Category: Education

MIL-OSI Global: Tiny airborne particles within air pollution could be a silent killer – new study uncovers hidden risks and reveals who’s most at risk in New York state

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Shao Lin, Professor of Public Health, University at Albany, State University of New York

Ultrafine particles stem from a variety of natural and human-made sources, including vehicle exhaust. Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Long-term high ultrafine particle concentrations in New York state neighborhoods are linked to higher numbers of deaths. That is the key finding of our new research, published in the Journal of Hazardous Materials.

Our study shows that high levels of ultrafine particles in the atmosphere over long periods of time are significantly associated with increased non-accidental deaths, particularly from cardiovascular and respiratory diseases.

Ultrafine particles are aerosols less than 0.1 micrometers, or 100 nanometers, in diameter — about one-thousandth the width of a human hair. Due to their tiny size, they can be easily inhaled into the distal branches of lungs, quickly absorbed into the bloodstream and even pass through organ barriers.

We also found that certain underserved populations, including Hispanics, non-Hispanic Black people, children under 5, older adults and non-New York City residents, are more susceptible to the adverse effects of ultrafine particles. The disparities our study uncovered underscore the necessity for public health agencies to focus on and protect high-risk populations.

We quantified the long-term health impacts of exposure to these pollutants by combining mortality data from vital records in New York state and using a model that tracks how particles move and change through the air.

Because ultrafine particles are so small, they are difficult to study, and more research is needed to determine how unsafe they are.

Why it matters

Air pollution is now ranked the second-leading risk factor for death, accounting for about 8.1 million deaths globally and about 600,000 deaths in the United States in 2021.

Most air pollution standards and regulations have been focused on larger particulate matter, such as PM2.5 – which includes organic compounds and metal particulates – and PM10, a category that includes dust, pollen and mold.

In comparison, ultrafine particles are typically much greater in number and have a much larger surface area-to-volume ratio, allowing them to carry substantial amounts of hazardous metals and organic compounds. Furthermore, because of their smaller size, ultrafine particles can follow the air flow and get deep into the lungs when inhaled. These unique characteristics make ultrafine particles particularly dangerous, leading to a range of adverse health problems.

Despite this understanding, ultrafine particles remain largely unregulated, while larger particulates are regulated under the National Ambient Air Quality Standards.

Due to their unique characteristics, ultrafine particles require additional, tailored attention.

Ultrafine particles, not shown, are about one-thousandth the width of a human hair.
U.S. Environmental Protection Agency

Ultrafine particles stem from both natural sources and human activity – primarily from combustion processes such as motor vehicles, power plants, wood burning and wildfires. A large share of ultrafine particles is created by chemical reactions in the atmosphere involving acidic gases from fossil fuel burning and ammonia from farming and residential wastes.

As cities continue to expand and urban populations grow, people’s exposure to these harmful particles is likely to increase. Both PM2.5 and ultrafine particles come from similar sources and can also form through chemical reactions in the atmosphere, but their trends diverge.

PM2.5 mass has been declining in many places, including New York, thanks to air quality regulations. However, recent research suggests that ultrafine particle numbers are not going down and have been increasing since 2017.

What still isn’t known

There are currently no large-scale monitoring sites in the U.S. dedicated to tracking ultrafine particles in the environment. This limits the ability of researchers like us to comprehend the extent of ultrafine particle exposure and its impact on public health.

What’s more, the exact biological mechanisms through which ultrafine particles cause harm are not yet fully understood. Increasing research evidence suggests that ultrafine particles can affect heart function, causing hardening of arteries, lung inflammation and systemic inflammation.

There have been few prior studies looking at death rates related to ultrafine particle exposure by demographics and seasonality. By understanding which groups are most vulnerable to ultrafine particle exposure, interventions can be more effectively tailored to lower the risks and protect those who are disproportionately affected. Our study, which is funded by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority, helps fill in these critical knowledge gaps.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Tiny airborne particles within air pollution could be a silent killer – new study uncovers hidden risks and reveals who’s most at risk in New York state – https://theconversation.com/tiny-airborne-particles-within-air-pollution-could-be-a-silent-killer-new-study-uncovers-hidden-risks-and-reveals-whos-most-at-risk-in-new-york-state-236299

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: For many Latter-day Saints, America has a special relationship with God − but Christian nationalism is a step too far

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Nicholas Shrum, Doctoral Student in Religious Studies, University of Virginia

Patriotism and faith can weave together in complicated ways − but when does that count as ‘Christian nationalism’? RiverNorthPhotography/iStock via Getty Images Plus

On the verge of the 2024 elections, Donald Trump and Kamala Harris are ramping up their campaigns in Arizona and Nevada. Beyond being considered swing states, the two have something else in common: Latter-day Saint voters.

About 5% to 10% of Arizonans and Nevadans belong to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints – among the highest percentages in the country, outside of Utah and Idaho. For decades, a steep majority of Latter-day Saints, often called Mormons, were regarded as reliable Republican voters. But the Trump era has tested that alliance, especially when it comes to many of his backers’ support for Christian nationalism.

Christian nationalism is often described as the belief that American identity and Christianity are deeply intertwined and, therefore, the U.S. government should promote Christian-based values. Using questions such as whether “being Christian is an important part of being truly American,” a Public Religion Research Institute poll in 2024 found that about 4 in 10 Latter-day Saints nationwide are at least sympathetic to Christian nationalist ideas, if not clear “adherents.” This was the third-highest rate among religious groups, behind white evangelicals and Hispanic Protestants.

Yet the report also found a seeming contradiction. Utah, home to the church’s headquarters, “is the only red state in which support for Christian nationalism falls below the national average.”

As a scholar of Mormonism and nationalism, I believe the church’s history and beliefs help explain why so many members wrestle with Christian nationalist ideas – and that this complexity illustrates the difficulty of defining Christian nationalism in the first place. America is sacred in Latter-day Saint doctrine: both the land itself and its constitutional structures. But as a minority that has often faced discrimination from other Christians, the church displays profound skepticism about combining religion and state.

Sacred space

The Book of Mormon – one of the church’s key scriptures, alongside the Bible – describes the Americas as “choice above all other lands” and provides an account of Jesus Christ visiting ancient civilizations there after his resurrection.

In addition, Latter-day Saint doctrine considers the United States’ government to be divinely inspired. In 1833 the church’s founder, Joseph Smith, dictated a revelation wherein God declared “I established the Constitution of this land, by the hands of wise men whom I raised up for this very purpose.”

In the 1830s, Latter-day Saints migrated from New York and Ohio to western Missouri, where they believed themselves divinely commanded to build a sacred city called Zion. By the end of the decade, however, they had been forced out of Missouri by mob violence and an order from the governor, who called for the group to be “exterminated or driven from the State.”

Church members fled to neighboring Illinois, then began a long trek west after Smith’s death in 1844. The first pioneers reached Utah Territory in 1847, where they set up a society shaped by their beliefs – including, most famously, the practice of plural marriage. But when Utah applied for statehood, tensions with the federal government mounted.

Congress enacted anti-polygamy legislation that seized some church property, imprisoned more than 1,000 church members, disenfranchised anyone who supported the practice, and revoked Utah’s 1870 decision to give women the right to vote.

A photo of Utah polygamists in prison, taken around 1889 by Charles Roscoe Savage.
Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, via Wikimedia Commons

By 1896, church leaders had begun the process of ending plural marriage, and Utah was admitted to the union. Latter-day Saints also adopted the two-party system and embraced free-market capitalism, giving up their more insular and communal system – adapting to dominant ideas of what it meant to be properly American.

Constitutional patriots

These experiences tested Latter-day Saints’ faith in the U.S. government – particularly its failure to intervene as members were forced out of Missouri and Illinois. Nevertheless, church doctrine emphasizes duty to one’s country. One of the church’s 13 Articles of Faith explains that “we believe in being subject to kings, presidents, rulers, and magistrates, and in obeying, honoring, and sustaining the law.”

Latter-day Saints have “a unique responsibility to uphold and defend the United States Constitution and principles of constitutionalism,” as Dallin H. Oaks, a member of the church’s highest governing body, said in 2021.

I would argue that beliefs in the country’s divine purpose and potential, and the close relationship between faith and patriotism, may illuminate Latter-day Saint sympathy for Christian nationalist ideas. Yet the church’s previously fraught relations with the federal government, and with wider American culture, help explain why a majority of Latter-day Saints remain skeptical of Christian nationalism.

For much of the 19th and 20th centuries, hostility against the church was so high and widespread that if the U.S. had declared itself a Christian nation, Latter-day Saints would likely have been excluded – and around one-third of Americans still do not consider them “Christian.” According to a 2023 Pew survey, only 15% of Americans say they have a favorable impression of Latter-day Saints, while 25% report unfavorable views.

Latter-day Saint leaders believe they have a right to exert moral influence on public policy. But the church’s awareness of its own precarious position in U.S. culture has made it wary of policies that put some people’s religious freedom above others.

Church members wait for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints’ biannual general conference to begin on Oct. 5, 2024, in Salt Lake City, Utah.
AP Photo/Hannah Schoenbaum

A step too far

This wariness has also shaped Latter-day Saint culture’s inclination to avoid extremes. After decades of being marginalized for practices considered radical, the modern church and its adherents have walked a delicate tightrope. And for many, Christian nationalism and the candidate many adherents put their hope in – Donald Trump – seem a step too far.

Over the past half-century, Latter-day Saints tended to align politically and culturally with conservative Catholics and evangelicals. On balance, the church remains highly conservative on social issues, especially gender and sexuality, and 70% of its American members lean Republican. However, more younger Latter-day Saints have much more progressive views – and even the leadership has parted ways with the GOP on some issues, such as strict immigration proposals. While the church opposes “elective abortion,” it allows for several exceptions.

During the 2016 election, only about half of the church’s members voted for Trump; 15% voted for Evan McMullin, a Latter-day Saint who positioned himself as a moderate choice between Trump and Hillary Clinton. In 2020, Trump garnered about 7 in 10 Latter-day Saint votes.

During congressional hearings about the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, Arizona House Speaker Russell “Rusty” Bowers, who resisted pressure from the Trump administration to recall the state’s electors, cited his Latter-day Saint beliefs. “It is a tenet of my faith that the Constitution is divinely inspired,” Bowers said, explaining his refusal to go along with the scheme.

Arizona House Speaker Rusty Bowers, left, is sworn in before testimony at the Capitol on June 21, 2022, alongside Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and Georgia Deputy Secretary of State Gabriel Sterling.
AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

In June 2023, church leaders issued a statement against straight-ticket voting, saying “voting based on ‘tradition’ without careful study of candidates and their positions on important issues is a threat to democracy.”

Holy purpose

Ever since the Puritans, many people in what became the United States have believed God has a special plan for their society – part of the same current that drives Christian nationalism today.

Latter-day Saints, however, have a specific vision of that plan. According to the church’s teachings and scriptures, the country’s establishment was a necessary step toward restoring the “only true and living church” – their own. And that church is a global one, not just American. More than half of all Latter-day Saints today live outside the U.S.

Ultimately, Latter-day Saint teachings consider America’s story part of a greater goal: ushering in the second coming of Jesus Christ. As the church’s name suggests, Latter-day Saints believe that they are living in the last days, just before the millennial reign of Jesus – a kingdom where national and political distinctions melt away.

But as with all other churches, its members live in the current day, where political, cultural and social realities shape how they interact with the world around them – and how they vote.

Nicholas Shrum does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. For many Latter-day Saints, America has a special relationship with God − but Christian nationalism is a step too far – https://theconversation.com/for-many-latter-day-saints-america-has-a-special-relationship-with-god-but-christian-nationalism-is-a-step-too-far-228594

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Proof that immigrants fuel the US economy is found in the billions they send back home

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ernesto Castañeda, Professor, American University

Migrant workers pick strawberries during harvest south of San Francisco, Calif. Visions of America/Joe Sohm/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Donald Trump has vowed to deport millions of immigrants if he is elected to a second term, claiming that, among other things, foreign-born workers take jobs from others. His running mate JD Vance has echoed those anti-immigrant views.

Researchers, however, generally agree that massive deportations would hurt the U.S. economy, perhaps even triggering a recession.

Social scientists and analysts tend to concur that immigration — both documented and undocumented — spurs economic growth. But it is almost impossible to calculate directly how much immigrants contribute to the economy. That’s because we don’t know the earnings of every immigrant worker in the United States.

We do, however, have a good idea of how much they send back to their home countries – more than US$81 billion in 2022, according to the World Bank. And we can use this figure to indirectly calculate the total economic value of immigrant labor in the U.S.

Economic contributions are likely underestimated

I conducted a study with researchers at the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies and the Immigration Lab at American University to quantify how much immigrants contribute to the U.S. economy based on their remittances, or money sent back home.

Several studies indicate that remittances constitute 17.5% of immigrants’ income.

Given that, we estimate that the immigrants who remitted in 2022 had take-home wages of over $466 billion. Assuming their take-home wages are around 21% of the economic value of what they produce for the businesses they work for – like workers in similar entry-level jobs in restaurants and construction – then immigrants added a total of $2.2 trillion to the U.S. economy yearly.

That is about 8% of the gross domestic product of the United States and close to the entire GDP of Canada in 2022 – the world’s ninth-largest economy.

Immigration strengthens the US

Beyond its sheer value, this figure tells us something important about immigrant labor: The main beneficiaries of immigrant labor are the U.S. economy and society.

The $81 billion that immigrants sent home in 2022 is a tiny fraction of their total economic value of $2.2 trillion. The vast majority of immigrant wages and productivity – 96% – stayed in the United States.

Remittances from the U.S. represent a substantial income source for the people who receive them. But they do not represent a siphoning of U.S. dollars, as Trump has implied when he called remittances “welfare” for people in other countries and suggested taxing them to pay for the construction of a border wall.

The economic contributions of U.S. immigrants are likely to be even more substantial than what we calculate.

For one thing, the World Bank’s estimate of immigrant remittances is probably an undercount, since many immigrants send money abroad with people traveling to their home countries.

In prior research, my colleagues and I have also found that some groups of immigrants are less likely to remit than others.

One is white-collar professionals – immigrants with careers in banking, science, technology and education, for example. Unlike many undocumented immigrants, white-collar professionals typically have visas that allow them to bring their families with them, so they do not need to send money abroad to cover their household expenses back home.

Immigrants who have been working in the country for decades and have more family in the country also tend to send remittances less often.

Both of these groups have higher earnings, and their specialized contributions are not included in our $2.2 trillion estimate.

A Somali business owner stocks her store in Lewiston, Maine.
Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call

Additionally, our estimates do not account for the economic growth stimulated by immigrants when they spend money in the U.S., creating demand, generating jobs and starting businesses that hire immigrants and locals.

For example, we calculate the contributions of Salvadoran immigrants and their children alone added roughly $223 billion to the U.S. economy in 2023. That’s about 1% of the country’s entire GDP.

Considering that the U.S. economy grew by about 2% in 2022 and 2023, that’s a substantial sum.

These figures are a reminder that the financial success of the U.S. relies on immigrants and their labor.

Ernesto Castañeda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Proof that immigrants fuel the US economy is found in the billions they send back home – https://theconversation.com/proof-that-immigrants-fuel-the-us-economy-is-found-in-the-billions-they-send-back-home-227542

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Is America ready for a woman president? Voters’ attitudes to women politicians are radically different from a decade ago

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Angela L. Bos, Dean and Professor, School of Public Service, Boise State University, Boise State University

Voters hold clear and positive stereotypes of women politicians − while they don’t think as positively about men in politics. Artis777/iStock/Getty Images

If U.S. voters elect Kamala Harris – a Black, Asian American woman – president, it would be historic on multiple levels. This is now a real possibility due to voters’ positively evolving stereotypes of women politicians.

Stereotypes have long hindered female candidates, casting them as emotional, weak and sensitive. But now our political science research shows that voters in the U.S. increasingly see women leaders as synonymous with political leadership – and as more effective than men politicians.

This transformation reflects a broader change in what voters expect in political leaders. They are now more likely to see a woman candidate as a better “fit” for public office. This might help pave the way for Harris to break through the highest glass ceiling in U.S. politics.

The classic double bind

Gender stereotypes are the assumptions and expectations people have about men and women. They traditionally present an obstacle for women leaders, including in politics.

Among the many barriers to a woman becoming president in the U.S. are voters’ gender stereotypes. Men are generally assumed to have masculine traits such as being ambitious and competitive, while women are assumed to possess feminine traits such as being warm and compassionate. In applying gender stereotypes to politicians, voters end up with very different expectations for men and women candidates.

Democratic candidate Kamala Harris, left, campaigns with former GOP congresswoman and supporter Liz Cheney in Malvern, Pa., on Oct. 21, 2024.
Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images

This presents a classic double bind for women leaders. If they behave like leaders and act dominantly and assertively, they violate expectations of femininity. But if they behave in a stereotypical way, they are not seen as strong leaders.

The double bind extends to politics. It was long the case that stereotypes of men politicians, but not women politicians, aligned with the leadership qualities that voters desire in political leaders. These traits include competence, strong leadership, empathy and integrity. A 2011 study showed that stereotypes of women politicians lacked clarity, meaning people had no clear expectations. Voters also did not see women politicians in alignment with those same four leadership qualities that voters seek.

But by 2021, prominent women political leaders such as Hillary Clinton, Nikki Haley and Nancy Pelosi had reshaped the landscape for women seeking office by shaping and solidifying public expectations.

More women politicians in the spotlight

More women have assumed political leadership roles in the U.S. over the past decade than in previous decades. The number of women in Congress increased from 90 to 145 between the 111th Congress, which met from 2009 to 2011, to the 117th Congress, which met from 2021 to 2023.

In addition, high-profile women politicians such as Democrats Pelosi and Clinton, as well as Liz Cheney, a Republican, have received considerable attention from both the media and the electorate. Gender stereotypes about women politicians evolved from being ambiguous to becoming both well defined and positive as voters grew more familiar with them. This has created a political landscape for Harris today that is notably different from the early 2010s.

We are political scientists whose research examines how gender stereotypes affect women’s political underrepresentation. In 2021, we conducted a study of how voters’ gender stereotypes of politicians had evolved over the previous decade. These are the three main lessons:

1. Stereotypes of women politicians are increasingly positive

A decade ago, people did not agree on the traits that defined women politicians. While some people described them as tough, others thought they were weak. Similarly, some reported them as rational, while others saw them as unable to separate feelings from ideas. There were no traits that large groups of people agreed upon to describe women politicians.

But our study shows that voters now hold clear and positive stereotypes of them.

When asked about the traits they associate with women politicians, respondents listed positive traits such as intelligent, rational, analytical, ambitious and moral. At the same time, women politicians are least associated with negative traits such as being weak and spineless.

While stereotypes of women politicians have become more positive, stereotypes of male politicians are now much more negative.
Image Source/Getty Images

2. Stereotypes of men politicians have shifted to increased negativity and distrust

Male politicians were previously seen as confident, well educated, charismatic and driven. But there’s bad news for men in politics: This perception has shifted. Our study revealed that stereotypes of male politicians became much more negative over the decade we studied.

Today, male politicians are more commonly viewed as power-hungry, selfish, manipulative and self-interested. They are least associated with traits such as being sympathetic or caring about “people like me.” This indicates that voters have become more negative and distrustful toward male politicians.

3. Women politicians have gained ground on leadership perceptions, surpassing men politicians

In the past, stereotypes of women politicians were incompatible with leadership stereotypes. But our study shows that this mismatch has subsided. In fact, between 2011 and 2021, scores for women politicians increased on all four leadership traits valued by voters: competence, leadership, empathy and integrity.

Men politicians, in contrast, have lost ground on all four leadership traits. Women politicians now surpass men politicians in three out of the four leadership traits: competence, empathy and integrity. Expectations of men politicians concerning the fourth trait, strong leadership, are now equal to those of female politicians.

Kamala Harris may benefit

Gender stereotypes have long hindered women seeking political office, but more women in prominent leadership positions have fostered positive stereotype change.

Granted, highly visible women leaders such as Pelosi and Clinton excite both admiration and intense dislike. But seeing them and many other examples in their wake has familiarized voters with women holding power in politics. Voters are thus now more likely to view women candidates like Harris as fitting into leadership roles such as the presidency.

With growing distrust in politics, and of male politicians specifically, women political leaders – who are viewed as agents of change – may have an opportunity to restore trust in politics.

Daphne Joanna van der Pas receives funding from the Dutch Research Council.

Loes Aaldering receives funding from the Dutch Research Council. She is a member of Groenlinks, the Green party in the Netherlands.

Angela L. Bos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is America ready for a woman president? Voters’ attitudes to women politicians are radically different from a decade ago – https://theconversation.com/is-america-ready-for-a-woman-president-voters-attitudes-to-women-politicians-are-radically-different-from-a-decade-ago-240326

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Your next favorite story won’t be written by AI – but it could be someday

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Haoran Chu, Assistant Professor of Communications, University of Florida

AI language models are getting pretty good at writing – but not so much at creative storytelling. Moor Studio/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images

Stories define people – they shape our relationships, cultures and societies. Unlike other skills replaced by technology, storytelling has remained uniquely human, setting people apart from machines. But now, even storytelling is being challenged. Artificial intelligence, powered by vast datasets, can generate stories that sometimes rival, or even surpass, those written by humans.

Creative professionals have been among the first to feel the threat of AI. Last year, Hollywood screenwriters protested, demanding – and winning – protections against AI replacing their jobs. As university professors, we’ve seen student work that seems suspiciously AI-generated, which can be frustrating.

Beyond the threat to livelihoods, AI’s ability to craft compelling, humanlike stories also poses a societal risk: the spread of misinformation. Fake news, which once required significant effort, can now be produced with ease. This is especially concerning because decades of research have shown that people are often more influenced by stories than by explicit arguments and entreaties.

We set out to study how well AI-written stories stack up against those by human storytellers. We found that AI storytelling is impressive, but professional writers needn’t worry – at least not yet.

The power of stories

How do stories influence people? Their power often lies in transportation – the feeling of being transported to and fully immersed in an imagined world. You’ve likely experienced this while losing yourself in the wizarding world of Harry Potter or 19th-century English society in “Pride and Prejudice.” This kind of immersion lets you experience new places and understand others’ perspectives, often influencing how you view your own life afterward.

When you’re transported by a story, you not only learn by observing, but your skepticism is also suspended. You’re so engrossed in the storyline that you let your guard down, allowing the story to influence you without triggering skepticism in it or the feeling of being manipulated.

Given the power of stories, can AI tell a good one? This question matters not only to those in creative industries but to everyone. A good story can change lives, as evidenced by mythical and nationalist narratives that have influenced wars and peace.

Storytelling can be powerfully influential – especially if people sense the human behind the words.
georgeclerk/E+ via Getty Images

Studying whether AI can tell compelling stories also helps researchers like us understand what makes narratives effective. Unlike human writers, AI provides a controlled way to experiment with storytelling techniques.

Head-to-head results

In our experiments, we explored whether AI could tell compelling stories. We used descriptions from published studies to prompt ChatGPT to generate three narratives, then asked over 2,000 participants to read and rate their engagement with these stories. We labeled half as AI-written and half as human-written.

Our results were mixed. In three experiments, participants found human-written stories to be generally more “transporting” than AI-generated ones, regardless of how the source was labeled. However, they were not more likely to raise questions about AI-generated stories. In multiple cases, they even challenged them less than human-written ones. The one clear finding was that labeling a story as AI-written made it less appealing to participants and led to more skepticism, no matter the actual author.

Why is this the case? Linguistic analysis of the stories showed that AI-generated stories tended to have longer paragraphs and sentences, while human writers showed more stylistic diversity. AI writes coherently, with strong links between sentences and ideas, but human writers vary more, creating a richer experience. This also points to the possibility that prompting AI models to write in more diverse tones and styles may improve their storytelling.

These findings provide an early look at AI’s potential for storytelling. We also looked at research in storytelling, psychology and philosophy to understand what makes a good story.

We believe four things make stories engaging: good writing, believability, creativity and lived experience. AI is great at writing fluently and making stories believable. But creativity and real-life experiences are where AI falls short. Creativity means coming up with new ideas, while AI is designed to predict the most likely outcome. And although AI can sound human, it lacks the real-life experiences that often make stories truly compelling.

Closing in?

It’s too early to come to a definitive conclusion about whether AI can eventually be used for high-quality storytelling. AI is good at writing fluently and coherently, and its creativity may rival that of average writers. However, AI’s strength lies in predictability. Its algorithms are designed to generate the most likely outcome based on data, which can make its stories appealing in a familiar way. This is similar to the concept of beauty in averageness, the documented preference people have for composite images that represent the average face of a population. This predictability, though limiting true creativity, can still resonate with audiences.

For now, screenwriters and novelists aren’t at risk of losing their jobs. AI can tell stories, but they aren’t quite on par with the best human storytellers. Still, as AI continues to evolve, we may see more compelling stories generated by machines, which could pose serious challenges, especially when they’re used to spread misinformation.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Your next favorite story won’t be written by AI – but it could be someday – https://theconversation.com/your-next-favorite-story-wont-be-written-by-ai-but-it-could-be-someday-239284

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Russia: We suggest you write the All-Russian sociological dictation

Translation. Region: Russian Federation –

Source: State University of Management – Official website of the State –

On November 14, 2024, the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center will hold the All-Russian educational campaign “Sociological Dictation” for the fifth time. We invite students and employees of the State University of Management to take part in this event.

Every year, thousands of people of different ages from all regions of Russia write the sociological dictation. Last year, more than 120 thousand people took part in the event.

The dictation consists of 25 questions of varying difficulty, it takes no more than 30 minutes to complete, and upon completion of the dictation, each participant is given a personalized certificate with the number of points scored. Participants who score 80 out of 100 possible points will receive a certificate with distinction.

You can write the dictation online on its official website on November 14 from 00:00 to 23:59 Moscow time.

Or in person at the State University of Management, in room PA-215. Starts at 14:00.

Subscribe to the tg channel “Our State University” Announcement date: 10/24/2024

Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

MIL OSI Russia News –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Declaration of Helsinki turns 60 – how this foundational document of medical ethics has stood the test of time

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dominic Wilkinson, Consultant Neonatologist and Professor of Ethics, University of Oxford

The declaration of Helsinki recently turned 60, but don’t feel bad if you missed the celebrations. It probably passed unnoticed by most people not working in the medical field – and possibly even a good few in the field.

If you’re not familiar with the declaration – adopted by the World Medical Association on October 19 1964 – here is an explainer on this highly influential document: how it emerged, how it evolved and where it may be heading.

What is the declaration of Helsinki?

The World Medical Association was set up in the late 1940s in response to atrocities committed in the name of medical research during the second world war. It was focused on promoting and safeguarding medical ethics and human rights.

Agreed at a meeting in Finland in 1964, the first version of the declaration included principles that have become the cornerstone of global research ethics. These include the importance of carefully assessing the risks and benefits of research projects, and seeking informed consent from those taking part in research.

The declaration has been hugely influential and has been incorporated into national guidelines relating to medical research around the world. (For example, in the UK it is cited in legislation and policy relating to research.)

However, it is not legally binding. It has also, at times, been the focus of controversy. For example, following an intense debate in the early 2000s – about the use of placebos in drug trials and the ethics of conducting research in low-income countries – the US Food and Drug Administration removed reference to the declaration in its own guidance.

The declaration updated

It has been revised several times (the new version is the eighth edition), reflecting an evolving understanding of medical ethics, contemporary debates about when research would be ethical, as well changes in the nature and landscape of research.

Some of these reflect important shifts in values and language. In 1964, the declaration stated that clinical research “should be conducted … under the supervision of a qualified medical man” – sexist language that has long since gone by the wayside.

The 2024 version refers to “research participants” rather than “research subjects” – in response to a wider shift to greater inclusion of patients and research volunteers as partners in research. There are also new references to concern for the environment and sustainability, as well as attention to issues relating to stored data and biomaterial, such as tissue samples.

Continuing uncertainty

Some questions remain. One change in the recent document emphasises the importance of including participants from different backgrounds in research, including those who are potentially “vulnerable” in one or more ways.

Older versions of the declaration emphasised avoiding research wherever possible involving children, older patients, pregnant women, those with mental illness and prisoners. This came from a need to learn from past scandals and avoid exploiting vulnerable groups.

However, more recently, it has been recognised that excluding these groups can cause even greater harm, since it leads to a lack of evidence on how best to treat some patients. This then leads to disparities in health. For example, a large proportion of medicines commonly used for children lack high-quality evidence to support them.

The 2024 declaration tries to balance the priority to include vulnerable groups in research with the need to protect and avoid research that could be feasibly performed in other groups.

However, this highlights a deeper problem. Ethical problems arise when research is inhibited or discouraged.

Regulation of research (as encouraged by the declaration) is hugely important, but it can also make it extremely difficult, time consuming and resource intensive to perform. Doctors may change practice based on experience, intuition or inspiration. If they do so outside of a trial, they are not required to seek the approval of any review body.

As noted by a British paediatrician Richard Smithells in the 1970s: “I need permission to give a drug to half of my patients [to find out whether it does more good than harm], but not [if I want] to give it to them all.”

One particular form of research that can be important to drive improvements in care are so-called comparative effectiveness trials. Within many areas of medicine, there are variations in practice, where some professionals will take one approach, while others will take another.

Depending on which doctor you happen to see, (perhaps which clinic you attend, or which day of the week you become unwell), you might receive one treatment or the other.

Since variations like this affect many patients, it would be important to determine which is the better option, potentially involving a randomised controlled trial, where one group of patients is randomly selected to receive the treatment and another group (the control group), a placebo. These trials take years to conduct and are very expensive to run.

However, the declaration seems to encourage a one-size-fits-all approach and potentially implies that such trials should go through a formal and lengthy research ethics approval process, with participants providing explicit informed consent. However, many ethicists and researchers have argued in favour of a more slimmed-down regulatory approach focusing on what matters: do trials meaningfully add risk or burden to those that patients would have encountered outside the trial. And would taking part in research restrict patients’ ability to make meaningful decisions, and to make choices that would ordinarily have been offered?

For example, imagine a trial of two different antiseptics that are commonly used for surgery. Being involved in the trial wouldn’t impose additional risk (since patients ordinarily receive those antiseptics), and it wouldn’t remove an ordinary choice, since it would be rare for medical professionals to ask patients which antiseptic they would like.

The Declaration of Helsinki may be 60 years old, but it continues to both stimulate debate and inspire ethical practice in medical research. It has been newly revised but it is likely that innovations in research, such as the growing use of AI in medicine, will require further changes in the years ahead. It isn’t time to retire it yet.

Dominic Wilkinson receives funding from The Wellcome Trust. He is a member of the British Medical Association Medical Ethics Committee (the views in this article are his own).

– ref. Declaration of Helsinki turns 60 – how this foundational document of medical ethics has stood the test of time – https://theconversation.com/declaration-of-helsinki-turns-60-how-this-foundational-document-of-medical-ethics-has-stood-the-test-of-time-241769

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Light and sound art show Eclipse by Nonotak is an immersive and sensory experience

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rob Flint, Senior Lecturer Nottingham in the School of Art and Design, Nottingham Trent University

Audiovisual art is changing rapidly. Increasingly powerful projectors, screens and lighting rigs with integrated control systems, pervade the interwoven worlds of cinema, gallery and concert halls. These changes blur the borders of the art form with gaming, club and gig visuals, semi-permanent immersive experiences, and giant outdoor screens and projection-mapped buildings.

I’m fascinated by electronic light and sound in art, music and cinema, and so was curious to experience Eclipse, “a spatial light and sound experience” by Japanese art studio Nonotak (Noemi Schipfer and Takami Nakamoto).

You enter the exhibition into a darkened lounge bar that features the first of three separate experiences: a flat, wall-based light work titled Highway that gives a powerful sense of horizontal motion from the stepped sequence of flashing white bands of light.

The next, Dual, is a large sound and light space that uses the kind of directional lighting seen onstage at concerts to make deep spatial patterns with beams of light against a soft haze.

The third, Hidden Shadow, returns us to an image-based experience with directional seating and a large flat LED wall, on which shifting and dissolving points continually redefine a circle, linked to powerful overhead strobe-type lights in a way that seems to reference the installation title.

These are all monochrome, programmed in sequences, with continuous repetition. Although the timed-entry system seems to encourage the viewer’s movement through the spaces, roughly corresponding to their duration, ending again in the lounge and bar area.

Immersed in pulsing light and sound, I look for coordinates to ground my experience. There’s a long history of artists making light and sound do things simultaneously. Psychedelia seems an obvious ancestor.

Even before Hoppy Hopkins made liquid light swirl to the sound of Pink Floyd at London’s UFO club in the 1960s, pioneers in the US and Europe had constructed “colour organs” to play coloured lights in a musical way and painted glass slides for theatre projection, to access the synaesthesia (a neurodivergent condition that links the senses in unexpected ways) which was believed by some to be buried deep in all of us.

Animated film is part of this story, with Disney’s Fantasia the best-known union of music and visual movement in early popular film history, though modernists like Oskar Fischinger (who contributed to Fantasia) and Viking Eggeling made more austere abstract combinations of rhythm and graphic object for avant-garde audiences.

Nearby the Eclipse venue, the Tate Modern shows Anthony McCall’s 1970’s Solid Light installation works. Originally developed on clattering 16mm celluloid film for dusty and cigarette-smoke-filled social spaces, they play quietly and continually now on digital projectors with programmed haze machines in a clean, purpose-built gallery.

Closer in appearance (and in time) to the work of Nonotak are audiovisual artists like Carsten Nicolai and Ryoji Ikeda. They reconfigured the “visual music” tradition with a stripped-down and often monochromatic union of sound and light, bringing the precision of post-digital graphics to minimal techno and dub or the spookiness of glitch electronica to what is often now referred to as “a/v performance”.

Ikeda’s 2017 installation test pattern explored a similar aesthetic across the river at London’s 180 Strand Studios, home of another organisation dedicated to expanded audiovisual art.

Lumen Studios, who curated and presented the show, are aiming Eclipse at programmers, graphic designers and “edgy people”, literate in gaming, coding, NFTs, cryptocurrencies and other screen-based worlds and objects.

These are not necessarily the same people who would connect McCall’s lines of “solid light” to 1970s Materialist Cinema’s highly political demand to reject the “illusionistic” conventions of mainstream realist film. Nor should they have to.

The human eye is trained differently than it was when television ended before midnight and cinemas were not rivalled by streamed media on demand. This space could have entirely different reference points to those I am evoking. Set design, for example. On their website, Nonotak cites scenography, theatre, film, dance, architecture, and drawing among their areas of practice.

So maybe now it’s me that is the performer, on, or inside, a virtual stage or film set. Standing in the largest of the three installations, Dual, I feel as though I might be running from an alien on a giant transport ship heading for Mars.

I could also be in a more earth-bound comparison, standing at the back of a giant warehouse party, or a rave, away from the crush of dancing bodies while still in the synchronised cocoon of sensory electronics. It is visual, but also physical, and it creates a powerful kinetic dislocation from the space in which it is situated.

This last comparison highlights the “in-between” nature of the Eclipse installations in its temporary accommodation in Bermondsey. The cocktail bar points gently (and legally) towards the hedonism of gigs and raves, but the regulated entry system suggests a more institutional mode of attention, closer to the time-stamped immersive museum experience or even a live-action gaming environment, like an upmarket Laserquest.

Similarly, the audio, filled with effectively light-synchronised rhythmic pulsing, doesn’t have the gut-level bass of a contemporary club or music venue sound system. And while the slightly disembodied vitality of Dual made me think about dancing and moving in a slightly different way, it isn’t a dance floor.

Nor did it make promises of that kind. So this is less a criticism of the work than a recognition that my coordinates will always need updating, as the spaces we move through adapt to different forms of attention. If our species is fortunate enough to continue devoting time, technology, materials and labour to human sensory curiosity in the decades that follow, there will be more hybrid collisions of light, sound, image, rhythm, music, in real and imaginary, actual and virtual, space. I very much hope so.

Eclipse by Nonotak is on until December 8 2024 at 47 Tanner St, London

Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

Rob Flint does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Light and sound art show Eclipse by Nonotak is an immersive and sensory experience – https://theconversation.com/light-and-sound-art-show-eclipse-by-nonotak-is-an-immersive-and-sensory-experience-241529

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Harris nudges ahead of Trump in the polls – but could the economy prove her downfall?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

Thrive Studios / Shutterstock

The current US vice-president and Democratic presidential candidate, Kamala Harris, appears to have nudged ahead of her Republican rival, Donald Trump, in the race to the White House.

A poll of polls, which combines polls from different agencies, published on the website FiveThirtyEight on October 22 shows that Harris leads Trump by 48.1% to 46.3% in national voting intentions. So the race remains very tight.

There is naturally a lot of attention being paid to what is happening in swing states such as Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia and North Carolina. However, the polling in these states is not very helpful since it currently predicts a dead heat in practically all of them.

In the key swing state of Pennsylvania, for example, 47.8% of people intend to vote for Trump compared to 47.6% for Harris. This gap is well within the margin of error, so FiveThirtyEight calls it an even contest.

One of the surveys in the poll of polls was conducted by YouGov for the Economist newspaper. It shows that 19% of respondents have already voted in the election and a further 72% say they will definitely vote. When registered voters were asked which candidate they think is likely to win, the replies were a dead heat – 38% of them chose Harris and 38% Trump (24% are not sure).

Another way of judging the contest is to look at who has the advantage in the key drivers of the vote in the election. In an earlier article, I argued that Harris leads Trump in the presidential race in three of the four key measures that explain voting behaviour.

She is ahead in likeability, and is favoured by more moderates than Trump. Harris also has more support from Republican identifiers than Trump has among voters who identify as Democrats. However, in relation to the fourth driver, which is the issues voters care about, she is at a clear disadvantage.

Read more:
Harris leads Trump in the polls – here’s what they really tell us about her chances

The Economist/YouGov poll shows that 96% of respondents think that jobs, inflation and the economy are important issues in the election. In the same poll 84% think immigration is important and 75% think this about abortion.

Harris’s problem is that polling indicates she is well behind Trump on the issue of the economy. When asked if Harris or Trump would do the best job dealing with inflation, for example, 39% preferred Harris and 46% Trump. This is despite the fact that the most recent inflation rate is relatively low at 2.4%, and has been falling for some time.

On the issue of abortion she does much better. Some 50% of Americans approve her pledge to restore the right to abortion enshrined in the Roe v Wade case from 1973, which was reversed by a Supreme Court ruling in 2022. In comparison, only 33% of Americans approve of Trump’s position to uphold the court ruling.

The economy and voting

Does it really matter if Harris is behind on the economy? There is historical evidence to suggest that, if we look at the actual performance of the economy as opposed to polls, Harris may have an advantage.

The graph below shows the relationship between voting for an incumbent Democratic or Republican president (or his party’s nominee) and the state of the economy over a century of presidential elections from 1920 to 2020.

In the chart, the performance of the economy is captured by two measures. The first is economic growth in real terms and the second is the misery index (the sum of inflation and unemployment). Both are measured in the year of the elections.

There is a strong positive correlation between growth and voting for the incumbent president or his party’s nominee (+0.55). When growth is buoyant, the incumbent or his successor does well. And when it is weak, they do badly.

There is also a negative relationship between the misery index and presidential voting. But, in this case, the correlation is very weak (-0.05). This means that, while voters may complain about inflation and unemployment and blame the incumbent president’s administration, economic growth is the real driver of voting in these elections.

Economic growth is the real driver of voting in US elections

Paul Whiteley, CC BY-NC-ND

The Biden administration’s record on growth since 2020 has been very strong. Policies such as the Inflation Reduction Act and the Chips Act have boosted investment, particularly in high-tech industries. This fact may give Harris the edge in the election.

That said, Harris can still lose, and the odds that bookmakers are giving currently favour Trump to win. However, it is the American people who will decide the outcome, not betting markets, many of whom who live outside the US, who are trying to disrupt the process.

Paul Whiteley has received funding from the British Academy and the ESRC

– ref. Harris nudges ahead of Trump in the polls – but could the economy prove her downfall? – https://theconversation.com/harris-nudges-ahead-of-trump-in-the-polls-but-could-the-economy-prove-her-downfall-242056

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: What US election interference law actually says about Labour volunteers

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ilaria Di Gioia, Senior Lecturer in American Law and Associate Director of the Centre for American Legal Studies, Birmingham City University

Shutterstock/rblfmr, Nicole Glass, Alexandros Michailidis

With just two weeks to go until election day, Donald Trump’s presidential campaign filed a complaint with the US Federal Election Commission (FEC), requesting “an immediate investigation” into what it termed “blatant foreign interference” in the election by none other than the UK’s Labour party.

In the letter to the FEC’s acting general counsel, the Trump campaign accused the Labour party of “apparent illegal foreign national contributions” to Harris for President. This is the principal campaign committee of Vice-President Kamala Harris.

The contributions listed in the complaint are: meetings with Harris’ campaign team “to brief Ms Harris’ presidential campaign on Labour’s election-winning approach”, and Labour members’ trips to battleground states to help with the Harris campaign.

Put simply: members of the UK’s Labour party have been travelling to the US to help Harris, the Democratic party candidate, campaign for the presidency.

FEC rules state that foreign nationals “may participate in campaign activities as an uncompensated volunteer”. To that end, the prime minister, Keir Starmer, has said that Labour volunteers are helping the Harris campaign in their spare time, and are funding their own trips.

Indeed, there is a long history of volunteers from both the Labour and Conservative parties supporting their respective “sister” parties in the US, and vice versa.

What does US law say?

To understand the US legal landscape, we must refer both to statutes (laws on the books) and the judicial cases that have put these statutes to the test.

From a statutory point of view, foreign interference into elections is regulated by three main federal laws. These laws, enacted by Congress since 1938, came in response to various scandals involving foreign financing.

They are: the Foreign Agents Registration Act, the Federal Election Campaign Act and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, all consolidated in the United States Code.

The law explicitly prohibits foreign nationals (excluding permanent residents) from making contributions or donations to elections. It reads:

It shall be unlawful for:

A foreign national, directly or indirectly, to make –

(A) a contribution or donation of money or other thing of value, or to make an express or implied promise to make a contribution or donation, in connection with a Federal, State, or local election;

(B) a contribution or donation to a committee of a political party; or

(C) an expenditure, independent expenditure, or disbursement for an electioneering communication.

The question is, therefore, whether the Labour engagement with the US election falls under the definition of “contribution or donation of money or other thing of value”.

A key legal case

It would seem, looking at judicial precedent, that “contribution or donation” amounts to financial contributions only.

The law was interpreted in 2011 by the US District Court for the District of Columbia (a federal court) in Bluman v FEC.

In this case, the plaintiffs Benjamin Bluman and Asenath Steiman were foreign citizens who lived and worked in the US on temporary visas. They wanted to donate money to candidates in elections and challenged the constitutionality of the law barring them from doing so.

A campaign sign for Kamala Harris.
Bluestork/Shutterstock

The decision was authored by then Judge Brett Kavanaugh (who, seven years later, was appointed by Trump as Supreme Court justice). Kavanaugh argued that political contributions in the form of expenditure – so, financial contributions – were an integral part of the elections process. As such, it was right that foreign nationals be prohibited from making financial contributions.

He emphasised, however, that this decision was limited to expenditure, and that it should not be read as support for bans on other types of engagement with elections. These would be protected by First Amendment free speech protections, which apply to foreign nationals within the US.

We do not decide whether Congress could prohibit foreign nationals from engaging in speech other than contributions to candidates and parties, express-advocacy expenditures, and donations to outside groups … Plaintiffs … express concern that Congress might bar them from issue advocacy and speaking out on issues of public policy. Our holding does not address such questions, and our holding should not be read to support such bans.

This decision was affirmed by the Supreme Court and so constitutes a convincing precedent.

In a nutshell, US law prohibits foreign nationals from financing domestic election activity, but this is limited to financial contributions. The Labour campaign “contribution” so far does not appear to amount to financial contributions, so as long as this remains the case, it is not illegal.

Ilaria Di Gioia received research funding from the Eccles Centre at the British Library.

– ref. What US election interference law actually says about Labour volunteers – https://theconversation.com/what-us-election-interference-law-actually-says-about-labour-volunteers-242055

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Prof. Howard Wilson to lead science and technology for STEP
Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

UK Industrial Fusion Solutions Ltd announces the appointment of Professor Howard Wilson as Director of Science and Technology for STEP.
Professor Howard Wilson – Image Credit: ORNL, U.S. Dept. of Energy

UK Industrial Fusion Solutions Ltd (UKIFS) is delighted to announce the appointment of Professor Howard Wilson as Director of Science and Technology, helping to lead STEP (Spherical Tokamak for Energy Production), a pioneering programme to deliver the UK’s first prototype fusion energy plant.

An internationally renowned expert in fusion science, Howard brings extensive experience and expertise to the role and will become the first UKIFS Executive Committee member based at West Burton in Nottinghamshire, a former coal-fired power station site where the prototype plant will be built.

Over the past 18 months, Howard has been the Fusion Pilot Plant Research & Development Lead at Oak Ridge National Laboratory in the United States; prior to this he was based at the University of York where he founded the York Plasma Institute and the Fusion Centre for Doctoral Training.

As Director of Science and Technology, Howard will oversee development of the plasma solution for STEP and will lead on the requirements for technology demonstration, both physical and digital, ensuring that modelling, simulation and testing tackles the specific challenges refined through the evolving whole plant design. He will work together with Chris Waldon (Chief Engineer) and Debbie Kempton (Director of Engineering Programme) in a triumvirate that will plan and ensure viable technologies, in an integrated plant design, that is developed and delivered in a robust way.

Paul Methven, CEO of UK Industrial Fusion Solutions and Senior Responsible Owner for STEP, said: “As we embark on the second phase of the programme, Howard will be key in leading the development critical technologies for STEP, supporting the development of the fully integrated plant design. His impressive track record of fusion research and delivery will help to deliver the UK’s prototype fusion energy plant alongside the development of a fusion industry.”

The appointment marks a return to the STEP programme for Howard – he became the first Programme Director for STEP from 2019 to 2020 following a secondment to the UK Atomic Energy Authority as Research Director in 2017.

Howard has served on numerous international programme reviews and committees, including the International Union of Pure and Applied Physics (IUPAP), and chaired the International Tokamak Physics Activity (ITPA) in Pedestal and Edge Physics in support of ITER from 2008 to 2011. He has been a member of EUROfusion’s Science and Technology Advisory Committee (STAC) (2022-2023) and currently serves on the U.S. Department of Energy Fusion Energy Sciences Advisory Committee.

STEP is the UK’s flagship fusion programme that will demonstrate both a technical and industrial pathway towards commercial realisation, supporting the clean, safe, and sustainable energy over the long term.

UKIFS is a wholly owned subsidiary of UK Atomic Energy Authority Group and will be responsible for the delivery of STEP from later this year. The programme aims to create future opportunities for suppliers ranging from whole plant integrators to critical system manufacturers that can design and deliver future plants worldwide in addition to benefitting the communities that surround West Burton.

Fusion can be thought of as the opposite of fission – combining lighter atoms rather than splitting heavier ones. It is based on the same processes that power the sun and stars and has potential to provide safe, sustainable and low-carbon energy for generations to come.

For further information about STEP, visit: https://step.ukaea.uk/

Below shows a computer generated concept of STEP’s Tokamak.

Image credit: United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority

For further information, contact: communications@step.ukaea.uk

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Updates to this page

Published 24 October 2024
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI: MoneyHero Appoints Distinguished Global Executive Wallace Pai to Board of Directors

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

Mr. Pai brings deep and diverse senior executive experience to MoneyHero, having spent his career with notable multinational companies including Imagination Technologies, Pixelworks, SMIC, GlobalFoundries, Synaptics, Samsung, Google (Motorola Mobility), Cadence, and McKinsey & Company

MoneyHero’s Chairman Kenneth Chan to be replaced on Audit Committee by Mr. Pai; Committee now made-up entirely of Independent Non-Executive Directors

SINGAPORE, Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — MoneyHero Limited (NASDAQ: MNY) (“MoneyHero” or the “Company”), a market leading personal finance and digital insurance aggregation and comparison platform in Greater Southeast Asia, today announced that Wallace Pai has been named to the Company’s Board of Directors, effective immediately. In connection with his appointment, Mr. Pai has also replaced MoneyHero’s Chairman, Kenneth Chan, on the Company’s Audit Committee, ensuring the Committee is comprised entirely of Independent Non-Executive Directors.

Mr. Pai is a seasoned global executive with deep experience across the technology and semiconductor industries. He currently serves as President of Asia Pacific and Chairman of China with Imagination Technologies, where he oversees the group’s regional strategy, revenue, and growth. Previously, Mr. Pai served as COO of Pixelworks, SVP of the Advanced Technology Business at SMIC, and VP/General Manager of Asia Pacific at GlobalFoundries. Earlier in his career, Mr. Pai also held executive roles with Synaptics, Samsung, Google (Motorola Mobility), Qualcomm Technologies, Cadence, and McKinsey & Company. Mr. Pai graduated with a Master of Science from the University of Michigan and a Master of Business Administration from Harvard Business School.

“Mr. Pai represents a significant addition to our Board of Directors and corporate governance,” said Rohith Murthy, CEO of MoneyHero. “His leadership in the technology sector, as well as a proven track record of success running large-scale enterprises in the Asia Pacific region, will bring immense value to our operations and growth strategy. Mr. Pai has contributed to the vision and oversight of many notable multinational companies throughout his illustrious career, and we are thrilled to have him on board. Moreover, this marks the second major Board appointment that we have achieved this year, which is critical to our future and a testament to the reputation and stature of the MoneyHero Brand.”

The appointment of Mr. Pai follows the addition of accomplished legal and finance executive Steve Teichman to the Company’s Board, which was announced in June. Importantly, both Mr. Pai and Mr. Teichman bring the unique combination of having experience with U.S. capital markets and leading businesses in Asia Pacific.

“I am honored to join MoneyHero’s Board and excited to bring new ideas and resources to this winning organization,” said Mr. Pai. “I have been following the MoneyHero story for a while, even before the Company went public last year, and I have been impressed by the strategy and fundamentals of the business, as well as their clear leadership-positioning in the marketplace, which will enable them to continue innovating and outpacing its peers. MoneyHero is absolutely forwarding the fintech industry in Greater Southeast Asia, and I am very much looking forward to being a part of it.”

For more information about MoneyHero, including information for investors and learning about career opportunities, please visit www.MoneyHeroGroup.com.

About MoneyHero Group
MoneyHero Limited (NASDAQ: MNY) is a market leader in the online personal finance and digital insurance aggregation and comparison sector in Greater Southeast Asia. The Company operates in Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan and the Philippines. Its brand portfolio includes B2C platforms MoneyHero, SingSaver, Money101, Moneymax and Seedly, as well as the B2B platform Creatory. The Company also retains an equity stake in Malaysian fintech company, Jirnexu Pte. Ltd., parent company of Jirnexu Sdn. Bhd., the operator of RinggitPlus, Malaysia’s largest operating B2C platform. MoneyHero currently manages 279 commercial partner relationships and services 8.1 million Monthly Unique Users across its platform for the six months ended June 30, 2024. The Company’s backers include Peter Thiel—co-founder of PayPal, Palantir Technologies, and the Founders Fund—and Hong Kong businessman, Richard Li, the founder and chairman of Pacific Century Group. To learn more about MoneyHero and how the innovative fintech company is driving Greater Southeast Asia’s digital economy, please visit www.MoneyHeroGroup.com.

Investors Relations:
MoneyHero IR Team
IR@MoneyHeroGroup.com

Media Relations:
Gaffney Bennett PR
MoneyHero@gbpr.com

The MIL Network –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI: TopLine Credit Union Foundation Awards $36,500 in Scholarships

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

MAPLE GROVE, Minn., Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — In its tenth year, TopLine Credit Union Foundation has awarded a total of $36,500 in scholarship money to 35 TopLine members who are continuing their education, and $1,500 in scholarship funds to support post-secondary educational needs and goals of students in Nigeria through partnership with African Education and Health Initiative (AFEDHI), a local non-profit organization with a vision to assist African students with access to education, books and school supplies.

TopLine Credit Union Foundation received 127 applications. Any TopLine member pursuing post-secondary education by attending a college or university, graduate school, or a 2-to-4-year community, vocational or technical college in the fall of 2024 was eligible.

Scholarship applicants needed to complete a one-page application form and submit an essay (500 words or less) that answered the question: “Discuss a hobby, interest, or passion that is important to you. How has this influenced your personal growth and academic journey?”

As one of our scholarship recipients commented, “Unlike most twin sisters, I grew up not just as a sibling, but as a caregiver. Her ability to navigate the world was often reliant on my hearing, and I was responsible for filling her in on our learning in school. From an early age, I became my sister’s advocate and ally. I witnessed firsthand the challenges she faced in navigating a predominantly hearing world. My sister’s journey has shown me the significance of empathy, understanding, and hard work, ultimately steering me toward my aspiration to become an audiologist. I hope to create a space where people feel heard, empowered, and understood, much like I’ve strived to do for my sister.”

“It’s was so rewarding to read all the personal stories written by applicants based on the influences they have experienced to help them along their personal growth and academic journeys,” said Vicki Roscoe Erickson, President, TopLine Credit Union Foundation. “Our foundation board had an extremely difficult decision of just selecting 35 scholarship recipients, and we celebrate their dedication and drive as they embark on their learning journey.”

TopLine Credit Union Foundation, guided by its mission of “working within the community to build a better tomorrow,” will continue to support the cooperative spirit of “people helping people” by living the mantra – to care, connect and contribute in the communities they serve.

Scholarship recipients will be recognized with a reception at the credit union, on TopLine Credit Union Foundation’s website page and on their Facebook page.

TopLine Credit Union Foundation, a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization, is dedicated to providing members with an array of financial education opportunities and counseling for members of all ages, awarding scholarships, contributing to community charitable organizations and sponsoring other community give-back efforts. Since inception in 2014, TopLine Credit Union Foundation has given out $175,000 in scholarship monies to assist with the affordability of post-secondary education. Donations are tax deductible to the extent allowed by law. For further information visit www.TopLinecu.com/foundation, email Foundation@TopLinecu.com, call 763-391-9494, or stop by any branch location or write to: 9353 Jefferson Hwy, Maple Grove, MN 55369. Federal Tax ID # is 46-4335752.

CONTACT:
Vicki Roscoe Erickson
President, TopLine Credit Union Foundation
verickson@toplinecu.com
763.391.0872

A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/70b1950d-0cdb-42e0-a7bf-213f59799195

The MIL Network –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI USA News: Background Press Call on the U.S. Approach to Harnessing the Power of AI for U.S. National Security

Source: The White House

Via Teleconference

MODERATOR: Good afternoon, everyone. Thanks so much for joining today’s call to discuss the U.S. approach to harnessing the power of AI for U.S. national security, ahead of tomorrow’s release of the National Security Memorandum.

As a reminder of the ground rules of this call, this call is on background, attributable to senior administration officials, and it is embargoed until 6:00 a.m. Eastern on Thursday, October 24.

For your awareness, not for your reporting, on the call today we have [senior administration official] and [senior administration official].

Following the call, we’ll provide you all with some materials under the same embargo, so be on the lookout for those.

Our speakers are going to have a few words at the top, and then we’ll turn it over to some of your questions.

With that, [senior administration official], I’ll turn it over to you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks, Eduardo. And thanks to all of you for joining us this evening.

So, we’re really pleased to report that tomorrow we’ll be releasing a National Security Memorandum on Artificial Intelligence signed by the President.

And we want to start off just by sharing a little bit of context for this, which really begins with the fact that the United States has a very strong hand in AI today. We design the most advanced hardware. We host the leading AI companies that are building the most advanced AI systems, and really have a dominant market share in artificial intelligence globally. And thanks to the President’s CHIPS Act, we are building more resilience in our chip supply chains as well.

But as many of you know, the innovation that’s happened, particularly in this current wave of frontier artificial intelligence, has really been driven by the private sector. And it’s critical that we continue to both foster that leadership but ensure that the government, and particularly with this National Security Memorandum, ensure that our national security agencies are adopting these technologies in ways that align with our values.

And a failure to do this, a failure to take advantage of this leadership and adopt this technology we worry could put us at risk of a strategic surprise by our rivals, such as China.

And as you all know, there are very clear national security applications of artificial intelligence, including in areas like cybersecurity and counter-intelligence, not to mention the broad array of logistics and other activities that support military operations.

Because countries like China recognize similar opportunities to modernize and revolutionize their own military and intelligence capabilities using artificial intelligence, it’s particularly imperative that we accelerate our national security community’s adoption and use of cutting-edge AI capabilities to maintain our competitive edge.

So, President Biden’s first-ever executive order, signed last October, on artificial intelligence was a key step forward to ensure that America leads the way in seizing the promise and managing the risks of AI.

In that executive order, the President specifically directed the development of this National Security Memorandum to ensure that we maintain our edge over rivals seeking to leverage AI to the detriment of our national security, while also building effective safeguards to ensure that our use of AI upholds our values and preserves public trust.

So, consistent with the President’s direction, we’ve been engaged in a policy process over the last year or so to advance those aims and complete this National Security Memorandum.

And tomorrow, the National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, will deliver remarks to rising military and intelligence professionals at the National Defense University so he can speak directly to the very national security professionals and leaders who are going to be implementing the core of this strategy.

During his remarks, Jake will talk about what led us to this moment in artificial intelligence, both in terms of its development and our views on why it is so critical for national intelligence and why, therefore, the President has issued this National Security Memorandum on AI.

Jake will also outline how the United States must strengthen our own advantages in artificial intelligence, how to harness that advantage in a responsible manner for national security, and also how the United States can do this work in lockstep with our partners around the world in ways that will protect our national security while also leveraging our advantages in AI for the benefit of countries around the world.

So, we hope you’ll join us for those remarks as well.

With that, I’ll turn it over to my colleague to provide more detail about the NSM itself.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Great. Thanks. And thanks, everybody, for joining.

As many of you know, the administration’s approach to AI is rooted in the premise that capabilities generated by the transformer and large language model revolution in AI, often called frontier AI, are poised to shape geopolitical, military, and intelligence competition.

Now, most of the NSM is unclassified and will be released publicly. It also contains a classified annex that primarily addresses adversary threats.

Now, the principles guiding our work in the NSM are simple. They are that the U.S. should first lead the world’s development of safe, secure, and trustworthy AI, and establishing a stable and responsible framework to advance international AI governance. And as a result, the NSM serves as a formal charter for the AI Safety Institute in the Department of Commerce, which we have created to be the primary port of call for U.S. AI developers. They have already issued guidance on safe, secure, and trustworthy AI development and have secured voluntary agreements with companies to test new AI systems before they are released to the public.

Second, another principle is that the U.S. should harness the most advanced AI systems with appropriate safeguards to achieve national security objectives. And we are directing that the agencies gain access to the most powerful AI systems and put them to use, which often involves substantial efforts on procurement.

And finally, all of this must be done in accordance with our values.

So, alongside the National Security Memorandum itself, we are publishing a companion document called the Framework for AI Governance and Risk Management for National Security that provides guidance on how agencies can and cannot use AI.

So, we also believe that we must out-compete our adversaries and mitigate the threats posed by adversary use of AI.

So, in summary, what I’ve outlined are essentially three core principles that you’ll see throughout the documents: securing the U.S.’s lead on AI; two, harnessing AI for national security; and, crucially, building in the governance framework to ensure that we are actually accelerating adoption in a smart way, in a responsible way, by having clear rules of the road.

With that, I’ll turn it over to Eduardo.

MODERATOR: Thank you both. We’ll now turn to our Q&A portion. If you’d like to ask a question, please use the “raise your hand” feature on Zoom.

First up, we’ll go to the line of Katrina Manson. You should be able to unmute yourself.

Q    Hi there. Thanks so much. I would love to ask how you see the U.N. intention to have countries sign up to a ban on lethal autonomous weapons by 2026 and if any of your work foresees the U.S. signing up to that.

Many of the harms that you try to prevent on the civil use of AI, obviously in terms of bodily harms, are very much implied with the use of AI for the military. And in the case of Maven, AI targeting is already being used to support battlefield firing in the Middle East by the U.S. Can you address the very serious safety concerns around the use of AI targeting and whether you will consider a ban on lethal autonomous weapons, which can use AI?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks for that question. I’m happy to start with that.

So, first point is, as I think [senior administration official] noted, we’ll be releasing tomorrow, alongside the National Security Memorandum, a framework on responsible use of artificial intelligence in a national security context. And so, you’ll see there really a lot of detail on kind of all the steps that we’re taking to ensure these systems are used responsibly.

Now, and the other thing I would point out is: While it’s not necessarily part of this NSM, although there’s a nod to kind of our diplomatic efforts and kind of direction to double down on those, some of you may be aware of the Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of Artificial Intelligence and Autonomy. And that’s a declaration where the Vice President, in fact, has kind of taken a leadership role. And we have around 60 countries that have signed up to this declaration, which is really focused squarely on how AI and autonomy should be used. And most recently, there was a summit held on this by South Korea.

So that’s another area where that combines both the substance that you’ll see in the framework on responsible use, but also, really, diplomatic efforts that we’ve been leading over the last few years.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: And, sorry, if I can add to what was just mentioned. The framework itself you’ll see actually references the political declaration that was just mentioned, and it also outlines the requirement for adherence to the Department of Defense’s Directive 3000.09 and successor related policies that address autonomous or semiautonomous weapons systems.

But in addition to that, as was just mentioned, there are a number of outlined prohibited use cases, as well as high-impact use cases that are relevant. And one theme you’ll see in both the NSM and the framework document is the fact that we need to ensure that AI is used in a manner consistent with the President’s authority as Commander-in-Chief to decide when to order military operations in the nation’s defense, for instance.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Next up, we’ll go to the line of Garrett (inaudible). You should be able to mute yourself.

Q    Hello. Can you all hear me?

MODERATOR: We can, yes.

Q    Great. You mentioned that some of the commitments from companies are voluntary. And, you know, just covering the big fight around legislation here in California, companies seem, from my perspective at least, to very much want to keep those commitments to safety and that kind of thing voluntary, rather than sort of required or legislated.

And I’m just wondering if, you know, the administration has a view, or if it’s published as part of this, about trying to sort of codify those voluntary commitments and make them more, you know, ironclad and not sort of up to the whims of these CEOs.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks, Garrett. So, I think on that point, I would just say we continue to work with colleagues on the Hill. There are a number of proposals relating to, you know, regulations on artificial intelligence. And so, that’s really — that’s, really, ongoing.

I think, really, the emphasis in the National Security Memorandum is really kind of making commitments ourselves as a government about how we will adopt and use artificial intelligence. You know, as you point out, we have played a leadership role in getting some of those commitments from the companies. We have taken those commitments and kind of — to the international stage, through the G7 and the Hiroshima process as well.

But, really, what we’re focused on tomorrow is what commitments can the government itself make on responsible use, which we think is important, by the way, not just for its own sake, but we also think that’s important to enable us to both accelerate both the development and also accelerate the adoption of use as well. And that’s a point that I think you’ll hear the National Security Advisor focus on as well tomorrow.

MODERATOR: Thank you. And next up, we’ll go to the line of Patrick Tucker. You should be able to unmute yourself.

Q    Hi. Thanks. Pat Tucker from Defense One.

There’s a new paper out, actually this week, from Meredith Whittaker and a couple other folks at the AI Now Institute, actually pointing out some of the potential dangers of some of these commercially facing AI products in national security contexts.

And they point out that some of these generative AI tools have very large — unacceptably large false positive rates. They hallucinate, often, a lot. And sometimes to train them, they rely on publicly available data, including data that might come from data brokers and other sources that poses a potential privacy risk, particularly to Americans, because Americans produce a lot more purchasable data than do citizens in China or Russia.

So can you talk a little bit about how this memorandum does or does not address data vulnerability of Americans and some of the potential risks in the national security setting of adopting commercial and consumer-facing AI tools that have high hallucination rates or false positive rates? Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Do you want to start with that? You can join as well.

So, thanks for the question. Look, I think some of these, you know, concerns I think are ones that I think colleagues in the national security community are acutely aware of. You know, there are a few points here.

One is, you know, we have to go through a process of accrediting systems. And that’s not just for AI systems, but you know, national security systems generally. And so, that’s point one, to kind of ensure that they are fit for the purpose or particular mission.

I think the second point is: We are, you know, very — I think very aware that what we’re doing at this stage is really trying to ensure that we have pilots and some important experimentation happening, because there are going to be challenges associated with adopting any new technology.

Third is, the framework that [senior administration official] mentioned is one that’s going to have to be continuously updated. And we have tried to set it up in a way so that that can happen in real time as there are challenges that are inevitably encountered.

And parallel to the policy process here, we have a lawyers group that is kind of working very intensively to ensure that, obviously, all existing law is complied with, but also to ensure that novel legal issues as we encounter them are addressed in a timely way as well.

I do want to just address the point on data that you mentioned specifically, which is, you know, we have been very concerned about the ways in which Americans’ sensitive data can be sold, really through the front door — through first collected in bulk, then sold through data brokers, and then end up in the hands of our adversaries. And so, that’s something that the President issued an executive order on to try to restrict adversary access to some of that data. And, in fact, just this week, we took one more step in the regulatory process through a notice of proposed rulemaking to try to get that final later this year.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: And if I can just add on that.

So, in addition to the work that the AI Safety Institute is going to do, and as [senior administration official] mentioned some of the other work, you’ll see that in the NSM itself there are very specific requirements for specific agencies and our intelligence community, and, for instance, the Department of Energy to do classified testing of different systems for different purposes for this very reason.

And in addition to that, as [senior administration official] mentioned, there’s a strong focus on experimentation here for this very reason. We want to see rapid adoption, but we also want to see experimentation that will tease out kind of what missions are best suited for various systems and also tease out the challenges of them. And that’s going to require leaning forward and experimenting, adopting, and then doing all of the work that was just mentioned as well, in terms of both policy and legal review.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We have time for one more question, and we’ll go to the line of Maria Curry. You should be able to unmute yourself.

Q    Hey. Thanks for taking my question. I’m wondering if export controls are part of this at all. And if so, can you elaborate how those might be helpful?

And then, if you could just elaborate, too, on the third point. Could you dig in a little bit deeper into how agencies can or can’t use the technology? Could you provide an example or two of that? Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I can speak to the export control piece, and, [senior administration official], maybe you can speak to some of the prohibited use cases.

So, really, the NSM does kind of address, kind of as a matter of policy, the importance of protecting advanced AI technologies so that they’re not used against us by adversary militaries or intelligence services. And so, at a high level, it does kind of try to emphasize the importance of maintaining those policies and making sure that we are continuously adapting to efforts to circumvent those measures.

And as you know, those export controls cover not only GPUs, the advanced AI chips, but also the semiconductor manufacturing equipment that’s necessary to manufacture those as well. So, that full aspect of the supply chain.

[Senior administration official] do you want to say anything about prohibited uses?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Sure. So, you’ll see in the accompanying framework document that I mentioned, it identifies both prohibited, as well as what we call high-impact AI use cases, based on the risk that they pose to national security, international norms, democratic values, human rights, civil rights, civil liberties, privacy, and safety.

And on the prohibited end of the spectrum, these will be — not surprising, but there are clear prohibitions on use of AI with intent or purpose, for instance, to unlawfully suppress or burden the right to free speech or the right to legal counsel.

There’s also prohibited use cases around, for instance, removing a human in the loop for actions critical to informing and executing decisions by the President to initiate or terminate nuclear weapons employment, for example. That runs the spectrum of kind of military-related activities, but also protecting civil liberties and tracking international norms.

But in doing that, we actually view these restrictions — so these prohibitions, for example, as well as the high-impact cases — as being important in clarifying what the agencies can and cannot do. That will actually accelerate experimentation and adoption. Because one of the paradoxical outcomes we’ve seen is: With a lack of policy clarity and a lack of legal clarity about what can and cannot be done, we are likely to see less experimentation and less adoption than with a clear path for use, which is what the NSM and the framework tries to provide.

MODERATOR: Thank you. That’s all the time we have for today. Big thanks to our speakers, and thanks to you all for joining.

As a reminder, this call is on background, attributable to senior administration officials. And this call and its contents are embargoed until 6:00 a.m. Eastern tomorrow.

Thanks, all, for joining. And be sure to tune in tomorrow to National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s remarks on this topic. Thanks again.

MIL OSI USA News –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Report on wetland parks released

Source: Hong Kong Information Services

The report of the Strategic Feasibility Study on the Development of the Wetland Conservation Parks (WCPs) System was released today.

The development of a WCPs System was promulgated in the Northern Metropolis Development Strategy in 2021, with a view to conserving the Deep Bay wetlands with ecological value, and creating environmental capacity for the Northern Metropolis to achieve co-existence of conservation and development.

A strategic feasibility study was commissioned by the Agriculture, Fisheries & Conservation Department (AFCD) in August 2022.

The feasibility study considered that the development of the WCPs System was feasible and worthwhile, which could effectively conserve the wetlands in the Deep Bay area and enhance their ecological value, promote the modernisation of the aquaculture industry, and provide eco-education and recreation facilities for public enjoyment.

At the same time, the development of the WCPs System could also create environmental capacity for the development of the Northern Metropolis, and achieve co-existence of conservation and development.

The feasibility study recommended developing the WCPs System in phases by developing the Sam Po Shue WCP first.

Subsequently, by making reference to the experience of planning and establishing the Sam Po Shue WCP, further studies on the remaining proposed parks would be reviewed in due course, such as the Hong Kong Wetland Park Expansion Area, Nam Sang Wai WCP, and Hoo Hok Wai WCP – including the Sha Ling/Nam Hang area.

Specific positioning and functions for each Park were recommended by the consultant based on their respective conditions, and broad zonings, including a Biodiversity Zone, Eco-friendly Aquaculture Zone, Fisheries Enhancement Zone and Visitor Zone, were delineated under the conceptual plan of each park.

It was also recommended that the Government oversee the overall management of the whole WCPs System, and manage the different zones within the parks in co-operation with different parties, depending on the relevant functions and operational needs.

Such parties include non-governmental organisations, agriculture and fisheries associations, local communities, private landowners and the private sector.

The AFCD said the recommendations of the report are generally acceptable and would be taken into consideration in the next stage when detailed studies are carried out on the investigation, design and construction of the parks.

MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI USA: An Interview with Maximilian Spitzley, Foreign Law Intern

Source: US Global Legal Monitor

Today’s interview is with Maximilian Spitzley, a foreign law intern working with Foreign Law Specialist Jenny Gesley in the Global Legal Research Directorate of the Law Library of Congress.

Describe your background.

I am a legal trainee and Ph.D. student from Germany, currently completing a three-month internship at the Law Library of Congress.

What is your academic/professional history?

I studied law at the University of Bonn, Germany. Participating in the Erasmus program allowed me to spend a semester abroad at the University of Lucerne, Switzerland. I passed the first German state exam in 2020 and finished law school, specializing in capital markets law. Following a year of work at a law firm, I began my doctoral studies on the European regulation of crowdfunding under the supervision of Professor Dr. Moritz Renner at the University of Mannheim. In 2024, I started a two-year legal traineeship program to qualify for the bar exam in Germany. After working for the local court and the public prosecutor’s office in Bonn, the program provided me with the opportunity to work at the Law Library of Congress.

How would you describe your job to other people?

In my position as a foreign law intern at the Global Legal Research Directorate of the Law Library of Congress, I assist my supervisor, Jenny Gesley, with delivering legal insights on matters concerning German-speaking countries and the European Union (EU). My responsibilities include conducting thorough legal research and drafting comparative legal analyses in response to inquiries from Congress, judicial bodies, and executive agencies, while also supporting public research efforts. Additionally, I contribute to the Library’s Global Legal Monitor.

Why did you want to work at the Law Library of Congress?

Having studied law in both Germany and Switzerland, I gained knowledge in German, European, and international law. My work at the Law Library of Congress presents an invaluable opportunity to broaden my perspective by engaging with the U.S. legal system, while critically assessing national law and EU law from a comparative viewpoint. This experience allows me to deepen my legal understanding and provides meaningful insights into the interplay between different legal frameworks.

What is the most interesting fact you have learned about the Law Library of Congress?

One of the most fascinating aspects of the Law Library of Congress is its unparalleled global reach and comprehensive legal collection. It holds the largest collection of legal materials in the world, encompassing legal systems from nearly every country and jurisdiction. This vast resource allows researchers to compare diverse legal traditions and developments, providing a unique platform for understanding how law functions across different cultures and political systems. The ability to access such a breadth of international legal knowledge in one place is truly remarkable.

What’s something most of your co-workers do not know about you?

One thing my co-workers may not know about me is that I am a huge fan of U.S. sports. While I am here in Washington, I plan to catch games from all the major teams—the Nationals, Commanders, Capitals, and Wizards!

Subscribe to In Custodia Legis – it’s free! – to receive interesting posts drawn from the Law Library of Congress’s vast collections and our staff’s expertise in U.S., foreign, and international law.

MIL OSI USA News –

January 25, 2025

MIL-OSI USA: $100 Million to Expand Free and Low-Cost Afterschool Programs

Source: US State of New York

Governor Kathy Hochul today announced New York State has awarded about $100 million in grants to support free and low-cost afterschool programs serving nearly 40,000 children in high-need areas statewide. State officials from the Office of Children and Family Services (OCFS) also participated in the 25th Annual Lights on Afterschool initiative today by visiting programs in New York City and the Capital Region.

“Afterschool programs give our kids outlets to explore their creativity, build their skills and thrive in a supportive environment,” Governor Hochul said. “We’re continuing to invest in free and low-cost afterschool programs and expanding access to affordable child care to help young people grow and give families the support they need.”

The State grants announced today were awarded by OCFS through the Learning and Enrichment Afterschool Program Supports (LEAPS) initiative to help fund new or continuing afterschool programs targeted to children in high-need areas in New York State.

These LEAPS grants were awarded to a total of 238 afterschool program sites statewide. The full list of awarded sites can be seen here.

Site Awards by Region
Region	Number of Sites Awarded	Funding Awarded
Capital Region	22	$6,480,000
Central New York	18	$6,400,000
Finger Lakes	17	$5,750,000
Long Island	20	$8,920,000
Mid-Hudson	22	$12,340,000
Mohawk Valley	19	$4,960,000
New York City	74	$38,690,000
North Country	14	$3,380,000
Southern Tier	5	$1,530,000
Western New York	27	$8,450,000

As a part of the OCFS Commissioner’s participation in the Lights On Afterschool initiative, Dr. DaMiaHarris-Madden visited programs in the Bronx operated by the Committee for Hispanic Children and Families and Good Shepherd Services, while other members of the OCFS leadership team visited the Lansingburgh Boys & Girls Club in Troy. Now in its 25th year, the initiative recognizes the many ways afterschool programs support students by offering educational opportunities and the development of new skills.

Programs eligible for LEAPS grants included State-licensed school-age child care programs – or organizations interested in becoming a licensed school-age child care provider – that serve children in high-need school districts. Per-site funding amounts were based on each program’s OCFS-licensed capacity. The grants are intended to fund the critical programming and other costs of developing and running the program. Grants are contingent on programs completing all licensing and contract requirements and therefore subject to change.

The grants announced today are part of Governor Hochul’s continued efforts to make high-quality child care more affordable and accessible. Other recent efforts include expanding access to the State’s Child Care Assistance Program (CCAP). Eligible families can apply online for CCAP, which currently covers free or low-cost child care for 130,000 children statewide. While eligibility is based on multiple factors, including income and family size, many families may qualify for CCAP if their household income is at or below 85 percent of the State Median Income. Currently, 85 percent of the State Median Income for a family of four is approximately $108,000. Under CCAP, most eligible families pay no more than $15 per week for child care.

OCFS Commissioner Dr. DaMia Harris-Madden said, “We thank Governor Hochul and the afterschool providers across NYS for ensuring that are children have protective and stimulating environments during the challenging hours of 3-6 p.m. Afterschool programs are tried-and-true interventions that keep our kids safe and engaged through a variety of pro-social experiences and positive youth development opportunities to include the arts, academics, sports, and college/career exploration. Structured programming that introduces caring adults also aids in the development of children’s emotional and physical well-being and provides alternatives to unproductive use of leisure time.”

OCFS Deputy Commissioner for the Division of Child Care Services Nora Yates said, “The new LEAPS funding will provide the high-quality afterschool academic support and enrichment vital to enabling our children and youth to reach their full potential and keep them engaged in healthy, productive activities during out-of-school time. The programs will ensure higher pay rates for staff and also help mitigate the ongoing impacts from the pandemic by expanding students’ access to social and emotional support services as well as other family and community supports.”

New York State Alliance of Boys and Girls Clubs Executive Director Jackie Negri said, “Governor Hochul’s new streamlined LEAPS initiative demonstrates unprecedented support for community-based afterschool programs across the State and the youth they serve. After-school programs like Boys & Girls Clubs are proven to provide academic support, enrichment and a safe place for New York’s youth. This initiative will increase positive youth development programs and services for more youth and families in high-needs areas statewide.”

New York State Network for Youth Success Chief Executive Officer Kelly McMahon said, “The NYS Network for Youth Success celebrates the transformative impact of the LEAPS grant, which is expanding access to high-quality afterschool programs across New York. With significant improvements to funding structures, including streamlined processes, added technical assistance and enhanced support per student, LEAPS addresses long-standing challenges and lays a stronger foundation for the future. This moment reinforces our commitment to meeting afterschool needs in every community and underscores the importance of achieving universal afterschool access for all.”

New York State YMCAs Executive Director Kyle A. Stewart said, “On behalf of the 36 YMCAs and their more than 140 branches across the Empire State, the Alliance of New York State YMCAs was pleased to embrace and promote the LEAPS initiative and applauds Governor Hochul for prioritizing the development of a more streamlined and holistic school-age child care system. YMCAs are proud to serve over 25,000 youth as the largest provider of out-of-school time programs across New York State. Furthermore, the Alliance of New York State YMCAs appreciates our longstanding partnership with OCFS and their efficient LEAPS implementation process. YMCAs are poised to continue serving youth alongside other LEAPS grantees and look forward to continuing to build a robust afterschool system in New York State.”

Governor Hochul also highlighted that the State is lighting landmarks yellow and blue tonight in recognition of Lights on Afterschool. The following landmarks will be lit yellow and blue:

One World Trade Center
Governor Mario M. Cuomo Bridge
Kosciuszko Bridge
The H. Carl McCall SUNY Building
State Education Building
Alfred E. Smith State Office Building
Empire State Plaza
State Fairgrounds – Main Gate & Expo Center
Niagara Falls
The “Franklin D. Roosevelt” Mid-Hudson Bridge
Albany International Airport Gateway
MTA LIRR – East End Gateway at Penn Station
Fairport Lift Bridge over the Erie Canal
Moynihan Train Hall
Walkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park

MIL OSI USA News –

January 25, 2025

MIL-OSI United Kingdom: City-wide approach proposed to improve walking, wheeling and cycling networks in Sheffield A Long-term investment plan which could see measures such as improved pavements and cycle facilities so that more people can walk and cycle more to local destinations will be discussed by the Council’s Transport, Regeneration and Climate Policy Committee next week. 24 October 2024

Source: City of Sheffield

A Long-term investment plan which could see measures such as improved pavements and cycle facilities so that more people can walk and cycle more to local destinations will be discussed by the Council’s Transport, Regeneration and Climate Policy Committee next week.

The plan will build on the information the Council has gathered about what destinations people want to get to in their local communities and how it can be made easier for them to do so by walking, wheeling and cycling.

Over the next 6 months the plan will be developed and will include a three-pronged approach: projects currently underway; medium-term projects, looking ahead about 10 years; and a long-term vision of how the desired network will look by around 2045.

The proposals could include a range of measures such as wider pavements, more pedestrian crossings, measures to reduce vehicle speeds and segregated cycle routes, with current projects such as School Streets continuing as well, in a bid to make Sheffield more accessible for walking, wheeling and cycling and give people more choice about how they travel

Cllr Ben Miskell, Chair of the Transport, Regeneration and Climate Policy Committee at Sheffield City Council, said: “Sheffield is changing, it’s transforming into a city fit for everyone. Along with the fantastic regeneration of a number of areas, including the Heart of the City, Attercliffe and Castlegate, we want to make it easier, safer and healthier for people to walk or cycle.

“We have ambitious plans, as part of our Transport Vision, to connect large parts of Sheffield through the improvement of walking and cycling routes, helping us to tackle congestion and give people a genuine choice about how they travel We’ll also be installing new facilities where current ones don’t exist. Good active travel networks provide connectivity between different areas and a safe, pleasant, accessible environment for people to enjoy together”

“In our recent outreach we were keen to hear from people who do not usually respond to Council surveys. We were really pleased to reach people and hear views from local neighbourhoods about the barriers they face trying to make short journeys by walking, wheeling and cycling.

“This feedback is invaluable to us and we will incorporate it and build upon it as we move forward in devising the Investment Plan.”

Angela Argenzio, Chair of Adult Health and Social Care Policy Committee at Sheffield City Council, said: “By taking the opportunity to lead a more active life it will not only improve people’s health, it will improve air quality too. This work all links into the Fair and Healthy Sheffield Plan, which intends to close the unfair gaps in length and quality of life by prioritising improvements to the health and wellbeing of those who need it the most first. ”

The investment plan is being progressed in conjunction with a South Yorkshire family of Investment Plans for Sheffield, Rotherham, Barnsley and Doncaster and with a South Yorkshire Active Travel Strategy being developed by the South Yorkshire Mayoral Combined Authority.

MIL OSI United Kingdom –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Council sets out plans to raise pupil attainment
Source: Scotland – City of Perth

The Council’s Learning and Families Committee approved the Raising Attainment Strategy for 2024-2027 when it met on Wednesday (Oct 23).

This strategy builds upon the successes of the previous strategy from 2020-2023 and focuses on four main priorities:
- Improvement in attainment, particularly in literacy and numeracy.
- Closing the attainment gap between the most and least disadvantaged.
- Improvement in health and wellbeing of children and young people.
- Enhancement of employability skills and sustained, positive school leaver destinations.
The strategy employs a range of measures and highlights several key achievements from 2023/24.

These include 333 more A-C passes being achieved by Perth and Kinross pupils at National 5. The pass rate for National 5s in Perth and Kinross is also higher than both the Scottish average and comparator local authorities.

Councillors also heard how the poverty-related attainment gap for primary pupils in P1, P4 and P7 has improved by 1% for reading and writing; grown by 1% in listening and talking and remained at the same level for numeracy, compared to last year`s figures.

Councillors also heard how significant strides have been made in supporting children and young people affected by poverty and those who are care-experienced.

The Scottish Attainment Challenge Funding Update 2024 highlights targeted improvement activities in literacy, numeracy, and health and wellbeing, aimed at closing the poverty-related attainment gap.

The report outlines the measures implemented through Strategic Equity Funding (SEF), Pupil Equity Funding (PEF), and Care Experienced Children and Young People’s Funding (CECYPF).

Learning and Families Convener Councillor John Rebbeck said: “We want every child and young person in Perth and Kinross to have the best start in life, which is why closing the attainment gap is a priority.

“There have been significant successes made in Perth and Kinross to closing the attainment gap and it is important we recognise that good work.

“But we will continue to strive to close the gap further and use Pupil Equity Funding, and other sources of funding, appropriately to make this happen.”
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Xi advocates high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation at milestone summit

Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

Xi advocates high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation at milestone summit

KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 24 — Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday called on BRICS countries to work for the high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation as leaders gathered here for the 16th BRICS Summit.

In his address to the summit, Xi emphasized the need for BRICS countries to seize the historical opportunity and work together to strengthen solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations.

STRENGTHENING SOLIDARITY

During a small-group meeting, President Xi welcomed new members to the BRICS family and extended invitations to many other countries to become partner countries.

Xi pointed out that the enlargement of BRICS is a major milestone in its development history, and a landmark event in the evolution of the international situation. It is for their shared pursuit and for the overarching trend of peace and development that BRICS countries have come together, he said.

Stressing that the world is undergoing accelerated changes unseen in a century, marked by new trends of multipolarity and the risks of a “new Cold War,” Xi said BRICS countries should seize the historical opportunity, take proactive steps, remain committed to the original aspiration and mission of openness, inclusiveness and win-win cooperation, conform to the general trend of the rise of the Global South, seek common ground while reserving differences, work in concert to further consolidate common values, safeguard common interests, and strengthen BRICS countries through unity.

“We must work together to build BRICS into a primary channel for strengthening solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations and a vanguard for advancing global governance reform,” Xi said.

Xi stressed that the more turbulent the world is, the more BRICS countries should uphold the banner of peace, development and win-win cooperation, refining the essence of BRICS and demonstrating its strength. BRICS countries should raise the voice of peace, advocating a new path to security that features dialogue over confrontation and partnership over alliance.

Xi also urged BRICS countries to jointly pursue a path of development, advocate a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, and stay committed to the principle of common development. He said BRICS countries should consolidate the foundation of cooperation, deepen cooperation in traditional areas such as agriculture, energy, minerals, economy and trade, expand cooperation in emerging areas such as green, low-carbon and artificial intelligence, and safeguard trade, investment and financial security.

ADVANCING DEVELOPMENT

As the high-profile gathering unfolded amid global uncertainties, BRICS embarked on a new chapter, cementing its growing influence on the world stage.

President Xi, addressing the leaders in an expanded format, put forward five suggestions: building a BRICS committed to peace, innovation, green development, justice, and closer people-to-people exchanges.

“We must build on this milestone summit to set off anew and forge ahead with one heart and one mind,” Xi said. “China is willing to work with all BRICS countries to open a new horizon in the high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation.”

This year’s summit also marked another major milestone with the decision to invite a number of nations as partner countries, further advancing the group’s development.

During Wednesday’s meetings, leaders exchanged views on BRICS cooperation and crucial international issues of shared concern under the theme “Strengthening Multilateralism for Just Global Development and Security.” Central to their discussions were global and regional security, sustainable development, climate change, and reforms in global economic governance.

A notable focus of the summit was the call for increased funding to support the sustainable development of developing countries. Egyptian President Abdelfattah al-Sisi said that BRICS aims to “strengthen a multipolar international system,” particularly through facilitating “innovative and effective” financing for developing nations.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that “the trend for the BRICS’ leading role in the global economy will only strengthen.” He cautioned against the ongoing risks posed by geopolitical tensions, unilateral sanctions, and protectionism. “A key task is to promote the use of national currencies to finance trade and investment,” Putin said.

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, who participated in the summit via video link due to a head injury, said, “It’s not about replacing our currencies, but we need to work so that the multipolar order we aim for is reflected in the international financial system.”

BRICS has already made strides with the New Development Bank (NDB), headquartered in Shanghai. On Wednesday, the BRICS countries agreed to support the NDB in implementing its general strategy for 2022-2026 and in expanding local currency financing.

In a declaration issued at the 16th BRICS Summit, they also agreed to jointly build the NDB into a new type of multilateral development bank for the 21st century, support its further expansion of membership, and expedite the review of membership applications from BRICS countries in accordance with its general strategy and related policies.

Leaders also advocated for a fairer global order for the Global South. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said that BRICS is an inclusive bloc capable of changing the trajectory of the Global South. “To do this we must realize the full potential of our economic partnership, to ensure sustainable development for all and not just for some,” he said.

“The period of unilateralism is coming to an end,” said Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, calling for a more equitable global system.

GROWING APPEAL

The term BRIC was initially coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, former chief economist at Goldman Sachs, as an investment concept referring to emerging market economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China. With South Africa’s inclusion in 2010, BRICS officially took shape.

In a recent interview with Xinhua, O’Neill acknowledged the need for policymakers to collaborate in creating an optimal system that benefits all. “I think as we pass through time, we will find a new equilibrium where countries will be more at ease with what other countries are doing,” he said.

In recent years, BRICS has garnered attention from countries around the world. Over 30 countries, including Thailand, Malaysia, Türkiye, and Azerbaijan, have either formally applied for or expressed interest in joining the group. Many other developing countries are also seeking stronger cooperation with BRICS.

The growing interest from countries seeking to join BRICS cooperation each year demonstrates that in today’s troubled world, BRICS is not only important but essential, said Bunn Nagara, director and senior fellow at the Belt and Road Initiative Caucus for Asia-Pacific.

“China, led by President Xi, has contributed significantly to BRICS’ success with a progressive and enlightened approach,” said Nagara.

BRICS is seen as a vital platform for developing countries to pursue growth and address global imbalances.

The enlargement of BRICS is “important in tipping the financial and technological balance in favor of the majority Global South rather than the minority Global North,” Webby Kalikiti, a lecturer and researcher at the Department of History, University of Zambia noted. He believed that the future of the world depends on the cooperative energies of all countries and the transition to a multipolar world.

Ahmed Al-Ali, a political and strategic researcher at the Gulf Research Center in Dubai, believed that BRICS aims to foster a more equitable, effective, and rational international system.

It will play a crucial role in promoting development and growth opportunities for Global South countries, while also ensuring the sustainability of economic and social progress, said Al-Ali.

Similarly, Sithembiso Bhengu, a senior research fellow with the Sociology Department, University of Johannesburg said that “the BRICS mechanism presents real possibilities for making the globe a fairer community of nations, with possibilities for mutual support and cooperation towards our respective goals in modernization and development.”

MIL OSI China News –

January 25, 2025

MIL-OSI Australia: eInvoicing-enabled entities

Source: Australian Department of Revenue

These Australian Government entities are registered on the Peppol network. They appear on the Peppol Directory along with hundreds of state, territory and local government organisations, and thousands of other Australian businesses who can receive eInvoices.

If you supply to any of the entities listed below and can send eInvoices you may be paid faster. For more information visit Getting PaidExternal Link on the Department of Finance’s website or talk to your contract manager in the Government entity about any specific requirements.

Australian Government entities able to receive eInvoices
ABN	Entity name
73 147 176 148	Administrative Review Tribunal
80 246 994 451	Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission
50 802 255 175	Asbestos and Silica Safety and Eradication Agency
92 661 124 436	Attorney-General’s Department
26 331 428 522	Australian Bureau of Statistics
34 864 955 427	Australian Centre for International Agriculture Research
54 488 464 865	Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission
97 250 687 371	Australian Commission on Safety and Quality In Health Care
55 386 169 386	Australian Communications and Media Authority
94 410 483 623	Australian Competition & Consumer Commission
11 259 448 410	Australian Crime Commission
84 425 496 912	Australian Digital Health Agency
21 133 285 851	Australian Electoral Commission
17 864 931 143	Australian Federal Police
19 892 732 021	Australian Film Television & Radio School
63 384 330 717	Australian Financial Security Authority
81 098 497 517	Australian Fisheries Management Authority
69 405 937 639	Australian Government Solicitor
47 996 232 602	Australian Human Rights Commission
31 162 998 046	Australian Industrial Chemicals Introduction Scheme
63 257 175 248	Australian Institute of Criminology
64 001 053 079	Australian Institute of Family Studies
65 377 938 320	Australian Maritime Safety Authority
33 020 645 631	Australian National Audit Office
13 059 525 039	Australian Office of Financial Management
56 253 405 315	Australian Organ & Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority
79 635 582 658	Australian Prudential Regulation Authority
99 470 863 260	Australian Public Service Commission
61 321 195 155	Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency (ARPANSA)
35 931 927 899	Australian Renewable Energy Agency
35 201 451 156	Australian Research Council
86 768 265 615	Australian Securities & Investments Commission
37 467 566 201	Australian Security Intelligence Organisation
22 323 254 583	Australian Signals Directorate
72 581 678 650	Australian Skills Quality Authority
67 374 695 240	Australian Sports Commission
67 250 046 148	Australian Submarine Agency
51 824 753 556	Australian Taxation Office
11 764 698 227	Australian Trade and Investment Commission
32 770 513 371	Australian Transaction Reports & Analysis Centre (AUSTRAC)
65 061 156 887	Australian Transport Safety Bureau
64 909 221 257	Australian War Memorial
92 637 533 532	Bureau of Meteorology
21 075 951 918	Cancer Australia
44 808 014 470	Civil Aviation Safety Authority
43 669 904 352	Clean Energy Finance Corporation
72 321 984 210	Clean Energy Regulator
60 585 018 782	Climate Change Authority
41 640 788 304	Comcare Australia
64 703 642 210	Commonwealth Grants Commission
34 190 894 983	Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry
68 706 814 312	Department of Defence
69 289 134 420	Department of Defence Army & Air Force Canteen Service
12 862 898 150	Department of Education
96 584 957 427	Department of Employment and Workplace Relations
61 970 632 495	Department of Finance
47 065 634 525	Department of Foreign Affairs & Trade
83 605 426 759	Department of Health and Aged Care
33 380 054 835	Department of Home Affairs
74 599 608 295	Department of Industry, Science and Resources
86 267 354 017	Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts
52 997 141 147	Department of Parliamentary Services
36 342 015 855	Department of Social Services
18 526 287 740	Department of the House of Representatives
49 775 240 532	Department of the Parliamentary Budget Office
23 991 641 527	Department of the Senate
92 802 414 793	Department of the Treasury
23 964 290 824	Department of Veterans’ Affairs & the Repatriation Commission and the Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission
96 257 979 159	Digital Transformation Agency
13 051 694 963	Director of National Parks
99 696 833 561	Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence Commission
12 212 931 598	eSafety Commissioner
93 614 579 199	Fair Work Commission
49 110 847 399	Federal Court of Australia
20 537 066 246	Food Standards Australia New Zealand
40 465 597 854	Future Fund Board of Guardians
53 156 699 293	Future Fund Management Agency
80 091 799 039	Geoscience Australia
12 949 356 885	Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority
27 598 959 960	Independent Health and Aged Care Pricing Authority
26 424 781 530	Independent Parliamentary Expenses Authority
59 912 679 254	Indigenous Land and Sea Corporation
51 248 702 319	Inspector-General of Taxation
38 113 072 755	IP Australia
13 679 821 382	Murray-Darling Basin Authority
47 446 409 542	National Anti-Corruption Commission
36 889 228 992	National Archives of Australia
87 361 602 478	National Blood Authority
75 149 374 427	National Capital Authority
56 552 760 098	National Competition Council
25 617 475 104	National Disability Insurance Agency
40 816 261 802	National Emergency Management Agency
27 855 975 449	National Gallery of Australia
88 601 010 284	National Health and Medical Research Council
15 337 761 242	National Health Funding Body
30 429 895 164	National Indigenous Australians Agency
22 385 178 289	National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority
67 890 861 578	National Transport Commission
72 581 678 650	National Vocational Education and Training Regulator
40 293 545 182	NDIS Quality and Safeguards Commission
61 900 398 761	North Queensland Water Infrastructure Authority
87 904 367 991	Office of National Intelligence
41 425 630 817	Office of Parliamentary Counsel
80 959 780 601	Office of the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board
92 702 019 575	Office of the Australian Accounting Standards Board
85 249 230 937	Office of the Australian Information Commissioner
53 003 678 148	Office of the Commonwealth Ombudsman
41 036 606 436	Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions
43 884 188 232	Office of the Fair Work Ombudsman
15 862 053 538	Office of the Gene Technology Regulator
27 478 662 745	Office Of the Inspector-General of Aged Care
67 332 668 643	Office of the Inspector-General of Intelligence & Security
67 582 329 284	Office of the Official Secretary to the Governor-General
87 767 208 148	Office of the Special Investigator
30 620 774 963	Old Parliament House
78 094 372 050	Productivity Commission
45 307 308 260	Professional Services Review
99 528 049 038	Regional Investment Corporation
45 852 104 259	Royal Australian Mint
25 203 754 319	Rural Industries Research & Development Corporation
81 840 374 163	Safe Work Australia
46 741 353 180	Screen Australia
32 745 854 352	Seafarers Safety Rehabilitation and Compensation Authority
90 794 605 008	Services Australia
17 090 574 431	Snowy Hydro Limited
91 314 398 574	Special Broadcasting Service Corporation
70 588 505 483	Sport Integrity Australia
50 658 250 012	Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency
18 108 001 191	The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet
40 939 406 804	Therapeutic Goods Administration
57 155 285 807	Torres Strait Regional Authority
47 641 643 874	Workplace Gender Equality Agency

MIL OSI News –

January 25, 2025

MIL-OSI Global: Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Mpho Mathebula, Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand

Naked protests are a form of public demonstration where individuals, often women, use the symbolic power of their naked bodies to challenge injustices. These protests have become an increasingly visible form of resistance, particularly in response to state violence, economic exploitation, and the oppression of women by men.

While naked protests might seem provocative or shocking, they have a long and storied history in Africa. They are not only a powerful statement but also a direct challenge to norms in society around decency, control and vulnerability.

As a research psychologist, I was drawn to the study of naked body protests because of their profound affective power. That’s to say I study how emotions like anger, fear, joy and empowerment are expressed and experienced by both the protester and the observer. I’ve interviewed numerous South African women who have taken part in naked protests in the past decade.

Read more:
Undressing for redress: the significance of Nigerian women’s naked protests

My studies, which take an African feminist approach, show that these protests are not just acts of desperation or shock tactics. They’re rooted in a long tradition of resistance and decolonisation, drawing on generational power and emotional expressions. They are a feminist tactic that embodies both vulnerability and strength, using the body as a site of resistance and empowerment.

Naked protests are complex – and, I argue, a powerful tool for reclaiming African women’s agency, dignity and voices.

Colonialism and nakedness

During colonialism, European countries ruled over African nations. Colonisers imposed their values, laws and social systems – including strict ideas about how women should behave and dress. These replaced many traditional African practices and beliefs. African women were required to cover their bodies because nakedness was seen as shameful or improper according to European moral standards.

Read more:
Naked protest: how ordinary citizens reveal truth to repressive regimes

By protesting naked, African women are rejecting these colonial ideas and reclaiming their bodies as a form of resistance. They’re saying they refuse to be controlled by these outdated beliefs. So, naked protests are a decolonial action.

African feminism sheds further light. It highlights the unique historical and social conditions that shape African women’s struggles. It recognises that African women’s bodies have been sites of both oppression and resistance for a long time, subjected to patriarchal and colonial control.

Naked body protests in South Africa

In South Africa, colonialism was followed by white minority rule. Apartheid was a system of racial segregation and discrimination, made law from 1948 to 1994. Black South Africans were denied political rights, restricted from owning land in white areas, and subjected to pass laws that controlled their movement. Black women bore the brunt of this oppression.

In Durban in 1959, South African women protested against the 1908 Native Beer Act, which banned them from brewing traditional beer. Protesters attacked state beerhalls and, in a bold act of defiance, exposed their bodies as they faced police barricades. The police were often hesitant to confront or harm the women.

In 1990, during the Dobsonville housing protest, women in Soweto stripped and protested against the demolition of their shacks by municipal police. They successfully drew media attention to their demands.

This form of protest has endured, even in the country’s democratic era. As recently as 2024, women from the South African Cleaners, Security and Allied Workers’ Union staged a naked protest against the sudden termination of their contracts by private security companies.

Psychology study

But a primary focus of my research was the South African student protests that began in 2015. The #FeesMustFall movement saw students protesting against sexual violence and the high cost of education. Naked protests took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and related #RUReferenceList protests against rape at Rhodes University in Makhanda.

My PhD study set out to understand naked body protests and contribute to their psychological understanding. I wanted to find out why women in particular use this form of decolonialist protest and what its emotional and social role is during and after the actions.

I interviewed 16 women who participated in the protests, as well as drawing from podcast interviews with two other participants and a video of the 1990 Dobsonville protests.

Anger and confrontation

I found that anger and confrontation played a central role. During the #FeesMustFall protests, women’s decision to use their naked bodies was a deliberate, transgressive act aimed at disrupting structures that wanted to silence them.

They weaponised their vulnerability and exposed the contradictions within these systems – where women’s bodies are often sexually objectified but deemed unacceptable when used as instruments of protest. By baring their bodies, these women confronted the state, universities, and society at large by placing their physical bodies in direct opposition to deeply ingrained social hierarchies.

Read more:
Angry student protests have put rape back on South Africa’s agenda

The anger expressed in these protests is not random; it’s rooted in a collective and historical sense of injustice. The women told me they were responding to both the immediate issue of being excluded from higher education facilities and also broader, generational experiences of gender-based violence, racism and economic disenfranchisement. Anger became a way to assert control over their bodies in spaces where their presence had been marginalised, ignored or actively suppressed.

By channelling their anger, these women redefined their relationship to both their own bodies and the public spaces they occupied. Their protests highlighted the connection between personal anger and systemic oppression.

Joy in struggle

Joy is another important affect in these protests. Women often experience a sense of joy and empowerment when they achieve the goals of their protests.

This joy is not just a personal feeling but a collective one that binds women together. Joy is a form of resistance in itself because it defies the narrative of women as passive victims.

Empowered and powerful

When women take part in naked protests, they show that they have the power to make their own decisions. They feel more confident and in control.

Participants made it clear that being part of these protests can deeply change how women feel about themselves. They discover their strength and ability to fight back.

The #IAmOneInThree hashtag was based on the United Nations estimate that one in three women around the world will be sexually abused in their lifetime. A #IAmOneInThree naked protest took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in solidarity with #RUReferenceList protests at Rhodes University. Sibu, who took part, shared how carrying a sjambok (a whip) and singing struggle songs with other women made her feel:

For me that moment was affirming … I felt powerful somehow. Because when you … have been raped … it made me feel weak … It made me feel like an object and not a person. And so I remember that moment feeling empowered, right, I have my sjambok, I have my sisters around me.

Naked body protests in South Africa are a powerful form of feminist resistance that draws on deep historical and cultural traditions. These protests are strategic and affective forms of resistance that challenge patriarchy, sexism and colonialism.

Mpho Mathebula does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism – https://theconversation.com/naked-protests-in-south-africa-a-psychologist-explores-the-emotional-power-of-this-form-of-activism-238530

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ken Matthysen, Researcher, IPIS

The violence wrought by the Rwandan-backed rebel group M23 Movement is often narrowly framed as intended to control eastern Democratic Republic of Congo’s resource-rich mining sites. The rebel group launched its most recent offensive in 2021 and currently controls vast territories in the south-east of North Kivu province, surrounding and cutting off the main city of Goma.

Eastern DR Congo mines produce crucial raw materials such as tin, tantalum and tungsten, as well as abundant quantities of gold. It therefore seems logical to reduce explanations of conflict to the ambition by M23, and Rwanda behind it, to control the mines directly.

We belong to a team of researchers who examine the various dimensions of conflict from different perspectives. Our findings, based on fieldwork and conducted in collaboration with in-country experts, show that this popular analysis does not paint the full picture.

Conflict analysis often ignores historical and local dimensions. Our investigation with the Goma-based civil society organisation Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes therefore explored the local stakes and impacts of the M23 crisis. We interviewed more than 55 people in North Kivu (DR Congo), including members of M23, as well as soldiers and armed groups fighting them, local chiefs, state agents, teachers, taximen, traders and farmers who live on the frontline of the conflict.

Our research reveals that M23 employs a more profound strategy to boost its position and military strength (through Rwandan support) in local struggles over land, authority and rents. M23’s disruptive strategy aims to replace Congolese authorities and overhaul local governance in areas it controls in eastern DR Congo. Key to this strategy is:
- undermining and replacing local (customary) authorities
- taking over strategic trade routes
- the installation of an elaborate taxation regime.
These strategies also allow M23 – and Rwanda – to generate revenues from the local economy, including rents from DR Congo’s mineral wealth, without necessarily directly controlling mines.

Historical struggles over land

Interviewees attached great importance to the historical context of the M23 conflict, explaining how struggles over land date back to independence in 1960. Going back to the 1930s and 1940s, the Belgian colonial administrators already organised large movements of migrant workers from Rwanda to work on plantations in DR Congo. The Rwandophone migrants and their descendants settled in North Kivu, becoming part of the local population.

After independence, Hutu and Tutsi (Rwandophone) communities began to jostle for control over North Kivu’s fertile farmland with the Hunde and Nyanga communities there. As grievances over access to land and property rights increased, Rwandophone communities were stigmatised as “non-indigenous” and their land claims as illegitimate.

As the Congo Wars broke out in the 1990s, people began seeking recourse to armed groups to settle land conflicts. Before the rise of M23 in 2012, two other groups (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie and later Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple) rose to protect the Rwandophone population in eastern DRC. They also grabbed and sold vast concessions of land – held by the state or other communities – to allied farmers and business people. These were typically from the Tutsi community.

Given the country’s complex and under-enforced land laws, land claims became exceedingly difficult to verify or prove. This has strengthened the belief that the only way to secure access to land is by resorting to armed groups. Thus, M23 is perceived as the guardian of the Tutsi community’s access to land.

This perception is well illustrated by a testimony of a local leader in Masisi territory:

The wars of the last three decades have been motivated by a struggle for control over land … Indigenous people are driven out, dispossessed of their land in favour of others who are considered foreigners and refugees. … the M23 is made up of (Tutsi) pastoralists … and there are fields that their rivals had seized … it was one of their (M23) first concerns to start exploiting them.

Most Congolese Tutsi have not asked for this “protection” by M23. But the ensuing grievances and ethnic tensions will haunt the relations between communities for years to come.

Struggles over customary authority

In DR Congo, customary chiefs play an important role in local land governance. They also adjudicate conflicts, bind people together through rituals, and represent the symbolic claim by a specific community to a given place.

Many Congolese we spoke to perceive M23’s main aim to be control of power at the local level — undermining the existing authorities. The group has indeed sought to replace customary authorities with M23-appointed ones, at times assassinating Congolese chiefs. Local sources said M23 even burnt chiefdom archives, destroying evidence of claims to customary authority.

M23’s economic grip

Wherever M23 has a foothold, it installs an elaborate taxation regime. This involves checkpoint tolls, household taxes, dues on business, harvest taxes and forced labour. In doing so, the group generates the revenues to sustain the conflict. But this also strengthens its politico-administrative hold on the population, as taxation is a symbolic interface of public authority.

Local armed groups that joined with the Congolese army to combat M23 deepen the problem. Called wazalendo (“patriots”), they are often unpaid and therefore rely on payments from the population to sustain their counter-offensive. As a result, taxation in eastern Congo has become heavily “militiarised”. Taxed by government forces, wazalendo and M23, civilians pay a heavy toll.

The military nature of local governance could jeopardise future efforts to bring peace to eastern DRC.

What about minerals?

M23 has an impact on all aspects of local governance in eastern DR Congo. It has found ways to control and profit from the local economy in North Kivu, including mineral supply chains. It operates checkpoints along arteries and taxes minerals smuggled to Rwanda, alongside other trade flows.

Having M23 control strategic trade routes in DR Congo, including those crossing into Uganda, is a benefit for Rwanda. From Kigali’s perspective, the resurgence of M23 in 2021 came at a perfect time to block Uganda’s efforts to improve the road network in eastern DR Congo towards its own territory. Rwanda and Uganda are locked in intense competition for Congolese informal trade, re-exporting its timber and minerals as their own, gaining taxes and foreign earnings that ought to benefit the Congolese treasury and population.

What must be done?

DR Congo’s resources play a large role in the M23 conflict, but our study underscores the historical roots of the conflict and its profound local impacts. These findings should inform locally meaningful and sustainable conflict resolution strategies.

Since the M23 revival, land access, trade and security have become increasingly mediated by armed actors. Even after a possible M23 defeat, it will take years of local dialogue and mediation to undo this involvement of militia in local governance, resolve land issues, repair inter-community relations and remake customary authority. But that’s the only way to reach sustainable peace in North Kivu.

Ken Matthysen works for the International Peace Information Service (IPIS)

This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the Belgian Directorate-General for Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Aid (DGD). The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of IPIS and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the Belgian Development Cooperation.

– ref. Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations – https://theconversation.com/rwandan-backed-m23-rebel-group-seeks-local-power-in-drc-not-just-control-over-mining-operations-231318
MIL OSI – Global Reports –
January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Avian architects: weaver birds in Africa have unique building styles

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maria Cristina Tello Ramos, Lecturer, University of Hull

A white-browed sparrow weaver looks up at a neighbouring roost. Wolfgang Kaehler/LightRocket via Getty Images

From afar, the acacia trees look like they have been decorated with grass pom-poms. The birds have been busy, building shelters of straw and grass. Up close the real shape of the “pom-poms” becomes clear: grass tubes in the form of an upside down “U”, with an opening at each end.

These structures are the work of white-browed sparrow weavers (Plocepasser mahali).

White-browed sparrow weavers are cooperative breeders. Within a multi-generational family group, only one dominant pair will reproduce; all other birds, which are mostly kin (related), will help with the rearing of chicks. These birds do everything together: forage, defend their territory, feed new chicks – and build each of the many roosts that decorate the acacia trees they live in. The birds are found throughout central and north-central southern Africa.

Year after year, family groups get bigger and, as they do, the number of roosts they build increases. Families might have as many as 14 individuals, so the birds need to build multiple roosts, including a few “spares”.

There’s something intriguing about these roosts. Sometimes different families set up territories next to each other, in trees as close together as 10 metres.

How do you tell families apart? By their roosts. Some families build roosts that are very long, with long entrance and exit tubes; others will build roosts that are much shorter, with hardly any tubes. Essentially, it looks like different white-browed sparrow weaver families have different architectural styles. Why?

To find out, we studied more than 400 roosts built by 43 families in the Tswalu Kalahari Reserve in South Africa’s Northern Cape province. We confirmed that the roosts and nests built by groups that live next to each other have their own architectural style, and that environmental, physical or genetic attributes of these different family groups do not influence the structures’ configuration.

We think that the birds’ building behaviour and the shape of the structures might be the result of social interactions. Animals often learn from each other how to do things, whether it is how to use tools (chimpanzees), how to sing the correct song (some bird species, humpback whales), or how to exploit new food resources (cockatoos). Learning from others within a group often results in animals showing group-specific behaviours, or animal cultures. In this sense animals, like humans, develop their own cultures.

Measuring various factors

There is a lot of diversity in the nests different bird species build, both in the shapes and the materials used, as well as the number of nests an individual might build.

For example, sociable weavers (Philetairus socius) build massive multiple occupant “apartment buildings” made out of grass. Cape penduline tits (Anthoscopus minutus) build nests that look like satchels made out of vegetable fibres with the texture of a wool sweater. Male southern mask weavers (Ploceus velatus) will weave thousands of grass leaves to build multiple nests at one time, and swallows collect and stack together one mud pellet at a time to build their pottery nests.

To better understand the lack of uniformity among different white-browed sparrow weaver families’ roosts, we measured 400 roosts, all still on the trees, built by 43 families in the Tswalu Kalahari Reserve. Some were new – less than a year old – and others were at least two years old. (All structures that we measured were also identified with a small ring. We did this for three years in a row, so we could tell if a structure was there before we started measuring and marking the structures or if it was built during our time there.)

Those measurements confirmed that different families build roosts with different sizes and that, across years, families maintain their own architectural style.

At the same time, we measured the temperature and wind speed at each of the families’ territories, the size of the birds, the height of the trees, how genetically related different families were to each other, and how far away the different families lived from each other.

This allowed us to determine whether any of these factors could explain why different families build different roosts. For instance, maybe families living in hotter territories build roosts with shorter tubes than in cooler areas, since they would not need much material to insulate them from the cold at night. The similarity in their environment, we reasoned, might explain why weaver families living in close proximity to each other created similar roosts. Or perhaps families that were more closely related to each other (something like cousins and second cousins) would build similar structures?

However, one by one, we excluded all environmental and genetic explanations for the differences in the structures built by different families.

So what happens next?

We plan to continue documenting the architectural styles of different white-browed sparrow weaver families and to record their building behaviour so we can determine how these birds coordinate their behaviour when building together.

Looking in more detail at how the roosts built by these birds across Africa might differ could help us understand to what extent the environment, material availability, individual experiences, and social interactions between individuals affect the building behaviour of these birds.

Maybe, like humans, some species of birds have their own architectural traditions passed on across generations through social interactions.

Read more:
Kalahari weaver birds lay bigger eggs when they have female helpers to feed nestlings

Maria Cristina Tello Ramos received funding from the National Geographic Foundation and The Templeton World Charity Foundation.

– ref. Avian architects: weaver birds in Africa have unique building styles – https://theconversation.com/avian-architects-weaver-birds-in-africa-have-unique-building-styles-240950

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Africa: Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Mpho Mathebula, Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand

Naked protests are a form of public demonstration where individuals, often women, use the symbolic power of their naked bodies to challenge injustices. These protests have become an increasingly visible form of resistance, particularly in response to state violence, economic exploitation, and the oppression of women by men.

While naked protests might seem provocative or shocking, they have a long and storied history in Africa. They are not only a powerful statement but also a direct challenge to norms in society around decency, control and vulnerability.

As a research psychologist, I was drawn to the study of naked body protests because of their profound affective power. That’s to say I study how emotions like anger, fear, joy and empowerment are expressed and experienced by both the protester and the observer. I’ve interviewed numerous South African women who have taken part in naked protests in the past decade.

Read more: Undressing for redress: the significance of Nigerian women’s naked protests

My studies, which take an African feminist approach, show that these protests are not just acts of desperation or shock tactics. They’re rooted in a long tradition of resistance and decolonisation, drawing on generational power and emotional expressions. They are a feminist tactic that embodies both vulnerability and strength, using the body as a site of resistance and empowerment.

Naked protests are complex – and, I argue, a powerful tool for reclaiming African women’s agency, dignity and voices.

Colonialism and nakedness

During colonialism, European countries ruled over African nations. Colonisers imposed their values, laws and social systems – including strict ideas about how women should behave and dress. These replaced many traditional African practices and beliefs. African women were required to cover their bodies because nakedness was seen as shameful or improper according to European moral standards.

Read more: Naked protest: how ordinary citizens reveal truth to repressive regimes

By protesting naked, African women are rejecting these colonial ideas and reclaiming their bodies as a form of resistance. They’re saying they refuse to be controlled by these outdated beliefs. So, naked protests are a decolonial action.

African feminism sheds further light. It highlights the unique historical and social conditions that shape African women’s struggles. It recognises that African women’s bodies have been sites of both oppression and resistance for a long time, subjected to patriarchal and colonial control.

Naked body protests in South Africa

In South Africa, colonialism was followed by white minority rule. Apartheid was a system of racial segregation and discrimination, made law from 1948 to 1994. Black South Africans were denied political rights, restricted from owning land in white areas, and subjected to pass laws that controlled their movement. Black women bore the brunt of this oppression.

In Durban in 1959, South African women protested against the 1908 Native Beer Act, which banned them from brewing traditional beer. Protesters attacked state beerhalls and, in a bold act of defiance, exposed their bodies as they faced police barricades. The police were often hesitant to confront or harm the women.

#FeesMustFall protests in South Africa in 2016. Alon Skuy/The Times/Gallo Images/Getty Images

In 1990, during the Dobsonville housing protest, women in Soweto stripped and protested against the demolition of their shacks by municipal police. They successfully drew media attention to their demands.

This form of protest has endured, even in the country’s democratic era. As recently as 2024, women from the South African Cleaners, Security and Allied Workers’ Union staged a naked protest against the sudden termination of their contracts by private security companies.

Psychology study

But a primary focus of my research was the South African student protests that began in 2015. The #FeesMustFall movement saw students protesting against sexual violence and the high cost of education. Naked protests took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and related #RUReferenceList protests against rape at Rhodes University in Makhanda.

My PhD study set out to understand naked body protests and contribute to their psychological understanding. I wanted to find out why women in particular use this form of decolonialist protest and what its emotional and social role is during and after the actions.

I interviewed 16 women who participated in the protests, as well as drawing from podcast interviews with two other participants and a video of the 1990 Dobsonville protests.

Anger and confrontation

I found that anger and confrontation played a central role. During the #FeesMustFall protests, women’s decision to use their naked bodies was a deliberate, transgressive act aimed at disrupting structures that wanted to silence them.

They weaponised their vulnerability and exposed the contradictions within these systems – where women’s bodies are often sexually objectified but deemed unacceptable when used as instruments of protest. By baring their bodies, these women confronted the state, universities, and society at large by placing their physical bodies in direct opposition to deeply ingrained social hierarchies.

Read more: Angry student protests have put rape back on South Africa’s agenda

The anger expressed in these protests is not random; it’s rooted in a collective and historical sense of injustice. The women told me they were responding to both the immediate issue of being excluded from higher education facilities and also broader, generational experiences of gender-based violence, racism and economic disenfranchisement. Anger became a way to assert control over their bodies in spaces where their presence had been marginalised, ignored or actively suppressed.

By channelling their anger, these women redefined their relationship to both their own bodies and the public spaces they occupied. Their protests highlighted the connection between personal anger and systemic oppression.

Joy in struggle

Joy is another important affect in these protests. Women often experience a sense of joy and empowerment when they achieve the goals of their protests.

This joy is not just a personal feeling but a collective one that binds women together. Joy is a form of resistance in itself because it defies the narrative of women as passive victims.

Empowered and powerful

When women take part in naked protests, they show that they have the power to make their own decisions. They feel more confident and in control.

Participants made it clear that being part of these protests can deeply change how women feel about themselves. They discover their strength and ability to fight back.

The #IAmOneInThree hashtag was based on the United Nations estimate that one in three women around the world will be sexually abused in their lifetime. A #IAmOneInThree naked protest took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in solidarity with #RUReferenceList protests at Rhodes University. Sibu, who took part, shared how carrying a sjambok (a whip) and singing struggle songs with other women made her feel:

For me that moment was affirming … I felt powerful somehow. Because when you … have been raped … it made me feel weak … It made me feel like an object and not a person. And so I remember that moment feeling empowered, right, I have my sjambok, I have my sisters around me.

Naked body protests in South Africa are a powerful form of feminist resistance that draws on deep historical and cultural traditions. These protests are strategic and affective forms of resistance that challenge patriarchy, sexism and colonialism.

– Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism
– https://theconversation.com/naked-protests-in-south-africa-a-psychologist-explores-the-emotional-power-of-this-form-of-activism-238530

MIL OSI Africa –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Africa: Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ken Matthysen, Researcher, IPIS

The violence wrought by the Rwandan-backed rebel group M23 Movement is often narrowly framed as intended to control eastern Democratic Republic of Congo’s resource-rich mining sites. The rebel group launched its most recent offensive in 2021 and currently controls vast territories in the south-east of North Kivu province, surrounding and cutting off the main city of Goma.

Eastern DR Congo mines produce crucial raw materials such as tin, tantalum and tungsten, as well as abundant quantities of gold. It therefore seems logical to reduce explanations of conflict to the ambition by M23, and Rwanda behind it, to control the mines directly.

We belong to a team of researchers who examine the various dimensions of conflict from different perspectives. Our findings, based on fieldwork and conducted in collaboration with in-country experts, show that this popular analysis does not paint the full picture.

Conflict analysis often ignores historical and local dimensions. Our investigation with the Goma-based civil society organisation Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes therefore explored the local stakes and impacts of the M23 crisis. We interviewed more than 55 people in North Kivu (DR Congo), including members of M23, as well as soldiers and armed groups fighting them, local chiefs, state agents, teachers, taximen, traders and farmers who live on the frontline of the conflict.

Our research reveals that M23 employs a more profound strategy to boost its position and military strength (through Rwandan support) in local struggles over land, authority and rents. M23’s disruptive strategy aims to replace Congolese authorities and overhaul local governance in areas it controls in eastern DR Congo. Key to this strategy is:
- undermining and replacing local (customary) authorities
- taking over strategic trade routes
- the installation of an elaborate taxation regime.
These strategies also allow M23 – and Rwanda – to generate revenues from the local economy, including rents from DR Congo’s mineral wealth, without necessarily directly controlling mines.

Historical struggles over land

Interviewees attached great importance to the historical context of the M23 conflict, explaining how struggles over land date back to independence in 1960. Going back to the 1930s and 1940s, the Belgian colonial administrators already organised large movements of migrant workers from Rwanda to work on plantations in DR Congo. The Rwandophone migrants and their descendants settled in North Kivu, becoming part of the local population.

After independence, Hutu and Tutsi (Rwandophone) communities began to jostle for control over North Kivu’s fertile farmland with the Hunde and Nyanga communities there. As grievances over access to land and property rights increased, Rwandophone communities were stigmatised as “non-indigenous” and their land claims as illegitimate.

As the Congo Wars broke out in the 1990s, people began seeking recourse to armed groups to settle land conflicts. Before the rise of M23 in 2012, two other groups (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie and later Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple) rose to protect the Rwandophone population in eastern DRC. They also grabbed and sold vast concessions of land – held by the state or other communities – to allied farmers and business people. These were typically from the Tutsi community.

Given the country’s complex and under-enforced land laws, land claims became exceedingly difficult to verify or prove. This has strengthened the belief that the only way to secure access to land is by resorting to armed groups. Thus, M23 is perceived as the guardian of the Tutsi community’s access to land.

This perception is well illustrated by a testimony of a local leader in Masisi territory:

The wars of the last three decades have been motivated by a struggle for control over land … Indigenous people are driven out, dispossessed of their land in favour of others who are considered foreigners and refugees. … the M23 is made up of (Tutsi) pastoralists … and there are fields that their rivals had seized … it was one of their (M23) first concerns to start exploiting them.

Most Congolese Tutsi have not asked for this “protection” by M23. But the ensuing grievances and ethnic tensions will haunt the relations between communities for years to come.

Struggles over customary authority

In DR Congo, customary chiefs play an important role in local land governance. They also adjudicate conflicts, bind people together through rituals, and represent the symbolic claim by a specific community to a given place.

Many Congolese we spoke to perceive M23’s main aim to be control of power at the local level — undermining the existing authorities. The group has indeed sought to replace customary authorities with M23-appointed ones, at times assassinating Congolese chiefs. Local sources said M23 even burnt chiefdom archives, destroying evidence of claims to customary authority.

M23’s economic grip

Wherever M23 has a foothold, it installs an elaborate taxation regime. This involves checkpoint tolls, household taxes, dues on business, harvest taxes and forced labour. In doing so, the group generates the revenues to sustain the conflict. But this also strengthens its politico-administrative hold on the population, as taxation is a symbolic interface of public authority.

Local armed groups that joined with the Congolese army to combat M23 deepen the problem. Called wazalendo (“patriots”), they are often unpaid and therefore rely on payments from the population to sustain their counter-offensive. As a result, taxation in eastern Congo has become heavily “militiarised”. Taxed by government forces, wazalendo and M23, civilians pay a heavy toll.

The military nature of local governance could jeopardise future efforts to bring peace to eastern DRC.

What about minerals?

M23 has an impact on all aspects of local governance in eastern DR Congo. It has found ways to control and profit from the local economy in North Kivu, including mineral supply chains. It operates checkpoints along arteries and taxes minerals smuggled to Rwanda, alongside other trade flows.

Having M23 control strategic trade routes in DR Congo, including those crossing into Uganda, is a benefit for Rwanda. From Kigali’s perspective, the resurgence of M23 in 2021 came at a perfect time to block Uganda’s efforts to improve the road network in eastern DR Congo towards its own territory. Rwanda and Uganda are locked in intense competition for Congolese informal trade, re-exporting its timber and minerals as their own, gaining taxes and foreign earnings that ought to benefit the Congolese treasury and population.

What must be done?

DR Congo’s resources play a large role in the M23 conflict, but our study underscores the historical roots of the conflict and its profound local impacts. These findings should inform locally meaningful and sustainable conflict resolution strategies.

Since the M23 revival, land access, trade and security have become increasingly mediated by armed actors. Even after a possible M23 defeat, it will take years of local dialogue and mediation to undo this involvement of militia in local governance, resolve land issues, repair inter-community relations and remake customary authority. But that’s the only way to reach sustainable peace in North Kivu.

– Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations
– https://theconversation.com/rwandan-backed-m23-rebel-group-seeks-local-power-in-drc-not-just-control-over-mining-operations-231318

MIL OSI Africa –
January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Africa: Avian architects: weaver birds in Africa have unique building styles

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maria Cristina Tello Ramos, Lecturer, University of Hull

From afar, the acacia trees look like they have been decorated with grass pom-poms. The birds have been busy, building shelters of straw and grass. Up close the real shape of the “pom-poms” becomes clear: grass tubes in the form of an upside down “U”, with an opening at each end.

These structures are the work of white-browed sparrow weavers (Plocepasser mahali).

White-browed sparrow weavers are cooperative breeders. Within a multi-generational family group, only one dominant pair will reproduce; all other birds, which are mostly kin (related), will help with the rearing of chicks. These birds do everything together: forage, defend their territory, feed new chicks – and build each of the many roosts that decorate the acacia trees they live in. The birds are found throughout central and north-central southern Africa.

Year after year, family groups get bigger and, as they do, the number of roosts they build increases. Families might have as many as 14 individuals, so the birds need to build multiple roosts, including a few “spares”.

There’s something intriguing about these roosts. Sometimes different families set up territories next to each other, in trees as close together as 10 metres.

How do you tell families apart? By their roosts. Some families build roosts that are very long, with long entrance and exit tubes; others will build roosts that are much shorter, with hardly any tubes. Essentially, it looks like different white-browed sparrow weaver families have different architectural styles. Why?

To find out, we studied more than 400 roosts built by 43 families in the Tswalu Kalahari Reserve in South Africa’s Northern Cape province. We confirmed that the roosts and nests built by groups that live next to each other have their own architectural style, and that environmental, physical or genetic attributes of these different family groups do not influence the structures’ configuration.

We think that the birds’ building behaviour and the shape of the structures might be the result of social interactions. Animals often learn from each other how to do things, whether it is how to use tools (chimpanzees), how to sing the correct song (some bird species, humpback whales), or how to exploit new food resources (cockatoos). Learning from others within a group often results in animals showing group-specific behaviours, or animal cultures. In this sense animals, like humans, develop their own cultures.

Measuring various factors

There is a lot of diversity in the nests different bird species build, both in the shapes and the materials used, as well as the number of nests an individual might build.

For example, sociable weavers (Philetairus socius) build massive multiple occupant “apartment buildings” made out of grass. Cape penduline tits (Anthoscopus minutus) build nests that look like satchels made out of vegetable fibres with the texture of a wool sweater. Male southern mask weavers (Ploceus velatus) will weave thousands of grass leaves to build multiple nests at one time, and swallows collect and stack together one mud pellet at a time to build their pottery nests.

To better understand the lack of uniformity among different white-browed sparrow weaver families’ roosts, we measured 400 roosts, all still on the trees, built by 43 families in the Tswalu Kalahari Reserve. Some were new – less than a year old – and others were at least two years old. (All structures that we measured were also identified with a small ring. We did this for three years in a row, so we could tell if a structure was there before we started measuring and marking the structures or if it was built during our time there.)

Measuring the structures built by different family groups. Maria Tello-Ramos, Author provided (no reuse)

Those measurements confirmed that different families build roosts with different sizes and that, across years, families maintain their own architectural style.

At the same time, we measured the temperature and wind speed at each of the families’ territories, the size of the birds, the height of the trees, how genetically related different families were to each other, and how far away the different families lived from each other.

This allowed us to determine whether any of these factors could explain why different families build different roosts. For instance, maybe families living in hotter territories build roosts with shorter tubes than in cooler areas, since they would not need much material to insulate them from the cold at night. The similarity in their environment, we reasoned, might explain why weaver families living in close proximity to each other created similar roosts. Or perhaps families that were more closely related to each other (something like cousins and second cousins) would build similar structures?

However, one by one, we excluded all environmental and genetic explanations for the differences in the structures built by different families.

The variety in roosts built by different families was clear. Maria Tello-Ramos, Author provided (no reuse)

So what happens next?

We plan to continue documenting the architectural styles of different white-browed sparrow weaver families and to record their building behaviour so we can determine how these birds coordinate their behaviour when building together.

Looking in more detail at how the roosts built by these birds across Africa might differ could help us understand to what extent the environment, material availability, individual experiences, and social interactions between individuals affect the building behaviour of these birds.

Maybe, like humans, some species of birds have their own architectural traditions passed on across generations through social interactions.

Read more: Kalahari weaver birds lay bigger eggs when they have female helpers to feed nestlings

– Avian architects: weaver birds in Africa have unique building styles
– https://theconversation.com/avian-architects-weaver-birds-in-africa-have-unique-building-styles-240950

MIL OSI Africa –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Europe: OSCE Presence in Albania hosts workshop to empower women in cybersecurity

Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – OSCE

Headline: OSCE Presence in Albania hosts workshop to empower women in cybersecurity

Young women engage in the OSCE Presence-organized workshop on empowering women in cybersecurity, Tirana, 24 October 2024. (OSCE) Photo details

With the aim to empower aspiring women in cybersecurity, the OSCE Presence in Albania, in partnership with the National Cybersecurity Authority, organized a workshop featuring testimonies and panel discussions from successful female leaders in the field, on 24 October 2024.
The event provided a platform for these motivational women to share their personal journeys, discussing the challenges they faced and the opportunities available in the cybersecurity landscape.
“We believe that cybersecurity represents not only a challenge for which we should all be prepared, but also a big opportunity to empower youth to become active part of this important sector”, said Brunilda Halili, National Community Safety Officer of the Presence.
The workshop culminated in a hands-on cyber drill designed specifically for women students, aimed at enhancing their technical skills and confidence. Thirty-eight participants engaged in practical exercises that equipped them with essential capabilities for a future in cybersecurity.
In the end of the interactive cyber drill, a 3rd year student of Information Technology at the Polytechnic University of Tirana, Xhorxhia Prenga, said: “Until today, I’ve been undecided about my future in the IT field. Today I decided that I want to continue my Master studies in cybersecurity, because now I understand the impact of this field in the society, and the many possibilities I will have to further advance my professional career in this dynamic field”.
The event was part of the Presence’s project “Supporting national authorities and communities to effectively prevent and address safety and security issues – Phase II”.

MIL OSI Europe News –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Russia: “Language is the key to understanding the soul of a country”

Translation. Region: Russian Federation –

Source: State University Higher School of Economics – State University Higher School of Economics –

Photo: freepic.com

21 countries and 52 universities open their doors every semester to HSE students participating in the international academic mobility program. In the fall semester of this year, Sofia Malyukova, a third-year student of the bachelor’s program, went to study at the Ca’Foscari State University (Venice, Italy) under the academic mobility program.Foreign languages and intercultural communication» Foreign language schools National Research University Higher School of Economics.

Her training in Ca’Foscari, whose rich history spans over 150 years, will last for two modules: from September 2024 to February 2025.

Why Italy and the University of Venice

— I have dreamed of studying in Italy since the 10th grade, and today, thanks to the HSE School of Foreign Languages, my dream has come true. I chose the Ca’Foscari University of Venice thanks to the positive feedback from students of our educational program who had already studied in Venice and were absolutely delighted with this university. In addition, the process of creating a curriculum turned out to be quite easy, since Ca’Foscari offers an extensive list of subjects for international students.

Studying at the HSE School of Foreign Languages

— I studied Italian from the age of 14 with a teacher, outside the school curriculum, because I was always attracted by the culture and history of Italy, and language is the key to understanding the soul of the country. Now my level of Italian is C1-C2, which allows me not only to communicate freely at the university, but also to feel confident outside of it.

Having entered the first year of the bachelor’s degree program at the School of Foreign Languages (SFL) of the National Research University Higher School of Economics, I decided to choose French as my second foreign language because I wanted to learn another language from scratch. And I continue to intensively develop my Italian skills thanks to the variety of extracurricular activities of the HSE School of Foreign Languages related to Italian: I take part in annual International scientific and practical conference for students and postgraduates “Lingua e cultura italiana: soft power in the XXI century”, and also help with the preparation of events for the Italian Club of the HSE University School of Economics.

Educational program at the University of Venice

— The program for this semester is intense. I will study English and French, the theory of the first foreign language, the theory of teaching a foreign language, intercultural communication. Mobility at Ca’Foscari University will certainly bring me new unique experience for my future career. This university is one of the strongest in the field of linguistics. Here I will be able to expand my knowledge in a unique intercultural academic environment and learn how cultural differences affect corporate interaction, which is especially important for my specialization “Intercultural Corporate Communication”, which I will begin studying this academic year.

Life in a city of contrasts

— Venice certainly made a strong impression on me right away. It is a city that seems like a fairy tale and almost unreal, especially when you see it for the first time. Walking along narrow streets, crossing numerous bridges, you understand that every corner here breathes history. Venice is a city of contrasts. On the one hand, it is a tourist center, which is felt most strongly in the city center. But once you turn aside, go deeper into lesser-known neighborhoods, you find yourself in quiet, almost deserted places, where it seems that time has stopped.

Of course, at first we had to get used to the absence of familiar streets, avenues and cars. Instead, locals travel by water trams (vaporetto), which is very convenient and fast.

As for the climate, there is very high humidity, which is especially noticeable during the rainy season (usually late October and February). On rainy days, the streets can be slightly flooded, a phenomenon called “high water” (aqua alta), and then you have to go around the streets next to the canals. So living on the water is not only romantic, but also difficult. On the other hand, it has its charm: Venice is surrounded by water, and you always feel it.

When I was choosing a place to live, I wanted to live not in Venice itself, but on the mainland, where there are more amenities for living. That’s why I found an apartment in the small town of Mestre, 15 minutes from Venice. These cities are connected by regular buses and trains, so there are no problems with transportation.

And for students in Venice, there is a special transport card that allows you to move around Venice and the nearby cities (Mestre and Marghera) by bus, tram and vaporetto. Some campuses of Ca’Foscari University are located near vaporetto stops, so students also actively use this transport. However, in Italy there are often strikes during which employees of the transport industry do not work, so you have to plan your routes in advance.

Ca’Foscari is like home

— Studying at the University of Venice is an unforgettable experience due to the intercultural exchange, as students from all over the world study here. Among my friends there are not only Italians, but also guys from Japan, Korea, Turkey, America, Great Britain, Russia.

All foreign students are treated very kindly, including by teachers who value foreign students very much and are always ready to help. All Italians are very hospitable and open, so I immediately felt at home among them.

At the university, classes usually start early in the morning, but some subjects can be held in the evening, depending on the course. The class lasts for an hour and a half, which is universal for all Italian universities. In addition to classes at the Italian university, I take some compulsory subjects of my educational program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics online.

Overall, my workload here is distributed very conveniently, thanks to which I have time to devote to additional education, my hobbies and travel around Italy. For example, I have already managed to visit seven cities: Rome, Milan, Florence, Verona, Peschiera del Garda, Padua and Treviso.

As for the canteen, the university has one, but not all campuses. For example, some campuses are just classrooms in historical buildings, where there is no canteen. Moreover, breaks between classes last only 15 minutes, so it is best to take a snack from home to avoid standing in line at the canteen. I cook at home most often, but I also like to try different dishes of Italian cuisine. Sometimes we get together with foreign friends at Italians, cook pasta together and chat, exchanging impressions and telling each other about our cultures.

Studying here is a unique cultural experience that I will definitely not forget. Venice teaches you not to rush, to enjoy the moment and the beauty around you. There is a special magic in Venice that cannot be explained in words, but can only be felt by seeing the city with your own eyes.

Advice for those who want to take part in academic mobility

— First of all, it was necessary to draw up an individual curriculum and coordinate it with the educational office. I chose the subjects that I would study in Italy and transfer upon my return. Therefore, it is very important that the content of the curriculum corresponds to the subjects studied at that time in our educational program at the School of Foreign Languages of the National Research University Higher School of Economics.

The motivation letter was also an important document, as it was where I could explain how the opportunity to participate in the mobility program was connected with my academic and career goals and why my candidacy should be selected. The motivation letter is the only opportunity to “talk” to the admission committee, so it is very important to talk about your experience, personal qualities and plans for the future. Do not be afraid to fully disclose your achievements and show your desire for new heights!

In addition to the motivation letter, letters of recommendation from teachers play a significant role. In my experience, it is important that they reflect various aspects of your activities. For example, I attached recommendations that covered not only my academic successes, but also extracurricular achievements (active participation in the life of the HSE School of Foreign Languages and the HSE School of Foreign Languages Italian Club, experience of volunteering at Olympiads and working as a teaching assistant).

My main advice is to start preparing for the competition in advance and carefully work through each document. Approach this process as responsibly as possible and keep in mind that the commission pays attention not only to your academic achievements, but also to how you show yourself outside of your studies. Show your activity and interests, tell how the academic mobility program is connected with your plans for the future, and then your chances of successfully passing the selection will increase significantly.

And of course, don’t be afraid of anything. Follow your dream, dare and be sure that getting the coveted letter that you have passed the competitive selection for the academic mobility program is quite possible. Good luck!

Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

MIL OSI Russia News –

January 25, 2025
MIL-OSI Canada: Government of Canada to Launch Call for Applications under National Crime Prevention Strategy

Source: Government of Canada News

Government of Canada to Launch Call for Applications under National Crime Prevention Strategy

Toronto, Ontario – Members of the media are invited to join the Honourable Dominic LeBlanc, Minister of Public Safety, Democratic Institutions and Intergovernmental Affairs, Devon Jones, Executive Director, Youth Association for Academics, Athletics, and Character Education (YAAACE), and Mina Mawani, Chief Executive Officer, Dixon Hall, for an announcement regarding federal financial support for crime prevention.

Date

Friday, October 25, 2024

Time

10:00 a.m. EDT

Media representatives who wish to attend the event must register with Public Safety Canada by emailing media@ps-sp.gc.ca to obtain the event location.

Gabriel Brunet
Press Secretary
Office of the Honourable Dominic LeBlanc
Minister of Public Safety, Democratic Institutions and Intergovernmental Affairs
819-665-6527
Gabriel.Brunet@iga-aig.gc.ca

MIL OSI Canada News –

January 25, 2025

Category: Education

Why it matters

What still isn’t known

Sacred space

Constitutional patriots

A step too far

Holy purpose

Economic contributions are likely underestimated

Immigration strengthens the US

The classic double bind

More women politicians in the spotlight

1. Stereotypes of women politicians are increasingly positive

2. Stereotypes of men politicians have shifted to increased negativity and distrust

3. Women politicians have gained ground on leadership perceptions, surpassing men politicians

Kamala Harris may benefit

The power of stories

Head-to-head results

Closing in?

What is the declaration of Helsinki?

The declaration updated

Continuing uncertainty

The economy and voting

What does US law say?

A key legal case

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Colonialism and nakedness

Naked body protests in South Africa

Psychology study

Anger and confrontation

Joy in struggle

Empowered and powerful

Historical struggles over land

Struggles over customary authority

M23’s economic grip

What about minerals?

What must be done?

Measuring various factors

So what happens next?

Colonialism and nakedness

Naked body protests in South Africa

Psychology study

Anger and confrontation

Joy in struggle

Empowered and powerful

Historical struggles over land

Struggles over customary authority

M23’s economic grip

What about minerals?

What must be done?

Measuring various factors

So what happens next?

Why Italy and the University of Venice

Studying at the HSE School of Foreign Languages

Educational program at the University of Venice

Life in a city of contrasts

Ca’Foscari is like home

Advice for those who want to take part in academic mobility

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