a special trip to a designated drop-off location. Accessing these locations involves extra effort and can be an inconvenience which deters people from recycling their e-waste.

    Also, compared to container deposit schemes, where people get paid to recycle their glass bottles and cans, there are generally no monetary incentives available for recycling e-waste.

    Concerns about data security also prevent some people from recycling their e-waste. People are often reluctant to recycle their computer, phones and other electronic items as they are worried their data could be stolen during the recycling process, even after they have deleted the files.

    The other set of challenges with recycling e-waste comes from the economic incentives for recycling. Recycling e-waste is complex and costly. The costs involved in recycling can often be higher than the price of raw materials. Hazardous wastes must also be disposed safely, which adds extra costs to the process.

    All of this makes it less attractive for businesses to recycle e-waste.

    The way forward

    Australia’s new circular economy framework is expected to provide a way forward for businesses to address some of these challenges.

    The framework seeks to double the rate at which Australia recovers, recycles and reuses materials by 2035, partly by providing direction and designing policies for businesses that encourage recycling.

    It’s also important for local governments to make it easier for people to recycle their e-waste.

    While it may not be cost effective for councils to have kerbside recycling for e- waste, they could place e-waste collection centres in local areas.

    Councils can also explore offering consumers incentives for e-waste recycling. These incentives can be monetary. But even non-monetary incentives, such as letting people know how their recycled e-waste contributes to addressing the bigger problem, can be a motivation.

    And finally, as consumers, it would help to remember that the best way to contribute to decreasing e-waste is to repair and reuse our existing products.

    Sukhbir Sandhu has received funding from Australian Research Council, European Union, and Green Industries SA.

    ref. Humans generate 62 million tonnes of e-waste each year. Here’s what happens when it’s recycled – https://theconversation.com/humans-generate-62-million-tonnes-of-e-waste-each-year-heres-what-happens-when-its-recycled-249842

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Carnivorous dinosaurs thrived in Australia 120 million years ago, new fossils show

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jake Kotevski, PhD Candidate, School of Biological Sciences, Monash University and PhD Candidate, Museums Victoria Research Institute

    The shinbone of a megaraptorid. Nadir Kinani/Museums Victoria

    Between 122 and 108 million years ago, the Australian landmass was much farther south than today. Victoria was positioned within the Antarctic Circle, separated from Tasmania by a vast rift valley rather than open sea.

    This was the Early Cretaceous, and lush forests filled with dinosaurs dominated the landscape. We still find traces of these animals in Victoria’s fossil record.

    Most of the dinosaur fossils found in Victoria belong to small plant-eaters called ornithopods. But there are also a few theropod fossils — a diverse group that includes all known carnivorous dinosaurs, as well as modern birds.

    More than 250 theropod bones have been found in the Victorian Cretaceous. In the palaeontology collections of Museums Victoria, we have now identified five theropod fossils of particular importance. Our work on these bones has been published today in the Journal of Vertebrate Paleontology.

    Artist’s interpretation of the Cretaceous Bass Coast, 121.4 million years ago. From left to right: carcharodontosaur, unenlagiine and megaraptorid.
    Jonathan Metzger for Museums Victoria

    Shinbones and tail bones

    Research over the past decade has revealed striking similarities between Australian and South American dinosaurs. These include megaraptorids with claws shaped like scythes, and small, fleet-footed elasmarian ornithopods. There were also armoured parankylosaurians and colossal sauropods with long necks and small heads.

    These parallels may seem surprising at first, but both continents retained a connection to Antarctica throughout much of the Cretaceous Period.

    Our newly described fossils show that a bunch of different carnivorous dinosaurs seen in South America also thrived in the Cretaceous of southeastern Australia.

    Two shinbones provide the first evidence of carcharodontosaurs (“shark-toothed lizards”) in Australia. A third shinbone provides strong evidence for the presence of unenlagiines, a southern group of dromaeosaurs (“running lizards”).

    A fourth shinbone and two tail vertebrae with their chevrons, which are from a megaraptorid, represent one of Australia’s largest-known carnivorous dinosaurs.

    A first for Australia

    Carcharodontosaurs were apex predators in South America and Africa for much of the mid-Cretaceous. This group of theropods had large skulls, massive teeth and small arms. They were some of the largest predators to ever walk the Earth.

    Despite their success in South America and Africa, carcharodontosaur fossils had never been found in Australia – until now. With the two shinbones, we now have the first evidence of the group on this continent.

    Curiously, these Australian carcharodontosaurs are much smaller than their African and South American cousins, and the bones we have most closely resemble a carcharodontosaur from Thailand.

    One of the Victorian carcharodontosaur shinbones was found on the Otway Coast. The other was found on the Bass Coast, in rocks nearly 10 million years older. This demonstrates these predators were successful in this area for at least 10 million years. It’s a notable find.

    The large-bodied carcharodontosaurs of Africa and South America were seemingly specialised for hunting long-necked sauropods. However, this food source was likely not available to the Victorian polar carcharodontosaurs: sauropod fossils have never been found in Victoria.

    A cliff face at Twin Reefs Bunurong Coastal Reserve, the area where some of the dinosaur fossils were found.
    John Broomfield/Museums Victoria

    The Australian ‘raptors’

    Unenlagiines were lightly built (and likely feathered) predatory dinosaurs, related to Velociraptor of Jurassic Park fame.

    Most unenlagiine fossil remains have been found in South America. Historically, Australia had limited evidence for their presence, as well.

    Our description of a new unenlagiine shinbone from Victoria provides robust evidence for their success in polar Australia during the Early Cretaceous.

    The snouts of unenlagiines were relatively longer, and their arms relatively shorter than those of their dromaeosaur cousins from the Northern Hemisphere. This implies they had a rather different diet. The Victorian unenlagiine presumably ate fish or small land-dwelling animals. One possibility is the small mammals for which the Victorian Cretaceous is perhaps most famous – more than 50 mammal jaws have been found to date, and some are from ancient relatives of platypus and echidna.

    Theropod shin bones from the Bass Coast. From left to right: unenlagiine, carcharodontosaur and megaraptorid.
    Nadir Kinani/Museums Victoria

    The apex predators of Victoria

    Large predatory dinosaurs – on the scale of Tyrannosaurus – are notably absent from the Australian fossil record. Instead, Australian dinosaur populations seem to have been dominated by medium-sized carnivores called megaraptorids.

    Megaraptorid fossils are only known from South America and Australia. The most complete skeletons are from South America, including a relatively large one – roughly nine metres long. Australia’s only reasonably complete megaraptorid is Australovenator wintonensis from Winton, central Queensland.

    The shinbone and tail vertebrae we describe provide evidence for a large megaraptorid in southeast Australia. Despite being almost 30 million years older than the roughly five- to six-metre-long Australovenator, the Bass Coast megaraptorid was at least 5% larger: approaching the size of its South American relatives.

    The large, muscular arms and fingers tipped with fearsome scythe-like claws were presumably the primary weapons of megaraptorids. In contrast to almost every other group of medium-sized carnivorous dinosaurs, megaraptorids had elongated snouts with small teeth.

    The abundance of ornithopods in Victoria presumably made this region more suited to smaller prey specialists like megaraptorids, rather than sauropod-stalking carcharodontosaurs.

    Back row: two megaraptor fossils. Front row: the shinbone of a unenlagiine; two shinbones of carcharodontosaurs; the shinbone of a megaraptor.
    Nadir Kinani/Museums Victoria

    More discoveries yet to come

    We have much to learn about Australia’s Cretaceous dinosaurs. Our study shows how even five isolated and incomplete bones can improve our understanding of our continent’s fossil heritage.

    Carcharodontosaurs might have been the apex predators in South America, but megaraptorids ruled the roost in the land down under.

    The fantastic dinosaur fossil record of Victoria has grown over nearly 40 years thanks to the efforts of Dinosaur Dreaming, an ongoing volunteer palaeontology project, and citizen scientists like Melissa Lowery. Thanks to their efforts, our window into Victoria’s ancient past continues to become ever clearer.

    Jake Kotevski receives funding from an Australian Government Research Training Stipend and Monash University – Museums Victoria scholarship.

    Stephen Poropat received funding from the Winston Churchill Memorial Trust to observe fossil specimens relevant to this paper.

    ref. Carnivorous dinosaurs thrived in Australia 120 million years ago, new fossils show – https://theconversation.com/carnivorous-dinosaurs-thrived-in-australia-120-million-years-ago-new-fossils-show-242290

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  • MIL-OSI USA: Fourteen Members and Associates of Violent Transnational Motorcycle Gang Indicted on RICO and Murder Charges

    Source: US State of North Dakota

    An indictment was unsealed today in the Southern District of Texas charging 14 members and associates of the Bandidos Outlaw Motorcycle Gang for their alleged roles in a criminal enterprise engaged in murder, robbery, arson, narcotics distribution, and witness intimidation in and around Houston.

    The indictment accuses the defendants of various crimes, including engaging in a conspiracy to commit racketeering (RICO) activity and committing violent crimes in furtherance of the gang such as murder, attempted murder, and assault. The indictment alleges that the Bandidos are a self-identified “outlaw” motorcycle organization with a membership of approximately 1,500 to 2,000 in the United States and an additional 1,000 to 1,500 members internationally, including in Mexico.

    “Today’s indictment is an important step in eliminating the Bandidos Outlaw Motorcycle Gang,” said Supervisory Official Antoinette T. Bacon of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division. “The Bandidos declare war on rivals — and they wage that war on our streets. Criminal behavior like this has no place in America, and the Department of Justice is fully committed to bringing peace back to our communities.”

    “Ensuring the safety of the public is Southern District of Texas’ paramount concern,” said U.S. Attorney Nicholas J. Ganjei for the Southern District of Texas. “The indictment here not only alleges shocking crimes of violence, but also alleges that these offenses were committed openly and wantonly, where any innocent member of the public could have been hurt or killed.”

    According to court documents and statements in court, beginning in 2019, a violent turf war erupted between the Bandidos and B*EAST, a rival outlaw motorcycle gang in the Houston area. As part of this turf war, Bandidos national leadership allegedly put out a “smash on site” order to commit physical assaults, including murder, against B*EAST members. The turf war has resulted in gunfire exchanged on public roadways and in public establishments with innocent civilians present, according to the charges.

    John M. Pfeffer, also known as Big John, 32, Darvi Hinojosa, also known as 10 Round, 35, and Bradley Rickenbacker, also known as Dolla Bill, 37, all of Katy, Texas; Michael H. Dunphy, also known as Money Mike, 57, of Cleveland, Texas; Christopher Sanchez, also known as Monster, 40, of Tomball, Texas; and Brandon K. Hantz, also known as Loco and Gun Drop, 33, of Crosby, Texas, are charged with conspiracy to commit racketeering activity. Pfeffer, Dunphy, Hinojosa, Rickenbacker, and Sanchez are further charged with multiple counts of assault in aid of racketeering. Pfeffer, Hinojosa, Rickenbacker, and Sanchez are also charged with using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence, while Sanchez faces charges of being a felon in possession of a firearm. Hantz is also charged with arson.

    If convicted, Pfeffer, Hinojosa, Rickenbacker, and Sanchez each face a maximum penalty of life in prison, while Dunphy and Hantz each face a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison on each of their counts.

    The indictment also charges David Vargas, also known as Brake Check and First Time, 33, of Houston, with murder in aid of racketeering; using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence resulting in death; attempted murder in aid of racketeering; and using a firearm during and in relation to the attempted murders. All those charges relate to the killing of a rival and the shooting of two others. If convicted, Vargas faces a mandatory penalty of life in prison or the death penalty.

    Further, Marky Baker, also known as Pinche Guero and Guero, 40; Ronnie McCabe, also known as Meathead, 56; and Jeremy Cox, also known as JD, 37, all of Houston; Roy Gomez, also known as Repo, 50, of Richmond, Texas; and Marcel Lett, 56, of Pearland, Texas, are charged along with Pfeffer and Rickenbacker with assault in aid of racketeering and using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence. These charges are in relation to an alleged assault and robbery that resulted in the death of a rival. If convicted, they each face a maximum penalty of life in prison.

    Hinojosa is also charged along with John Sblendorio, also known as Tech9, 54, of Houston, with conspiracy to commit murder in aid of racketeering, attempted murder in aid of racketeering, assault in aid of racketeering, and using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence in connection with the shooting of a rival gang member. Hinojosa is also charged with conspiracy to distribute cocaine and three counts of possession with intent to distribute cocaine. If convicted, Sblendorio and Hinojosa each face a maximum penalty of life in prison.

    In addition, Sean G. Christison, also known as Skinman, 30, of Katy, is charged with possession with intent to distribute cocaine and possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime. He faces a maximum penalty of life in prison.

    For all defendants, a federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    The FBI, Texas Board of Criminal Justice — Office of Inspector General, Texas Department of Public Safety, and Montgomery County Sheriff’s Office conducted the investigation, with assistance from the Harris County Sheriff’s Office; Houston and Pasadena Police Departments; Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission; LaMarque and Katy Police Departments; U.S. Marshals Service; Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives; and Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District Police Department.

    Trial Attorneys Grace H. Bowen and Christopher Taylor of the Criminal Division’s Violent Crime and Racketeering Section and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Byron H. Black and Kelly Zenón-Matos for the Southern District of Texas are prosecuting the case.

    This investigation was part of an Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) operation. OCDETF identifies, disrupts and dismantles the highest-level drug traffickers, money launderers, gangs and transnational criminal organizations that threaten the United States by using a prosecutor-led, intelligence-driven, multi-agency approach that leverages the strengths of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies against criminal networks. Additional information about the OCDETF Program can be found on the Justice Department’s OCDETF webpage.

    This case is being prosecuted as part of the joint federal, state and local Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) Program, the centerpiece of the Justice Department’s violent crime reduction efforts. PSN is an evidence-based program proven to be effective at reducing violent crime. Through PSN, a broad spectrum of stakeholders work together to identify the most pressing violent crime problems in the community and develop comprehensive solutions to address them. As part of this strategy, PSN focuses enforcement efforts on the most violent offenders and partners with locally based prevention and reentry programs for lasting reductions in crime. For more information about PSN, please visit www.justice.gov/psn.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Auditor General DeFoor to Release Findings from Audit of Five Pennsylvania Cyber Charter Schools

    Source: US State of Pennsylvania

    February 20, 2025Harrisburg, PA

    ADVISORY – Auditor General DeFoor to Release Findings from Audit of Five Pennsylvania Cyber Charter Schools

    What: Pennsylvania Auditor General Timothy L. DeFoor will release the findings from an audit of five Pennsylvania cyber charter schools: Commonwealth Charter Academy; Pennsylvania Leadership Charter School; Insight PA Cyber Charter School; Pennsylvania Cyber Charter School; and Reach Cyber Charter School.

    When: Thursday, February 20, 2025; 11:30 a.m.

    Who: Timothy L. DeFoor, Pennsylvania Auditor General
    Gordon Denlinger, Deputy Auditor General for Audits
    Lisa Conner, Assistant Director for the Bureau of Performance Audits
    Mark Wieczorek, Audit Manager

    Where: Capitol Media Center, Commonwealth Ave, Harrisburg, PA

    Watch: pacast.com/live/audgen and facebook.com/PaAuditorGeneral

    # # #

    Media contacts: April Hutcheson, Auditor General 717-787-1381 or news@paauditor.gov

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Welcome the Philippines’ Human Rights Commitments , Ask about Attacks on Human Rights Defenders, Indigenous Land Rights and Drug Use Policies

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights today concluded its review of the seventh periodic report of the Philippines, with Committee Experts welcoming the State’s human rights plans and commitments, and asking about attacks on human rights defenders, indigenous land rights and drug use policies.

    Asraf Ally Caunhye, Committee Expert and Leader of the Taskforce for the Philippines, in opening remarks, welcomed the State party’s human rights plans and commitments.

    Hesaid, however, that there had been 305 killings of human rights defenders in the Philippines since the last review. The Philippines ranked third globally for killings of human rights defenders. What measures were in place to ensure that those responsible for these crimes were prosecuted and sanctioned?

    Mr. Caunhye said indigenous peoples continued to face violations of their economic, social and cultural rights through the destruction of ancestral lands by extractive industries approved by the State. How would the State party protect the rights of indigenous peoples?

    Ludovic Hennebel, Committee Vice-Chair and Member of the Taskforce for the Philippines, asked about plans to decriminalise drugs for personal use and implement alternatives to imprisonment for drug users. What measures were in place to put an end to the “war on drugs” and to provide reparations to victims?

    Rosemarie G. Edillon, Undersecretary, Policy and Planning Group, National Economic and Development Authority of the Philippines and head of the delegation, introducing the report, said economic development, resilience building, and poverty reduction were central to the Government’s human rights agenda. From 2015 to 2023, the poverty rate dropped from 23.5 to 15.5 per cent of the population. The State was providing social protection to the most vulnerable and disadvantaged.

    There was no State policy to attack human rights defenders, the delegation said. There were remedies to address violations of the right to life, and freedom of association and assembly.

    On indigenous land rights, the delegation said the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act protected designated ancestral grounds and cultural heritage as “no-go zones” for development projects and emphasised free, prior and informed consent for all such projects. The Government was mapping and registering indigenous cultural assets to protect them.

    Regarding drug policies, the delegation said the Government was adopting a humanitarian approach to drug use and rehabilitation. Many drug users were treated in communities rather than in rehabilitation centres. Persons who participated in rehabilitation programmes were removed from criminal offender lists.

    In concluding remarks, Mr. Caunhye said discussions had brought to light issues that needed to be addressed to strengthen the implementation of economic, social and cultural rights in the Philippines. This information would inform the Committee’s concluding observations.

    Ms. Edillon, in her concluding remarks, said the State party was united in its goal of advancing economic, social and cultural rights. It would continue with actions that would create change and realise the economic, social and cultural rights of all citizens.

    In her concluding remarks, Laura-Maria Craciunean-Tatu, Committee Chair, thanked the delegation for participating in the dialogue and for providing comprehensive answers.

    The delegation of the Philippines was comprised of representatives from the National Security Council; the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos; the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples; the National Council on Disability Affairs; the Philippine National Police; the Department of Health; the Presidential Human Rights Committee Secretariat; the Dangerous Drugs Board; the Department of Justice; the Department of Health; the National Economic and Development Authority; the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency; the Department of Education; the Department of Labour and Employment; the Department of Social Welfare and Development; the Department of Foreign Affairs; and the Permanent Mission of the Philippines to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Committee’s seventy-seventh session is being held until 28 February 2025. All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage . Webcasts of the meetings of the session can be found here , and meetings summaries can be found here .

    The Committee will next meet in public at 5:30 p.m. on Friday, 28 February, to close its seventy-seventh session.

    Report.

    The Committee has before it the seventh periodic report of the Philippines (E/C.12/PHL/7).

    Presentation of Report

    ROSEMARIE G. EDILLON, Undersecretary, Policy and Planning Group, National Economic and Development Authority of the Philippines and head of the delegation, said that through the Philippine Development Plan, which she led, the Government aimed to enable and empower every Philippine citizen to achieve a comfortable lifestyle and a secure future. The 1987 Constitution served as a firm foundation for the protection and promotion of economic, social and cultural rights. This foundation was reinforced by laws, policies and programmes that supported workers, promoted equitable economic participation, and provided social protection.

    The Government had put in place a plan for economic and social transformation that accelerated economic and social recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic toward a prosperous, inclusive and resilient society and achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Economic development, resilience building, and poverty reduction were central to the Government’s human rights agenda. From 2015 to 2023, the poverty rate dropped from 23.5 per cent to 15.5 per cent of the population. The State had been employing a multi-dimensional strategy to reduce poverty, expanding the economic pie, facilitating access by the poor to the drivers of economic growth, and providing social protection to the most vulnerable and disadvantaged. It had broad-based programmes like the conditional cash transfer programme, which benefitted over 4.4 million households. Beneficiaries were also covered by other social development programmes.

    The labour market had made a strong recovery after the pandemic. Employment figures were favourable, but there was much volatility and uncertainty in domestic and external fronts. For this reason, Congress had passed legislation that mandated a 10-year labour market development plan, which promoted a dynamic, efficient and inclusive labour market environment.

    Legislative measures had been enacted to institutionalise and expand social protection. In healthcare, the universal health care law ensured automatic PhilHealth coverage for all citizens. Family planning initiatives had prevented an estimated 774,000 unsafe abortions and 1,400 maternal deaths annually. The Mental Health Act expanded services to ensure informed consent in treatment, prohibit shackling, and provide culturally sensitive care. Ongoing efforts focused on breaking barriers such as attitudinal biases, inadequate modifications in public spaces, and employment challenges faced by persons with disabilities.

    Following disruptions caused by the pandemic, the Department of Education launched the basic education development plan 2030 and the learning recovery continuity plan to reverse learning loss. Enrolment had rebounded to 28.5 million learners in the 2022–2023 school year, surpassing pre-pandemic levels. The Government was also strengthening access to special education through policies like Department of Education order no. 44, which provided clear guidance for implementing programmes tailored for learners with disabilities.

    Free, prior and informed consent was a cornerstone of the State’s indigenous peoples’ rights. Although challenges persisted in its effective enforcement, the Philippines continued to collaborate with key stakeholders and communities to ensure that indigenous rights and sustainable development initiatives were effectively upheld. It continued to promote and safeguard the cultural integrity of indigenous peoples by conducting initiatives that highlighted traditional knowledge, practices and crafts.

    Building on these initiatives, the Government, in collaboration with civil society, had launched the fourth Philippine human rights plan, a comprehensive roadmap for protecting and promoting human rights. Its second thematic chapter focused on the country’s commitment to the Covenant, integrating human rights into national development efforts and prioritising marginalised communities. The plan was aligned with the Philippine Development Plan 2023-2028 and the Sustainable Development Goals.

    The Philippines reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to the Covenant and its principles. The dialogue with the Committee was an opportunity for introspection and growth. The Committee’s feedback and recommendations would serve as a valuable guide as the State strived to build a society where every citizen could progressively realise their economic, social and cultural rights; and no one was left behind.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    ASRAF ALLY CAUNHYE, Committee Expert and Country Rapporteur, asked about measures taken to incorporate the Covenant into the domestic legal system and to ensure the primacy of Covenant rights. In which court cases had Covenant rights been invoked? The Committee welcomed the State party’s human rights plans and commitments. What steps had been taken to ratify the Optional Protocol? 

    What system was in place to ensure that the judiciary was free from political influence? There had been 305 killings of human rights defenders since the last review. The Philippines ranked third globally for killings of human rights defenders. The existing legal institution was reportedly unable to prevent the red-tagging and killing of human rights defenders, including persons from indigenous communities and minority groups. What measures were in place to ensure that those responsible for these crimes were prosecuted and sanctioned?

    How did the Government prevent the abusive use of the Anti-Terrorism Act to restrict the activities of human rights defenders? What had barred the enactment of the bills on human rights defenders and the Human Rights Charter? How would the national human rights institution be enabled to function independently in accordance with the Paris Principles?

    Indigenous peoples continued to face violations of their economic, social and cultural rights through the destruction of ancestral lands. They were being deprived of their land management and food systems by extractive industries approved by the State. How would the State party protect the rights of indigenous peoples? What measures were in place to ensure that the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples expedited the issuance of land titles?

    What steps had been taken to ensure that free, prior and informed consent was obtained for extractive projects? What progress had been made in developing a national action plan on business and human rights? How did the State ensure that enterprises exercised due diligence when carrying out extractive activities and provided reparations for indigenous peoples affected by such activities?

    What measures were in place to implement the State’s commitments under the Paris Agreement? What resources had been allocated to addressing climate change? How was the State party addressing environmental pollution caused by extractive and logging activities?

    Despite a decline in poverty levels, 18 per cent of the population lived below the poverty line. Prevailing inequality in wealth remained high. The top 10 per cent of the population earned 45 per cent of gross national income, while the bottom 50 per cent earned only around four per cent. What measures would the State party take to eradicate poverty and support households living in poverty, rationalise fiscal policy, and introduce a progressive tax base that increased taxes for the wealthiest?

    Corruption was reportedly rampant in the police, the judiciary and other State institutions. What measures were in place to combat corruption? Were there cases in which politicians had been sentenced for corruption offences? Were there measures to allow citizens to access information held by Government bodies? Would the State party set up an anti-corruption commission or court?

    There was no anti-discrimination law in the Philippines. What steps had been taken to adopt an anti-discrimination bill? How would the State party protect vulnerable persons from discrimination? What measures had the State party taken to increase the representation of women in politics and decision-making positions, and in high income sectors of the economy? How was the State party providing childcare services to empower women to take part in the workforce?

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said the judiciary was independent and the Judicial Bar Council nominated judges independently. Justice programmes had been included in Government fiscal programmes to ensure that they were appropriately funded.

    The conditional cash transfer programme benefitted the poorest households with family members who were still in school. The poverty rate was at 15.5 per cent as of 2023. This rate had decreased thanks to State support programmes. The State party was investing in physical and digital connectivity for island provinces, which facilitated poor households’ access to growth centres.

    The Philippines was vulnerable to natural disasters. The Government was investing in disaster risk reduction and mitigation. Concerning the Paris Agreement, the State’s goals were to reduce emissions by 75 per cent, reduce dependence on fossil fuels, and increase the use of renewable energy. The Electric Vehicle Industry Development Act reduced tariffs on electric vehicles to encourage their import and use.

    The State party had specific laws on anti-discrimination in different fields. It did not have a bill on sexual orientation and gender identity, but had issued an executive order that concerned discrimination on the basis of gender preferences.

    The State party’s justice system, including the Supreme Court, and its national human rights institution, the Commission on Human Rights, effectively addressed complaints of human rights violations. There was thus no need to ratify the Optional Protocol.

    There were many non-governmental organizations in the Philippines that had expressed opposition to the current bill on human rights defenders. The State party had engaged with civil society organizations on the revision of the bill. The bill called for human rights defenders to not advocate for the violent overthrow of the Government.

    The State party was supporting the participation of women in the labour force. It had advocated for policies and legislation that allowed for nighttime work for women, safe spaces in workplaces, lengthened maternity and paternity leave and telework, and was conducting studies on inclusive work arrangements for women, youth and persons with disabilities.

    The Philippines’ Anti-Terrorism Act supported the country’s response to terrorism and safeguarded the rights of those accused of the crime. The State had issued guidelines on detentions and surveillance that ensured that persons’ rights were not violated. The Philippines’ rank in the Global Terrorism Indexhad fallen thanks to implementation of the Act. Investigations had been launched into all claims of misuse, and arrest warrants had been issued for officers who had misused the law. Enforcement of the Act was carried out with the highest level of responsibility. The State party ensured that its actions adhered to due process and the rule of law.

    The Philippines was a State party to the United Nations Convention against Corruption and had implement a national corruption prevention programme. Recently, it had hosted a regional conference on open governance and enacted a revision to the Government Procurement Act, which closed loopholes. An electronic procurement service had been launched to increase transparency. Many Government processes had been digitised, lessening opportunities for corruption.

    The Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act protected designated ancestral grounds and cultural heritage as “no-go zones” for development projects and emphasised free, prior and informed consent for all such projects. The Government was mapping and registering indigenous cultural assets to protect them.

    The State had an indirect taxation system, as many families relied on overseas remittances for their income, which were not being taxed. The tax system punished undesirable behaviours such as the consumption of alcohol and cigarettes. Revenues from these taxes were being allocated to the health sector.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts 

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on measures to ensure that internally displaced persons had access to adequate food, basic housing, healthcare, education and social protection services; the status of the bill on the protection of internally displaced persons; measures other than the tax system to reduce disparities in wealth and income; steps to ensure gender parity in Government bodies; whether the State party had an implementation mechanism for recommendations issued to it by international bodies; how the State party linked climate adaptation policies with the land registration system to compensate people affected by natural disasters; how the State party could receive income from major emitters to fund climate adaptation plans; the ramifications of tax policies on economic, social and cultural rights; projects to strengthen anti-corruption bodies; and whether the State party trained judges and prosecutors on the Covenant.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples was revising guidelines on the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act. The Commission had issued 272 approved ancestral domain titles to indigenous peoples.

    The national disaster risk reduction management framework addressed preparedness, rescue, response, recovery and rehabilitation. The State party conducted post-disaster needs assessments and tried to compensate for economic loss. A “digital locker” was being developed to allow citizens to store land titles, which would support reparation claims in cases of disasters.

    Discussions on the national action plan on business and human rights were in advanced stages. The State party sought to develop business and human rights policies that addressed specific issues related to children, indigenous peoples and environmental protection.

    The Government was interested in generating revenues from major emitters. It had developed a law that allocated resources to measuring loss and damage from climate change, which would help in this regard. The State party hosted the Loss and Damage Fund, and there were many international investments in environmental, social and governance projects in the Philippines.

    The Philippines had been recognised by the United Nations for its national recommendations tracking database. Judges were provided with training on the Covenant.

    Women parliamentary members had pushed for policies promoting women’s rights and inclusive governance. Community consultations and education programmes were in place to promote women’s participation in politics.

    The State party had proposed bills to amend taxes on passive income. It provided tax incentives to businesses that chose to operate outside of Manila.

    Questions by a Committee Expert

    SEREE NONTHASOOT, Committee Expert and Member of the Taskforce for the Philippines , expressed concerns about high levels of unemployment and informal employment in the Philippines. The informal sector provided livelihoods for about 60 per cent of the population, the majority of whom were female. What measures were in place to regularise the informal sector? The Committee was concerned about the quality of employment provided to persons with disabilities.

    What measures were in place to inspect sweatshops and to issue sanctions to employers who violated workers’ rights? What measures were in place to address workplace harassment and gender-based violence. Who was excluded from the social security system? It reportedly did not cover persons in street situations.

    There was significant variation between minimum wages in the capital and other regions. How did the State party support adequate living and working standards outside the capital? Did workers who were not paid minimum wages have access to a complaints mechanism? There had been a significant increase in child labour in the State party. How was this being addressed?

    The Committee was concerned by reports of red-tagging and killing of trade union workers. How was the Government promoting freedom of association? What was the role of relevant agencies in protecting trade union rights and the right to strike?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the unemployment rate for 2023-2024 was 4.3 per cent. The rate quickly recovered after the pandemic. The State party had determined that less than 40 per cent of workers were in the informal sector. It was developing policy recommendations related to protecting the rights of informal sector workers and revising occupational safety and health standards to protect against accidents. The State was expanding opportunities for skills training and upskilling to help citizens increase their employability. There was a policy and regulatory framework in place to protect the rights of workers in the “gig economy”.

    The Government was encouraging investment outside of the capital. It conducted consultations and examined trends in real wages before setting regional minimum wages. Setting a standard minimum wage for the entire State would discourage businesses from investing in remote provinces.

    There was no State policy to attack human rights defenders. There were remedies to address violations of the right to life, and freedom of association and assembly. The Government rejected the word red-tagging due to the absence of such a policy.

    The “Reach Out” programme aimed to reach out to families in street situations, welcoming them in temporary shelters. Abandoned children were placed in foster families. Over 2,000 individuals had benefitted from the programme in 2023.

    The National Commission against Child Labour had inspected over 10,000 establishments in 2020, identifying violations of child labour laws. Many children identified as labourers were provided with educational materials and support. Family cash transfer programmes included seminars for parents which discouraged child labour. Parents who engaged their children in child labour could be taken off the programme.

    The Government was providing training for persons with disabilities to help them pass eligibility requirements for public sector jobs. It also conducted skills matching to help persons with disabilities access work in the private sector.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on whether regional minimum wages were indexed and reviewed regularly; the role of the Government in protecting Filipino national migrant workers overseas; the number of labour inspections conducted annually; whether the Commission on Human Rights received complaints from workers; whether the State party would adopt policies mandating businesses to adopt diversity and inclusion regulations; plans to revise the Labour Code to remove barriers to forming and joining trade unions; and disaggregated data collected on persons not in employment, education or training.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Government considered regional poverty lines when setting provincial minimum wages. This was a starting wage, and the Government was supporting workers to receive higher wages.

    The State party had created a Department of Migrant Workers, which protected the rights of national migrant workers overseas. The Department was forming bilateral agreements with other countries to protect migrant workers from abuse. Several thousands of workers had been repatriated during the pandemic, many of whom had received assistance. Their children were provided with scholarships.

    Collecting data on persons not in employment, education or training was a goal of the Philippine Development Plan. There were special employment programmes for students and alternative learning systems in place to reduce the number of such persons.

    The State party had intensified efforts to identify and prevent child labour. More than 50,000 child labourers had been provided with necessary services and more than 30,000 child labourers had been removed from labour.

    The Philippines had several thousands of trade unions and workers’ associations with over four million members in total. The State engaged in dialogue with the International Labour Organization regarding incidents in which workers were killed or disappeared, and had adopted measures to prevent such incidents in the future. A committee had been formed to investigate these cases, and investigations into several cases had been concluded.

    In 2023, the State party had inspected more than 400,000 establishments to ensure they complied with health and safety standards.

    Questions by a Committee Expert

    LUDOVIC HENNEBEL, Committee Vice-Chair and Member of the Taskforce for the Philippines , asked about progress made in implementing recommendations from other treaty bodies on polygamy. What measures were in place to reform divorce procedures? 

    Had the State party received complaints regarding the violation of children’s rights during conflict or on the recruitment and use of children in armed conflict? What sanctions were imposed for persons who forced children to work? How was the State party preventing sexual and online exploitation of children, and supporting birth registration for children from indigenous and Muslim communities? What measures were in place to protect victims of rape and to repeal laws allowing perpetrators to avoid punishment by marrying victims?

    How did the State party promote equal access to civil unions for members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community and protect the bodily integrity of intersex persons?

    How were people in the informal sector supported to access housing? What measures were in place to prevent evictions? How did the State party promote access to health for vulnerable groups, to mental health care in rural areas, and to emergency contraception and post-abortion care? How did it promote education on sexual and reproductive health for rural and young people?

    Was the State party planning to decriminalise drugs for personal use and implement alternatives to imprisonment for drug users? What protection was in place to prevent stigmatisation and criminalisation of persons receiving treatment for drug addiction? What measures were in place to put an end to the “war on drugs” and to provide reparations to victims of the war?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Philippines recognised several types of contractual employment, including for work performed outside the employer’s facilities and independent contractors. These workers were able to file complaints with the Government in cases of violations of labour rights.

    A law on agrarian emancipation had freed 6,000 farmers from debt. The State was also implementing agricultural support programmes. The area under the Verde Island Passage would be declared as a protected area, and the State would allocate resources to protecting the area. The State’s Blue Economy Bill would mandate policies for managing marine and coastal resources. The State party had also enacted a law on seafarers’ rights.

    The natural disaster risk reduction and management act regulated support for persons displaced by natural disasters. Such persons could access State-funded shelters. The Government continued to provide support to persons displaced by the 2017 Marawi siege. The Marawi Compensation Board ensured tax-free compensation for housing and property lost during the siege. The State also provided livelihoods, healthcare and educational support for victims.

    The Executive Branch had been advocating for a law on freedom of information, which would be passed soon. A freedom of information programme had been established to grant public access to official, non-confidential documents of public concern. A witness protection programme was also in place. The Anti-Red Tape Authority promoted transparency in Government operations, while the Ombudsman acted on confidential complaints of corruption. Punitive actions for corruption offences were severe.

    In State law, polygamy was illegal, and bigamy was a criminal offence. However, Muslim men with financial ability and their wives’ permission could marry multiple wives under traditional law, which also mandated divorces.

    The Philippines advocated for the protection of children in armed conflict. It had ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict. Members of the Armed Forces under the age of 18 did not take part in combat. When violations occurred, investigations were carried out. However, the New People’s Army continued to recruit children. There were over 500 documented cases of this terrorist group’s use of children. The Government continued to exert efforts to ensure that schools were not used to exploit children.

    The State was strengthening efforts to address adolescent pregnancy through the implementation of comprehensive sexuality education and referral networks to reproductive health facilities. Over 100 schools were implementing the education programme, and over 1.1 million leaners had participated. Behavioural change materials had also been developed for schools and health facilities.

    The Philippines remained a prime target for online sexual abuse of children. Legislation had been implemented in 2022 to penalise all forms of online abuse of children. State agencies were cooperating to identify perpetrators.

    The Government was collecting data on malnutrition and stunting. Stunting in children under five had decreased from 33 per cent in 2018 to 23 per cent in 2024.

    Housing had been declared as a national concern by the current Government. The national housing programme had provided an average of 35,000 social housing units per year in recent years. Around 75,000 housing units had been provided to persons living in areas vulnerable to natural disasters and to indigenous peoples.

    The Government was adopting a humanitarian approach to drug use and rehabilitation. The drug clearing project sought to take away drugs from the people and discourage people from using drugs. Rehabilitation support was provided to drug users. Over 60 per cent of regions had been declared “drug cleared”, and over 40 per cent “drug-free”.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on the passage of the extrajudicial killing bill and its relationship with the State drug policy; whether police were prohibited from reporting drug-related deaths to the media; whether detentions of drug users were voluntary; how the State supported people with drug-use records, who were criminalised, to access the work market; issues with the coverage of social security and nutrition programmes; measures to expedite agrarian reform to address high levels of poverty among farmers; measures to protect small-scale fishers from large-scale fishing businesses; indicators to assess multi-dimensional poverty and inform policies to tackle poverty; measures to support and protect the children of overseas workers from domestic abuse; how the energy market was regulated to make access to energy affordable; the impact of the prohibition of abortion on maternal mortality rates and measures implemented to respond to treaty bodies’ recommendations on increasing access to pre- and post-natal care services; and measures to legalise abortion in cases where there was risk to the health of the mother.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said there were several programmes supporting children in their first 1,000 days of life, including conditional cash transfers. Health workers were provided with training on caring for newborns and there were pre- and post-natal care programmes in place.

    The Philippines was an early adopter of a multidimensional poverty index, which helped to identify areas in which increased support was needed. A community-based monitoring system had been set up to collect data on multidimensional poverty.

    The State party had observed that for families with mothers who migrated overseas, grandparents typically cared for children and family circles also provided support. The Government had instructed teachers on identifying evidence of domestic abuse. Migrant workers were required to develop financial plans before leaving the country. The reintegration programme was being strengthened to help returning migrant workers.

    The State had reached 100 per cent electrification of rural regions, and was now working to address pockets of households that did not have electricity, supporting their access to renewable energy.

    Maternal deaths had been steadily decreasing in recent years. The Government was continuing to strengthen maternal and newborn care programmes, including by upskilling birthing nurses and reducing unsafe abortions.

    The State party prevented commercial fishers from fishing in waters reserved for municipal fishers and spawning grounds. The Clean and Healthy Oceans Programme aimed to reduce illegal and unregulated fishing by improving compliance with regulations. Programmes were in place to develop aquatic parks to support small-scale fishers, who could also access support for livelihoods and fishing tools.

    Questions by a Committee Expert

    LAURA-MARIA CRACIUNEAN-TATU, Committee Chair and Member of the Taskforce for the Philippines , commended the State party on the constant increase in the budget allocated to education, which had reached 3.2 per cent of gross domestic product. However, this was well below the United Nations’ recommendation of at least four per cent of gross domestic product. Were there further plans to increase the education budget? The Philippines’ global ranking in terms of quality of education was in the bottom 25 of 172 nations, the lowest score in Asia. What measures were envisioned to increase access to quality education for all?

    The State party had put in place a five-year development plan for children with disabilities, which ended in 2019. What results were achieved by the plan and what measures were in place to address limited access to education for children with disabilities and indigenous children? In one region, 56 per cent of children were not attending school. What measures were in place to address this issue? What measures were in place to address the impact of COVID-19 lockdowns on access to education? How was the national policy framework on schools as zones for peace implemented? Legislation had been implemented that discontinued mother tongue education for minority groups. What was the rationale behind the adoption of this law?

    There was increasing disparity in access to the internet across different regions. What measures were in place to improve access to the internet for poor households and regions?

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said that the Constitution mandated that education needed to be given priority in the budget. Overall spending on education amounted for around 5.5 per cent of gross domestic product. The State party had made kindergarten education compulsory and extended compulsory education by two years, and the curriculum had been revised recently to improve education quality. The Government was working to address the inadequate supply of textbooks and computers in schools through decentralisation. The Philippines had over 100 languages and it was difficult to develop learning materials in each of these languages. The State thus decided to discontinue mother tongue language instruction and standardise English as a medium of instruction from grade five.

    The State party was also working to address the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on learning outcomes. Recently, legislation had been passed on remedial education. During the pandemic, the Government adopted learning continuity plans to support access to education through online and broadcast education.

    The Government had implemented many measures to manage culturally sensitive education in Muslim and indigenous communities. Education on peace and conflict resolution was being promoted, and the State party was working to repair schools damaged by conflicts. The Government promoted the concept of schools as zones of peace in conflict-affected areas such as Mindanao. Local governments and security forces contributed to protecting schools in peace zones from being used in military activities through measures such as school escorts. The Government continued to provide psychosocial support for children affected by armed conflict.

    The indigenous education programme promoted quality, culturally relevant education for indigenous peoples. It had been implemented in over 3,000 schools. Over 75 indigenous languages were used in instruction, and an additional 4,000 teachers, 95 per cent of whom were indigenous, had recently been hired to provide education to indigenous children.

    The Government was working to improve access to education and healthcare for children with disabilities. Legislation mandating inclusive education for children with disabilities had been adopted and disability support officers had been established in educational institutions.

    The State party had improved the policy and regulatory framework on internet access. The national fibre-optic cable network was being expanded to southern regions. The State party was collaborating with Starlink to allow southern provinces to access the internet via satellites. Telecommunications companies were provided with incentives to operate in the Philippines, and wi-fi access points were being set up in schools and public places.

    The State’s campaign against illegal drugs was now geared towards rehabilitation and reintegration of drug users. The House of Representatives had investigated extrajudicial killings occurring in the context of the war on drugs and the Government had decided to amend the Penal Code to increase penalties for extrajudicial killings.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on how the State party promoted education in Spanish and Arabic; the results of the education programme on Islamic values; how the State party protected the expression of indigenous culture and indigenous cultural sites; whether indigenous leaders participated in creating policies impacting their communities; legal and administrative provisions to protect indigenous languages; the number of legal cases invoking economic, social and cultural rights in which reparations had been granted for violations; the role of the Commission of Human Rights in investigating complaints from workers and places of detention; how the State party would protect fishing zones for small-scale fishers; measures for reducing threats and attacks against human rights defenders; plans to decriminalise abortion; and measures to protect the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said there were schools in Mindanao that provided Arabic and Islamic education. Education in Spanish and Arabic was an option in mainstream schools. Four-year courses on Arabic teaching were provided in local universities.

    There was no legal framework on cultural misappropriation, but the Government was working to protect intellectual property rights by registering the cultural assets and expressions of indigenous peoples. Indigenous communities needed to be consulted regarding all projects and policies affecting them. Indigenous leaders were included in local development councils.

    Courts had cited the Covenant in decisions upholding standards of living and access to economic, social and cultural rights, including in cases in which remedies were granted for environmental harm caused by mining operations. There needed to be a new Charter governing the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights, which had traditionally focused on civil and political rights but was recently working to promote economic, social and cultural rights.

    Court cases were underway into violations of regulations on fishing zones by commercial fishers. The Government protected the rights of legitimate environmental defenders. Protection of the environment was included as a pillar of the national security policy.

    The State party had pivoted to a community-based approach to illegal drugs. Many drug users were treated in communities rather than in rehabilitation centres. Persons who participated in rehabilitation programmes were removed from criminal offender lists, but not drug user lists.

    The State party had not yet developed a comprehensive bill on the rights of internally displaced persons. Persons affected by the Marawi siege had been provided with access to water and electricity, and reconstruction efforts were ongoing in affected areas.

    The State had created a committee on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex affairs, which was developing policies and programmes to promote equality and inclusion of the community. The Constitution and various State legislation prohibited discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. The police had formulated a gender sensitivity programme to ensure protection of this community.

    Pre-natal checkups were provided free of charge in primary health facilities, and mobile clinics provided maternal health services in isolated areas. The Government, while maintaining the prohibition of abortion, had taken measures to ensure quality post-abortion care was provided without stigmatisation.

    Closing Remarks

    ASRAF ALLY CAUNHYE, Committee Expert and Country Rapporteur for the Philippines , said the dialogue had been fruitful and constructive, addressing a range of issues confronting the Philippines. Discussions had brought to light issues that needed to be addressed to strengthen the implementation of economic, social and cultural rights, and would inform the Committee’s concluding observations. Mr. Caunhye expressed thanks to all persons who had contributed to the dialogue.

    ROSEMARIE G. EDILLON, Undersecretary, Policy and Planning Group, National Economic and Development Authority of the Philippines and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the dialogue. The State party was united in its goal of advancing economic, social and cultural rights. The President had a clear vision for national development that focused on improving access to all economic, social and cultural rights. The State party would continue with actions that would create change and realise the economic, social and cultural rights of all citizens.

    LAURA-MARIA CRACIUNEAN-TATU, Committee Chair , thanked the delegation for participating in the dialogue and for providing comprehensive answers. In some instances, additional data would have been appreciated. Human rights mechanisms were not mutually exclusive; they all served to enhance protections of rights holders. The Committee thanked civil society organizations for submitting information to the Committee and called for further cooperation between civil society and the Government.

    __________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CESCR25.006E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Deputy ferries commissioner appointed to BC Ferry Commission

    Carol Bellinger has been appointed deputy ferries commissioner of the BC Ferry Commission.

    The commission sets price caps on the maximum allowable annual increase in fares and approves major capital expenditures for BC Ferries.

    Bellringer has been appointed for a six-year term, effective Wednesday, Feb. 19, 2025, following a competitive and public application process. She is a full-time governance professional who chairs the University of Victoria Foundation board and sits on boards and audit committees of organizations in the energy, transportation and public sectors.  

    Bellringer is retired from a career in auditing, having worked as the president and CEO of the Canadian Audit and Accountability foundation. Her previous experience includes serving the legislature as the auditor general for the provinces of British Columbia and Manitoba.

    The BC Ferry Commission is a quasi-judicial regulatory agency operating under the Coastal Ferry Act, and is independent of the provincial government and BC Ferry Services Inc.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Screening of “American Coup: Wilmington 1898” Explores History of Massacre and Insurrection

    Source: US State of North Carolina

    Headline: Screening of “American Coup: Wilmington 1898” Explores History of Massacre and Insurrection

    Screening of “American Coup: Wilmington 1898” Explores History of Massacre and Insurrection
    jejohnson6

    ELIZABETH CITY

    The North Carolina Department of Natural and Cultural Resources, Museum of the Albemarle, and Elizabeth City State University, in partnership with PBS North Carolina and Working Films invite teachers and community members to a free screening of American Coup: Wilmington 1898. The film shares the little-known story of a deadly race massacre and carefully orchestrated insurrection in North Carolina’s largest city, Wilmington, in 1898. The screening is part of a statewide effort to better equip educators to share the story of the massacre, its place in US history, and its lasting impact. The screening will take place on Tuesday, Feb. 25, at 5 p.m. in the Gaither Auditorium of the Museum of the Albemarle.

    American Coup: Wilmington 1898 documents this story, which was the only successful coup d’état in the history of the US. Stoking fears of “Negro Rule,” self-described white supremacists used intimidation and violence to destroy Black political and economic power and overthrow Wilmington’s democratically-elected, multi-racial government. Black residents were murdered and thousands were banished. The story of what happened in Wilmington was suppressed for decades until descendants and scholars began to investigate. Today, many of those descendants — Black and white — seek the truth about this intentionally buried history.

    “American Coup: Wilmington 1898 is a cautionary tale about a breakdown of a cornerstone of our democracy: fair and free elections,” says Rachel Raney, PBS North Carolina’s Director of National Productions and co-executive producer of the film. “When we started researching these events in Wilmington, we quickly discovered that many North Carolinians are not aware of this important history, in part because it was intentionally buried. The more we learned, the more it became clear that all Americans need to know what happened.”

    The screening will include North Carolina 2024 Teacher of the Year, Kim Jones, who will speak to available resources for educators to incorporate 1898 into lesson plans. These resources include a curriculum for incorporating the film into the classroom, as well as a virtual “Community of Practice” for continued support and conversations for teachers. This will be a place where teachers can go with questions as they undertake the curriculum.

    A panel discussion and audience Q&A will follow the screening and will include three historians with Elizabeth City State University: Dr. Glen Bowman, Dr. Latif Tarik, and Dr. Tomiko Ballentyne. They will be joined by LeRae Umfleet, a historian and author featured in the film.

    The American Coup: Wilmington 1898 screening and discussion will run from 5:30 p.m. to 7:30 p.m. on Tuesday, Feb. 25. Teachers and community members are invited to join us at 5 p.m. for refreshments before the event starts. More event details can be found here and more details about the documentary and educational resources can be found here.

    For high-resolution images and additional media assets, visit this link.

    About PBS North Carolina

    As North Carolina’s statewide PBS network serving the country’s third largest public media market, PBS North Carolina educates, informs, entertains and inspires its audience on air, online and in person. Through its unique partnership of public investment and private support, the network includes in-person engagement, digital-first social and online content delivery and four over-the-air channels: PBS NC, the North Carolina Channel, Rootle 24/7 PBS KIDS channel and the Explorer Channel. Its transformational events and content spark curiosity and wonder for all North Carolinians. Additionally, PBS North Carolina serves as the backbone for North Carolina’s state emergency services. To learn more about PBS North Carolina, visit pbsnc.org or follow us on Facebook, Instagram and LinkedIn.

    About Working Films

    Founded in 1999, Working Films is a national nonprofit organization based in North Carolina that leverages the power of documentary films to advance social justice and environmental protection. For more information, visit www.workingfilms.org.

    About the Museum of the Albemarle

    The Museum of the Albemarle is located at 501 S. Water Street, Elizabeth City, NC. (252) 335-1453. www.museumofthealbemarle.com. Find us on Facebook! Hours are Monday through Saturday, 10:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. Closed Sundays and State Holidays. Serving Bertie, Camden, Chowan, Currituck, Dare, Gates, Hertford, Hyde, Northampton, Pasquotank, Perquimans, Tyrrell, and Washington Counties, the museum is the northeast regional history museum of the North Carolina Division of State History Museums within the N.C.

    Department of Natural and Cultural Resources, the state agency with the mission to enrich lives and communities and the vision to harness the state’s cultural resources to build North Carolina’s social, cultural, and economic future. Information is available 24/7 at www.dncr.nc.gov.   

    About the North Carolina Department of Natural and Cultural Resources

    The N.C. Department of Natural and Cultural Resources (DNCR) manages, promotes, and enhances the things that people love about North Carolina – its diverse arts and culture, rich history, and spectacular natural areas. Through its programs, the department enhances education, stimulates economic development, improves public health, expands accessibility, and strengthens community resiliency.

    The department manages over 100 locations across the state, including 27 historic sites, seven history museums, two art museums, five science museums, four aquariums, 35 state parks, four recreation areas, dozens of state trails and natural areas, the N.C. Zoo, the State Library, the State Archives, the N.C. Arts Council, the African American Heritage Commission, the American Indian Heritage Commission, the State Historic Preservation Office, the Office of State Archaeology, the Highway Historical Markers program, the N.C. Land and Water Fund, and the Natural Heritage Program. For more information, please visit www.dncr.nc.gov.

    Feb 13, 2025

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Fourteen Members and Associates of Violent Transnational Motorcycle Gang Indicted on RICO and Murder Charges

    Source: United States Attorneys General

    An indictment was unsealed today in the Southern District of Texas charging 14 members and associates of the Bandidos Outlaw Motorcycle Gang for their alleged roles in a criminal enterprise engaged in murder, robbery, arson, narcotics distribution, and witness intimidation in and around Houston.

    The indictment accuses the defendants of various crimes, including engaging in a conspiracy to commit racketeering (RICO) activity and committing violent crimes in furtherance of the gang such as murder, attempted murder, and assault. The indictment alleges that the Bandidos are a self-identified “outlaw” motorcycle organization with a membership of approximately 1,500 to 2,000 in the United States and an additional 1,000 to 1,500 members internationally, including in Mexico.

    “Today’s indictment is an important step in eliminating the Bandidos Outlaw Motorcycle Gang,” said Supervisory Official Antoinette T. Bacon of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division. “The Bandidos declare war on rivals — and they wage that war on our streets. Criminal behavior like this has no place in America, and the Department of Justice is fully committed to bringing peace back to our communities.”

    “Ensuring the safety of the public is Southern District of Texas’ paramount concern,” said U.S. Attorney Nicholas J. Ganjei for the Southern District of Texas. “The indictment here not only alleges shocking crimes of violence, but also alleges that these offenses were committed openly and wantonly, where any innocent member of the public could have been hurt or killed.”

    According to court documents and statements in court, beginning in 2019, a violent turf war erupted between the Bandidos and B*EAST, a rival outlaw motorcycle gang in the Houston area. As part of this turf war, Bandidos national leadership allegedly put out a “smash on site” order to commit physical assaults, including murder, against B*EAST members. The turf war has resulted in gunfire exchanged on public roadways and in public establishments with innocent civilians present, according to the charges.

    John M. Pfeffer, also known as Big John, 32, Darvi Hinojosa, also known as 10 Round, 35, and Bradley Rickenbacker, also known as Dolla Bill, 37, all of Katy, Texas; Michael H. Dunphy, also known as Money Mike, 57, of Cleveland, Texas; Christopher Sanchez, also known as Monster, 40, of Tomball, Texas; and Brandon K. Hantz, also known as Loco and Gun Drop, 33, of Crosby, Texas, are charged with conspiracy to commit racketeering activity. Pfeffer, Dunphy, Hinojosa, Rickenbacker, and Sanchez are further charged with multiple counts of assault in aid of racketeering. Pfeffer, Hinojosa, Rickenbacker, and Sanchez are also charged with using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence, while Sanchez faces charges of being a felon in possession of a firearm. Hantz is also charged with arson.

    If convicted, Pfeffer, Hinojosa, Rickenbacker, and Sanchez each face a maximum penalty of life in prison, while Dunphy and Hantz each face a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison on each of their counts.

    The indictment also charges David Vargas, also known as Brake Check and First Time, 33, of Houston, with murder in aid of racketeering; using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence resulting in death; attempted murder in aid of racketeering; and using a firearm during and in relation to the attempted murders. All those charges relate to the killing of a rival and the shooting of two others. If convicted, Vargas faces a mandatory penalty of life in prison or the death penalty.

    Further, Marky Baker, also known as Pinche Guero and Guero, 40; Ronnie McCabe, also known as Meathead, 56; and Jeremy Cox, also known as JD, 37, all of Houston; Roy Gomez, also known as Repo, 50, of Richmond, Texas; and Marcel Lett, 56, of Pearland, Texas, are charged along with Pfeffer and Rickenbacker with assault in aid of racketeering and using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence. These charges are in relation to an alleged assault and robbery that resulted in the death of a rival. If convicted, they each face a maximum penalty of life in prison.

    Hinojosa is also charged along with John Sblendorio, also known as Tech9, 54, of Houston, with conspiracy to commit murder in aid of racketeering, attempted murder in aid of racketeering, assault in aid of racketeering, and using a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence in connection with the shooting of a rival gang member. Hinojosa is also charged with conspiracy to distribute cocaine and three counts of possession with intent to distribute cocaine. If convicted, Sblendorio and Hinojosa each face a maximum penalty of life in prison.

    In addition, Sean G. Christison, also known as Skinman, 30, of Katy, is charged with possession with intent to distribute cocaine and possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime. He faces a maximum penalty of life in prison.

    For all defendants, a federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    The FBI, Texas Board of Criminal Justice — Office of Inspector General, Texas Department of Public Safety, and Montgomery County Sheriff’s Office conducted the investigation, with assistance from the Harris County Sheriff’s Office; Houston and Pasadena Police Departments; Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission; LaMarque and Katy Police Departments; U.S. Marshals Service; Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives; and Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District Police Department.

    Trial Attorneys Grace H. Bowen and Christopher Taylor of the Criminal Division’s Violent Crime and Racketeering Section and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Byron H. Black and Kelly Zenón-Matos for the Southern District of Texas are prosecuting the case.

    This investigation was part of an Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) operation. OCDETF identifies, disrupts and dismantles the highest-level drug traffickers, money launderers, gangs and transnational criminal organizations that threaten the United States by using a prosecutor-led, intelligence-driven, multi-agency approach that leverages the strengths of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies against criminal networks. Additional information about the OCDETF Program can be found on the Justice Department’s OCDETF webpage.

    This case is being prosecuted as part of the joint federal, state and local Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) Program, the centerpiece of the Justice Department’s violent crime reduction efforts. PSN is an evidence-based program proven to be effective at reducing violent crime. Through PSN, a broad spectrum of stakeholders work together to identify the most pressing violent crime problems in the community and develop comprehensive solutions to address them. As part of this strategy, PSN focuses enforcement efforts on the most violent offenders and partners with locally based prevention and reentry programs for lasting reductions in crime. For more information about PSN, please visit www.justice.gov/psn.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Turkish meddling in the Turkish Cypriot community’s education system – E-000614/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-000614/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Giorgos Georgiou (The Left)

    According to recent revelations, the Turkish-controlled teachers’ union KIB-TES is attempting to influence and alter the character of the Turkish Cypriot community’s education system. A report by KIB-TES to the President of Türkiye was recently revealed, calling on Türkiye to intervene in specific ways to make the educational programme in Turkish Cypriot schools more conservative.

    This development is an extension of Türkiye’s increased interference in the internal affairs of Turkish Cypriots. As a result, among other things, transfers of teachers from Türkiye are being promoted, religious schools are being strengthened, and pressure is being exerted to establish compulsory religious education in the Occupied Territories of Cyprus.

    All of this, however, contradicts the identity and will of the overwhelming majority of the Turkish Cypriot community and its representatives (political parties, educational unions, etc.).

    In view of the above:

    • 1.Is the Commission acquainted with the positions of the Turkish Cypriots on the above issue?
    • 2.What measures does the Commission intend to put in place to support the right of the Turkish Cypriots to an independent education system?

    Submitted: 11.2.2025

    Last updated: 19 February 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Swiss–EU agreements: Federal Council takes stock

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research

    At its meeting on 19 February 2025, the Federal Council took stock of ongoing work on the consultation draft for the package to stabilise and further develop the bilateral approach with the European Union (EU). After being briefed on the process of formally vetting the agreements, as well as on the national implementing legislation and accompanying measures, the Federal Council determined which steps to take next.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Minister’s statement on treaty commissioner appointment

    Source: Government of Canada regional news

    Christine Boyle, Minister of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation, has released the following statement on a newly appointed commissioner to the BC Treaty Commission:

    “I wish to congratulate George Abbott on being appointed by the Government of British Columbia to a two-year term at the BC Treaty Commission as the commissioner.

    “In recent years, First Nations, Canada and B.C. have been focused on creating innovative agreements that are strong but flexible, and better suited to addressing the needs of individual Nations.

    “Abbott is a seasoned diplomat who has significant experience of working with First Nations, local governments, labour and business, and has a track record of engaging shoulder to shoulder with First Nations on agreements that advance reconciliation and self-determination to build a stronger province.

    “First elected in 1996, Abbott served with distinction as a member of the legislative assembly for 17 years, including 12 years as a cabinet minister. Over his many years of public service, Abbott led portfolios in Indigenous relations, sustainable resource management, health and education.

    “Throughout his time in elected office, Abbott had many notable achievements, including introducing the historic Haida Gwaii Reconciliation Act in 2010 and working with First Nations leaders to officially name the large area of coastal waters off the southern coast as the Salish Sea. During his role as minister of Aboriginal relations and reconciliation (now the Ministry of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation), Abbott regularly engaged in the work of the Treaty Commission as the Province’s principal in the tripartite treaty negotiations process.

    “He served as chair for the Institute for Health System Transformation and Sustainability until December 2024. He is the current board chair at Technical Safety BC. He completed his doctorate in political science at the University of Victoria in April 2019.

    “I’d also like to acknowledge and thank Angela Wesley, who is serving her third term as the provincially appointed commissioner, for her important contributions to advancing reconciliation through treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements.

    “Since her initial appointment in December 2018, she has brought her wealth of knowledge and experience to the role of commissioner. Thanks to her years of service to the Treaty Commission, she has helped shape many significant moments in treaty negotiations in B.C., including the initialling of three treaties last summer with K’ómoks, Kitselas and Kitsumkalum First Nations.

    “The success of the treaty negotiations process is possible because of the hard work and dedication of individuals like Angela Wesley, George Abbott and all the other treaty commissioners.

    “I look forward to continuing the work of my predecessors, by working in partnership with the Treaty Commission and alongside my colleagues in the federal government and the First Nations Summit, to support progress in negotiations of modern treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements.”

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Brighter Beginnings Event fun day at Eden Court

    Source: Scotland – Highland Council

    The Highland Council will be hosting a fun day at Eden Court Theatre, Inverness on Monday 3 March 2025.

    Cllr David Fraser, Chair of Highland Council’s Health Social Care and Wellbeing Committee said: “Brighter Beginnings is the first event held by Inverness Family Centre bringing together families and professionals to see what’s available for Highland’s youngest children. I hope that many families will take advantage of this great new opportunity.”

    Families with children under 5 years old are welcome to come along between 10.30am and 2.30pm and take part in free activities including messy play, scavenger hunt, outdoor play and puppet shows. There will also be a fire engine, police car and play bus on site. The first 100 parents/carers to come along will receive a free goodie bag!

    Image of Brighter Beginnings Event poster

    Gillian Forbes, PEEP Co-ordinator at the Inverness Family Centre said: “We are delighted to be hosting this event and are excited to welcome families along to meet services and enjoy the activities.  We recognise the importance of the Infant Pledge and working alongside families to give our youngest children the best possible start in life.”

    The event will run alongside the ‘Brighter Beginnings: Why early years matter’ Conference where there will be keynote speakers including Dan Wuori, Founder and President of Early Childhood Policy Solutions in the United States, and international author.

    Dan said: “I am looking forward to visiting the Highlands and meeting everyone. Learning starts before a baby is born and it’s vital that we recognise the importance of education in early years. This event is a great opportunity to talk about the role of parents/carers and professionals in giving our youngest children the best possible start in life.”

    Over 100 parents/carers and professionals will attend the Conference including children under 5.

    19 Feb 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: World Day of Social Justice – 20th February

    Source: Government of India (2)

    World Day of Social Justice – 20th February

    India’s Commitment to Equity and Inclusion

    Posted On: 19 FEB 2025 6:54PM by PIB Delhi

    Introduction

    World Day of Social Justice, observed annually on February 20th by the United Nations, serves as a global call to action for addressing poverty, exclusion, and unemployment while promoting solidarity, harmony, and equality of opportunity within and between societies.

    Aligned with the ethos of the World Day of Social Justice, India’s Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (MoSJE) has intensified efforts to bridge socio-economic gaps through legislative reforms, grassroots empowerment, and global partnerships.

    Background & Global Context

    Established by the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) during the 62nd session on November 26, 2007, the World Day of Social Justice has been celebrated annually on 20th Feb since the 63rd session in 2009. This observance stems from the recognition that social development and social justice are indispensable for achieving and maintaining peace and security both within and among nations. The day emphasizes that social justice cannot be attained without peace, security, and respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms.

    In the face of global challenges such as financial crises, insecurity, and inequality, the day serves as a reminder of the ongoing need for social justice initiatives. It emphasizes the importance of creating opportunities through trade, investment, technological advancements, and economic growth while addressing the obstacles that hinder full participation in the global economy, particularly for developing countries and those in transition.

    The International Labour Organization (ILO) also plays a crucial role in promoting social justice through its Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization, adopted in 2008. This declaration builds upon previous ILO statements and places the Decent Work Agenda at the core of the organization’s policies.

    The day aligns closely with the United Nations’ broader mission to promote development and human dignity. Initiatives like the Social Protection Floor, launched in 2009, demonstrate the UN’s commitment to ensuring basic social guarantees for all.

    The World Day of Social Justice highlights several key principles and objectives:

    Evolution of Social Justice in India

    India has observed the World Day of Social Justice since 2009. The evolution of social justice and empowerment in India has been a gradual but progressive process influenced by historical struggles, constitutional mandates, and policy developments. The vision of social justice and empowerment has been deeply rooted in India’s independence movement and the vision laid down by the Constitution to ensure equality, dignity, and justice for all citizens, especially the marginalized communities.

    The Constitution of India lays a strong foundation for social justice and empowerment through various provisions that aim to eliminate social inequalities and promote the welfare of disadvantaged groups.

    Key Constitutional Provisions on Social Justice and Empowerment

    Preamble

    The Preamble ensures social, economic, and political justice, guarantees equality of status and opportunity, and promotes fraternity to uphold individual dignity and national unity. It establishes the foundation for a just and inclusive society free from discrimination.

    Fundamental Rights (Part III)

    Article 23 prohibits human trafficking and forced labour, making such practices punishable by law. Article 24 bans child labour in hazardous occupations, protecting children’s rights to safety and education. These rights safeguard vulnerable groups from exploitation.

    Directive Principles of State Policy (Part IV)

    Article 37 states that DPSPs, though not legally enforceable, are essential for governance. Article 38 directs the State to reduce social and economic inequalities. Article 39 ensures equal livelihood, fair wages, and protection from exploitation. Article 39A guarantees free legal aid for the disadvantaged. Article 46 mandates special educational and economic promotion for SCs, STs, and weaker sections to prevent discrimination.

    In 1985-86, the Ministry of Welfare was bifurcated into the Department of Women & Child Development and the Department of Welfare, incorporating divisions from the Ministries of Home Affairs and Law. It was later renamed the Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment in May 1998.

    The Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment envisions building an inclusive society where marginalized groups can lead productive, safe, and dignified lives with adequate support for their growth and development. It strives to empower these groups through educational, economic, and social development programs, along with rehabilitation initiatives where necessary.

    The Union Budget 2025-26 reflects this commitment, allocating Rs 13,611 crores to the MoSJE, a 6 percent increase from 2024-25, to ensure saturation coverage of welfare schemes.

    The department’s mandate focuses on uplifting socially, educationally, and economically marginalized communities, including Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes, Senior Citizens, Victims of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse, Transgender Persons (under the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019), individuals engaged in begging, Denotified and Nomadic Tribes (DNTs), Economically Backward Classes (EBCs), and the Economically Weaker Section (EWS). Through targeted policies and interventions, it aims to foster equity and inclusion in society.

    Key Initiatives by the Government of India

    1. Pradhan Mantri Anusuchit Jaati Abhyuday Yojana (PM-AJAY)

    The scheme launched in 2021-22, merges three schemes to uplift SC communities through skill development, income generation, and infrastructure in Schedule Caste dominated villages. It has three components: Adarsh Gram development, Grants-in-Aid for socio-economic projects, and hostel construction in higher education institutions. Since January 1, 2024, 5,051 villages have been declared Adarsh Gram, 1,655 projects benefiting 3,05,842 people have been sanctioned, and ₹26.31 crore allocated for 38 hostels.

    2. Scheme for Residential Education for Students in High Schools in Targeted Areas (SRESHTA)

    The SHRESHTA scheme aims to bridge service gaps in Schedule Caste dominant areas by supporting grant-in-aid institutions and high-quality residential schools. It provides financial assistance to top CBSE/State Board-affiliated private schools for SC students in classes 9 and 11, ensuring education till class 12. Additionally, it funds NGOs/VOs to run residential and non-residential schools and hostels with adequate infrastructure and strong academic standards, fostering socio-economic upliftment of SC communities.

     

    3. Purple Fests

    Purple Fests (Festival of Inclusion) have been organized by the Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities (DEPwD), Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment, since 2023. In 2024, the event welcomed over 10,000 Divyangjan and their escorts, fostering a sense of solidarity and mutual respect. Purple Fest is a movement towards a more equitable society, championing the values of accessibility, dignity, and equal opportunity for all. The event also saw the launch of significant initiatives, including the India Neurodiversity Platform in collaboration with TATA POWER COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT TRUST, aimed at early intervention and home care support, a handbook on attitudinal barriers and disability-sensitive language to promote inclusive communication, and a nationwide series of 25 job fairs by the American Indian Foundation and DEPwD.

    Performances from the Purple Fest – 2024

    4. National Action for Mechanised Sanitation Ecosystem (NAMASTE)

    The National Action for Mechanized Sanitation Ecosystem (NAMASTE) is a Central Sector Scheme launched in FY 2023-24 as a joint initiative of the Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment (MoSJ&E) and the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA). It aims to ensure the safety, dignity, and sustainable livelihood of sanitation workers in urban India. The scheme has integrated components of the former Self-Employment Scheme for Rehabilitation of Manual Scavengers (SRMS) and expanded its coverage to include waste pickers as a target group from FY 2024-25.

     

    5. Support for Marginalized Individuals for Livelihood & Enterprise (SMILE)

    The Support for Marginalized Individuals for Livelihood and Enterprise (SMILE) Scheme is a comprehensive initiative aimed at the rehabilitation of transgender individuals and persons engaged in begging. Its primary objective is to create a ‘Bhiksha Vritti Mukt Bharat’ (Begging-free India) by ensuring the reintegration of beggars into mainstream society. The scheme focuses on area-specific surveys, awareness campaigns, mobilization and rescue operations, access to shelter homes and basic services, skills training, alternative livelihood options, and the formation of Self-Help Groups (SHGs). Currently, it is active in 81 cities and towns, including key pilgrimage, historical, and tourist locations, with plans to expand to 50 more cities in the next phase.

      

    As of November 15, 2024, 7,660 individuals engaged in begging have been identified, out of which 970 have been successfully rehabilitated. The scheme continues to work towards its goal by providing shelter, vocational training, and employment opportunities, helping marginalized individuals regain dignity and self-sufficiency.

    6. PM-DAKSH Yojana

    The PM-DAKSH Yojana launched on 7th August, 2021, aims to enhance the skill levels of marginalized communities, including SCs, OBCs, EBCs, DNTs, and Safai Karamcharis, for economic empowerment through free skill training. The scheme, with a budget of ₹450.25 crore (2021-26), provides short-term and long-term training to facilitate wage and self-employment, ensuring at least 70% placement. Training is conducted through Government and reputed Private Training Institutes, aligned with NSQF and Common Norms of the Ministry of Skill Development & Entrepreneurship (MSDE), targeting individuals aged 18-45 years.

    7. Nasha Mukt Bharat Abhiyan

    Launched on 15th August 2020, the Nasha Mukt Bharat Abhiyaan (NMBA) aims to make India drug-free by targeting 272 high-risk districts, identified through a national survey and NCB inputs. The campaign follows a three-pronged approach: curbing supply (Narcotics Control Bureau), awareness and demand reduction (Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment), and treatment (Health Department). Since its inception, NMBA has reached 13.57 crore people, including 4.42 crore youth and 2.71 crore women, with participation from 3.85 lakh educational institutions.

    Conclusion

    As the world grapples with economic challenges, the World Day of Social Justice renews commitments to equity and inclusion, reminding us that injustice anywhere affects all of humanity. While progress has been made, much remains to be done. India has embraced this vision through legislative reforms, grassroots programs, and targeted welfare initiatives. The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (MoSJE) plays a key role in uplifting marginalized communities, aligning its efforts with global frameworks like the Decent Work Agenda and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to uphold justice and equality.

    Through initiatives like PM-AJAY, NAMASTE, SMILE, PM-DAKSH Yojana, and Nasha Mukt Bharat Abhiyaan, MoSJE has empowered disadvantaged groups with education, skills, and economic opportunities. Increased budget allocations, inclusive platforms like Purple Fests, and expanded social protection measures highlight the government’s commitment to fostering justice and inclusion. As India observes the World Day of Social Justice, these efforts reaffirm its dedication to bridging socio-economic gaps and ensuring dignity and opportunity for all.

    References

     

    Click here to see PDF:

    Santosh Kumar/Ritu Kataria/ Vatsla Srivastava

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: PM to inaugurate first edition of the SOUL Leadership Conclave on 21st February in Delhi

    Source: Government of India

    PM to inaugurate first edition of the SOUL Leadership Conclave on 21st February in Delhi

    Conclave to bring together people from different walks of life to discuss aspects relating to leadership

    SOUL: an upcoming leadership institution in Gujarat to enable authentic leaders to advance public good

    Posted On: 19 FEB 2025 6:31PM by PIB Delhi

    Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi will inaugurate the first edition of the SOUL Leadership Conclave on 21st February, at around 11 AM, at Bharat Mandapam, New Delhi. He will also address the gathering on the occasion. Prime Minister of Bhutan Dasho Tshering Tobgay will deliver the Keynote Address as the Guest of Honor.

    The two day SOUL Leadership Conclave from 21st to 22nd February will serve as a premier platform where leaders from diverse domains like politics, sports, arts and media, the spiritual world, public policy, business and the social sector will share their inspiring life journeys and discuss aspects relating to leadership. The conclave will foster an ecosystem of collaboration and thought leadership, facilitating learning from both failures and successes, to inspire young audiences.

    School of Ultimate Leadership is an upcoming leadership institution in Gujarat to enable authentic leaders to advance public good. The aim is to broaden the landscape of political leadership in India through formal training and to include those who rise through merit, commitment, and passion for public service and not just from political lineage. SOUL brings in insights, skills and expertise necessary to navigate the complex challenges of leadership in today’s world.

    ****

    MJPS/SK

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian flight attendants are pushing for fair ground pay amid union negotiations

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kenneth Haggett, Master’s Student, Women and Gender Studies, Saint Mary’s University

    Canadian flight attendants and their union, CUPE’s airline division, have faced chronic workplace issues for the past four decades. Notably, their union has been pushing the federal government and airlines for equitable pay since 2022.

    A key development came in June 2024 when Conservative MP Lianne Rood proposed Bill C-409 to the House of Commons, which would compensate attendants for training and ground time, which includes tasks like aircraft preparation, boarding, deplaning and safety demonstrations.

    However, the Conservative Party of Canada did not consult with CUPE’s airline division in tabling Bill C-409, and CUPE has expressed their uncertainty regarding the Conservative Party’s support.

    In October 2024, NDP MP Bonita Zarrillo tabled Bill C-415, which goes further by requiring attendants to be paid for all hours worked at their full rate of pay. CUPE and the NDP Party have collaborated to push for this bill.

    The issue of unpaid ground time first gained media attention in May 2022 but has been a long-standing concern among flight attendants.

    Industry labour issues

    Flight attendants in Canada work approximately 35 uncompensated hours per month, according to CUPE Airline Division President Wesley Lesosky.

    Attendants are only paid while the aircraft is in the air, meaning ground tasks and delays are unpaid. Flight attendants may work a 10- to 12-hour shift, but only be paid for six to eight hours.

    In the past, attendants were compensated well enough to cover ground duties, but stagnant wages and the current cost-of-living crisis in Canada have left attendants poorly compensated.

    Though the union primarily focuses on organizational inequities resulting in unpaid ground time, flight delays are a major cause of such extended, unpaid hours by prolonging attendants’ duty time.

    While some negotiations have been reported between airlines and the union, such as Air Transat and Air Canada, few deals have been made, leaving flight attendants uncompensated for ground duties.

    Unions mobilize against unpaid ground time

    To call public attention to the issue, the union staged demonstrations in April 2023 and May 2024.

    While the union has sought to avoid taking strike measures — likely due to non-strike provisions in collective agreements — it could legally take job action after March 31 if negotiations fail. Union members could then vote to strike.

    CUPE’s airline division began to renegotiate union agreements with Air Canada in mid-December, ahead of the March 2025 contract expiration. The union’s primary focus is to make better bargains with employers surrounding unpaid ground time. Ideally, new agreements would compensate flight attendants for all hours worked, not simply time spent in the air.

    A Feb. 3 update from the union reveals that, while negotiations are steadily progressing, the process remains lengthy and complex. To strengthen its position, the union has commissioned legal and research professionals to aid in the negotiation of benefits, pensions, wage increases and scheduling changes, among others.

    As sociologists focusing on labour relations, we conducted a literature review on historical trends within the Canadian airline industry, digging deeper into structural issues leading to unpaid ground time.

    Our research has found that the neoliberal shifts of the 1980s are a major determinant of attendants’ deteriorating working conditions. Over time, rising corporate austerity has placed attendants’ wages on the back burner.

    Structural roots of unpaid ground time

    The issue of unpaid ground time is not an isolated issue in the airline industry, but a byproduct of broader economic and labour trends.

    Our findings highlight how neoliberal economic policies — particularly the wave of deregulation and privatization in the 1980s — have strengthened corporate power while weakening unions’ bargaining capacity.

    Founded in 1948, Canada’s first flight attendant union, the Canadian Air Line Flight Attendants’ Association (CALFAA), focused on addressing attendants’ health, safety and wage concerns.

    But with the neoliberal push to deregulate and privatize the industry, CALFAA’s challenges were amplified. In response, CALFAA voted to merge with CUPE — Canada’s leading union — to extend their influence, becoming CUPE’s airline division.

    Yet the growing emphasis on corporate profit continues to erode union power to secure and maintain fair pay and equitable workplace standards. Bargaining processes have become increasingly difficult, with arbitrators often favouring corporate interests.

    State-imposed anti-strike provisions from previous years have curtailed unions’ ability to strike against unfair conditions. Successful airline lobbying has also threatened workplace safety, as indicated in a 2015 case of pilot duty time.

    As airlines continue to compete in a “race to the bottom” to minimize expenses and maximize profit, flight attendants continue to face unpaid labour issues. Federally supported through bailouts and bankruptcy protections, airlines have been pandered to at the expense of airline workers.

    A lack of state and corporate response to the issue at hand indicates the prioritization of austerity over Canadian flight attendants’ financial well-being. Without meaningful policy changes, key issues like unpaid ground time will remain chronically neglected.

    Looking ahead

    Though unpaid ground time is presented as the major issue within the workplace, the extensive, unpaid labour required of flight attendants can lead to poorer mental health, chronic fatigue and other health concerns that pose risks due to their impact on attendants’ ability to perform safety duties.

    With contract negotiations underway, CUPE’s airline division has an opportunity to push for better working conditions and pay structures that reflect all hours worked.

    Canadian airlines must address the issue of unpaid labour and, ultimately, implement more equitable workplace standards for flight attendants.

    Whether airlines and the federal government will indeed act on these demands remains to be seen. Yet the growing pressure from unions and political figures suggests the fight for fair pay is far from over.

    Lauren Cormier, an undergraduate student in sociology at Trent University, co-authored this article.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Canadian flight attendants are pushing for fair ground pay amid union negotiations – https://theconversation.com/canadian-flight-attendants-are-pushing-for-fair-ground-pay-amid-union-negotiations-238959

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Will Trump’s tariffs boost the US economy? Don’t count on it

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lukasz Rachel, Assistant Professor of Economics, UCL

    It’s hard to keep up with all the tariff announcements coming out of Washington. On February 1, the US president, Donald Trump, announced the introduction of 25% tariffs on most imported goods from Canada and Mexico, and an additional 10% levy on goods from China. The tariffs against Canada and Mexico were soon postponed by a month following some token gestures.

    A week after that, Trump signed an executive order imposing 25% tariffs on all steel and aluminium imports. These tariffs are set to take effect on March 12, a few days after the broad tariffs against Canada and Mexico supposedly come to pass. Trump has now vowed “reciprocal” duties on countries that target products made in the US.

    This may all sound very familiar. Trump imposed tariffs during his first presidency – for example, on steel and aluminium imports in 2018. Studies of this policy are already available. They show that the tariffs led to rising raw material costs and weakened the competitiveness of US manufacturers.

    It is also true that the subsequent US-China trade war of 2018 and 2019 did not collapse the US or global economy. But the tariffs this time round are more comprehensive and cover a larger number of key products and trading partners. Unlike the previous tariffs on China, which were introduced gradually, the current restrictions are to be introduced in one move.

    Dubious justification

    Trump justified the tariffs on Canada and Mexico as a measure to counter the “serious threat” posed by illegal immigration and the influx of drugs, including fentanyl, across US borders. It is difficult to take such an explanation seriously.

    The fentanyl problem essentially exists at the southern border. In 2024, US Customs seized about 19kg of fentanyl at the border with Canada, compared with nearly 9,600kg at the Mexican border. The same is true for migrants. Imposing tariffs on Canada therefore makes little sense.

    The more likely reason for all of Trump’s tariffs lies in his desire to protect domestic producers from foreign competition. Trump and his strategists often refer to the need to reduce the US trade deficit with the rest of the world.

    The basic problem is that in today’s world of globalised supply chains, many components are imported. Goods often cross borders multiple times before reaching consumers in their final form. A good example is the automotive production complex near Detroit, where semi-assembled cars frequently cross the Canadian-American border.

    It is difficult to predict what effect Trump’s tariffs would have on such organised production. But they would probably amount to a very expensive and inefficient reorganisation of production processes. If the tariffs on Canada go ahead, Canadian and American companies, as well as their employees, would suffer.

    Not all areas of production would be affected so drastically. But for the many components that are imported into America, an increase in their prices would translate into cost pressures. This may lead to financial problems for American companies, layoffs or higher prices for final goods.

    A steel and aluminium door is welded at General Motors’ automobile factory in Fort Wayne, Indiana.
    John Gress Media Inc / Shutterstock

    Paradoxically, tariffs could also decrease the competitiveness of American production, at least when it comes to sales in third markets. Cost pressures caused by more expensive components will affect US manufacturers, but not rival manufacturers in, say, China or Europe – at least until they have responded with a trade war.

    Another reason why Trump’s logic may not work is the US dollar exchange rate. The dollar has soared in recent months, especially when Trump has spoken about tariffs, rising more than 5% against the euro since the election. These moves weaken the competitiveness of American manufacturers on global markets.

    That said, Trump has often expressed his desire for a weaker dollar and, following the delay in the implementation of the tariffs, it has come down in value.

    But, notwithstanding this, US businesses are by no means delighted. The tariffs on Canada, Mexico and China were condemned by groups such as the American Chamber of Commerce. And the Wall Street Journal described the move as “the stupidest trade war in history”.

    That’s not all. The primary effect of tariffs is an increase in the price of imported goods. If prices go up, consumers will be less than enthusiastic. High price levels were, after all, a key part of why Trump won November’s election.

    The direct inflationary impulse from the announced tariffs is not, so far, catastrophic. While the inflationary effects of tariffs are not a given, many economists fear they will trigger a mechanism of increasing inflation expectations. This may happen, especially given the likelihood of retaliation by affected countries.

    Before Trump had paused the tariffs, the Canadian prime minister, Justin Trudeau, had announced retaliatory levies of 25% on American goods worth a total of US$107 billion (£84.9 billion). Canada is also considering restrictions on exports of critical minerals crucial to the US tech industry.

    China, on the other hand, announced retaliatory tariffs and measures against US businesses including Google. And the EU has stood firm on its plans to retaliate should Trump implement tariffs against the bloc.

    Should they arise, higher inflation expectations may prompt the US Federal Reserve to raise interest rates. According to recent research, the increase in the cost of credit is a serious reason for dissatisfaction among American consumers and companies alike.

    Reducing the trade deficit

    If tariffs don’t help consumers and hurt a significant number of domestic producers, perhaps they can at least close the US trade deficit? Unfortunately, they also miss the mark here.

    Economists agree that the deficit is due to macroeconomic conditions – specifically, the balance between national investment and saving. The US has a surplus of investment relative to savings, so borrows money from the rest of the world.

    This is, simply put, because the US economy does not produce as much as the American people consume. When net domestic debt increases, the trade deficit also increases because the borrowed money is spent on foreign goods and services.

    Reducing the trade gap can be done through policies that lower domestic debt. Either households and businesses must save more, or government deficits must shrink. In this sense, tariffs are a poor tool.

    Trump’s tariff strategy will create havoc. This will bring opportunities as well as challenges. Europe and other affected countries should stand united against Trump’s tariff threats, responding firmly while promoting trade liberalisation across the world at the same time.

    Lukasz Rachel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Will Trump’s tariffs boost the US economy? Don’t count on it – https://theconversation.com/will-trumps-tariffs-boost-the-us-economy-dont-count-on-it-249621

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Censorship, abortion and the ‘threat within’: what a free speech expert thinks of J.D. Vance’s remarks to Europe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eric Heinze, Professor of Law, Queen Mary University of London

    Donald Trump is famous for his attacks on journalists and the media. He has banned critical reporters from official events, threatened them with lawsuits, and branded mainstream outlets the “enemy of the people”. Since last year, the US has dropped ten notches on the World Press Freedom Index. Now in 55th place, the country trails far behind many European and other democracies.

    It is ironic, then, that vice president J.D. Vance dashed to the Munich Security Conference last week to scold Europeans for their supposed failings on free speech and democracy.

    Speaking to European leaders, Vance fretted: “The threat that I worry the most about vis-à-vis Europe is not Russia, it’s not China, it’s not any other external actor.” Rather, it is “the threat from within”. This rehashing of tropes about “the enemy within” forms part of a Trumpist vocabulary borrowed from the most sinister 20th century autocracies.

    One of Vance’s key claims for the decline of free speech in Europe left many UK observers dumbfounded. He rebuked the Scottish government for sending out letters in October 2024 cautioning citizens that, in his words, “even private prayer within their own homes may amount to breaking the law”.

    Vance was referring to Scotland’s Safe Access Zones Act, which prohibits protesters from gathering within 200 metres of clinics that perform abortions. Yet his accusation teaches volumes about Trumpism. To call it distorted would be diplomatic: it is a bold-faced lie. The Scottish government has confirmed that letters sent to residents near safe access zones did not instruct people to stop praying in the privacy of their homes.

    However, the letters did advise against conduct such as displaying anti-abortion posters or banners, or protesting on their property in ways that might be seen or heard within proximity of the clinics, or might encourage such activity in those areas.

    The Scottish law echoes similar laws in other democracies, including several US states. Yes, the right to protest is essential to democratic societies, but these societies have always accepted that protesters must not harass or threaten citizens going about their everyday business, let alone when seeking essential services such as medical appointments.

    Admittedly, “buffer zones” around abortion clinics cannot and need not extend so far as to impede protesters’ freedoms of expression, so a debate about the precise reach of the Scottish law can and should take place. However, as observed in England and Wales, zones have not generally been drawn with excessively broad perimeters.

    Clearly, Vance’s eyes were more fixed on his own future presidential bid, playing more to religious fundamentalists back home than to anyone who might seriously care about free expression. His 18-minute speech invoked God three times, and “prayer” nine times, while saying nothing about the main issue for which delegates had gathered: Russia’s unprovoked onslaught on Ukraine.

    Curiously, Vance whispered not a word of criticism about UK government crackdowns on the kinds of protests that, in the US, Trump most fears, such as protests against specific government policies and practices.

    I should not have to point out that anti-abortionists in Scotland remain entirely free to proclaim their opinions, in public and in print, alongside countless other types of political expression. Such expression has long been recognised as protected under UK law, and enshrined in the Human Rights Act.

    The only impact of Scotland’s new law is to prevent residents living within 200 metres of such clinics from displaying placards or holding events that would target women visiting such facilities. Admittedly, someone “only standing and praying” nearby a clinic may present a borderline case – but well within bounds that can be assessed through our democratic processes, the very processes that Trump loyalists increasingly disdain.

    We can debate the rights and wrongs of the Scottish law, but any suggestion that it seriously abridges free speech – when compared to the kinds of incursions Trump himself wages – would be farcical.

    Admittedly, while Scotland rightly protects its medical facilities, some people will ask whether a law can legitimately reach so far as to regulate the opinions that people wish to display in their windows and gardens. In recent years, many UK homes have flown Ukrainian or Palestinian flags from their homes, which some neighbours may find inappropriate. Yet British law protects their rights to do so.

    Clearly then, we can have meaningful debates about how far free expression in the home extends, but nothing in what Trump officials have said or done on their home turf suggests that this is their real concern.

    Free speech in retreat?

    As it happens, Vance was not totally wrong when he mused: “In Britain and across Europe, free speech, I fear, is in retreat.” For years, Hungarians have faced relentless attacks on free speech under Viktor Orbán – the autocrat whom Trump followers, including Vance himself, have so often praised.

    On several occasions in The Conversation and elsewhere, I have advocated free speech and I have every intention to continue doing so. I am also willing to concede that, despite Trump’s compulsive attacks on free speech, his supporters have raised some valid concerns about the stifling of opinion on the left.

    Abortion exemplifies the type of issue that sparks widespread ethical controversies. Any democracy must ensure that speakers on all sides have safe means of expressing their views in the public arena. Everyone in today’s democracies could use a few lessons in free speech – and the Trump team tops the list.

    Eric Heinze has received past funding from the European Union.

    ref. Censorship, abortion and the ‘threat within’: what a free speech expert thinks of J.D. Vance’s remarks to Europe – https://theconversation.com/censorship-abortion-and-the-threat-within-what-a-free-speech-expert-thinks-of-j-d-vances-remarks-to-europe-250188

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trust in politics is in long-term decline around the world – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Viktor Valgarðsson, Leverhulme Early Career Fellow in the Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Southampton

    Pro-Trump rioters stormed the US Capitol building to protest against the result of the 2020 presidential election. 72westy / Shutterstock

    Citizens’ trust in their political institutions has been falling around the world. This may not come as a shock to many.

    British politics has been in chaos since the Brexit referendum in 2016. Rioters stormed the US Capitol in protest against the result of the 2020 presidential election. And the US president, Donald Trump, is continuing to attack the supposed “deep-state” controlling American politics. None of these things scream public trust in government.

    But declining political trust is not self-evident. It’s possible that we may be too focused on a couple of countries that dominate our attention, and a lot has been going on in recent years that could explain the situation that we find ourselves in.

    Many researchers have also pointed out that people have never been particularly fond of politics. They suggest that we’ve simply been seeing “trendless fluctuations” in trust – ebbs and flows where we happen to notice declines more than rises or stability.

    In a recently published study, my co-authors and I took on this debate. We analysed more data on political trust than previous studies, from over 5 million respondents to 3,377 surveys conducted in 143 countries between 1958 and 2019.

    Our models suggest that, at least since 1990, trust in parliament and government has indeed been declining by an average of about 8.4 and 7.3 percentage points respectively in democratic countries across the world.

    The same does not apply to trust in non-representative “implementing institutions”, such as the civil service, justice system or police. In fact, we find that trust in the police has increased by about 12.5 percentage points across democracies on average over the same period.

    Thus, declining trust in government appears to be rooted in how politics is practised, which is seemingly less inspiring to citizens today, rather than in a growing distaste for social institutions in general.

    Global trends in trust in six types of institutions in democratic countries between 1990 and 2019.
    Valgarðsson et al. (2025) / British Journal of Political Science, CC BY-NC-ND

    Of course, this global picture masks a more nuanced story. Political trust has been rising in a few smaller countries: Denmark, Ecuador, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland. These nations may chart a path forward for the rest of the democratic world.

    Conversely, trust in the legal system has been declining in many countries in eastern Europe and Latin America. The same appears to be the case more recently in the US, suggesting that implementing institutions are not immune to the political trust crisis.

    Our findings do not answer why citizens of democracies are gradually losing faith in their democratic institutions, or what the consequences could be. They also do not suggest how trust in politics can be rebuilt. But what we do know is concerning.

    For instance, our data tells us that political trust was declining dramatically in Hungary right up until 2010, when Viktor Orbán was re-elected as prime minister (his first term ended in 2002). When in office, Orbán started dismantling the country’s constitutional and liberal democratic order.

    Trust in parliament, the legal system and the police in western Europe and North America.
    Valgarðsson et al. (2025) / British Journal of Political Science, CC BY-NC-ND

    We also know that the US has seen one of the more dramatic declines of political trust in recent times, and that political distrust was a powerful predictor of voting for Trump at least in the 2016 Republican primaries.

    In a survey conducted that year by American National Election Studies, about 24% of Trump’s primary voters said they would “never” trust the federal government to do what is right. This compared with about 9% of voters for rival Republican candidate John Kasich, and 8% and 4% of voters for Democrat candidates Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton respectively.

    We do not yet have data for the 2024 US presidential election. But it does not take a political scientist to know that Trump leaned even more heavily on people’s distrust in government in his campaign. Since becoming president, he has stepped up his efforts to dismantle America’s constitutional and liberal democratic order.

    Declining political trust is not the only cause of these developments. We are also seeing illiberal candidates and parties doing increasingly well in countries where we didn’t see the same trust declines in our data. The rising popularity of Geert Wilders in the Netherlands or the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party in Germany are both good examples.

    Some of this may be driven partly by more recent trust declines, like in the Netherlands where trust in parliament has dropped substantially since 2020. Or it could be driven by a polarisation of trust between a more trusting majority and a deeply distrusting minority. But much of it is also probably driven by other factors, such as economic distress, attitudes towards immigration and the “culture wars” of our day.

    It stands to reason that voters who deeply distrust the political establishment would tend to be attracted to populist leaders who rail against that establishment.

    These voters probably still support democracy as an ideal. Support for democratic principles has, in fact, remained high globally – although there are worrying signs among younger generations in US and UK. But these voters appear to be more willing to vote for politicians who will attack the institutions needed to make it work.

    Sceptical mistrust of government

    This brings us to one crucial question: are citizens right to distrust government? After all, political institutions haven’t been working all that well for a large portion of citizens – except maybe in areas like Scandinavia, where we have seen rising trust in recent times.

    A degree of sceptical mistrust of government is certainly vital for a healthy democracy. We are reminded of this by some of the more sobering points in our data.

    China has the highest rates of reported trust in the world, while Hungary and Russia have both seen rising trust levels as their governments have become less democratic and seized control of the media environment. Clearly, trust is not unequivocally good from a democratic perspective.

    Our challenge is to find the right balance: a climate of sceptical trust, where we hold our governments to account and engage critically with our institutions without throwing them away in favour of autocratic populists.

    To save the foundations of liberal democracy, we may need to rediscover its appeal to the ordinary citizen. If it’s something about the way politics is practised that citizens distrust, perhaps those politics need to change.

    Viktor Valgarðsson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trust in politics is in long-term decline around the world – new research – https://theconversation.com/trust-in-politics-is-in-long-term-decline-around-the-world-new-research-250078

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How refugee entrepreneurs are supplying sustainable energy to the camps they live in

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Rosenberg-Jansen, Research Advisor on Humanitarian Energy, University of Oxford

    Refugees are providing energy within camps home to millions of displaced people around the world, my research has found.

    There are now more than 120 million forcibly displaced people globally. Although United Nations humanitarian agencies provide firewood and small electric lanterns, these are often not enough for most families.

    To make up the shortfall, entrepreneurial refugees in the camps I visited have become energy suppliers by establishing shops, phone charging stations, even cinemas.

    While visiting camps administered by the UN Refugee Agency in Rwanda, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda and other countries across Africa, I was struck by the hum of electricity and the smell of cooking in the camps’ markets. Energy was everywhere.

    A mobile phone and electronics market shop at the Kakuma refugee camp, Kenya.
    Sarah Rosenberg-Jansen, CC BY-NC-ND

    In all the camps I visited, people were selling clothes, cooking bowls and toys, as well as lighting and electrical appliances. These shops all used energy – computers totted up bills and printed receipts, radios played music, and people everywhere were using mobile phones and the internet. Fans and motors were working hard to keep things cool and the power on. Refugees buy these products at local markets – which are often run by refugees themselves.

    After conducting over 170 interviews with refugees and humanitarian practitioners, it became clear refugees buy their own energy to run many of these cafes and shops: buying their own diesel, generators, or electricity technologies including solar panels and batteries.

    Formal refugee energy access provided by humanitarian agencies or national governments is projected to be very low: Chatham House statistics suggest 94% of forcibly displaced people living in camps have no meaningful access to power, and 81% lack anything other than the most basic fuels for cooking.

    Renewable connections

    Local energy businesses operating around the camps in Rwanda and Kenya, such as BBOX or MESH Power, provide solar solutions such as selling solar panels and solar home systems from which refugees can have lighting, charge their phones and plug in electrical appliances. These renewable systems help to lower the costs – but sometimes the companies are not able to expand their businesses within refugee camps due to UN restrictions.

    As one of the refugees I spoke to in Rwanda explained: “You can see two types of solar business really. Those using energy that is easy to get to – off-the-shelf products and services – to keep the lights on in the night, or offer cool drinks or a fan. And those businesses where really energy is the business … where people can use solar home systems or other technologies.”

    Sadly, this picture is not uniform across the world. For example, buying diesel in refugee camps or purchasing kerosene for lanterns can be very expensive. Spending by displaced people on simple cooking fuels and technologies, as well as basic lighting, is estimated to be around US$200 (£160) per year per family, for less than four hours of energy a day.

    Buying from external energy suppliers often comes at great cost to refugee families as energy in refugee camps can be incredibly expensive. Estimates suggest that refugee households in Kenya and Burkina Faso spend between 15% and 30% of their income on energy – a figure that in the UK would mean a household was in a situation of extreme fuel poverty.

    In total, refugee households around the world spend at least US$2.1 billion (£1.68 billion) on energy each year.

    Refugee-led businesses

    In the face of such challenges, refugee energy entrepreneurs are expanding the range of energy services and products available to refugee communities in terms of sustainability: providing new solar solutions and electricity connections from solar-powered energy sources. For members of the refugee community who use this service, this can reduce the cost of energy.

    These refugee-led enterprises often start after refugees have saved or borrowed money from friends and family to start their energy businesses – for example, by buying a solar panel and battery and charging customers to use the electricity it generates. Sometimes referred to as micro-enterprises or energy entrepreneurs, they go beyond being passive users of electricity and become active participants in the energy economies of refugee camps.

    Examples of such businesses include Kakuma Ventures, based in Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya, which provides wifi and solar energy access to more than 1,500 people in the camps.

    A grid pylon next to refugee homes at Kigeme refugee camp, Rwanda.
    Sarah Rosenberg-Jansen, CC BY-NC-ND

    Another example is Patapia, based in camps in Uganda, which helps refugee women launch and grow businesses powered by clean energy. Successful refugee-led energy businesses are highlighted by the work of climate change charity Ashden through its Humanitarian Energy Award, and its support for local businesses leading the way on sustainable energy in humanitarian settings.

    Indeed, many new global initiatives and humanitarian programmes are starting to take seriously the role of refugee-led organisations and businesses. Take the work of Last Mile Climate, which is dedicated to helping grassroots initiatives, refugee-led businesses, charities, humanitarian agencies and government organisations tackle climate-related challenges.

    Refugees are also writing on this issue in the media, highlighting how important the issue of inclusivity is in delivering the sustainable energy transition in humanitarian contexts.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

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    Sarah Rosenberg-Jansen received funding from the Independent Social Research Foundation (ISRF)

    ref. How refugee entrepreneurs are supplying sustainable energy to the camps they live in – https://theconversation.com/how-refugee-entrepreneurs-are-supplying-sustainable-energy-to-the-camps-they-live-in-242862

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Expanding seaweed farms pose a risk to vital marine life

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Benjamin L.H. Jones, Chief Conservation Officer, Project Seagrass & Research Affiliate, Swansea University

    Seaweeds are commonly grown from long lines of rope. This string of _Eucheuma_ seaweed in Indonesia is positioned above a seagrass meadow. Benjamin Jones/Project Seagrass, CC BY

    Seaweed farming is a rapidly expanding global industry. As a food resource, it has high nutritional value and doesn’t need fertilisers to grow. Seaweed provides valuable habitats for marine life, takes up carbon and absorbs nutrients, plus it helps protect our coastlines from erosion.

    Usually, seaweeds grow on hard, rocky surfaces. Yet, to farm seaweed, potential areas need to be easily accessible and relatively sheltered. This is where seaweed can grow with limited risk of being dislodged by waves. Seaweed farms in Asia, in countries like China and Indonesia, are responsible for more than 95% of global seaweed production. Seaweed farms, particularly those in Southeast Asia, are commonly in the very same environments where seagrass meadows thrive. Competition for resources ensues.

    Evidence shows that tropical seaweed farms, when placed in or on top of tropical seagrass meadows leads to a decline in the growth and productivity of seagrass. There is also evidence that seaweeds outcompete seagrasses in cooler waters, especially when nutrients in the water are very high.

    Despite negative interactions, such as shading, between seaweed and seagrass, some scientists now advocate for a global expansion of seaweed farming in areas where seagrass grows. This call, comes at a time when seagrass global initiatives are trying to stem seagrass loss.

    Efforts are underway to expand these habitats to their once extensive range to help fight climate change and biodiversity loss. Seagrass meadows are a crucial store of carbon, providing habitats for a wide array of animals.

    Why farm seaweed on top of seagrass?

    The reason that some scientists are advocating for farming seaweed in seagrass is that their research claims that the presence of seagrass reduces disease causing bacterial pathogens by 75%. A major win for a relatively low tech industry where seaweed disease outbreaks hinder production. These scientists are not the only ones advocating for seaweed production at scale.

    Global conservation charities, like World Wildlife Fund and The Nature Conservancy, as well as the Earthshot prize launched by Prince William all support seaweed cultivation programmes in areas likely to contain abundant seagrass.

    However, together with other scientists, we have argued in an academic response in the journal PNAS that their claim is premature. We are concerned that, without appropriate management, these seaweed programmes threaten marine biodiversity and the benefits that humans get from the ocean.

    Despite historic and globally widespread seaweed cultivation, effects on seagrass have mostly been ignored. Where studies exist, effects have been negative for seagrass, its ability to capture carbon, and the diverse animals that call it home.

    Entanglement of migratory animals, such as turtles and dugong with seaweed also needs wider consideration. This is especially the case given new legal frameworks to protect their habitat, and there is ongoing concern for these species being killed by seaweed farmers. The equity of coastal fishing grounds also comes into question, as communities that use seagrass for fishing are most likely to lose access.

    Conservation charities advocate for tropical seaweed farms for good reason. This is to improve community resilience in the face of degrading coral reefs and overfishing.

    While projects mostly have the best intentions, they often don’t consider cascading unintended consequences, nor the equity of the whole community. In reality, seaweed farm placement is effectively akin to ocean grabbing (the act of dispossession or appropriation of marine resources or spaces) with farmers winning on a “first come, first serve” basis, despite not owning the seabed.

    Sustainable standards

    If seaweed farming is to be expanded, standards for sustainability must be upheld and strengthened. In 2017, a sustainable seaweed standard was launched by the Aquaculture and Marine Stewardship Councils.

    But few tropical seaweed farms meet the criteria outlined in this standard due to known consequences that affect seagrass (rightly defined in the standard as vulnerable marine habitats) and likely negative effects on endangered species, like dugong, that frequent seagrass habitats.

    Seaweed cultivation strategies have mixed evidence for long-term success. In Tanzania, many farmers have abandoned the industry due to low monetary rewards compared to the investments they put in, and some evidence suggests that the activity reduces income and health, particularly for women. Where seaweed cultivation has been implemented to reduce fishing pressure, it has instead increased (and often just displaced) fishing activity.

    Given the rapidly increasing threats faced by tropical marine habitats despite the role they play in climate resilience, understanding trade-offs prior to large scale expansion of seaweed farming is a priority. To reduce further any negative effects, international programmes and research advocating for large-scale seaweed farms need to align more readily with the seaweed standard.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Expanding seaweed farms pose a risk to vital marine life – https://theconversation.com/expanding-seaweed-farms-pose-a-risk-to-vital-marine-life-248329

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Bolsonaro’s indictment over alleged coup plot signals shift in Brazil’s approach to political accountability

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Felipe Tirado, PhD Candidate in Law, King’s College London

    Brazil’s top prosecutor has filed federal charges against Jair Bolsonaro, alleging that the former president attempted a coup in 2023. Focus Pix / Shutterstock

    The Brazilian attorney-general has charged the country’s former president, Jair Bolsonaro, with participating in a plot to cling to power through a coup d’etat in 2022. If Bolsonaro is convicted, he could spend between 38 and 43 years in prison.

    Bolsonaro, who governed Brazil between 2019 and 2022 but lost his attempt at re-election to current president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, is one of 34 people to be formally charged for offences related to the alleged coup. These include high-ranking serving and retired members of the military, as well as former ministers and politicians.

    The charges levelled against them are involvement in an attempted coup d’etat, violent abolition of the democratic rule of law, and criminal organisation.

    According to the attorney-general’s 272-page indictment, Bolsonaro became increasingly inclined to pursue anti-democratic measures in the months before the election. He allegedly considered taking steps to retain power even before the first round of voting.

    Then, after his defeat by an extremely narrow margin, the indictment claims that Bolsonaro and his alleged accomplices decided to implement the plan before Lula took office in January 2023.

    An investigation by Brazil’s federal police in November found that the insurrection in the country’s capital Brasília on January 8 2023, where rioters invaded the presidential palace, congress and supreme court, was part of this plan. The same investigation suggested the plan also included a plot to assassinate Lula and his vice-president Geraldo Alckmin, as well as supreme court judge Alexandre de Moraes.

    Bolsonaro denies any wrongdoing and – at least in public – is bullish about his fate. Speaking to journalists hours before the charges were filed, he said: “I have no concerns about the accusations, zero.”

    The case will now be considered by the Supreme Court, whose judges will decide whether to initiate criminal proceedings against Bolsonaro and the other defendants. This is expected to happen over the coming weeks. If the judges accept the charges and proceedings are established, the defendants will be called to answer them.

    This is the first time in Brazilian history that high-ranking members of the armed forces have been indicted and charged with crimes associated with a coup d’etat. According to the indictment, the intention was for the armed forces to be called upon to act as a “moderating power”, with the aim of overturning the election result.

    Army generals Augusto Heleno, Walter Braga Netto and Paulo Sérgio Nogueira de Oliveira are among those who have been charged. These men served as ministers in the Bolsonaro government, with Braga Netto also running as the vice-president on Bolsonaro’s ticket in 2022.

    Another high-ranking member of the armed forces charged by the attorney-general is Almir Garnier Santos, the commander of the Brazilian navy. These four men were allegedly part of the inner nuclei that planned and prepared the attempted coup.

    Several other servicemen, including generals, colonels and other officers, were charged with crimes related to the planning and execution of the initial phases of the coup. The sentences for all of these men could amount to up to 30 years in prison.

    Like Bolsonaro, Braga Netto denies any guilt. In a statement released on February 18, his lawyers called the charges a “fantasy”. Lawyers for Garnier Santos and Heleno have chosen not to comment until having fully reviewed the charges.

    Unlike those in the military, some of the political figures charged by the attorney general had criminal antecedents. One of the politicians named in the indictment is Filipe Martins, Bolsonaro’s former international affairs adviser and a “disciple” of the deceased far-right polemicist, Olavo de Carvalho. Martins’ lawyers released a statement on February 18 calling the accusations “unfounded”.

    In December 2024, Martins was convicted of making a gesture alluding to white supremacy during a virtual session of the senate. He initially received a sentence of two years and four months in prison for inciting racial prejudice, which was replaced by 850 hours of community service.

    Far-right commentator Paulo Figueiredo Filho, the grandson of Brazil’s last military dictator, João Figueiredo, was also charged. He appeared on a podcast on February 19 to criticise the charge. Figueiredo lives in the US, where he was arrested in 2019 because of problems with his immigration status.

    Lessons from and to Brazil

    Brazil has already offered some lessons to other countries facing similar authoritarian challenges. Its response to the insurrection in Brasília was swift and robust. Within days, hundreds of rioters had been arrested and the state governor of the federal district was suspended for his sluggish response.

    Then, in 2023, Bolsonaro was banned from running for office for eight years over false claims that the electronic ballots used in the previous year’s election were vulnerable to hacking and fraud. Those involved with the attempted military coup have also been investigated and some subsequently arrested.

    But the coup plot case can also serve as a lesson to the country. Brazil has a history both of successful and unsuccessful military coups. The last successful military coup led to a dictatorship that lasted from 1964 until 1985.

    Brazil also has a history of amnesties, whereby crimes committed during these coups and authoritarian regimes have been pardoned. There have been 48 amnesties in Brazil since 1889, with the most recent one, in 1979, allowing the dictatorship to self-amnesty its crimes.

    For over 45 years, this amnesty hindered criminal accountability for the perpetrators of crimes. This included the murder of politician Rubens Paiva, whose disappearance was the focus of the 2024 Oscar-nominated film, I’m Still Here. The amnesty was declared void by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2011.

    Bolsonaro and other individuals charged, as well as their supporters and aligned politicians, have been demanding a “humanitarian amnesty” for those who allegedly participated in the coup plot.

    Given Bolsonaro’s history, this seems paradoxical. Throughout his decades-long public career, Bolsonaro has consistently celebrated the crimes of the military dictatorship and supported violations of human rights. At the same time, he has also opposed individuals and organisations that advocate for victims of the dictatorship.

    If Bolsonaro and his alleged accomplices are found guilty, it could be an unparalleled lesson for Brazil. Punishing anyone convicted would be an opportunity to step away from the country’s tradition of impunity and move towards addressing systemic injustices.

    Felipe Tirado receives funding from the Centre for Doctoral Studies – King’s College London.

    ref. Bolsonaro’s indictment over alleged coup plot signals shift in Brazil’s approach to political accountability – https://theconversation.com/bolsonaros-indictment-over-alleged-coup-plot-signals-shift-in-brazils-approach-to-political-accountability-250300

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ne Zha 2: the record-breaking Chinese animated film showcases China’s ambition on the global stage

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ming Gao, Research Scholar of East Asia Studies in History Division, Lund University

    Ne Zha is a legendary child warrior from Chinese mythology, often depicted as a rebellious deity who defies fate to carve out his own destiny. Born as a demon, feared for his supernatural powers and doomed to live only three years, he struggles to overcome his destiny and forge his own path.

    A new Chinese film about the warrior has broken several box office records, including becoming the highest-grossing animated film of all time (beating Pixar’s Inside Out 2).

    Ne Zha 2 is a Chinese animated fantasy adventure film. That it is breaking so many records might seem surprising. It’s a sequel to a film that didn’t do as well, it’s not American and it’s not in English. But its record-breaking run seems to show no signs of slowing down. After debuting during the Chinese Lunar New Year, its success has seen it premiere abroad in regions such as wider Asia, North America and Australia.

    For years, Hollywood has dominated China’s box offices, but the release of Ne Zha 2 marks a significant milestone in China’s cinematic and cultural expansion. Its unprecedented box office performance seems to signal a shifting dynamic in the global film industry.


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    It showcases China’s ambition and ability to produce world-class content that competes with western animation giants, like Disney and Pixar. It also plays a role in enhancing cultural confidence and soft power projection, which President Xi Jinping has emphasised for years.

    Capturing a feeling

    The story of Ne Zha, and its many adaptations, have long captivated Chinese people of all ages – including me. I fondly recall watching the 1979 version on a black-and-white TV with my family when I was little. The story originates from the Ming dynasty (1368 to 1644) novel Fengshen Yanyi (Investiture of the Gods) and over the centuries, it has been reinterpreted in various cultural forms of religion and literature.

    The original plotline of Ne Zha revolves around his rebellion against feudal patriarchal authority. This struggle is set against a backdrop of familial conflicts and even attempted patricide. In contrast, today’s reinterpretation recasts this mythological unruly child as a dutiful deity who fights for his clan’s interests by forging alliances, confronting rival factions and challenging the existing order.

    Ne Zha 2 trailer.

    As a commercial film, it has astutely tapped into the emotional needs of contemporary Chinese audiences in a society facing various challenges, such as economic downturn and rising unemployment. Themes of familial love and supportive parenting have struck a deep chord with Chinese audiences, offering both cultural and sentimental reassurance in uncertain times.

    Another clear resonance with domestic audiences lies in the themes of Chinese technological success and cultural excellence. This has cultivated a strong sense of cultural identity and national pride among Chinese people.

    In China, no words currently seem to better capture the feelings after watching the movie than “pride” and a sense of patriotism – both for the film’s visually striking animation techniques and for its depiction of China’s rich cultural traditions. However, the film needs to be understood within the broader contexts of China’s domestic landscape and its evolving position on the global stage.

    ‘Cultural confidence’

    Beyond entertainment, Ne Zha 2’s success fits within President Xi Jinping’s ideas on “cultural confidence,” which can be succinctly defined as a nation’s firm belief in the strength and vitality of its own culture. Since the film’s record-breaking performance, state media and various state-owned outlets have been actively echoing this narrative.

    People’s Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, equates Ne Zha to China’s cultural confidence as a means to expand soft power and navigate uncharted territory. This emphasis on cultural confidence, however, is not merely state-driven.

    Ne Zha.
    Enlight Pictures

    The film’s director, Jiao Zi, has expressed his confidence in China’s traditional culture, stating: “China’s stories don’t need to deliberately cater to the west.” Instead, he believes that traditional Chinese culture is a vast treasure trove of inspiration, which is interesting to all.

    Indeed, Ne Zha is not an isolated success in drawing inspiration from traditional Chinese culture. Last year’s Black Myth: Wukong, a record-breaking gaming blockbuster, gained global attention at the 2024 Game Awards (the Oscars of the video games industry). Like Ne Zha, it’s based on another legendary 16th-century Chinese novel Xiyouji (Journey to the West). China’s official news agency, Xinhua, characterised the enduring popularity of these ancient tales as “part of a broader cultural renaissance”.

    Ne Zha’s success is emerging as a key example of China’s growing cultural identity, aligning with the cultural confidence discourse. A foreign ministry spokesperson has described Ne Zha as “a new bridge for exchanges” and “a fresh window for the world to see China”.

    Whether Ne Zha 2 achieves lasting international success remains to be seen. But one thing is clear – Chinese animation is no longer just for domestic audiences. The film’s popularity reflects China’s broader ambitions to expand its soft power alongside its growing economic and strategic influence.

    Ming Gao receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. This research was produced with support from the Swedish Research Council grant “Moved Apart” (nr. 2022-01864). Ming Gao is a member of Lund University Profile Area: Human Rights.

    ref. Ne Zha 2: the record-breaking Chinese animated film showcases China’s ambition on the global stage – https://theconversation.com/ne-zha-2-the-record-breaking-chinese-animated-film-showcases-chinas-ambition-on-the-global-stage-249899

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Bilingual children with special educational needs may be missing out on support in England

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Johny Daniel, Assistant Professor, School of Education, Durham University

    Rido/Shutterstock

    English isn’t the first language of over 20% of pupils in schools in England, and this proportion is rising. The children in this group who also have special educational needs or disabilities may be falling through the cracks, missing out on support that would help them succeed.

    My recent research analysed data from 2.5 million English primary school pupils. The findings show that bilingual learners with special educational needs especially struggle with reading. They trail behind both their peers without special educational needs, and other children with special educational needs who speak English as their first language.

    When a pupil has a special educational need such as specific learning difficulties or autism, their language hurdles can make it harder to see the real cause of their challenges. Sometimes, a child’s limited English masks a disability. Other times, disabilities may be confused with language problems. This confusion can delay the help they need.

    Reading is particularly a problem because strong vocabulary and language-processing skills are needed, and the extra task of learning English can slow them down in this area. Maths may rely less on advanced English, so the gap is often smaller in that subject.

    Research suggests that if bilingual pupils with special educational needs get strong support in the early years, they can catch up significantly.

    The right support

    One useful method is data-based decision-making. This means teachers and special needs coordinators regularly track progress in reading, writing or maths. For example, teachers might assess oral reading fluency or brief writing samples to measure progress. By spotting which pupils are falling behind, they can provide small-group tutoring, phonics help or targeted vocabulary lessons.

    Pupils also benefit from clear, structured lessons that focus on reading and writing. They may also need extra time to practise and may learn better if the same vocabulary is taught in different ways, such as through games or acting.

    In addition, research shows that when teachers use examples or stories that reflect different languages and cultures, pupils stay more engaged. This “culturally responsive” teaching boosts children’s language skills.

    Relating lessons to a child’s experiences can help keep them engaged.
    Ground Picture/Shutterstock

    For example, a case study on culturally responsive teaching for bilingual learners with disabilities has shown that connecting lessons to students’ own cultural and linguistic backgrounds can boost both their language skills and their reading comprehension.

    The teacher in the study combined explicit instruction – such as teaching vocabulary or grammar – with discussions in small groups that drew on experiences from the students’ own lives. Her pupils saw significant improvements in literacy that underscores how culturally responsive methods can help bilingual children succeed.

    Room for improvement

    Another way to improve the situation for these children would be better assessments of whether they need additional support.

    My research with colleagues has found that most bilingual pupils in England are not assessed for dyslexia in their first language, which can mask their true skills and needs. If schools allow pupils to be tested in their home language, or at least use bilingual materials, they can get a clearer picture of each pupil’s progress.

    Funding for specialised training is also needed. Schools need resources to hire or develop experts who understand both language learning and disabilities. Educational psychologists, for instance, or English-as-a-second-language teachers with expertise in special educational needs, can provide this much needed support.

    Ofsted inspectors should also check how schools use regular progress monitoring data to adjust teaching for bilingual pupils with special educational needs. If data use becomes a core part of good practice, more schools may be inspired to invest in it.

    The evidence shows many bilingual learners with special educational needs can catch up, or even surpass their peers, if they receive the right support early on. Yet too often, these children are seen only as “language learners,” with their disabilities overlooked, or they are treated as having a disability, while their language needs get ignored.

    We already know strategies that work. By using detailed progress tracking, culturally responsive teaching, and targeted language instruction, schools can close the gap and make sure bilingual pupils with special educational needs and disabilities do not fall behind.

    Johny Daniel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Bilingual children with special educational needs may be missing out on support in England – https://theconversation.com/bilingual-children-with-special-educational-needs-may-be-missing-out-on-support-in-england-246822

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How satellites revolutionised climate change science

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will de Freitas, Environment + Energy Editor, UK edition

    aappp / shutterstock

    Until relatively recently, humans were limited by the horizon. Climate scientists of the early 20th century could gather data from the world around them and perhaps what they were able to see from a hot air balloon or plane. But the really big picture – the global snapshot – remained out of sight.


    This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage comes from our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed.


    The first satellite of any kind was the USSR’s Sputnik 1, launched in 1957. But it wasn’t until the 1960s that satellites designed specifically to observe the Earth and its climate made it into orbit and gave us the first overview of weather patterns. By the 1970s Nasa’s Landsat satellites were able to monitor things like tree cover.

    Jonathan Bamber, a climate scientist at the University of Bristol, says this “revolutionised our ability to carry out a comprehensive and timely health check on the planetary systems we rely on for our survival”. Data that once required months or even years of fieldwork was suddenly available in the time it took a satellite to orbit the planet.

    These days, this data can be remarkably precise and detailed. Bamber says: “We can measure changes in sea level down to a single millimetre, changes in how much water is stored in underground rocks, the temperature of the land and ocean and the spread of atmospheric pollutants and greenhouse gases, all from space.”

    Here’s a map of sea level rise, from Bamber’s article highlighting five satellite images that show how fast our planet is changing:

    The sea is rising quickly – but not evenly.
    ESA/CLS/LEGOS, CC BY-SA

    “This image,” writes Bamber, “shows mean sea level trends over 13 years in which the global average rise was about 3.2mm a year. But the rate was three or four times faster in some places, like the south western Pacific to the east of Indonesia and New Zealand, where there are numerous small islands and atolls that are already very vulnerable to sea level rise.”




    Read more:
    Five satellite images that show how fast our planet is changing


    In recent years, scientists have used AI to sift through and analyse satellite data. Bamber’s latest research, published in January this year, illustrates this nicely.

    A team of scientists, lead by Tian Li also of the University of Bristol, gathered millions of satellite images of glaciers in Svalbard, a remote and icy archipelago in the Arctic Ocean. In their write up, they note that human researchers once painstakingly looked through this sort of data.

    “This process”, they write, “is highly labour-intensive, inefficient and particularly unreproducible as different people can spot different things even in the same satellite image. Given the number of satellite images available nowadays, we may not have the human resources to map every region for every year.”

    Their solution was to use AI to “quickly identify glacier patterns across large areas”. The satellite-AI combo meant they could examine Svalbard’s retreating glaciers – surely among the least accessible places on the planet – in “unprecedented scale and scope”.

    They found that 91% of the many glaciers that flow into the sea around the archipelago have been “shrinking significantly”. They note that the same types of glacier can be found across the Arctic, and “what happens to glaciers in Svalbard is likely to be repeated elsewhere”.




    Read more:
    We built an AI model that analysed millions of images of retreating glaciers – what it found is alarming


    Many of those glaciers can be found in Greenland, home of the northern hemisphere’s largest ice sheet. In research published earlier this month, Tom Chudley of Durham University used satellite images to assess crevasses (cracks in the glaciers) in Greenland.

    A large glacier in west Greenland flows into the sea. That iceberg filled fjord is several miles wide.
    Copernicus Sentinel / lavizzara / shutterstock

    Chudley also combined satellite images with computerised analysis. His work made use of “ArcticDEM”, three dimensional maps of the polar regions based on high resolution satellite images.

    “By applying image-processing techniques to over 8,000 maps, we could estimate how much water, snow or air would be needed to “fill” each crevasse across the ice sheet. This enabled us to calculate their depth and volume, and examine how they evolved.“

    His conclusion was very blunt: the Greenland ice sheet is falling apart.




    Read more:
    The Greenland ice sheet is falling apart – new study


    Health watchdogs

    Many of you will be well aware that satellites are being used to monitor the health of the planet. What’s less well known is the role they can play in monitoring human health.

    Dhritiraj Sengupta, a satellite scientist at Plymouth Marine Laboratory, says satellites have become Earth’s new health and nature watchdog. His article details how satellites can map mosquito breeding sites to combat malaria, for instance, or can identify air pollution hotspots in cities.

    In his own research, he’s used satellite-derived chlorophyll data to assess the risk of cholera. Chlorophyll is the green pigment in plants that helps them use sunlight to make their food and grow.

    “Many bacteria like Vibrio cholerae which causes cholera, thrive in stagnant water,” Sengupta writes. “My team worked with the European Space Agency to show that its presence can be modelled using the concentration of chlorophyll found on the surface of bodies of water.”




    Read more:
    How satellites have become Earth’s new health and nature watchdogs


    So far, so good. Satellites have undeniably been useful for climate scientists. But in the longer-term, the satellites themselves may have an unforeseen effect on the climate.

    Last year, SpaceX announced it would “deorbit” 100 of its Starlink satellites to burn up in the atmosphere. Fionagh Thomson is a space expert, also at Durham University. She says that “atmospheric scientists are increasingly concerned that this sort of apparent fly-tipping by the space sector will cause further climate change down on Earth.”

    Particles from the satellites themselves won’t have a huge effect compared to the “440 tonnes of meteoroids that enter the atmosphere daily, along with volcanic ash and human-made pollution from industrial processes on Earth.”

    But one team “recently, and unexpectedly, found potential ozone-depleting metals from spacecraft in the stratosphere, the atmospheric layer where the ozone layer is formed.” The worry is that satellite debris may help form certain types of clouds that lead to ozone loss and may add to the greenhouse effect.

    She notes that this is all uncertain and needs more research. “But,” she writes, “we’ve also learnt that if we wait until indisputable evidence is available, it may be too late, as with the loss of ozone. It’s a constant dilemma.”

    Something for SpaceX scientists to look into, perhaps, once they’ve finished rescuing stranded astronauts from the International Space Station.




    Read more:
    Satellites are burning up in the upper atmosphere – and we still don’t know what impact this will have on the Earth’s climate


    ref. How satellites revolutionised climate change science – https://theconversation.com/how-satellites-revolutionised-climate-change-science-250312

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Attorney General Bonta Files Amicus Brief in Support of Challenge to Refugee Ban and Refugee Funding Suspension

    Source: US State of California

    OAKLAND — California Attorney General Rob Bonta, as part of a coalition of 19 attorneys general, today announced filing an amicus brief in Pacito v. Trump in support of a challenge to the suspension of refugee entry and application processing, and the stop work orders for refugee resettlement agencies. In their brief, the attorneys general argue that the Trump Administration’s Refugee Ban and Refugee Funding Suspension are unlawful, misrepresent the concerns and interests of states, and undermine states’ ongoing efforts to successfully assimilate and integrate newly arrived refugees.

    “The foundation of our nation was built by people seeking to create a better life away from persecution,” said Attorney General Bonta. “Refugees are not a burden — they’re a benefit to states. Refugees contribute to our communities both socially and economically as business owners, doctors, teachers, and neighbors. In California, we are home to approximately 50,000 refugee entrepreneurs who bring in an estimated $1.9 billion in business income collectively. The actions by the Trump Administration are unlawful and directly undermine the efforts of states like California to welcome people into our communities.”

    Each year, thousands of refugees are admitted into the United States and welcomed into communities across the country where they can connect with services, resources, and members of their family or cultural community; these resources help them not just adjust but thrive. During the first Trump Administration, President Trump issued an executive order requiring states and towns to opt in if they wanted to resettle refugees; despite the order being quickly enjoined, 42 states and more than 100 mayors elected to opt in. States recognize the benefits of refugee resettlement and are proud to be home to large and diverse refugee populations, whose presence not only enriches the social fabric of our states and local communities, but also promotes a vibrant economy.

    The Refugee Ban, which imposes by executive order an indefinite suspension on all refugee entry and refugee application processing, conflicts with the established Refugee Act by suspending entry and final approvals even for “follow-to-join” refugees — the spouses or unmarried under-21-year-old children of admitted refugees — despite Congress’s judgment that those persons “shall” be entitled to admission so long as they are not specifically barred on other grounds.

    The Refugee Funding Suspension, which relies on the President’s executive order regarding foreign aid, suspends federal funding for resettlement agencies that help refugees apply for admission and help refugees who have been admitted into our country and are already present in the states. The suspension directly prevents agencies from fulfilling their statutorily mandated task of providing basic needs and ensuring economic self-sufficiency and effective resettlement of refugees.

    In the amicus brief, the coalition urges the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington to grant a preliminary injunction preventing this order from going into effect, arguing that both the Refugee Ban and the Refugee Funding Suspension are unlawful and:

    • Conflict and misrepresent states interests, ignoring states’ existing role in the distribution of refugees before their placements; and
    • Harm states by disrupting critical work to assimilate and integrate refugees by depriving them of basic needs and essential services.

    In filing the amicus brief, Attorney General Bonta joins the attorneys general of Washington, Massachusetts, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin.  

    A copy of the brief can be found here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: UPDATE: Detectives name man killed in Hackney stabbing

    Source: United Kingdom London Metropolitan Police

    The victim of a fatal stabbing in Hackney has been named as 20-year-old Jason Junior Romeo.

    Police were called to reports of an altercation in Bodney Road, E5 at 17:59hrs on Tuesday, 18 February. Officers and the London Ambulance Service worked to treat Jason at the scene but he sadly died as a result of a stab wound.

    Two men in their 20s have been arrested and remain in police custody.

    Detective Superintendent Kelly Allen, leading the investigation in Hackney, said: “Jason had his whole life ahead of him but this senseless attack has taken that from both him and his loved ones. Our continued thoughts go out to his family, who are being supported by specialist officers.

    “If anyone saw this incident, or was nearby, please do share that information with officers. We are especially interested in any footage from the surrounding area.”

    The public can contact the police via 101 or contact Crimestoppers anonymously on 0800 555 111 with any information, reference CAD 5635/18Feb.

    A crime scene will remain in place until the forensic investigation has concluded.

    Detective Chief Superintendent James Conway, who leads policing in Hackney and Tower Hamlets, said: “It is absolutely devastating for Jason’s family and extremely distressing for our communities that another young life has been taken away as a consequence of knife crime. We continue to work closely with our local community partners and Hackney Council to tackle the causes and effects of knife crime.

    “I repeat an appeal I have sadly had to make too frequently. If any young person feels they need to carry a knife please speak to a parent, carer, teacher, youth leader or adult you trust and we can get you the support to step back from that decision safely.

    “I will have additional uniformed and plain clothed officers working in the area as a consequence of this tragic event. While the investigation continues to work to understand the motive for this attack, we will work tirelessly to reduce the risk of any further violence.”

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to the sinkhole in Surrey

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Scientists comment on the sinkhole that has appeared in Surrey. 

    Dr Collins, Deputy Dean, College of Engineering, Design & Physical Sciences and Reader in Geology & Geotechnical Engineering, Brunel University of London, said:

    “The term ‘sinkhole’ is often reserved for naturally formed features, though the fundamental processes and end results are similar. In this case, the cause of the visible holes appears to be the washout of soil from beneath the road as a result of a burst water mains. This burst would have pumped a large volume of water into the soil in a short period of time, overcoming its strength and turning it to a slurry which was then washed away. It isn’t clear where the soil went yet, but it is likely to have gone into the sewers, which may cause problems elsewhere.

    “One of the contributing factors is the local geology, which is sand, and the former land use which is a sand quarry that was located immediately to the west of the sinkhole. Sand can be strong when compacted as the particles are packed together, but weak when it becomes wet, and particularly if there is a lot of water under pressure.

    “The area near the sinkhole has been developed over the last few decades and some of the properties look quite new. Normally, the ground would have been investigated before any construction. This might have involved shallow trial pits or boreholes. The local geology would possibly have been seen as fairly stable and low risk, and the buildings are not large so the amount of investigation could have been limited. Geotechnical engineers looking at the site would have been primarily concerned with soil strength and drainage and, perhaps quite reasonably, are unlikely to have considered the ‘lateral blast’ effect of a burst high pressure water main.

    “What is currently unclear is why the mains pipe ruptured. One possibility is soil movement that caused the pipe to deform. Interestingly, an ‘Entrance to Subterranean Sand Pit’ is marked very close to the position of the sinkhole on the 1868-9 Ordnance Survey map and, while this has been infilled, its may have left a legacy of deeper, weaker soil. There are some clay-rich layers in the local sands that could heave and shrink over time. An alternative is that there was a structural failure in the pipe or a nearby sewer.

    “The pipe rupture does highlight the challenge that comes with having buried infrastructure as they are often buried at depths in excess of a metre. The depth is to reduce the impact of deep freeze during a very cold winter and the place the pipe below the soil most exposed to seasonal changes in moisture content. Unfortunately, this makes them hard to monitor and repairs can be difficult, including the replacement of soil in the excavated hole once the repair is complete.

    “Hopefully, in this case, the extent of the damage is limited to the areas that have already collapsed and the foundations of the adjacent properties have not been affected. Repairing the collapse hole might not be straightforward as the ground is currently saturated and will need to drain. There will need to be ground investigations to see if the hole extends further under the road and buildings. Ultimately, it may be filled with processed sand that would need to be artificially compacted or with concrete.”

    Declared interests

    No reply to our request for DOIs was received.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom