Category: Features

  • MIL-Evening Report: Auckland is NZ’s ‘primate city’ but its potential remains caged in by poor planning and vision

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Welch, Senior Lecturer in Urban Planning, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Getty Images

    The recent report comparing Auckland to nine international peer cities delivered an uncomfortable truth: our largest city is falling behind, hampered by car dependency, low-density housing and “weak economic performance”.

    The Deloitte State of the City analysis was no surprise to anyone who has watched successive governments treat the city as a problem to manage, rather than an engine to fuel.

    The report’s findings were stark: Auckland rates 82nd out of 84 cities globally for pedestrian friendliness, and its car-dependent transport system is more carbon-intensive and slower to decarbonise than peer cities.

    This is the direct result of decades of planning failures, including what urban researchers call the 1970s “great down-zoning” which halved central Auckland’s housing capacity.

    This isn’t just Auckland’s problem. When we mismanage what geographers call a “primate city,” it reveals our fundamental misunderstanding of how modern economies work.

    The concept of the primate city was formalised by geographer Mark Jefferson in 1939. Such cities are defined as being “at least twice as large as the next largest city and more than twice as significant”.

    Auckland fits this definition perfectly. With more than 1.7 million people, it is over four times larger than Christchurch or the greater Wellington region. The city accounts for 34% of New Zealand’s population and is projected to hit 40% of the working-age population by 2048.

    Auckland contributes 38% of New Zealand’s gross domestic product and its per-capita GDP is 15% higher than the rest of the country’s. Its most productive area, the central business district, enjoys a 40% productivity premium over the national average.

    To economists, these numbers represent the “agglomeration benefits” research shows primate cities generate. It is the economic effect of combining businesses, talent and infrastructure.

    Yet New Zealand systematically underinvests in the very place generating this outsized economic contribution.

    A pattern of infrastructure failure

    Auckland’s infrastructure deficit follows a predictable pattern. The City Rail Link, while progressing, has grown from an initial budget of NZ$2-3 billion to $5.5 billion, with opening delayed until 2026.

    Light rail was cancelled entirely after years of planning. A second harbour crossing has been studied for decades without a shovel hitting dirt. Each represents billions in opportunity costs while congestion worsens.

    This goes well beyond project mismanagement. It is a deep structural problem.

    The Infrastructure Commission-Te Waihanga identifies a $210 billion national infrastructure shortfall, with Auckland bearing a disproportionate burden despite generating a disproportionately high level of revenue.

    International research by the OECD shows successful countries treat metropolitan regions as engines of national growth, not a burden.

    The ‘Wellington problem’

    Public policy expert Ian Shirley called it the “Wellington Problem”: the way Auckland’s governance became an obsession for politicians and bureaucrats based in Wellington.

    The tension dates to 1865 when the capital was moved from Auckland to Wellington, establishing a pattern where political power was deliberately separated from economic power.

    Auckland loses an estimated $415.35 million annually in GST collected on rates. This goes to Wellington and into government revenue rather than being reinvested locally. Central government properties in Auckland, worth $36.3 million in rates, are exempt from payment while still using Auckland’s infrastructure.

    When Auckland speaks with “one voice” through its unified council, Wellington responds with legislative overrides.

    The recent National Land Transport Programme, for example, cut Auckland’s transport funding by $564 million. Mayor Wayne Brown said the government’s transport policy “makes zero sense for Auckland”.

    Learning from others

    The contrast with international approaches reveals just how counterproductive New Zealand’s approach has been.

    London has an integrated Transport for London authority with congestion charging powers, generating £136 million annually for reinvestment. Paris is investing more than €35 billion in the Grand Paris Express transit project.

    Japan’s “Quality Infrastructure Investment” principles include ¥13.2 trillion in regional infrastructure investment. Australia’s A$120 billion infrastructure programme explicitly recognises its largest cities contribute over 50% of GDP and require proportional investment.

    Research has shown excessive urban concentration in one country can create problems. But denying the primate city resources only leads to a “deterioration in the quality of life” that drags down the entire national economy.

    The solution lies in making strategic investments that maximise the benefits of agglomeration while managing any negative costs to the national economy.

    Growing pains

    Auckland isn’t a problem to be managed, it is an asset to be leveraged. Every successful developed economy has learned this lesson. Paris generates 31% of France’s GDP and gets treated accordingly.

    Seoul produces 23% of South Korea’s output and receives massive infrastructure investment. Tokyo drives Japan’s economy.

    The international evidence is unambiguous: countries that strategically invest in their primate cities achieve higher productivity growth and maintain competitive advantages.

    Auckland doesn’t need sympathy or special treatment. It needs what every primate city in every successful economy gets: infrastructure investment proportional to its economic contribution, governance structures that reflect its scale, and political leadership that understands agglomeration economics.

    The question isn’t whether Auckland is too big. The question is whether New Zealand is big enough to nurture its primate city.

    Timothy Welch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Auckland is NZ’s ‘primate city’ but its potential remains caged in by poor planning and vision – https://theconversation.com/auckland-is-nzs-primate-city-but-its-potential-remains-caged-in-by-poor-planning-and-vision-261176

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  • MIL-Evening Report: UK bans Gaza protest group – could the same thing happen in Australia?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Bosch, Associate Professor (Law), Edith Cowan University

    More than 100 people were arrested in the United Kingdom on the weekend for supporting Palestine Action, a protest group that opposes Britain’s support of Israel.

    Palestine Action was recently proscribed as a terrorist organisation, placing it in the same category as Hamas, al-Qaeda and Islamic State.

    Many of those arrested were simply holding signs that read: “I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action”. They were predominantly aged over 60.

    In recent weeks, an 83-year-old vicar, a former government lawyer and various pensioners have been taken into custody and could be jailed for up to 14 years if found guilty of belonging to the protest group.

    Simply holding a sign or wearing a T-shirt with the words “Palestine Action” could be punishable with a six-month jail term.

    The protesters say they refuse to be silenced:

    If we cannot speak freely about the genocide that is occurring […], if we cannot condemn those who are complicit in it […] then the right to freedom of expression has no meaning, and democracy and human rights in this country are dead.

    Police arresting protestors calling for the terrorism ban to be overturned.

    So what is Palestine Acton and why is “middle England” up in arms over its designation as a terrorist group?

    Activist network

    Palestine Action is a UK-based activist network founded in 2020 with the stated aim of “ending global participation in Israel’s genocidal and apartheid regime”.

    The group views the British government as complicit in Israeli war crimes in Gaza. It also aspires to halt UK arms exports through disruptive protests and vandalism.

    Members have generally targeted Israeli-linked businesses, such as defence company Elbit Systems, by damaging equipment or blocking entrances.

    Supporters include grassroots activists, civil liberties advocates, health professionals, clergy and prominent figures such as Pink Floyd musician Roger Waters.

    Serious concerns

    Palestine Action was officially proscribed in the UK on July 5, after campaigners sprayed paint into the engines of two Voyager aircraft at an air force base.

    The final vote was overwhelming: 385 MPs supported the ban, while just 26 opposed it.

    Under the Terrorism Act 2000, membership, support, or public endorsement of a proscribed group is a criminal offence punishable by sentences up to 14 years.

    The UK government argues the group’s actions exceeded legal protest and raised serious security concerns.

    Since then, scores of people have been searched and arrested at rallies in support of Palestine Acton.

    Blurring the lines

    Critics, including Amnesty International, civil liberties groups and The Guardian editorial board warn the ban blurs the line between non-violent civil disobedience and terrorism. They argue it also threatens democratic dissent through a statutory abuse of power.

    Counter-terrorism laws permit extraordinary interference in due process and other fundamental human rights protections. Consequently, they must always be used with the highest degree of restraint.

    The UK already had legislation in place to deal with criminal damage and violent disorder.

    United Nations legal and human rights experts have spoken out against treating the actions of protesters who damage property without the intent to injure people as terrorism:

    According to international standards, acts of protest that damage property, but are not intended to kill or injure people, should not be treated as terrorism.

    Abuse of power

    Designating Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation appears to be aimed at curtailing free expression, the assembly and association of those who support the protest action against Israel’s war on Gaza.

    Placing it in the same legal category as Hamas seems designed to reduce public sympathy for the group.

    Palestine Action is challenging its proscription in the UK High Court. Lawyers for the group argue the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre has assessed the vast majority of its activities to be lawful:

    On nature and scale, the home secretary [Yvette Cooper] accepts that only three of Palestine Action’s at least 385 actions would meet the statutory definition of terrorism […] itself a dubious assessment.

    The lawyers further argue proscription was “repugnant” and an “authoritarian abuse of power”.

    Australian version?

    There are no indications from the intelligence community that any direct affiliate of Palestine Action (UK) operates in Australia.

    However, there are pro-Palestinian activist organisations, including a Palestine Action Group Sydney, which is part of the Australian Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN).

    Broader solidarity movements such as Students for Palestine, are active in protests on university campuses and against arms shipments to Israel.

    Domestic terrorism powers

    Traditional boundaries between “activism”, “extremism”, “hate-crime” and “terrorism” are rapidly blurring in Australia.

    The attorney general may list (“proscription” is a UK term) any organisation as a “terrorist organisation” if they are satisfied it is “advocating terrorism”. This would mean criminalising the expression of support, instruction, or praise of terrorist acts or offences.

    The latest addition to the 31-member list is Terrorgram, an online terrorism advocacy chatroom.

    Australia’s extensive definition of “terrorist act”, currently under review, expressly excludes

    advocacy, protest, dissent or industrial action and which is not intended to cause serious or life-endangering harm or death or to create a serious risk to the safety or health of the public.

    This suggests an Australian version of a Palestine Action undertaking similar conduct to its UK cousin would not meet the legal threshold for listing.

    However, the recent Terrorgram listing makes reference to advocacy for “attacks on minority groups, critical infrastructure and specific individuals”.

    This suggests the UK and Australian governments are becoming more aligned in interpreting “violent” protest to include violence against property, rather than just against people.

    Short of listing, a significant suite of investigative, coercive and preventative executive exists that could be deployed if a similar organisation appears in Australia.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. UK bans Gaza protest group – could the same thing happen in Australia? – https://theconversation.com/uk-bans-gaza-protest-group-could-the-same-thing-happen-in-australia-261562

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Climate disasters are pushing people into homelessness – but there’s a lot we can do about it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Heffernan, Lecturer in Anthropology, Australian National University

    Almost half of all Australian properties are at risk of bushfire, while 17,500 face risk of coastal erosion. By 2030, more than 3 million will face riverine flood risk.

    Meanwhile, housing demand continues to outpace supply. With climate-related disasters projected to increase in frequency and severity, the task of ensuring safe and adequate housing for all Australians remains a challenge.

    In other words, disasters are worsening the housing shortage, rendering more people at risk of homelessness.

    There is growing consensus in the homelessness and emergency management sectors that Australia needs a national policy response.

    We must ensure secure and safe housing options are a disaster planning priority.

    Like ‘living a disaster every day’

    Climate disasters displace 22,261 Australians on average each year. People with the lowest incomes make up 80% of this. The very poorest 3%, despite being small, make up 14% of displaced households.

    Australia is not alone. Globally, 70% of internal displacement in 2024 resulted from disasters, often disproportionately affecting low socioeconomic areas.

    Loss of housing affects everything from a person’s health and employment to education and relationships. One person who’d experienced disaster-related housing loss said it was like

    living a disaster every day, but without the assistance and support given to most disaster survivors.

    Renters, rough sleepers and people living in unattached dwellings are most vulnerable.

    Slipping through the cracks

    The catastrophic Northern Rivers floods in 2022 provide an instructive example.

    The floods rendered over 3,500 homes uninhabitable and more than 8,000 were damaged. Over 1,400 people were displaced and offered emergency accommodation by the New South Wales government.

    The total number of people experiencing homelessness post-floods remains unclear. This is due to existing overcrowding and because people left the area or became uncontactable.

    Recent research colleagues and I conducted with homeowners and renters, commissioned by the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, examined 17 people’s experiences of securing shelter after disaster.

    In Lismore, a key barrier was poor communication and increased competition for rental housing. One person told us:

    The real estate basically dropped the ball after a month. I had to chase them up, and the return of my bond and all that. […] I applied for ten different properties and never heard back. […] I ended up sourcing my own accommodation, a camper trailer, and camped out at the local showgrounds.

    For renters, the disaster couldn’t have come at a worse time. A preexisting rental crisis across the region meant the private market was already tight.

    Homeowners, by contrast, were able to use insurance to cover transitional housing costs or were eligible for several funding sources to repair properties. This highlights a policy emphasis toward homeowners.

    In this context, people can slip through the cracks, increasing the risk of homelessness.

    Post-disaster housing can compound vulnerability

    Temporary shelters – such as crisis shelters, motels, short-term rentals, pods, cabins and caravans – can be a stop-gap against the risk of homelessness after disaster. However, temporary shelter comes with trade-offs and downsides.

    Crisis and commercial options can be damaged during disaster, limiting their use. Pod villages provide mass shelter but are costly, slow to deliver, and there’s often no meaningful plan for people to transition out of them.

    Some 18 months after the 2022 Northern Rivers floods, 1,021 people were still living in temporary pod villages and 257 people remained in caravans.

    Rent is not usually charged. When relied on beyond the immediate term, this can compound vulnerability by creating gaps in people’s rental history.

    A NSW government audit found 724 households were on the waitlist for temporary housing a year after the floods, though this list was rarely updated.

    Overall, relatively few households have secured long-term housing solutions. This year, four pod villages will be demobilised amid the region’s ongoing rental crisis.

    This comes at a time when Australia is facing a shortfall of 640,000 social and affordable homes.

    Around 110,000 requests for homelessness services go unassisted annually.

    A national framework is needed

    In 2024, a national symposium, convened by the Australian Red Cross, Homelessness Australia and UNSW Sydney’s HowWeSurvive initiative, brought together 125 professionals from the housing, homelessness, emergency management, government and academic sectors.

    The report, released in June 2025, called for a national framework focused on disasters, housing and homelessness.

    Several policies deal separately with these areas at the Commonwealth, state and territory levels. A unified approach, however, would reposition shelter after disaster from a stop-gap to a central part of disaster planning.

    The aim is to strengthen housing options before a natural hazard occurs and prevent disaster-related homelessness.

    Australia needs a coordinated strategy and taskforce to align housing, homelessness, and disaster policies and programs. Homelessness planning should be part of disaster planning, and vice versa, to ensure housing type and tenure does not place people at risk of homelessness when disaster strikes.

    This requires going beyond just linking displaced households with crisis services.

    We must plan for each stage of housing before and after a disaster and anticipate diverse needs, especially for renters and those at risk of homelessness.

    Responses should be trauma-informed and able to adapt individual experiences.

    Now is the time to act – before the next disaster strikes.

    This article was developed with the Australian Red Cross and Homelessness Australia, co-facilitators of the Housing, Homelessness and Disasters National Symposium held in Melbourne in 2024. The symposium was supported by National Shelter and the Community Housing Industry Association, and event funding was provided by the Lord Mayor’s Charitable Foundation.

    Timothy Heffernan has received funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI), the NSW government and the National Health and Medical Research Council. He is an Honorary Research Fellow at HowWeSurvive, UNSW Sydney.

    ref. Climate disasters are pushing people into homelessness – but there’s a lot we can do about it – https://theconversation.com/climate-disasters-are-pushing-people-into-homelessness-but-theres-a-lot-we-can-do-about-it-259149

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  • MIL-Evening Report: The incredible impact of Ozzy Osbourne, from Black Sabbath to Ozzfest to 30 years of retirement tours

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lachlan Goold, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary Music, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Ozzy Osbourne photographed in London in 1991. Martyn Goodacre/Getty Images

    Ozzy Osbourne, the “prince of darkness” and godfather of heavy metal, has died aged 76, just weeks after he reunited with Black Sabbath bandmates for a farewell concert in his hometown of Birmingham in England.

    His family posted a brief message overnight: “It is with more sadness than mere words can convey that we have to report that our beloved Ozzy Osbourne has passed away this morning.”

    John Michael Osbourne changed the sound of rock music and leaves behind a stellar career spanning six decades, numerous Grammy awards, multiple hall of fame inductions – and a wave of controversy.

    An agent of change

    In 1969, from the ashes of various bands, Geezer Butler (bass), Tony Iommi (guitar), Bill Ward (drums) and Osbourne formed the band Earth.

    Realising the name was taken, they quickly changed their name to Black Sabbath, an homage to the 1963 Italian horror anthology film.

    With the Summer of Love a recent memory, Black Sabbath were part of a heavy music revolution, providing an antidote to the free loving hippies of the late 60s period.

    Despite making their first two albums cheaply, Black Sabbath, released in February 1970, and Paranoid, released September that same year, they were a global success.

    Their approach was laden with sarcasm and irony. American audiences mistook this for satanic worship, positioning them as outsiders (albeit popular ones).

    Black Sabbath pose for a group portrait with gold discs, London, 1973, L-R Bill Ward, Ozzy Osbourne, Tony Iommi, Geezer Butler.
    Michael Putland/Getty Images

    After Black Sabbath’s early successes, they were managed by the notorious Don Arden, whose daughter Sharon Levy was the receptionist. More than any musical bond Osbourne had in his life, Sharon would be the most influential character throughout his life.

    Osbourne recorded eight albums with Black Sabbath (some to critical acclaim) and was then kicked out (by Sharon) due to his troubles with drugs and alcohol.

    Ozzy solo

    Osbourne’s solo career has always been managed by Sharon. While recording his second solo album, Diary of a Madman, guitarist Rhodes died in a tragic light plane crash. Osbourne was close to Rhodes and fell into a deep depression, after never having lost someone so close.

    Sharon and Osbourne married only months after this incident. His struggle with drug use did not stop him from making further solo records alongside various guitar players, continuing with moderate success throughout his career.

    On the road, Osbourne put the John Farnham’s last tour trope to shame.

    He held his last ever gig more times than one can count with names like No More Tours (1992–93), Retirement Sucks (1995–96) and No More Tours 2 (2018–19).

    Osbourne ‘retired’ many times over 30 years. Here he performs in California in 2022.
    Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images

    This lament for touring led to the most successful era of Osbourne’s career. After being rejected for the 1995 Lollapaloza festival bill, Sharon (and their son Jack) started Ozzfest; initially an annual two-day multiband festival headlined by Osbourne, held in Phoenix, Arizona, and Devore, California.

    Subsequently becoming a national – and then international – tour, Ozzfest led to a successful partnership with MTV, which led to the reality TV show The Osbournes premiering in 2002. Here, his previous and ongoing battle with drugs was obvious, proudly on display – and ridiculed – to huge global audiences.

    The spectacle of a rich rockstar and his family, featuring a constant barrage of swearing, battles with lavish TV remotes, canine therapy, never-ending chaos, and Osbourne constantly yelling “Sharrrooon” like a twisted maniacal loop of A Street Car Named Desire.

    Struggles and controversies

    Osbourne suffered multiple health conditions over the years, rarely concealing the state of his physical or mental wellbeing.

    Notably he’s struggled with drug and alcohol abuse his whole career with drug recovery centres using Osbourne as an exemplar. In 2007 he disclosed he suffered from the Parkinson’s adjacent condition Parkinsonian syndrome. In 2019 he was diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease.

    Black Sabbath photographed in the 1970s. Left to right: Geezer Butler, Tony Iommi, Bill Ward and Ozzy Osbourne.
    Chris Walter/WireImage

    This resulted in him being unable to walk for his final Back to the Beginning show in Birmingham on July 5 2025.

    And Osbourne’s career had more than its fair share of controversy. He bit the head off a dove and a bat (celebrated with a commemorative toy), and urinated on the Alamo cenotaph. He was taken to court multiple times, but was never convicted.

    Ozzy and me

    As a white middle-class boy growing up in the Brisbane suburbs in the 80s, heavy metal music appealed to my testosterone and pimple filled body.

    Exploring the secondhand record shops of Brisbane, I would’ve bought my first copy of Black Sabbath around 1985. The sound of thunder and a distant church bell before the first drop-D riff enters seemed like the antithesis to sunny Queensland and 80s pop.

    As my life became obsessed with the recording studio and the vociferous music scene in Brisbane in the post-Joh era, and those drop-D riffs influenced a new style that swept the world in the early 90s.

    Osbourne’s influence was huge and through grunge, his sound was reborn. Grunge was a marriage of the Sabbath-like drop-D riffs with the energy of punk and the melody of the Beatles.

    Listening to Black Sabbath and Ozzy records, equipped me with a sonic palette ready to capture the wave of alternative music emmerging from the Brisbane scene.

    While Ozzy’s death is no surprise (except for those who never thought he’d last this long), we should take pause and remember an icon with an endless energy for entertaining, a passion for music, and changing the expectations of popular culture for more than 50 years.

    Lachlan Goold does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The incredible impact of Ozzy Osbourne, from Black Sabbath to Ozzfest to 30 years of retirement tours – https://theconversation.com/the-incredible-impact-of-ozzy-osbourne-from-black-sabbath-to-ozzfest-to-30-years-of-retirement-tours-258820

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Kneecap’s stance on Gaza extends a long history of the Irish supporting other oppressed peoples

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ciara Smart, PhD Graduand in Australasian Irish History, University of Tasmania

    Love them or hate them, there’s no doubt Irish hip-hop trio Kneecap are having a moment.

    Their music – delivered in a powerful fusion of English and Irish – is known for its gritty lyrics about party drugs and working-class life in post-Troubles Ireland. More recently, the group has made headlines for its outspoken support for the Palestinian people.

    British police have charged member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh (known by his stage name Mo Chara) with a terrorism offence. Ó hAnnaidh was charged in May, after being accused of displaying a Hezbollah flag at a London concert in November.

    But this isn’t the first time an Irish republican group has courted controversy for backing other oppressed peoples. This has been happening for almost two centuries.

    Unsanitised and vocal support

    Ireland is composed of 32 counties. Twenty-six are in the Republic of Ireland, while six are part of the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland. When the British government withdrew from most of Ireland in 1921, the Irish Free State was largely Catholic, while Northern Ireland was more heavily Protestant. But these divisions are becoming increasingly irrelevant.

    While Ireland is still split across two nations, public support for Irish unity remains strong, particularly among citizens of the Republic.

    Kneecap’s members are from Belfast, the capital of Northern Ireland. They are also fierce republicans, which means they want to see Ireland united as one nation. One of their most popular songs, Get Your Brits Out, calls for the British state’s withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

    The group has experienced a meteoric rise in recent years, helped by a semi-autobiographical film released last year.

    They have reclaimed the term “Fenian”, often used as an anti-Irish slur. Their decision to rap in Irish is also a cultural milestone, as the language was suppressed in Northern Ireland for most of the 20th century, only achieving official language status in 2022.

    Despite being undeniable provocateurs, they claim they aren’t
    interested in reigniting Catholic-Protestant conflict. They celebrate the similarities between both groups, rather than highlight their differences.

    Ó hAnnaidh’s alleged terrorism offence came after he waved a Hezbollah flag at a London gig and chanted “Up Hamas, up Hezbollah”. Both Hamas and Hezbollah are considered terrorist groups in Britain. He will face court on August 20.

    Irish-Māori solidarity

    Kneecap is carrying on a long tradition of Irish groups who faced controversy for denouncing the oppressive acts of powerful states.

    In the 19th century, several Irish nationalist groups expressed solidarity with other colonised peoples, especially Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand. Groups such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood (whose members were called Fenians) arguably saw Māori and Irish as co-victims of a tyrannical state.

    Irish nationalist newspapers often wrote sympathetically about the colonisation of New Zealand, and tried to inspire Ireland to resist British subjugation, like Māori seemed to be doing.

    This painting by Kennett Watkins, The Death of Von Tempsky at Te Ngutu o Te Manu (circa 1893), portrays conflict in 1868 between armed constabulary and Māori forces.
    Wikimedia

    In July 1864, the Fenian newspaper The Irish People stressed British hypocrisy. It wrote, “savages we call [Māori], using the arrogant language of civilisation, but, honestly, they deserve to be characterised by a much better word”.

    It also scoffed at the “unconquerable propensity of the Anglo-Saxon to plunder the lands of other people – a propensity which manifests itself most strikingly alike in Ireland and New Zealand”.

    Similarly, in December 1868, the nationalist newspaper The Nation contrasted “valiant” Māori with “terrified” British. It sarcastically described Māori as “rebels (men fighting for their own rights on their own soil)” and mocked the British forces as “valiant men who could bully a priest”.

    The article finished on a sombre note: “Mere valour will in the end go down before the force of numbers and the cunning of diplomacy”.

    Rumours of a secret rebellion

    Other Irish leaders, such as the nationalist Michael Davitt, saw inspirational parallels between the nonviolent campaign of Charles Stewart Parnell, the 19th century leader of the Irish Home Rule movement, and Māori leader Te Whiti-o-Rongomai.

    In Ireland, Parnell encouraged poor tenant farmers to pause rent payments to their British landlords. In New Zealand, Te Whiti encouraged Māori to dismantle colonially-constructed fences and plough the land for themselves. Both were arrested in 1881 within three weeks of each other.

    The ‘No Rent Manifesto’ was issued on 18 October 1881, by Parnell and others of the Irish National Land League while in Kilmainham Jail.
    National Library of Ireland

    So strong was the sense of kinship between Irish and Māori that, in the 1860s, there were persistent rumours of a joint Irish-Māori rebellion reported in the media and even New Zealand’s parliament.

    In March, 1869, the conservative New Zealand newspaper Daily Southern Cross reported a large number of Māori “have decided on joining the Fenian Brotherhood, and have adopted the green flag as their national emblem”.

    Later that year, the paper reported the supposed Fenians told a Māori resistance group that, “like the Maori, they hate the British rule, and are prepared to make common cause […] to overthrow that rule in New Zealand”.

    However, these rumours were probably no more than a conspiracy fuelled by racist anti-Irish paranoia.

    Actions and outcomes

    Any tangible results of cross-cultural sympathy from 19th century Irish nationalists were mixed, at best. My ongoing research shows solidarity with Māori was partly motivated by humanitarian motives, but was also often used to make a point about Ireland.

    Identifying with another oppressed peoples within the context of a corrupt empire was a powerful way to argue for improved political recognition within Ireland. Irish nationalists generally didn’t do much other than declare their sympathy.

    Kneecap, on the other hand, seems willing to bear the legal and financial consequences of being vocal about human rights abuses in Gaza. Some of their shows have been cancelled, and funding providers have withdrawn.

    While curated rebellion can be lucrative in show-business, Kneecap says the controversy following them is a distraction. They insist the world should focus squarely on Gaza instead.

    Ciara Smart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Kneecap’s stance on Gaza extends a long history of the Irish supporting other oppressed peoples – https://theconversation.com/kneecaps-stance-on-gaza-extends-a-long-history-of-the-irish-supporting-other-oppressed-peoples-261261

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Central bank independence and credibility matters. Here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Simon, Adjunct Fellow in Economics, Macquarie University

    Olga Kashubin/Shutterstock

    In the United States, President Donald Trump has been pressuring the chairman of the US Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, to slash interest rates. This is partly to ease the interest payments on the ballooning US government debt.

    Powell has so far resisted, but Trump has also threatened to replace him with someone who will do what he asks.

    In Australia, after the Reserve Bank’s surprise decision to hold interest rates steady this month, some commentators have wondered if the central bank had “betrayed” Australians. Treasurer Jim Chalmers pointedly remarked:

    It’s not the result millions of Australians were hoping for or what the market was expecting.

    On Tuesday, the Reserve Bank released the minutes of that controversial policy-setting meeting, which said some economic data was slightly stronger than expected. The majority of the board believed:

    lowering the cash rate a third time within the space of four meetings would be unlikely to be consistent with the strategy of easing monetary policy in a cautious and gradual manner.

    Can’t rates just be kept low?

    Wouldn’t we be better off if central banks kept interest rates low, as some politicians and borrowers were hoping for? It would certainly help those of us with mortgages.

    Surprisingly, the answer is no.

    We are better off when central banks set interest rates with a view on the longer run rather than just the short-term demands of politicians and borrowers.

    To see why we can look at history to see what happens when a central bank isn’t independent.

    Why does independence matter?

    In the 1970s the chairman of the US Federal Reserve, Arthur Burns, was pressured to cut interest rates in the run-up to the 1972 election. He dutifully did so and, while President Richard Nixon was re-elected, this led to “stagflation” – with inflation, unemployment and even interest rates, higher than before interest rates were cut.

    A more recent example of political pressure can be seen in Turkey where the president pressured the central bank to cut interest rates. He hoped to stimulate the economy and believed higher interest rates caused higher inflation.

    Unfortunately, lower rates were shortly followed by higher inflation and, ultimately, much higher interest rates.

    And today in the US, even though Powell has so far resisted Trump’s pressure, financial markets are shaken and long-term interest rates go up when Trump talks about replacing him.

    Lower interest rates can be like a caffeinated energy drink – they give you a short-term energy boost, but can leave you tired, irritable and with a headache when the effects wear off.

    So, why does this happen? It’s all about expectations.

    Expectations about the future matter

    A central bank influences the economy both through what it does and what people expect it to do. The ability to shape expectations is a powerful tool for central banks, especially during crises such as the COVID pandemic, when official interest rates were close to zero.

    Imagine, for example, you are about to take out a mortgage. In making this decision you will likely think not just about current interest rates and your ability to make repayments, but what is likely to happen to future interest rates, your wages and inflation.

    Credibility is the key to successfully shaping people’s expectations. If a central bank is independent and credible, consumers and businesses will listen to what it says and adjust their expectations accordingly.

    The chart below illustrates this point.

    Macquarie University’s Business Outlook Scenarios Survey asks businesses if they believe the Reserve Bank will meet its inflation goals. Those that do trust the bank (the line labelled “certain”) have lower inflation expectations than those that don’t (the line labelled “uncertain”).

    Importantly, the expectations of those that trust the bank to meet its inflation goals tend to align with the bank’s 2–3% inflation target over the business cycle.

    And these expectations affect what businesses and consumers do today.

    So, how credible is the Reserve Bank today?

    Despite the surprise hold, Australians still trust the RBA

    Data from the Business Outlook Scenarios Survey shows the Reserve Bank has rebuilt its credibility since its 2021 “promise” not to raise interest rates until 2024. It has done this by reforming its board structure and membership, being more open and, most critically, by hitting the inflation target.

    Indeed, the most recent survey data shows that, if anything, the surprise decision increased people’s confidence in the bank’s ability to control inflation.

    In July, the survey was in the field between July 7 and 10. The Reserve Bank made its announcement on July 8. Out of 512 businesses surveyed, 368 completed it before the announcement and 144 completed it after the announcement.

    Overall, more than 40% of businesses surveyed were certain the Reserve Bank will achieve its inflation target. This is up from less than 10% a year ago. And, those who completed the survey after the announcement were more likely to trust the Reserve Bank than those that who completed it before the announcement.

    So next time you hear politicians and commentators calling for immediate interest rate cuts, you should hope the Reserve Bank ignores those calls and focuses on the longer term. Overseas experience shows things do not end well when politicians start determining interest rates.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Central bank independence and credibility matters. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/central-bank-independence-and-credibility-matters-heres-why-260198

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Ultra fast fashion could be taxed to oblivion in France. Could Australia follow suit?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rowena Maguire, Professor of Law and Director of the Centre of Justice, Queensland University of Technology

    Ryan McVay/Getty

    For centuries, clothes were hard to produce and expensive. People wore them as long as possible. But manufacturing advances have steadily driven down the cost of production. These days, clothing can be produced very cheaply. In the 1990s, companies began churning out fast fashion: low cost versions of high end trends. In the 2010s came ultra fast fashion, where clothes are produced extremely rapidly and intended to be almost disposable.

    Ultra fast fashion is deeply unsustainable. Producing it is energy intensive and many low quality items go rapidly to landfill.

    In response, France is planning to add a A$16 tax to each item of ultra-fast fashion, require mandatory environmental disclosures and ban advertising and influencer promotions.

    To date, Australia has done little about the problem – even though every Australian bought an average of 53 new pieces of clothing as of 2023 and we send 220,000 tonnes of clothes to the dump annually. Responses so far have focused on voluntary schemes, which have done little to help. Policymakers should look overseas.

    Ultra-fast fashion companies such as Shein and Temu would be targeted by new French laws, if they are passed.
    Arnaud Finistre/Getty

    Why is ultra fast fashion such a problem?

    About 117 billion pieces of clothing were purchased worldwide in 2023 – about 14 pieces per person. That’s well beyond the limit of five new garments per year experts recommend if we’re to live within our planetary boundaries.

    There are many problems with buying too many cheap clothes. Textile manufacturing is surprisingly energy intensive. At present, the industry is responsible for about 2% of global emissions and this is expected to rise steadily. Millions of barrels of oil are used each year to make synthetic fibres such as polyester.

    Ultra fast fashion items rely heavily on synthetic fibres. When washed, they produce large volumes of microplastics which go into rivers and oceans. The European Union estimates textiles account for about 20% of freshwater pollution annually. Many ultra cheap clothing items have question marks over how ethically they were produced. Nearly all of these cheap clothes only have one owner before going to the dump.

    Australia’s response is minimal

    Australia has no national policy on clothing. Circular economy policies and strategies at both federal and state levels don’t tend to focus on textiles.

    Australian consumer laws regulate greenwashing of products. In 2023, Australia’s peak competition regulator flagged the textile industry as one with a high rate of concerning claims.

    Similarly, Australia’s modern slavery laws require large corporations to identify and address risks of slave labour in their operations. Fashion brands often source materials and labour from regions with high exploitation risks Unfortunately, these laws don’t have penalties attached.

    These laws are positive, but still far from the EU’s large-scale efforts to regulate the textile industry.

    One promising effort is the voluntary Seamless textile scheme. Voluntary schemes like these are often used as a way to introduce reforms to a previously unregulated sector or industry.

    The goal of this scheme is to help brands take responsibility for the entire lifespan of the garments they make or sell. Participating brands and retailers pay a levy which is used to promote clothing repair and rental, expand recycling and run information campaigns. Seamless is meant to help the industry prepare for a potential mandatory scheme in the future. Former Federal Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek said she was “not afraid to regulate” last year, but nothing has happened since.

    To date, participation has been very limited. Around 60 brands and retailers have signed up. Ultra-fast fashion brands such as Temu and Shein aren’t covered by the scheme, as they’re based overseas.

    Ultra-fast fashion rapidly turns into rubbish.
    Ernest Rose/Shutterstock

    Time for laws with teeth?

    France’s planned ultra fashion laws are directly aimed at high-volume, low-cost clothing producers with binding measures such as taxes and advertising bans. If the laws come into effect, France would likely see a substantial drop in the flows of these clothes and the textile waste produced.

    By contrast, Australia’s efforts so far aren’t changing things. The Seamless scheme is voluntary, while greenwashing and modern slavery laws rely on disclosures and lack enforcement powers and penalties.

    It wouldn’t be easy. At present, Australia lacks laws focused on textiles, while responsibility for clothing imports is split between different government departments and levels of government. The issue of fast fashion often hits local governments hardest in the form of increased waste volumes, for instance, but local governments have no power over the problem. If policymakers did introduce a French-style tax, they would face resistance from the industry and from some consumers.

    The upside? France’s approach is far more likely to actually curb the damage done by ultra-fast fashion.

    Rowena Maguire receives funding from United Nations Environment Program – Legal Division.

    ref. Ultra fast fashion could be taxed to oblivion in France. Could Australia follow suit? – https://theconversation.com/ultra-fast-fashion-could-be-taxed-to-oblivion-in-france-could-australia-follow-suit-259559

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Doctors shouldn’t be allowed to object to medical care if it harms their patients

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julian Savulescu, Visiting Professor in Biomedical Ethics, Murdoch Children’s Research Institute; Distinguished Visiting Professor in Law, University of Melbourne; Uehiro Chair in Practical Ethics, The University of Melbourne

    HRAUN/Getty

    A young woman needs an abortion and the reasons, while urgent, are not medical. A United States Navy nurse at Guantánamo Bay is ordered to force-feed a defiant detainee on hunger strike.

    These very different real-life cases have one connecting thread: the question of whether a health professional can conscientiously object to carrying out a patient’s request.

    Freedom of conscience is often held up as a purely noble principle. But when it’s used to deny health care, it means a single person’s beliefs are dictating what is best for another person’s physical and mental health – which can have devastating, even fatal, results.

    In our recent book, Rethinking Conscientious Objection in Healthcare, colleagues and I conclude doctors should not be free to make medical decisions based on their personal beliefs.

    It’s not noble to refuse care

    Freedom of conscience is strongly – but not absolutely – protected under international human rights law. It is enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    This principle has often been used for moral purposes: for example, to resist orders to torture or kill.

    But after researching use of conscientious objection by health professionals, I have concluded it is seriously flawed when used to deny patients health services. This is especially so when particular doctors have a monopoly on service provision, as is the case with abortion and assisted dying in many rural and regional areas of Australia.

    In Australia, doctors are allowed to conscientiously object to abortion, although nearly all states require referral to other service providers or information about how to access the relevant service.

    In practice, these laws are not enforced and sometimes disregarded.

    A doctor’s refusal can mean patients can be denied the standard of care they need, or indeed, any care at all.

    Health-care professionals are not like pacifists refusing conscription into the military, opposing something forced upon them. They freely choose health-care careers that come with obligations and with ethical stances already established by professional codes of conduct.

    People are free to hold whatever beliefs they choose, but those beliefs will inevitably close off some options for them. For example, a vegetarian will not be able to work in an abattoir. That is true for every one of us. But what shouldn’t happen is a doctor’s personal beliefs closing off legitimate options for their patient.

    4 guiding questions

    Instead of personal values, there are four key secular principles we propose that doctors should rely on when deciding how to advise patients about sensitive procedures:

    • is it legal?

    • is it a just and fair use of any resources that might be limited?

    • is it in the interests of the patient’s wellbeing?

    • is it what the patient has themselves decided they want?

    Of course, there will be times when some of these principles are in conflict – that is when it is important to apply the most crucial ones, the wellbeing of the patient and the patient’s own wishes.

    In Ireland in 2012, a young woman named Savita Halappanavar went to an Irish hospital for treatment for her miscarriage. Doctors knew there was no hope of the pregnancy surviving but refused to evacuate her uterus while there was still a fetal heartbeat, for fear of breaching Ireland’s anti-abortion laws. The result: Savita died of septicaemia at 31.

    If doctors had put the patient’s wellbeing first, they would have given her that termination, despite the law, and it would have saved her life.

    These are the principles that should have been applied to the examples above: the woman seeking an abortion for career reasons or the nurse refusing to force-feed prisoners.

    The doctor (or nurse) should ask: Is it what the patient has autonomously decided they want? Will it lead to the best outcome for both their physical and their mental health?

    If abortion will promote a woman’s wellbeing, it is in her interests. Hunger strikers should not be force-fed because it violates their autonomy.

    An unfair burden

    While doctors’ personal values are important, they should not dictate care at the bedside. Not only can this disadvantage the patient, but it places an unfair burden on colleagues who do accept such work, and must carry a disproportionate load of procedures they might find unpleasant and financially unrewarding.

    It also creates injustice. Patients who are educated, wealthy and well-connected already find it easier to access health care. Conscientious objection intensifies that unfairness in large swathes of the country because it further limits options.

    Two countries with excellent health-care systems, Sweden and Finland, do not permit conscientious objection by medical professionals.

    In Australia, it is time we do the same and strongly limit conscientious objection as a legal right for health professionals. We should also ensure those entering the discipline are prepared to take on all procedures relevant to their specialty.

    And lastly, but most importantly, we should educate them that the patient’s interests and values must always come first. An individual doctor’s sense of moral authority should not be permitted to morph into medical and moral authoritarianism.

    Julian Savulescu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Doctors shouldn’t be allowed to object to medical care if it harms their patients – https://theconversation.com/doctors-shouldnt-be-allowed-to-object-to-medical-care-if-it-harms-their-patients-260003

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Should Australia lower the voting age to 16 like the UK? We asked 5 experts

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pandanus Petter, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Politics and International Relations, Australian National University

    The government in the UK is introducing legislation into parliament to lower the voting age to 16.

    If passed, the new age rules will be in place for the next general election, expected around 2029.

    Should Australia follow suit? We asked five experts.

    Pandanus Petter’s employment is funded by an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant.

    Faith Gordon receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Jill Sheppard receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Blair Williams and Intifar Chowdhury do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Should Australia lower the voting age to 16 like the UK? We asked 5 experts – https://theconversation.com/should-australia-lower-the-voting-age-to-16-like-the-uk-we-asked-5-experts-261469

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Could the latest ‘interstellar comet’ be an alien probe? Why spotting cosmic visitors is harder than you think

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sara Webb, Lecturer, Centre for Astrophysics and Supercomputing, Swinburne University of Technology

    Comet 3I/ATLAS International Gemini Observatory/NOIRLab/NSF/AURA/K. Meech/Jen Miller/Mahdi Zamani, CC BY

    On July 1, astronomers spotted an unusual high-speed object zooming towards the Sun. Dubbed 3I/ATLAS, the surprising space traveller had one very special quality: its orbit showed it had come from outside our Solar System.

    For only the third time ever, we had discovered a true interstellar visitor. And it was weird.

    3I/ATLAS breaking records

    3I/ATLAS appeared to be travelling at 245,000 kilometres per hour, making it the fastest object ever detected in our Solar System.

    It was also huge. Early estimates suggest the object could be up to 20km in size. Finally, scientists believe it may even be older than our Sun.

    Davide Farnocchia, navigation engineer at NASA’s JPL, explains the discovery of 3I/ATLAS.

    Could it be alien?

    Our first assumption when we see something in space is that it’s a lump of rock or ice. But the strange properties of 3I/ATLAS have suggested to some that it may be something else entirely.

    Harvard astrophysics professor Avi Loeb and colleagues last week uploaded a paper titled Is the Interstellar Object 3I/ATLAS Alien Technology? to the arXiv preprint server. (The paper has not yet been peer reviewed.)

    Loeb is a controversial figure among astronomers and astrophysicists. He has previously suggested that the first known interstellar object, 1I/ʻOumuamua, discovered in 2017, may also have been an alien craft.

    Among other oddities Loeb suggests may be signs of deliberate alien origin, he notes the orbit of 3I/ATLAS takes it improbably close to Venus, Mars and Jupiter.

    The trajectory of comet 3I/ATLAS as it passes through the Solar System, with its closest approach to the Sun in October.
    NASA/JPL-Caltech

    We’ve sent out our own alien probes

    The idea of alien probes wandering the cosmos may sound strange, but humans sent out a few ourselves in the 1970s. Both Voyager 1 and 2 have officially left our Solar System, and Pioneer 10 and 11 are not far behind.

    So it’s not a stretch to think that alien civilisations – if they exist – would have launched their own galactic explorers.

    However, this brings us to a crucial question: short of little green men popping out to say hello, how would we actually know if 3I/ATLAS, or any other interstellar object, was an alien probe?

    Detecting alien probes 101

    The first step to determining whether something is a natural object or an alien probe is of course to spot it.

    Most things we see in our Solar System don’t emit light of their own. Instead, we only see them by the light they reflect from the Sun.

    Larger objects generally reflect more sunlight, so they are easier for us to see. So what we see tends to be larger comets and asteroid, especially farther from Earth.

    It can be very difficult to spot smaller objects. At present, we can track objects down to a size of ten or 20 metres out as far from the Sun as Jupiter.

    Our own Voyager probes are about ten metres in size (if we include their radio antennas). If an alien probe was similar, we probably wouldn’t spot it until it was somewhere in the asteroid belt between Jupiter and Mars.

    If we did spot something suspicious, to figure out if it really were a probe or not we would look for a few telltales.

    Viewing 3I/ATLAS through coloured filters reveals the colours that make up its tail.
    International Gemini Observatory/NOIRLab/NSF/AURA/K. Meech (IfA/U. Hawaii) / Jen Miller & Mahdi Zamani (NSF NOIRLab), CC BY

    First off, because a natural origin is most likely, we would look for evidence that no aliens were involved. One clue in this direction might be if the object were emitting a “tail” of gas in the way that comets do.

    However, we might also want to look for hints of alien origin. One very strong piece of evidence would be any kind of radio waves coming from the probe as a form of communication. This is assuming the probe was still in working order, and not completely defunct.

    We might also look for signs of electrostatic discharge caused by sunlight hitting the probe.

    Another dead giveaway would be signs of manoeuvring or propulsion. An active probe might try to correct its course or reposition its antennas to send and receive signals to and from its origin.

    And a genuine smoking gun would be an approach to Earth in a stable orbit. Not to brag, but Earth is genuinely the most interesting place in the Solar System – we have water, a healthy atmosphere, a strong magnetic field and life. A probe with any decision-making capacity would likely want to investigate and collect data about our interesting little planet.

    We may never know

    Without clear signs one way or the other, however, it may be impossible to know if some interstellar objects are natural or alien-made.

    Objects like 3I/ATLAS remind us that space is vast, strange, and full of surprises. Most of them have natural explanations. But the strangest objects are worth a second look.

    For now, 3I/ATLAS is likely just an unusually fast, old and icy visitor from a distant system. But it also serves as a test case: a chance to refine the way we search, observe and ask questions about the universe.

    Sara Webb does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Could the latest ‘interstellar comet’ be an alien probe? Why spotting cosmic visitors is harder than you think – https://theconversation.com/could-the-latest-interstellar-comet-be-an-alien-probe-why-spotting-cosmic-visitors-is-harder-than-you-think-261656

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Do countries have a duty to prevent climate harm? The world’s highest court is about to answer this crucial question

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Cooper, Associate Professor of Law, University of Waikato

    Getty Images

    The International Court of Justice (ICJ) will issue a highly anticipated advisory opinion overnight to clarify state obligations related to climate change.

    It will answer two urgent questions: what are the obligations of states under international law to protect the climate and environment from greenhouse gas emissions, and what are the legal consequences for states that have caused significant harm to Earth’s atmosphere and environment?

    ICJ advisory opinions are not legally binding. But coming from the world’s highest court, they provide an authoritative opinion on serious issues that can be highly persuasive.

    This advisory opinion marks the culmination of a campaign that began in 2019 when students and youth organisations in Vanuatu – one of the most vulnerable nations to climate-related impacts – persuaded their government to seek clarification on what states should be doing to protect them.

    Led by Vanuatu and co-sponsored by 132 member states, including New Zealand and Australia, the United Nations General Assembly formally requested the advisory opinion in March 2023.

    More than two years of public consultation and deliberation ensued, leading to this week’s announcement.

    What to expect

    Looking at the specific questions to be addressed, at least three aspects stand out.

    First, the sources and areas of international law under scrutiny are not confined to the UN’s climate change framework. This invites the ICJ to consider a broad range of law – including trans-boundary environmental law, human rights law, international investment law, humanitarian law, trade law and beyond – and to draw on both treaty-related obligations and customary international law.

    Such an encyclopaedic examination could produce a complex and integrated opinion on states’ obligations to protect the environment and climate system.

    Second, the opinion will address what obligations exist, not just to those present today, but to future generations. This follows acknowledgement of the so-called “intertemporal characteristics” of climate change in recent climate-related court decisions and the need to respond effectively to both the current climate crisis and its likely ongoing consequences.

    Third, the opinion won’t just address what obligations states have, but also what the consequences should be for nations:

    where they, by their acts and omissions have caused significant harm to the climate system and other parts of the environment.

    Addressing consequences as well as obligations should cause states to pay closer attention and make the ICJ’s advisory more relevant to domestic climate litigation and policy discussions.

    Representatives from Pacific island nations gathered outside the International Court of Justice during the hearings.
    Michel Porro/Getty Images

    Global judicial direction

    Two recent court findings may offer clues as to the potential scope of the ICJ’s findings.

    Earlier this month, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights published its own advisory opinion on state obligations in response to climate change.

    Explicitly connecting fundamental human rights with a healthy ecosystem, this opinion affirmed states have an imperative duty to prevent irreversible harm to the climate system. Moreover, the duty to safeguard the common ecosystem must be understood as a fundamental principle of international law to which states must adhere.

    Meanwhile last week, an Australian federal court dismissed a landmark climate case, determining that the Australian government does not owe a duty of care to Torres Strait Islanders to protect them from the consequences of climate change.

    The court accepted the claimants face significant loss and damage from climate impacts and that previous Australian government policies on greenhouse gas emissions were not aligned with the best science to limit climate change. But it nevertheless determined that “matters of high or core government policy” are not subject to common law duties of care.

    Whether the ICJ will complement the Inter-American court’s bold approach or opt for a more constrained and conservative response is not certain. But now is the time for clear and ambitious judicial direction with global scope.

    Implications for New Zealand

    Aotearoa New Zealand aspires to climate leadership through its Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Act 2019. This set 2050 targets of reducing emissions of long-lived greenhouse gases (carbon dioxide and nitrous oxide) to net zero, and biogenic methane by 25-47%.

    However, actions to date are likely insufficient to meet this target. Transport emissions continue to rise and agriculture – responsible for nearly half of the country’s emissions – is lightly regulated.

    Although the government plans to double renewable energy by 2050, it is also in the process of lifting a 2018 ban on offshore gas exploration and has pledged $200 million to co-invest in the development of new fields.

    Critics also point out the government has made little progress towards its promise to install 10,000 EV charging stations by 2030 while axing a clean-investment fund.

    Although a final decision is yet to be made, the government is also considering to lower the target for cuts to methane emissions from livestock, against advice from the Climate Change Commission.

    With the next global climate summit coming up in November, the ICJ opinion may offer timely encouragement for states to reconsider their emissions targets and the ambition of climate policies.

    Most countries have yet to submit their latest emissions reduction pledges (known as nationally determined contributions) under the Paris Agreement. New Zealand has made its pledge, but it has been described as “underwhelming”. This may present a chance to adjust ambition upwards.

    If the ICJ affirms that states have binding obligations to prevent climate harm, including trans-boundary impacts, New Zealand’s climate change policies and progress to date could face increased legal scrutiny.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Do countries have a duty to prevent climate harm? The world’s highest court is about to answer this crucial question – https://theconversation.com/do-countries-have-a-duty-to-prevent-climate-harm-the-worlds-highest-court-is-about-to-answer-this-crucial-question-261396

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  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: How much can Jim Chalmers get out of the economic reform roundtable?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    We’re now less than a month away from the start of the Albanese government’s “economic reform” (aka “productivity”) roundtable, but it has become quite hard to get a fix on exactly what this gathering will amount to.

    The guest list for the August 19-21 summit is obviously tight, given the government decided it wanted the meeting to fit into the cabinet room (so avoiding a more extensive “talkfest”).

    But excluding the states and territories from a meeting that discusses deregulation and taxation means major players in these policy areas are not in the room (the NSW treasurer, Daniel Mookhey, chair of the board of treasurers, is the only state government representative invited). Treasurer Jim Chalmers says he will meet state treasurers beforehand, but that doesn’t quite cover their omission.

    The government has flagged that industrial relations isn’t on the table, although the unions will be at that table. Yet IR is a major issue in productivity, so that excludes a central area from discussion. The unions are being given a level of protection other players potentially do not have.

    Tax reform is a central topic at the roundtable, the themes of which are productivity, budget sustainability and economic resilience. But the scope of what is up for serious consideration is limited.

    The government is not willing to consider changing the GST, even if it is not formally ruling out it being canvassed.

    When it was put to him that he opposed altering the GST, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese told the ABC this week what he would not do was “go to an election and secure a majority because our government concentrated on cost-of-living measures in our first term […] and immediately we get elected and we say, we’re going to put up the price of everything that you buy.

    “That is not something that’s tenable. That’s something which would have represented a breach of trust upon which we were elected on May 3rd.”

    Rejecting an overhaul of the GST kyboshes, for better or worse, a major tax switch from our over-reliance on personal income tax to putting more of the tax burden on indirect tax. This is a change many tax experts advocate.

    Despite the hype around the pre-roundtable discussion of broad tax reform, what appears likely to find favour with the government are tax changes affecting wealth (but excluding the family home) and the resources sector.

    It remains unclear to what extent Chalmers will seek to define the outcome beforehand. That is: will he, after reviewing the submissions, go into the roundtable with a firm idea of what he wants to get out of it, and then see how much he can get over the “consensus” line?

    Helpfully for everyone at the roundtable, the Productivity Commission is about to release a series of reports on various aspects of productivity, which will provide data and ideas.

    These cover economic resilience, improving workforce skills and adaptability, harnessing digital technology, improving care delivery, and investing in the net zero transformation.

    Meanwhile business, which felt it was made something of a patsy in the 2022 jobs and skills summit, with the government using that meeting to gain traction for what it already wanted to do, is being cautious this time.

    Even before the formal announcement of the roundtable, it set up a group following the government’s nomination of productivity as a central priority for this term. The umbrella body’s first meeting was attended by more than 20 groups representing businesses of all sizes, universities and the investment community. This body is ongoing. It includes the Business Council of Australia, the Australian Industry Group, the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Minerals Council of Australia and the Council of Small Business Organisations.

    The umbrella body will put forward a suite of recommendations for the roundtable including on investment, innovation, reducing red tape, planning and approval processes, tax, education and employment.

    We now have the full list of roundtable participants. It’s interesting for who’s there and who’s not. Ken Henry, of the seminal Henry taxation report – of which Chalmers has vivid memories from his days as a staffer of former treasurer Wayne Swan – will be present. Henry last week gave a strong presentation at the National Press Club about the pressing need for reform of the environment protection regime.

    Also scoring an invitation is teal crossbencher Allegra Spender, who made tax reform one of her core issues last term. Spender is holding her own “tax reform roundtable” on Friday, with a who’s who of experts.

    But left off the Treasurer’s invitation list list was the Minerals Council of Australia. This despite the fact that tax changes in the resources area seem a ripe area for discussion.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. View from The Hill: How much can Jim Chalmers get out of the economic reform roundtable? – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-how-much-can-jim-chalmers-get-out-of-the-economic-reform-roundtable-261095

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  • MIL-Evening Report: COVID, flu, RSV: how these common viruses are tracking this winter – and how to protect yourself

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Esterman, Professor of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, University of South Australia

    nimis69/Getty Images

    Winter is here, and with it come higher rates of respiratory illnesses. If you’ve been struck down recently with a sore throat, runny nose and a cough, or perhaps even a fever, you’re not alone.

    Last week, non-urgent surgeries were paused in several Queensland hospitals due to a surge of influenza and COVID cases filling up hospital beds.

    Meanwhile, more than 200 aged care facilities around Australia are reportedly facing COVID outbreaks.

    So, just how bad are respiratory infections this year, and which viruses are causing the biggest problems?

    COVID

    Until May, COVID case numbers were about half last year’s level, but June’s 32,348 notifications are closing the gap (compared with 45,634 in June 2024). That said, we know far fewer people test now than they did earlier in the pandemic, so these numbers are likely to be an underestimate.

    According to the latest Australian Respiratory Surveillance Report, Australia now appears to be emerging from a winter wave of COVID cases driven largely by the NB.1.8.1 subvariant, known as “Nimbus”.

    Besides classic cold-like symptoms, this Omicron offshoot can reportedly cause particularly painful sore throats as well as gastrointestinal symptoms such as nausea and diarrhoea.

    While some people who catch COVID have no symptoms or just mild ones, for many people the virus can be serious. Older adults and those with chronic health issues remain at greatest risk of experiencing severe illness and dying from COVID.

    Some 138 aged care residents have died from COVID since the beginning of June.

    The COVID booster currently available is based on the JN.1 subvariant. Nimbus is a direct descendant of JN.1 – as is another subvariant in circulation, XFG or “Stratus” – which means the vaccine should remain effective against current variants.

    Free boosters are available to most people annually, while those aged 75 and older are advised to get one every six months.

    Vaccination, as well as early treatment with antivirals, lowers the risk of severe illness and long COVID. People aged 70 and older, as well as younger people with certain risk factors, are eligible for antivirals if they test positive.

    Influenza

    The 2025 flu season has been unusually severe. From January to May, total case numbers were 30% higher than last year, increasing pressure on health systems.

    More recent case numbers seem to be trending lower than 2024, however we don’t appear to have reached the peak yet.

    Flu symptoms are generally more severe than the common cold and may include high fever, chills, muscle aches, fatigue, sore throat and a runny or blocked nose.

    Most people recover in under a week, but the flu can be more severe (and even fatal) in groups including older people, young children and pregnant women.

    An annual vaccination is available for free to children aged 6 months to 4 years, pregnant women, those aged 65+, and other higher-risk groups.

    Queensland and Western Australia provide a free flu vaccine for all people aged 6 months and older, but in other states and territories, people not eligible for a free vaccine can pay (usually A$30 or less) to receive one.

    RSV

    The third significant respiratory virus, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), only became a notifiable disease in 2021 (before this doctors didn’t need to record infections, meaning data is sparse).

    Last year saw Australia’s highest case numbers since RSV reporting began. By May, cases in 2025 were lower than 2024, but by June, they had caught up: 27,243 cases this June versus 26,596 in June 2024. However it looks as though we may have just passed the peak.

    RSV’s symptoms are usually mild and cold-like, but it can cause serious illness such as bronchiolitis and pneumonia. Infants, older people, and people with chronic health conditions are among those at highest risk. In young children, RSV is a leading cause of hospitalisation.

    A free vaccine is now available for pregnant women, protecting infants for up to six months. A monoclonal antibody (different to a vaccine but also given as an injection) is also available for at-risk children up to age two, especially if their mothers didn’t receive the RSV vaccine during pregnancy.

    For older adults, two RSV vaccines (Arexvy and Abrysvo) are available, with a single dose recommended for everyone aged 75+, those over 60 at higher risk due to medical conditions, and all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people aged 60+.

    Unfortunately, these are not currently subsidised and cost about $300. Protection lasts at least three years.

    The common cold

    While viruses including COVID, RSV and influenza dominate headlines, we often overlook one of the most widespread – the common cold.

    The common cold can be caused by more than 200 different viruses – mainly rhinoviruses but also some coronaviruses, adenoviruses and enteroviruses.

    Typical symptoms include a runny or blocked nose, sore throat, coughing, sneezing, headache, tiredness and sometimes a mild fever.

    Children get about 6–8 colds per year while adults average 2–4, and symptoms usually resolve in a week. Most recover with rest, fluids, and possibly over-the-counter medications.

    Because so many different viruses cause the common cold, and because these constantly mutate, developing a vaccine has been extremely challenging. Researchers continue to explore solutions, but a universal cold vaccine remains elusive.

    How do I protect myself and others?

    The precautions we learned during the COVID pandemic remain valid. These are all airborne viruses which can be spread by coughing, sneezing and touching contaminated surfaces.

    Practise good hygiene, teach children proper cough etiquette, wear a high-quality mask if you’re at high risk, and stay home to rest if unwell.

    You can now buy rapid antigen tests (called panel tests) that test for influenza (A or B), COVID and RSV. So, if you’re unwell with a respiratory infection, consider testing yourself at home.

    While many winter lurgies can be trivial, this is not always the case. We can all do our bit to reduce the impact.

    Adrian Esterman receives funding from the Medical Research Future Fund.

    ref. COVID, flu, RSV: how these common viruses are tracking this winter – and how to protect yourself – https://theconversation.com/covid-flu-rsv-how-these-common-viruses-are-tracking-this-winter-and-how-to-protect-yourself-261383

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  • MIL-Evening Report: South Australia’s algal bloom may shrink over winter – but this model suggests it will spread to new areas in summer

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jochen Kaempf, Associate Professor of Natural Sciences (Oceanography), Flinders University

    South Australia is desperate for help to tackle an unprecedented harmful algal bloom that has decimated marine life up and down the coast. While the extent of the damage is still unknown, my preliminary research suggests there’s no end in sight. It may just get better over winter before it gets worse next summer.

    The Karenia mikimotoi bloom first appeared in March on two surf beaches outside Gulf St Vincent, about an hour south of Adelaide. It has since spread, killing all kinds of marine organisms – from crabs and small fish to sharks and rays. Only the neighbouring Spencer Gulf, far west coast and southeast coasts have been spared. For now.

    In preliminary research now undergoing peer review, I have predicted the bloom’s future spread using a new computer model. In the worst-case scenario, the harmful algal bloom would reach the Spencer Gulf and spread – from Port Lincoln to Whyalla and across to Port Pirie – next summer and autumn. That would be extremely bad news for the thriving seafood, aquaculture and tourism industries. They may need help to prepare.

    Some help is on the way. Federal Environment Minister Murray Watt yesterday announced A$14 million in federal funding. SA Premier Peter Malinauskas convened an Emergency Management Cabinet Committee meeting today and signed off on a $28 million support package.

    The worst-case scenario forecasts high concentrations of K. mikimotoi in both South Australian gulfs next April.
    Jochen Kaempf

    A rolling disaster

    The algal bloom was first noticed when dozens of surfers and beachgoers on the southern coast of the Fleurieu Peninsula fell ill after exposure to seawater in March.

    Soon, dangerous sea foam appeared. Then the killing began in earnest. Many marine species started washing up dead or dying.

    The bloom began to spread. In mid-April, K. mikimotoi was detected in water samples from Edithburgh and Coobowie on the southeastern corner of Yorke Peninsula.

    In early May, the Kangaroo Island Council announced the bloom had spread across the Investigator Strait affecting the island’s northern coastline.

    Wild weather in June pushed the bloom through the Murray Mouth into the Coorong.

    By July, the state government had detected K. mikimotoi along Adelaide’s metropolitan coastline. Videos of fish kills near the Ardrossan Jetty in the northern Gulf St Vincent also emerged.

    So far, the bloom has not been detected in Spencer Gulf. But my modelling suggests it’s only a matter of time.

    Predicting the future

    I was the first to discover the seasonal upwelling of nutrients in several regions along SA’s southern coastal shelf. This nutrient source fuels the marine food chain. It’s a big part of the reason why the marine life in our Great Southern Australian Coastal Upwelling System is so diverse.

    I also simulated the ocean currents in South Australian gulfs using computer models as early as 2009.

    I have now developed a computer model to predict where the algae will spread next.

    Preliminary results from this research have been submitted to the journal Continental Shelf Research and are being reviewed. But given the speed at which this situation is developing, it’s worth sharing a preprint of this manuscript.

    My model matches what’s known about the early spread of the bloom. It began in the coastal waters of the southern Fleurieu Peninsula. It then invaded Investigator Strait, between the Yorke Peninsula and Kangaroo Island, before slowly spreading in a clockwise circulation across the wider Gulf St Vincent.

    When the model is used to forecast how the algae bloom will evolve, the story becomes deeply concerning.

    It predicts the algal bloom will weaken over this winter, as the growth rate will slow in cooler water. In my model, the algae had already invaded the lower Spencer Gulf in May 2025 but at very low concentrations.

    Then, in the worst-case scenario of high growth rates and nothing stopping it, the model predicts the bloom will affect both gulfs – Gulf St Vincent and Spencer Gulf – and Investigator Strait, with severe conditions predicted for the coming summer.

    A bloom in the Spencer Gulf could decimate stocks of Australian sardine in the lower gulf, and potentially also western king prawns and the giant Australian cuttlefish in the upper Spencer Gulf. Some research suggests algal growth may be limited in the hypersaline upper reaches of the gulfs, but the spread of the algae as far as Ardrossan indicates otherwise.

    Under the best-case scenario, the algae’s natural predator, zooplankton, would eat more of the algae, suppressing future flare-ups. So there is some hope, but more research is needed to better understand how zooplankton could control these algae.

    SA also needs to make continuous efforts to monitor K. mikimotoi concentrations. This includes analysis of water samples in both gulfs. It’s important to note satellite images only show the peak phase of the toxic algal bloom, and can be misleading as they also display other species including blooms of “good” algae.

    Fortunately, the $28 million support package includes $8.5 million for early detection and monitoring of harmful algal bloom species. This will involve real-time sensors (buoys), satellite imagery and oceanographic modelling. A new $2 million national testing laboratory will check for toxins, while $3 million will be spent on a rapid assessment of fish stocks and fisheries.

    But if the algae stick around, there may be little anyone can do to protect our marine environment.

    Jochen Kaempf does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. South Australia’s algal bloom may shrink over winter – but this model suggests it will spread to new areas in summer – https://theconversation.com/south-australias-algal-bloom-may-shrink-over-winter-but-this-model-suggests-it-will-spread-to-new-areas-in-summer-261549

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Here’s why 3-person embryos are a breakthrough for science – but not LGBTQ+ families

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Power, Principal Research Fellow, Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society, La Trobe University

    Last week, scientists announced the birth of eight healthy babies in the United Kingdom conceived with DNA from three people. Some headlines have called it “three-person IVF”.

    The embryo uses the DNA from the egg and sperm of the intended father and mother, as well as cells from the egg of a second woman (the donor).

    This process – known as mitochondrial replacement therapy – allows women with certain genetic disorders to conceive a child without passing on their condition.

    While it’s raised broader questions about “three-parent” babies, it’s not so simple. Here’s why it’s unlikely this development will transform the diverse ways LGBTQ+ people are already making families.

    What this technology is – and isn’t

    The UK became the first country in the world to allow mitochondrial donation for three-person embryos ten years ago, in 2015.

    In other countries, such donations are banned or strictly controlled. In Australia, a staged approach to allow mitochondrial donation was introduced in 2022. Stage one will involve clinical trials to determine safety and effectiveness, and establish clear ethical guidelines for donations.

    These restrictions are based on political and ethical concerns about the use of human embryos for research, the unknown health impact on children, and the broader implications of allowing genetic modification of human embryos.

    There are also concerns about the ethical or legal implications of creating babies with “three parents”.

    Carefully and slowly considering these ethical issues is clearly important. But it’s inaccurate to suggest this process creates three parents.

    First, the amount of DNA the donor provides is tiny, only 0.1% of the baby’s DNA. The baby will not share any physical characteristics with the donor.

    While it is significant that two women’s DNA has been used in creating an embryo, it doesn’t mean lesbian couples will be rushing to access this particular in vitro fertilisation (IVF) technology.

    This technique is only used for people affected by mitochondrial disease and is closely regulated. It is not available more widely and in Australia, is not yet available even for this use.

    Second, while biological lineage is an important part of many people’s identity and sense of self, DNA alone does not make a parent.

    As many adoptive, foster and LGBTQ+ parents will attest, parenting is about love, connection and everyday acts of care for a child.

    How do rainbow families use IVF?

    Existing IVF is already expensive and medically invasive. Many fertility services offer a range of additional treatments purported to aid fertility, but extra interventions add more costs and are not universally recommended by doctors.

    While many lesbian couples and single women use fertility services to access donor sperm, not everyone will need to use IVF.

    Less invasive fertilisation techniques, such as intrauterine insemination, may be available for women without fertility problems. This means inserting sperm directly into the uterus, rather than fertilising an egg in a clinic and then implanting that embryo.

    Same-sex couples who have the option to create a baby with a sperm donor they know – rather than from a register – may also choose home-based insemination, the proverbial turkey baster. This is a cheaper and more intimate way to conceive and many women prefer a donor who will have some involvement in their child’s life.

    In recent years, “reciprocal” IVF has also grown in popularity among lesbian couples. This means an embryo is created using one partner’s egg, and the other partner carries it.

    Reciprocal IVF’s popularity suggests biology does play a role for LGBTQ+ women in conceiving a baby. When both mothers share a biological connection to the child, it may help overcome stigmatisation of “non-birth” mothers as less legitimate.

    But biology is by no means the defining feature of rainbow families.

    LGBTQ+ people are already parents

    The 2021 census showed 17% of same-sex couples had children living with them; among female same-sex couples it was 28%. This is likely an underestimate, as the census only collects data on couples that live together.

    Same-sex couples often conceive children using donor sperm or eggs, and this may involve surrogacy. But across the LGBTQ+ community, there are diverse ways people become parents.

    Same-sex couples are one part of the LGBTQ+ community. Growing numbers of trans and non-binary people are choosing to carry a baby (as gestational parents), as well as single parents who use donors or fertility services. Many others conceive children through sex, including bi+ people or others who conceive within a relationship.

    While LGBTQ+ people can legally adopt children in Australia, adoption is not common. However, many foster parents are LGBTQ+.

    When they donate eggs or sperm to others, some LGBTQ+ people may stay involved in the child’s life as a close family friend or co-parent.

    Connection and care, not DNA

    While mitochondrial replacement therapy is a remarkable advance in gene technology, it is unlikely to open new pathways to parenthood for LGBTQ+ people in Australia.

    Asserting the importance of families based on choice – not biology or what technology is available – has been crucial to the LGBTQ+ community’s story and to rainbow families’ fight to be recognised.

    Decades of research now shows children raised by same-sex couples do just as well as any other child. What matters is parents’ consistency, love and quality of care.

    Jennifer Power receives funding from the Australian Department of Health, Disability and Aged Care and the Australian Research Council.

    ref. Here’s why 3-person embryos are a breakthrough for science – but not LGBTQ+ families – https://theconversation.com/heres-why-3-person-embryos-are-a-breakthrough-for-science-but-not-lgbtq-families-261462

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  • MIL-Evening Report: New study finds the gender earnings gap could be halved if we reined in the long hours often worked by men

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lyndall Strazdins, Professor, Australian National University

    asylun/Shutterstock

    There are lots of reasons why people work extra hours. In some jobs, it’s the only way to cover the workload. In others, the pay is poor, so people need to work extra time. And in others still, working back late or on weekends is encouraged and rewarded, explicitly and implicitly.

    Those employees who do the extra hours, willingly and without complaint, are seen as hungry and ambitious. A view expressed in some workplaces is simply “that’s what everyone does”.

    But what if we discovered that people – at least in heterosexual couple households – can only work long hours at their partner’s expense? Would it still be OK for workplaces to expect people to work longer than our standard full time week, and incentivise them for doing so?

    Our study, published this month in the journal Social Indicators Research, found in Australian couple households where both partners had jobs, men earned on average $536 more than women every week. In Germany, the weekly gender earnings gap was €400.

    About half of that income gap in both Australia and Germany was due to men working long hours and women effectively subsidising them to do this by cutting back their own work hours.

    It’s tough to combine a job with running a household, but one person working extra hours makes this almost impossible. In households, a job with long work hours means someone else must pick up the rest. This includes caring for kids, running the house, walking the dog, cooking dinner and more.

    What happens when one partner has to pick up the rest

    One in three Australian employees care for children, and 13% of part-time and 11% of all full-time employees give care to someone else, often an ageing parent. This has knock-on effects which are impacting many people in our workforce. The extra hours don’t come out of nowhere, but they have been invisible in what we think of as fair.

    In our study, we costed this knock-on in terms of earnings and work hours gaps in households, and what this could mean for equality of income.

    We studied between 3,000 and 6,000 heterosexual couples from 2002 to 2019 in Australia and in Germany, estimating their weekly earnings and work hour gaps.

    To understand the dynamics in the household, we used a two-stage instrumental variable Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition – a method that allowed us to model earnings gaps as a function of both partners’ paid and unpaid hours. This helped us estimate what the gender gap in hours and earnings would look like if time weren’t being “borrowed” or “subsidised” within the home.

    Changing the hours men and women work

    The results were striking. We showed how one partner’s paid work hours can increase when the other partner does more unpaid (household) work. This ability for partners to “trade” hours was one of the most important drivers of the work hour (and earning) gap.

    So we re-ran models and recalculated what hours a woman and a man would work if one partner wasn’t “subsidising” the other’s work hours. The model showed women would work more hours and men would work fewer when there was a more even split of home duties. The weekly work hour gap shrank to 5.1 hours in Australia (a 58% reduction) and 6.9 hours in Germany (a 47% reduction).

    The impact on earnings was just as significant. The gender earnings gap would shrink by 43% in Australia and 25% in Germany.

    The gender earnings and work hours gaps are well known, and these are not the only countries facing this problem. What hasn’t been shown before is how it works in households to drive gender inequality across the nation.

    The rest of the earnings gap is largely due to differences in pay across male and female industries and jobs, and the persistent gender pay gap in hourly pay.

    According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the average gender gap in hourly pay is 11.1%. This gap reflects the fact, hour for hour, women are generally paid less. The average weekly earnings gap is much larger at 26.4%.

    As things currently stand in Australia, women earn only three-quarters of what men do, a shortfall similar to that in (Germany).

    One part of the earnings gap is the gap in the hourly pay rate, but the other is the gap in how many hours are worked. We show how this would shrink if men worked hours that were closer to Australia’s legislated 38-hour week, and workplaces encouraged them to do so.

    Closing the gap

    If we stopped the time-shifting to partners that our culture of long working hours relies upon, we estimate that in a heterosexual couple, men’s hours would average closer to 41 a week, and women’s would increase to 36.

    We could change the long and short hour compromise that so many households have to face. This change could make a huge difference to gender inequality, and women would no longer carry such a large economic cost from their partner’s work.

    Maybe reining in excess hours should be the new focus for gender equality.

    Lyndall Strazdins has received funding from the Australian Research Council to undertake research on this topic.
    She has served as an expert witness on work hours and well-being for the State and Federal Court.

    Liana Leach receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund. She is a member of the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU).

    Tinh Doan receives funding from the Australia ComCare and the Department of Health and Aged Care for other works that are not related to this article.

    ref. New study finds the gender earnings gap could be halved if we reined in the long hours often worked by men – https://theconversation.com/new-study-finds-the-gender-earnings-gap-could-be-halved-if-we-reined-in-the-long-hours-often-worked-by-men-260815

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  • MIL-Evening Report: As female independent MPs descend on parliament, they’re fulfilling the dreams of women across history

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Chappell, Post Doctoral Research, University of New England

    Australia’s 48th parliament has a record 112 women members. Ten of those women are independents.

    As they take their seats in the chamber, they’ll be realising the aspirations of some of Australia’s first suffragists who, more than a century ago, staunchly supported independent representation, but failed to gain traction at the ballot box.

    Our earliest female political aspirants, Catherine Spence in Adelaide, Rose Scott in Sydney and Vida Goldstein in Melbourne, eschewed party politics, believing significant social issues should transcend political boundaries.

    Recent close contests in the electorates of Bradfield and the eponymous Goldstein echoed the challenges of female independent candidates across time.

    Australia’ first female candidate

    Spence had been declined preselection for the nascent Labor Party in 1896. This was when women in South Australia, including Aboriginal women, became the first in Australia to have the right not only to vote, but also to stand for parliament.

    Spence believed issues of social justice and electoral reform should override party allegiance.

    Catherine Spence turned down preselection from the Labor party to run as an independent.
    State Library of South Australia

    The following year, Spence nominated for the federal convention to draft a Constitution for the new Australian parliament. Her strongest commitment was to proportional voting based on the Hare system of the single transferable vote, which was ultimately introduced to the Australian Senate in 1948. Spence believed this was the fairest electoral system to give voice to minority concerns.

    She was the only woman to nominate. Although not elected, she won her place in history as Australia’s first female political candidate.

    Acknowledging her defeat, Spence reflected:

    I stood or fell on a question which both parties thought it expedient to ignore […] I look on my position in the poll as very satisfactory.

    Similarly, Goldstein, the first woman to stand for Australia’s federal parliament in 1903, viewed her loss as “virtually a victory”. She explained to her supporters:

    I stood as a protest against press domination and the creation of the vicious system of machine politics. I had the prejudice of ages to fight, and yet I secured more than half of the votes of the candidate heading the polls.

    ‘Women do not vote as women’

    Scott was a political powerbroker of her day.

    Although she did not stand for office, she brought together politicians across the divide with people of influence from the judiciary, publishing and the arts at her Friday evening salons.

    Despite her privileged background and private income, Scott’s political leanings were towards socialism.

    For more than 20 years she corresponded regularly with both Spence and Goldstein. Their extant letters reveal shared concerns for equal pay and education for women and child welfare.

    Significant NSW legislation was reputedly drafted on Scott’s rosewood dining table. She remained staunchly opposed to party politics, scrawling her endorsement across a copy of The Inebriates Act 1900 “non-party and non-sectarian”.

    Scott joined Goldstein on the hustings and furnished letters of support in Goldstein’s campaign pamphlets.

    Spence, however, recalling the bitter lesson of her own candidature, wrote:

    I am not at all sure that Vida Goldstein is wise in standing for the Senate. Women do not vote as women for women.

    Successive, but unsuccessful attempts

    Like Spence, Goldstein was hampered by misinformation, with questions asked about her eligibility to stand for parliament. Both lacked the financial support available to their opponents backed by party organisations.

    Goldstein was attacked in the conservative press for her views on home and marriage. Comments on her dress and appearance trivialised reporting of her political message. Labor newspapers proclaimed that support for Goldstein would split the vote and result in a defeat of Labor’s candidates.

    Vida Goldstein tried to enter politics numerous times, but faced many obstacles.
    Museums Vcitoria

    Spence escaped similar attention because she was short, stout and in her seventies when she campaigned.

    Goldstein nominated for the Senate again in 1910, campaigning for equal pay and federal reform of marriage and divorce laws.

    Although she polled higher than in 1903, her campaign was hampered by lack of funds and negative press coverage.

    Party politics had become more polarised. Many women were now actively joining the Labor Party or supporting the conservative Australian Women’s National League.

    Between 1910 and her final tilt for the Senate in 1917, Goldstein stood twice for the seat of Kooyong, currently held for a second term by independent MP Monique Ryan.

    Goldstein stood as a progressive independent for Kooyong in 1912. Labor did not field a candidate. She polled around half the votes of her male opponent. She stood again in 1915, remaining frank and uncompromising on her independent status:

    as a non-party candidate I had difficulties to face that confronted no other candidate. The non-party candidate does not get the support of the party press. And the other special prejudice I have to fight is that of sex.

    While their work towards women’s suffrage is acknowledged, the broader social and political contributions of our early feminists are often overlooked. When the right to vote still seemed unobtainable, they were lobbying for fairer divorce, child welfare, prevention of domestic violence and equal pay. Political representation seemed a step too far.

    “None of these women could have imagined a Julia Gillard. It would have made their heads spin to think that a woman could be prime minister,” says historian Clare Wright.

    An Australian parliament with majority of cabinet positions held by women, with women leading both the opposition in the House of Representatives and the government in the Senate, would leave them stunned, but triumphant.

    Elizabeth Chappell previously received funding from the Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) scholarship 2021-2024

    ref. As female independent MPs descend on parliament, they’re fulfilling the dreams of women across history – https://theconversation.com/as-female-independent-mps-descend-on-parliament-theyre-fulfilling-the-dreams-of-women-across-history-252634

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Suffering in Gaza reaches ‘new depths’ – Australia condemns ‘inhumane killing’ of Palestinians

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amra Lee, PhD candidate in Protection of Civilians, Australian National University

    Australia has joined 28 international partners in calling for an immediate end to the war in Gaza and a lifting of all restrictions on food and medical supplies.

    Foreign Minister Penny Wong, along with counterparts from countries including the United Kingdom, France and Canada, has signed a joint statement demanding Israel complies with its obligations under international humanitarian law.

    The statement condemns Israel for what it calls “the drip feeding of aid and the inhumane killing of civilians” seeking “their most basic need” of water and food, saying:

    The suffering of civilians in Gaza has reached new depths. The Israeli government’s aid delivery model is dangerous, fuels instability and deprives Gazans of human dignity […] It is horrifying that over 800 Palestinians have been killed while seeking aid.

    Weapon of war

    Gazans, including malnourished mothers denied baby formula, face impossible choices as Israel intensifies its use of starvation as a weapon of war.

    In Gaza, survival requires negotiating what the United Nations calls aid “death traps”.

    According to the UN, 875 Gazans have been killed – many of them shot – while seeking food since the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation began operating in late May. Another 4,000 have been injured.

    More than 170 humanitarian groups have called for the food hubs to be shut down.

    Gaza has been described as the “hungriest place on Earth”, with aid trucks being held at the border and the United States destroying around 500 tonnes of emergency food because it was just out of date.

    More than two million people are at critical risk of famine. The World Food Programme estimates 90,000 women and children require urgent treatment for malnutrition.

    Nineteen Palestinians have starved to death in recent days, according to local health authorities.

    We can’t say we didn’t know

    After the breakdown of the January ceasefire, Israel implemented a humanitarian blockade on the Gaza Strip. Following mounting international pressure, limited aid was permitted and the controversial Gaza Humanitarian Foundation began operations.

    As anticipated, only a fraction of the aid has been distributed.

    About 1,600 trucks entered Gaza between May 19 and July 14, well below the 630 trucks needed every day to feed the population.

    Israeli ministers have publicly called for food and fuel reserves to be bombed to starve the Palestinian people – a clear war crime – to pressure Hamas to release Israeli hostages.

    Famine expert Alex De Waal says Israel’s starvation strategy constitutes a dangerous weakening of international law. It also disrupts norms aimed at preventing hunger being used as a weapon of war:

    operations like the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation are a big crack in these principles [that is] not going to save Gaza from mass starvation.

    Palestinian organisations were the first to raise the alarm over Israel’s plans to impose controls over aid distribution.

    UN Relief Chief Tom Fletcher briefed the UN Security Council in May, warning of the world’s collective failure to call out the scale of violations of international law as they were being committed:

    Israel is deliberately and unashamedly imposing inhumane conditions on civilians in the occupied Palestinian territory.

    Tom Fletcher briefing the United Nations on the ‘atrocity’ being committed in Gaza.

    Since then, clear and unequivocal warnings of the compounding risks of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing have intensified from the UN, member states and international law experts.

    Weaponising aid

    The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation claims it has handed out millions of meals since it began operating in the strip in May. But the UN has called the distribution model “inherently unsafe”.

    Near-daily shootings have occurred since the militarised aid hubs began operating. Malnourished Palestinians risking death to feed their families are trekking long distances to reach the small number of distribution sites.

    While the foundation denies people are being shot, the UN has called the aid delivery mechanism a “deliberate attempt to weaponise aid” that fails to comply with humanitarian principles and risks further war crimes.

    Jewish Physicians for Human Rights has rejected the aid’s “humanitarian” characterisation, stating it “is what systematic harm to human beings looks like”.

    Human rights and legal organisations are calling for all involved to be held accountable for complicity in war crimes that “exposes all those who enable or profit from it to real risk of prosecution”.

    Mounting world action

    Today’s joint statement follows growing anger and frustration in Western countries over the lack of political pressure on Israel to end the suffering in Gaza.

    Polling in May showed more than 80% of Australians opposed Israel’s denial of aid as unjustifiable and wanted to see Australia doing more to support civilians in Gaza.

    Last week’s meeting of the Hague Group of nations shows more collective concrete action is being taken to exert pressure and uphold international law.

    Th 12 member states agreed to a range of diplomatic, legal and economic measures, including a ban on ships transporting arms to Israel.

    The time for humanity is now

    States will continue to face increased international and domestic pressure to take stronger action to influence Israel’s conduct as more Gazans are killed, injured and stripped of their dignity in an engineered famine.

    This moment in Gaza is unprecedented in terms of our knowledge of the scale and gravity of violations being perpetrated and what failing to act means for Palestinians and our shared humanity.

    Now is the time to exert diplomatic, legal and economic pressure on Israel to change course.

    History tells us we need to act now – international law and our collective moral conscience requires it.

    Amra Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Suffering in Gaza reaches ‘new depths’ – Australia condemns ‘inhumane killing’ of Palestinians – https://theconversation.com/suffering-in-gaza-reaches-new-depths-australia-condemns-inhumane-killing-of-palestinians-261547

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Are screenwriters paid for a product or a service? The definition matters for their workplace rights

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kim Goodwin, Lecturer in Arts Management and Human Resources, The University of Melbourne

    Vitaly Gariev/Unsplash

    The film and television sector in Australia employs over 26,000 workers and generated more than A$4.5 billion in income in 2021–22. TV dramas generate a large part of this revenue.

    Australian screen workers, including screenwriters, have traditionally been classified by productions as freelancers or contractors. In many cases, this means they have not been paid entitlements most other workers in Australia have access to.

    A December ruling by the Australian Taxation Office defined many Australian screenwriters as employees, and therefore they should be paid superannuation. Now, the Australian Writers Guild and Screen Producers Australia are each “seeking legal advice” on what this ruling could mean for scriptwriters and Australia’s screen sector.

    Mandated superannuation

    The superannuation guarantee mandates employers make superannuation contributions for eligible employees in line with the minimum contribution rate (now 12%).

    Historically, scriptwriters, like other arts workers, have been mainly engaged as freelancers, not employees. This means they are not always paid superannuation and other legal entitlements that come from being an employee.

    But a December 2024 tax office ruling specifically defined many screen workers as employees.

    This ruling advises that someone who sells an existing script (such as someone who wrote a film at their own initiative, and then sold the script to a producer) is not an employee, but “selling property”. These writers are not eligible for super payments.

    But the ruling found people who are regularly working scriptwriters (such as those working in a writers’ room for a TV series) may be legally considered employees, and are eligible for payments and protections offered to employees.

    Screen Producers Australia sees things differently. Information provided to their members argues scriptwriters are paid for the intellectual property rights associated with their product – meaning they are selling property.

    Opposing this, the Australian Writers Guild argue scriptwriters on long-running TV programs or in writers’ rooms are performing services and are employees of the production companies.

    If the screen production companies do not fall in line with the tax office ruling, the Australian Writers Guild have not ruled out undertaking legal action through a class action suit, or a strike.

    As the guild is not a union, they cannot undertake protected industrial action. But the guild could encourage a “wildcat strike”: a spontaneous work stoppage without union leadership. They recognise, however, this would have the impact on member livelihoods.

    What does this mean for scriptwriters?

    The ruling from the tax office outlines how it would apply the legislation, but it has not yet been tested legally. If the ruling is tested legally – by, say, legal action from scriptwriters seeking superannuation payments – and scriptwriters are found to be employees, it could greatly affect their work and pay.

    Not only could this lead to mandated superannuation contributions, but access to other entitlements such as parental leave, holiday pay and redundancy provisions.

    Australian artists earn on average 26% below the workforce norm, with incomes decreasing in real terms.

    Working conditions for Australians in the screen industries are difficult. Those working in the sector suffer from high levels of burnout and face systemic barriers when not white, male and able-bodied.

    Scriptwriters in Australia often struggle to achieve sustainable careers.
    Aman Upadhyay/Unsplash

    Scriptwriters in Australia often struggle to achieve sustainable careers. Scriptwriting fees often don’t fully cover the research and writing involved in script development, and the rise of streaming services has seen residuals – money made from licence fees of past work – all but disappear.

    Secure work in writers’ rooms for television series is also diminishing as these shrink in both team size and duration, limiting opportunities for emerging writers.

    Freelance scriptwriters may lack basic worker rights like minimum wage, job security, union bargaining and workers’ compensation insurance.

    For those lucky enough to secure work, superannuation and other entitlements can be negotiated into individual contracts. Until now, this has relied on individuals having the power and ability to engage in contract negotiation.

    Creative Workplaces – the division of Creative Australia formed in 2023 to address issues of pay, safety and welfare across the arts – recently launched a website. It offers industrial resources for arts organisations and workers to understand their rights and obligations.

    This is an important tool for all in the creative industries to ensure they receive the minimums under the law. But it is not a regulatory body. The onus is on organisations and workers to put into practice the relevant contracts and employment relationships.

    As the writers guild argues, it should not be up to individual workers to negotiate for basic worker entitlements. The recent tax office ruling, they say, means entitlements should include superannuation for many scriptwriters.

    A sustainable screen career

    As with other workplace issues impacting artists in recent years, scriptwriters deserve basic legal protections. They also deserve the safety and security that comes from being recognised as employees.

    TV drama provides a valuable training ground for Australian creatives. Fostering talent includes the creation of liveable working conditions.

    Initiatives such as Creative Workplaces can provide information, but leaders within creative organisations, production companies and other decision makers must act.

    Producers may choose now to pay super, in line with the tax office ruling, or they may wait for legal precedent to be set. And while they must adhere to legal minimums, production companies must also consider whether those working with them can earn a sustainable living on these minimums, or if they should offer better employment terms.

    If we want a future for screen stories in Australia, support for those working in the sector to build an enduring career is essential.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Are screenwriters paid for a product or a service? The definition matters for their workplace rights – https://theconversation.com/are-screenwriters-paid-for-a-product-or-a-service-the-definition-matters-for-their-workplace-rights-261463

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Everyone’s talking about the Perseid meteor shower – but don’t bother trying to see it in Australia or NZ

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonti Horner, Professor (Astrophysics), University of Southern Queensland

    View of the 2023 Perseid meteor shower from the southernmost part of Sequoia National Forest, US. NASA/Preston Dyches

    In recent days, you may have seen articles claiming the “best meteor shower of the year” is about to start. Unfortunately, the hype is overblown – particularly for observers in Australia and New Zealand.

    The shower in question is the Perseids, one of the “big three” – the strongest annual meteor showers. Peaking in the middle of the northern summer, the Perseids are an annual highlight for observers in the northern hemisphere.

    As a result, every year social media around the world runs rife with stories about how we can enjoy the show. For an astronomer in Australia, this is endlessly frustrating – the Perseids are impossible to see for the great majority of Australians and Kiwis.

    Fortunately, there are a few other meteor showers to fill the void, including a pair that will reach their peak in the next seven days.

    What are the Perseids?

    Every year, Earth runs into a stream of debris laid down over thousands of years by comet 109P/Swift–Tuttle. The comet swings around the Sun every 133 years or so, shedding dust and debris each time. Over the millenia, that material has spread to create a vast stream.

    Animation of comet Swift–Tuttle’s orbit from 1850 to 2150. The blue orbit is Earth, magenta is the comet, with Jupiter, Saturn and Uranus’s orbits in green, red and yellow respectively.
    Phoenix7777/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Earth starts to run into debris from Swift–Tuttle in mid-July, and takes six weeks to pass through the stream. When the dust and debris hit Earth’s atmosphere, the resulting meteors create bright streaks in the sky – a meteor shower.

    For most of that time, the dust we encounter is very widely spread, and so few meteors are seen. Around August 12, Earth reaches the densest part of the Perseid stream and the shower reaches its peak.

    The Perseids aren’t even the ‘best’ meteor shower

    Comet Swift–Tuttle last passed through the inner Solar System in 1992. With the comet nearby, Earth encountered more dust and debris, making the Perseids the best meteor shower of the year.

    In the decades since, the comet has receded to the icy depths of the Solar System, and the peak rates for the Perseids have fallen off.

    The “best” (most abundant) meteor shower of the year is now the Geminids. However, for people in the northern hemisphere, the Perseids are still well worth looking out for.

    The curse of the spherical Earth

    All meteor showers have a “radiant“– the point at which meteors seem to originate in the sky. This is because, for a given shower, all the debris hitting Earth comes from the same direction in space.

    The debris from comet Swift–Tuttle crashes towards Earth from above the north pole, and at an angle. As a result, for people at a latitude of 58 degrees north, the Perseid radiant would be directly overhead in the early hours of the morning.

    If a meteor shower’s radiant is below the horizon, you won’t see any meteors – Earth is in the way, and all the dust and debris is hitting the other side of the planet. It’s exactly the same reason you can’t see the Sun at nighttime.

    Given the location of the Perseid radiant, it will never rise for observers south of 32 degrees. This means anyone below that line will never see any Perseids.

    In theory, anyone north of 32 degrees south latitude can see the Perseids – but there are other complications.

    The higher a shower’s radiant is in the sky, the more meteors you will see. This is why the Perseids can’t put on a great show for people in Australia. Even in the far north of Australia, the Perseid radiant remains low in the sky at its highest. For most Australians, the Perseids will be a spectacular disappointment.

    Look for these meteor showers instead

    If you’re keen to see a meteor shower from Australia or New Zealand, it’s best to cross the Perseids off your list. Fortunately, there are other options.

    Every May, Earth passes through debris left behind by comet 1P/Halley, creating the Eta Aquariid meteor shower – only visible in the hours before dawn. For Australian observers, that’s the second best shower of the year.

    At the end of July each year, two minor meteor showers reach their peaks: the Southern Delta Aquariids and Alpha Capricornids. This year, they peak on 29 and 30 July, with the best views coming in the hours around midnight. It’s a perfect time to head out to a dark sky site and relax under the stars – the centre of the Milky Way is high overhead in the evening sky, and these two showers provide some added fireworks to make the sky extra special.

    Then, in December, comes the true “best shower of the year” – the Geminids. Reaching a peak on 14 and 15 December, the Geminids always put on a spectacular show. Unlike the Perseids, it can be seen from all across our island continent and in Aotearoa.

    If you really want to see a great meteor shower, skip the Perseids and plan to head somewhere dark this summer, to spend a couple of nights relaxing under the stars.

    Jonti Horner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Everyone’s talking about the Perseid meteor shower – but don’t bother trying to see it in Australia or NZ – https://theconversation.com/everyones-talking-about-the-perseid-meteor-shower-but-dont-bother-trying-to-see-it-in-australia-or-nz-261365

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: How EVs and electric water heaters are turning cities into giant batteries

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bin Lu, Senior Research Fellow in Renewable Energy, Australian National University

    Leonid Andronov/Shutterstock

    As the electrification of transport and heating accelerates, many worry the increased demand could overload national power grids. In Australia, electricity consumption is expected to double by 2050.

    If everyone charges their car and heats water using electric systems at the same time, peak demand could rise sharply, forcing costly grid upgrades. But this would only happen if there’s no planning done.

    The shift to electric vehicles (EVs) and electric water heating has a huge silver lining. As more Australians make the switch, they’re quietly expanding a vast network of distributed energy storage. In a fully electrified future, each person could have on average about 46 kilowatt hours worth of energy storage – both in EV batteries and hot water systems.

    Scaled up, that’s a huge resource. If all cars and water heaters run on electricity, their combined flexible energy storage could reach over 1,000 gigawatt-hours (GWh) across Australia. That’s far beyond the 350 GWh capacity of the Snowy 2.0 hydroelectric project and all existing grid-scale batteries put together.

    Authorities can use these devices to help operate the grid more efficiently and slash infrastructure costs. In fact, our new research shows that with the right coordination, cities can transform from energy consumers into flexible energy hubs able to store energy and release it as necessary. This would make it possible to avoid billions of dollars worth of grid upgrades.

    Storage built in

    Electrification replaces fossil fuel-burning technology with electric-only systems, powered by a grid getting steadily cleaner.

    For households, electrification means switching a combustion engine car for an EV and replacing gas hot water with electric systems such as heat pumps. Both slash carbon emissions when run on grids with high levels of renewables.

    EVs and electric hot water systems offer more than just mobility or heating. They also have built-in energy storage. EV batteries store huge amounts of electricity – usually several times the size of a house battery. Hot water systems store energy too, in the form of heat.

    Both of these resources are very useful to power grid authorities, because they can help optimise how the grid operates.

    Power grids are a constant balancing act, where supply and demand have to be carefully matched up. At times of intense demand, such as during a heatwave, demand can outstrip normal supply and send prices skyrocketing.

    When EVs are charged and water heated during off-peak periods, the strain on the grid can be significantly lessened.

    Workplace EV chargers are convenient for drivers – and very useful for the grid.
    jixiang liu/Shutterstock

    Canberra is pointing the way

    Since 2020, Canberra has been 100% powered by renewable electricity. The ACT Government is aiming for net zero by 2045.

    In our modelling, we found this goal could get a lot closer if EVs and hot water systems are used cleverly. We found changing the time cars are charged and water heated would shift around 5 kWh of electricity per person per day. That’s about a third of each Canberra resident’s average daily electricity use.

    Unmanaged charging and water heating would cause peak load to jump 34%. But if charging and heating was shifted to off-peak hours overnight, it could restrict the rise in peak load to just 16%.

    Reducing the rise in peak load would make it possible to avoid billions of dollars in grid upgrades such as expanding substations and building more transmission lines.

    Where flexibility matters most

    We found Canberra’s new energy storage resources are concentrated in storage hotspots – densely populated areas with many electric hot water systems and where many EVs are parked during the day.

    Importantly, these hotspots don’t stay put. During working hours, vehicle batteries tend to concentrate in high-density office areas where EVs are parked. Storage capacity rose up to 31% in some Canberra working districts during the working week.

    It would make sense to make the most of these hotspots by installing smart chargers, which optimise the timing of EV charging and creating virtual power plants, which can coordinate the time when household devices and EVs draw power.

    Both of these approaches offer a cost-effective way to aggregate small scale household devices into a large coordinated storage resource.

    Aligning demand with solar peaks means using renewable energy which might otherwise go to waste during peak times.

    This map shows Canberra’s storage hotspots averaged out. EV batteries are in blue and electric hot water storage in orange.
    Bin Lu, CC BY-NC-ND

    Policy needs to catch up

    Capturing the huge benefits from these new storage resources won’t happen automatically. It requires smart systems and supportive policies.

    Technologies such as smart chargers and virtual power plants already exist. South Australia’s Virtual Power Plant shows what’s possible in practice.

    But to date, most Australian households don’t have these kinds of smart systems. In many areas, electricity pricing is relatively inflexible and there’s limited coordination between flexible energy use and the needs of the grid.

    To unlock the full potential of this huge new energy storage resource, governments and energy companies should:

    • encourage uptake of smart chargers and smart water heaters in buildings

    • expand dynamic pricing schemes which better reflect real-time supply and demand to help shift electricity use to off-peak periods

    • focus on rolling out workplace EV chargers in high-density areas to boost charging during solar peak periods

    • develop smart energy systems able to aggregate devices in individual households into a large grid-supporting fleet.

    More demand – but more storage

    As Australia increasingly goes electric, cities are becoming more than just energy consumers.

    Rather, they’re becoming flexible energy hubs able to help balance supply and demand.

    Used wisely, humble electric water heaters and EVs can do more than meet household needs — they can help power Australia’s clean energy future.

    Bin Lu received research funding from the Icon Water & ActewAGL Endowment Fund.

    Marnie Shaw has received funding from federal and state governments.

    ref. How EVs and electric water heaters are turning cities into giant batteries – https://theconversation.com/how-evs-and-electric-water-heaters-are-turning-cities-into-giant-batteries-261369

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Pumped up with poison: new research shows many anabolic steroids contain toxic metals

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Piatkowski, Lecturer in Psychology, Griffith University

    MilosStankovic/Getty Images

    Eighteen-year-old Mark scrolls Instagram late at night, watching videos of fitness influencers showing off muscle gains and lifting the equivalent of a baby elephant off the gym floor.

    Spurred on by hashtags and usernames indicating these feats involve steroids, soon Mark is online, ordering his first “steroid cycle”. No script, no warnings, just vials in the mail and the promise of “gains”.

    A few weeks later, he’s posting progress shots and getting tagged as #MegaMark. He’s pleased. But what if I told you Mark was unknowingly injecting toxic chemicals?

    In our new research we tested products sold in Australia’s underground steroid market and found many were mislabelled or missing the expected steroid entirely.

    Even more concerning, several contained heavy metals such as lead, arsenic and cadmium. These substances are known to cause cancer, heart disease and organ failure.

    What are anabolic steroids, and who is using them?

    Anabolic steroids are synthetic drugs designed to mimic the effects of testosterone. Medical professionals sometimes prescribe them for specific health conditions (for example, hypogonadism, where the body isn’t making enough sex hormones). But they are more commonly taken by people looking to increase muscle size, improve athletic performance, or elevate feelings of wellbeing.

    In Australia, it’s illegal to possess steroids without a prescription. This offence can attract large fines and prison terms (up to 25 years in Queensland).

    Despite this, they’re widely available online and from your local “gym bro”. So it’s not surprising we’re seeing escalating use, particularly among young men and women.

    People usually take steroids as pills and capsules or injectable oil- or water-based products. But while many people assume these products are safe if used correctly, they’re made outside regulated settings, with no official quality checks.




    Read more:
    Get big or die trying: social media is driving men’s use of steroids. Here’s how to mitigate the risks


    Our research

    For this new study, we analysed 28 steroid products acquired from people all over Australia which they’d purchased either online or from peers in the gym. These included 16 injectable oils, ten varieties of oral tablets, and two “raw” powders.

    An independent forensic lab tested the samples for active ingredients, contaminants and heavy metals. We then compared the results against what people thought they were taking.

    More than half of the samples were mislabelled or contained the wrong drug. For example, one product labelled as testosterone enanthate (200mg/mL) contained 159mg/mL of trenbolone (a potent type of steroid) and no detectable testosterone. Oxandrolone (also known as “Anavar”, another type of steroid) tablets were sold claiming a strength of 10mg but actually contained 6.8mg, showing a disparity in purity.

    Just four products matched their expected compound and purity within a 5% margin.

    But the biggest concern was that all steroids we analysed were contaminated with some level of heavy metals, including lead, arsenic and cadmium.

    While all of the concentrations we detected were within daily exposure limits regarded as safe by health authorities, more frequent and heavier use of these drugs would quickly see people who use steroids exceed safe thresholds. And we know this happens.

    If consumed above safe limits, research suggests lead can damage the brain and heart. Arsenic is a proven carcinogen, having been linked to the development of skin, liver and lung cancers.

    People who use steroids often dose for weeks or months, and sometimes stack multiple drugs, so these metals would build up. This means long‑term steroid use could be quietly fuelling cognitive decline, organ failure, and even cancer.

    What needs to happen next?

    Heavy metals such as lead, arsenic and cadmium often contaminate anabolic steroid products because raw powders sourced from some manufacturers, particularly those in China, may be produced with poor quality control and impure starting materials. These metals can enter the supply chain during synthesis, handling, or from contaminated equipment and solvents, leading to their presence in the final products.

    Steroid use isn’t going away, so we need to address the potential health harms from these contaminants.

    While pill testing is now common at festivals for drugs such as ecstasy, testing anabolic steroids requires more complex chemical analysis that cannot be conducted on-site. Current steroid testing relies on advanced laboratory techniques, which limits availability mostly to specialised research programs such as those in Australia and Switzerland.

    We need to invest properly in a national steroid surveillance and testing network, which will give us data‑driven insights to inform targeted interventions.

    This should involve nationwide steroid testing programs integrated with needle‑and‑syringe programs and community health services which steroid-using communities are aware of and engage with.

    We also need to see peer‑led support through trusted programs to educate people who use steroids around the risks. The programs should be based in real evidence, and developed by people with lived experience of steroid use, in partnership with researchers and clinicians.

    Timothy Piatkowski receives funding from Queensland Mental Health Commission. He is affiliated with Queensland Injectors Voice for Advocacy and Action as the Vice President. He is affiliated with The Loop Australia as the research lead (Queensland).

    ref. Pumped up with poison: new research shows many anabolic steroids contain toxic metals – https://theconversation.com/pumped-up-with-poison-new-research-shows-many-anabolic-steroids-contain-toxic-metals-261470

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Pumped up with poison: new research shows many anabolic steroids contain toxic metals

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Piatkowski, Lecturer in Psychology, Griffith University

    MilosStankovic/Getty Images

    Eighteen-year-old Mark scrolls Instagram late at night, watching videos of fitness influencers showing off muscle gains and lifting the equivalent of a baby elephant off the gym floor.

    Spurred on by hashtags and usernames indicating these feats involve steroids, soon Mark is online, ordering his first “steroid cycle”. No script, no warnings, just vials in the mail and the promise of “gains”.

    A few weeks later, he’s posting progress shots and getting tagged as #MegaMark. He’s pleased. But what if I told you Mark was unknowingly injecting toxic chemicals?

    In our new research we tested products sold in Australia’s underground steroid market and found many were mislabelled or missing the expected steroid entirely.

    Even more concerning, several contained heavy metals such as lead, arsenic and cadmium. These substances are known to cause cancer, heart disease and organ failure.

    What are anabolic steroids, and who is using them?

    Anabolic steroids are synthetic drugs designed to mimic the effects of testosterone. Medical professionals sometimes prescribe them for specific health conditions (for example, hypogonadism, where the body isn’t making enough sex hormones). But they are more commonly taken by people looking to increase muscle size, improve athletic performance, or elevate feelings of wellbeing.

    In Australia, it’s illegal to possess steroids without a prescription. This offence can attract large fines and prison terms (up to 25 years in Queensland).

    Despite this, they’re widely available online and from your local “gym bro”. So it’s not surprising we’re seeing escalating use, particularly among young men and women.

    People usually take steroids as pills and capsules or injectable oil- or water-based products. But while many people assume these products are safe if used correctly, they’re made outside regulated settings, with no official quality checks.




    Read more:
    Get big or die trying: social media is driving men’s use of steroids. Here’s how to mitigate the risks


    Our research

    For this new study, we analysed 28 steroid products acquired from people all over Australia which they’d purchased either online or from peers in the gym. These included 16 injectable oils, ten varieties of oral tablets, and two “raw” powders.

    An independent forensic lab tested the samples for active ingredients, contaminants and heavy metals. We then compared the results against what people thought they were taking.

    More than half of the samples were mislabelled or contained the wrong drug. For example, one product labelled as testosterone enanthate (200mg/mL) contained 159mg/mL of trenbolone (a potent type of steroid) and no detectable testosterone. Oxandrolone (also known as “Anavar”, another type of steroid) tablets were sold claiming a strength of 10mg but actually contained 6.8mg, showing a disparity in purity.

    Just four products matched their expected compound and purity within a 5% margin.

    But the biggest concern was that all steroids we analysed were contaminated with some level of heavy metals, including lead, arsenic and cadmium.

    While all of the concentrations we detected were within daily exposure limits regarded as safe by health authorities, more frequent and heavier use of these drugs would quickly see people who use steroids exceed safe thresholds. And we know this happens.

    If consumed above safe limits, research suggests lead can damage the brain and heart. Arsenic is a proven carcinogen, having been linked to the development of skin, liver and lung cancers.

    People who use steroids often dose for weeks or months, and sometimes stack multiple drugs, so these metals would build up. This means long‑term steroid use could be quietly fuelling cognitive decline, organ failure, and even cancer.

    What needs to happen next?

    Heavy metals such as lead, arsenic and cadmium often contaminate anabolic steroid products because raw powders sourced from some manufacturers, particularly those in China, may be produced with poor quality control and impure starting materials. These metals can enter the supply chain during synthesis, handling, or from contaminated equipment and solvents, leading to their presence in the final products.

    Steroid use isn’t going away, so we need to address the potential health harms from these contaminants.

    While pill testing is now common at festivals for drugs such as ecstasy, testing anabolic steroids requires more complex chemical analysis that cannot be conducted on-site. Current steroid testing relies on advanced laboratory techniques, which limits availability mostly to specialised research programs such as those in Australia and Switzerland.

    We need to invest properly in a national steroid surveillance and testing network, which will give us data‑driven insights to inform targeted interventions.

    This should involve nationwide steroid testing programs integrated with needle‑and‑syringe programs and community health services which steroid-using communities are aware of and engage with.

    We also need to see peer‑led support through trusted programs to educate people who use steroids around the risks. The programs should be based in real evidence, and developed by people with lived experience of steroid use, in partnership with researchers and clinicians.

    Timothy Piatkowski receives funding from Queensland Mental Health Commission. He is affiliated with Queensland Injectors Voice for Advocacy and Action as the Vice President. He is affiliated with The Loop Australia as the research lead (Queensland).

    ref. Pumped up with poison: new research shows many anabolic steroids contain toxic metals – https://theconversation.com/pumped-up-with-poison-new-research-shows-many-anabolic-steroids-contain-toxic-metals-261470

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: A popular sweetener could be damaging your brain’s defences, says recent study

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Havovi Chichger, Professor, Biomedical Science, Anglia Ruskin University

    Found in everything from protein bars to energy drinks, erythritol has long been considered a safe alternative to sugar. But new research suggests this widely used sweetener may be quietly undermining one of the body’s most crucial protective barriers – with potentially serious consequences for heart health and stroke risk.

    A recent study from the University of Colorado suggests erythritol may damage cells in the blood-brain barrier, the brain’s security system that keeps out harmful substances while letting in nutrients. The findings add troubling new detail to previous observational studies that have linked erythritol consumption to increased rates of heart attack and stroke.

    In the new study, researchers exposed blood-brain barrier cells to levels of erythritol typically found after drinking a soft drink sweetened with the compound. They saw a chain reaction of cell damage that could make the brain more vulnerable to blood clots – a leading cause of stroke.


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    Erythritol triggered what scientists call oxidative stress, flooding cells with harmful, highly reactive molecules known as free radicals, while simultaneously reducing the body’s natural antioxidant defences. This double assault damaged the cells’ ability to function properly, and in some cases killed them outright.

    But perhaps more concerning was erythritol’s effect on the blood vessels’ ability to regulate blood flow. Healthy blood vessels act like traffic controllers, widening when organs need more blood – during exercise, for instance – and tightening when less is required. They achieve this delicate balance through two key molecules: nitric oxide, which relaxes blood vessels, and endothelin-1, which constricts them.

    The study found that erythritol disrupted this critical system, reducing nitric oxide production while ramping up endothelin-1. The result would be blood vessels that remain dangerously constricted, potentially starving the brain of oxygen and nutrients. This imbalance is a known warning sign of ischaemic stroke – the type caused by blood clots blocking vessels in the brain.

    Even more alarming, erythritol appeared to sabotage the body’s natural defence against blood clots. Normally, when clots form in blood vessels, cells release a “clot buster” called tissue plasminogen activator that dissolves the blockage before it can cause a stroke. But the sweetener blocked this protective mechanism, potentially leaving clots free to wreak havoc.

    The laboratory findings align with troubling evidence from human studies. Several large-scale observational studies have found that people who regularly consume erythritol face significantly higher risks of cardiovascular disease, including heart attacks and strokes. One major study tracking thousands of participants found that those with the highest blood levels of erythritol were roughly twice as likely to experience a major cardiac event.

    However, the research does have limitations. The experiments were conducted on isolated cells in laboratory dishes rather than complete blood vessels, which means the cells may not behave exactly as they would in the human body. Scientists acknowledge that more sophisticated testing – using advanced “blood vessel on a chip” systems that better mimic real physiology – will be needed to confirm these effects.

    The findings are particularly significant because erythritol occupies a unique position in the sweetener landscape. Unlike artificial sweeteners such as aspartame or sucralose, erythritol is technically a sugar alcohol – a naturally occurring compound that the body produces in small amounts. This classification helped it avoid inclusion in recent World Health Organization guidelines that discouraged the use of artificial sweeteners for weight control.

    Erythritol has also gained popularity among food manufacturers because it behaves more like sugar than other alternatives. While sucralose is 320 times sweeter than sugar, erythritol provides only about 80% of sugar’s sweetness, making it easier to use in recipes without creating an overpowering taste. It’s now found in thousands of products, especially in many “sugar-free” and “keto-friendly” foods.

    Erythritol can be found in many keto-friendly products, such a protein bars.
    Stockah/Shutterstock.com

    Trade-off

    Regulatory agencies, including the European Food Standards Agency and the US Food and Drug Administration, have approved erythritol as safe for consumption. But the new research adds to a growing body of evidence suggesting that even “natural” sugar alternatives may carry unexpected health risks.

    For consumers, the findings raise difficult questions about the trade-offs involved in sugar substitution. Sweeteners like erythritol can be valuable tools for weight management and diabetes prevention, helping people reduce calories and control blood sugar spikes. But if regular consumption potentially weakens the brain’s protective barriers and increases cardiovascular risk, the benefits may come at a significant cost.

    The research underscores a broader challenge in nutritional science: understanding the long-term effects of relatively new food additives that have become ubiquitous in the modern diet. While erythritol may help people avoid the immediate harms of excess sugar consumption, its effect on the blood-brain barrier suggests that frequent use could be quietly compromising brain protection over time.

    As scientists continue to investigate these concerning links, consumers may want to reconsider their relationship with this seemingly innocent sweetener – and perhaps question whether any sugar substitute additive is truly without risk.

    Havovi Chichger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. A popular sweetener could be damaging your brain’s defences, says recent study – https://theconversation.com/a-popular-sweetener-could-be-damaging-your-brains-defences-says-recent-study-261500

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Africa’s minerals are being bartered for security: why it’s a bad idea

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hanri Mostert, SARChI Chair for Mineral Law in Africa, University of Cape Town

    A US-brokered peace deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda binds the two African nations to a worrying arrangement: one where a country signs away its mineral resources to a superpower in return for opaque assurances of security.

    The peace deal, signed in June 2025, aims to end three decades of conflict between the DRC and Rwanda.

    A key part of the agreement binds both nations to developing a regional economic integration framework. This arrangement would expand cooperation between the two states, the US government and American investors on “transparent, formalized end-to-end mineral chains”.

    Despite its immense mineral wealth, the DRC is among the five poorest countries in the world. It has been seeking US investment in its mineral sector.

    The US has in turn touted a potential multi-billion-dollar investment programme to anchor its mineral supply chains in the traumatised and poor territory.

    The peace that the June 2025 deal promises, therefore, hinges on chaining mineral supply to the US in exchange for Washington’s powerful – but vaguely formulated – military oversight.

    The peace agreement further establishes a joint oversight committee – with representatives from the African Union, Qatar and the US – to receive complaints and resolve disputes between the DRC and Rwanda.

    But beyond the joint oversight committee, the peace deal creates no specific security obligations for the US.

    The relationship between the DRC and Rwanda has been marred by war and tension since the bloody First (1996-1997) and Second (1998-2003) Congo wars. At the heart of much of this conflict is the DRC’s mineral wealth. It has fuelled competition, exploitation and armed violence.

    This latest peace deal introduces a resources-for-security arrangement. Such deals aren’t new in Africa. They first emerged in the early 2000s as resources-for-infrastructure transactions. Here, a foreign state would agree to build economic and social infrastructure (roads, ports, airports, hospitals) in an African state. In exchange, it would get a major stake in a government-owned mining company. Or gain preferential access to the host country’s minerals.

    We have studied mineral law and governance in Africa for more than 20 years. The question that emerges now is whether a US-brokered resources-for-security agreement will help the DRC benefit from its resources.

    Based on our research on mining, development and sustainability, we believe this is unlikely.

    This is because resources-for-security is the latest version of a resource-bartering approach that China and Russia pioneered in countries such as Angola, the Central African Republic and the DRC.

    Resource bartering in Africa has eroded the sovereignty and bargaining power of mineral-rich nations such as the DRC and Angola.

    Further, resources-for-security deals are less transparent and more complicated than prior resource bartering agreements.

    DRC’s security gaps

    The DRC is endowed with major deposits of critical minerals like cobalt, copper, lithium, manganese and tantalum. These are the building blocks for 21st century technologies: artificial intelligence, electric vehicles, wind energy and military security hardware. Rwanda has less mineral wealth than its neighbour, but is the world’s third-largest producer of tantalum, used in electronics, aerospace and medical devices.

    For almost 30 years, minerals have fuelled conflict and severe violence, especially in eastern DRC. Tungsten, tantalum and gold (referred to as 3TG) finance and drive conflict as government forces and an estimated 130 armed groups vie for control over lucrative mining sites. Several reports and studies have implicated the DRC’s neighbours – Rwanda and Uganda – in supporting the illegal extraction of 3TG in this region.

    The DRC government has failed to extend security over its vast (2.3 million square kilometres) and diverse territory (109 million people, representing 250 ethnic groups). Limited resources, logistical challenges and corruption have weakened its armed forces.

    This context makes the United States’ military backing enormously attractive. But our research shows there are traps.

    What states risk losing

    Resources-for-infrastructure and resources-for-security deals generally offer African nations short-term stability, financing or global goodwill. However, the costs are often long-term because of an erosion of sovereign control.

    Here’s how this happens:

    Examples of loss or near-loss of sovereignty from these sorts of deals abound in Africa.

    For instance, Angola’s US$2 billion oil-backed loan from China Eximbank in 2004. This was repayable in monthly deliveries of oil, with revenues directed to Chinese-controlled accounts. The loan’s design deprived Angolan authorities of decision-making power over that income stream even before the oil was extracted.

    These deals also fragment accountability. They often span multiple ministries (such as defence, mining and trade), avoiding robust oversight or accountability. Fragmentation makes resource sectors vulnerable to elite capture. Powerful insiders can manipulate agreements for private gain.

    In the DRC, this has created a violent kleptocracy, where resource wealth is systematically diverted away from popular benefit.

    Finally, there is the risk of re-entrenching extractive trauma. Communities displaced for mining and environmental degradation in many countries across Africa illustrate the long-standing harm to livelihoods, health and social cohesion.

    These are not new problems. But where extraction is tied to security or infrastructure, such damage risks becoming permanent features, not temporary costs.

    What needs to change

    Critical minerals are “critical” because they’re hard to mine or substitute. Additionally, their supply chains are strategically vulnerable and politically exposed. Whoever controls these minerals controls the future. Africa must make sure it doesn’t trade that future away.

    In a world being reshaped by global interests in critical minerals, African states must not underestimate the strategic value of their mineral resources. They hold considerable leverage.

    But leverage only works if it is wielded strategically. This means:

    • investing in institutional strength and legal capacity to negotiate better deals

    • demanding local value creation and addition

    • requiring transparency and parliamentary oversight for minerals-related agreements

    • refusing deals that bypass human rights, environmental or sovereignty standards.

    Africa has the resources. It must hold on to the power they wield.

    Hanri Mostert receives funding from the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa. She is a member of the Expropriation Expert Group and a steering committee member of the International Bar Association’s (IBA) Academic Advisory Group (AAG) in the Sector for Energy, Environmental, Resources and Infrastructure Law (SEERIL).

    Tracy-Lynn Field receives funding from the Claude Leon Foundation. She is a non-executive director of the Wildlife and Environment Society of South Africa.

    ref. Africa’s minerals are being bartered for security: why it’s a bad idea – https://theconversation.com/africas-minerals-are-being-bartered-for-security-why-its-a-bad-idea-260594

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: PBS and NPR are generally unbiased, independent of government propaganda and provide key benefits to US democracy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephanie A. (Sam) Martin, Frank and Bethine Church Endowed Chair of Public Affairs, Boise State University

    Congress’ cuts to public broadcasting will diminish the range and volume of the free press and the independent reporting it provides. MicroStockHub-iStock/Getty Images Plus

    Champions of the almost entirely party-line vote in the U.S. Senate to erase US$1.1 billion in already approved funds for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting called their action a refusal to subsidize liberal media.

    “Public broadcasting has long been overtaken by partisan activists,” said U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, insisting there is no need for government to fund what he regards as biased media. “If you want to watch the left-wing propaganda, turn on MSNBC,” Cruz said.

    Accusing the media of liberal bias has been a consistent conservative complaint since the civil rights era, when white Southerners insisted news outlets were slanting their stories against segregation. During his presidential campaign in 1964, U.S. Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona complained that the media was against him, an accusation that has been repeated by every Republican presidential candidate since.

    But those charges of bias rarely survive empirical scrutiny.

    As chair of a public policy institute devoted to strengthening deliberative democracy, I have written two books about the media and the presidency, and another about media ethics. My research traces how news institutions shape civic life and why healthy democracies rely on journalism that is independent of both market pressure and partisan talking points.

    That independence in the United States – enshrined in the press freedom clause of the First Amendment – gives journalists the ability to hold government accountable, expose abuses of power and thereby support democracy.

    GOP Sen. Ted Cruz speaks to reporters as Senate Republicans vote on President Donald Trump’s request to cancel about $9 billion in foreign aid and public broadcasting spending on July 16, 2025.
    AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

    Trusting independence

    Ad Fontes Media, a self-described “public benefit company” whose mission is to rate media for credibility and bias, have placed the reporting of “PBS NewsHour” under 10 points left of the ideological center. They label it as both “reliable” and based in “analysis/fact.” “Fox and Friends,” by contrast, the popular morning show on Fox News, is nearly 20 points to the right. The scale starts at zero and runs 42 points to the left to measure progressive bias and 42 points to the right to measure conservative bias. Ratings are provided by three-person panels comprising left-, right- and center-leaning reviewers.

    A 2020 peer-reviewed study in Science Advances that tracked more than 6,000 political reporters likewise found “no evidence of liberal media bias” in the stories they chose to cover, even though most journalists are more left-leaning than the rest of the population.

    A similar 2016 study published in Public Opinion Quarterly said that media are more similar than dissimilar and, excepting political scandals, “major
    news organizations present topics in a largely nonpartisan manner,
    casting neither Democrats nor Republicans in a particularly favorable
    or unfavorable light
    .”

    Surveys show public media’s audiences do not see it as biased. A national poll of likely voters released July 14, 2025, found that 53% of respondents trust public media to report news “fully, accurately and fairly,” while only 35% extend that trust to “the media in general.” A majority also opposed eliminating federal support.

    Contrast these numbers with attitudes about public broadcasters such as MTVA in Hungary or the TVP in Poland, where the state controls most content. Protests in Budapest October 2024 drew thousands demanding an end to “propaganda.” Oxford’s Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism reports that TVP is the least trusted news outlet in the country.

    While critics sometimes conflate American public broadcasting with state-run outlets, the structures are very different.

    Safeguards for editorial freedom

    In state-run media systems, a government agency hires editors, dictates coverage and provides full funding from the treasury. Public officials determine – or make up – what is newsworthy. Individual media operations survive only so long as the party in power is happy.

    Public broadcasting in the U.S. works in almost exactly the opposite way: The Corporation for Public Broadcasting is a private nonprofit with a statutory “firewall” that forbids political interference.

    More than 70% of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting’s federal appropriation for 2025 of US$1.1 billion flows through to roughly 1,500 independently governed local stations, most of which are NPR or PBS affiliates but some of which are unaffiliated community broadcasters. CPB headquarters retains only about 5% of that federal funding.

    Stations survive by combining this modest federal grant money with listener donations, underwriting and foundation support. That creates a diversified revenue mix that further safeguards their editorial freedom.

    And while stations share content, each also has latitude when it comes to programming and news coverage, especially at the local level.

    As a public-private partnership, individual communities mostly own the public broadcasting system and its affiliate stations. Congress allocates funds, while community nonprofits, university boards, state authorities or other local license holders actually own and run the stations. Individual monthly donors are often called “members” and sometimes have voting rights in station-governance matters. Membership contributions make up the largest share of revenue for most stations, providing another safeguard for editorial independence.

    A host and guest in July 2024 sit inside a recording studio at KMXT, the public radio station on Kodiak Island in Alaska.
    Nathaniel Herz/Northern Journal

    Broadly shared civic commons

    And then there are public media’s critical benefits to democracy itself.

    A 2021 report from the European Broadcasting Union links public broadcasting with higher voter turnout, better factual knowledge and lower susceptibility to extremist rhetoric.

    Experts warn that even small cuts will exacerbate an already pernicious problem with political disinformation in the U.S., as citizens lose access to free information that fosters media literacy and encourages trust across demographics.

    In many ways, public media remains the last broadly shared civic commons. It is both commercial-free and independently edited.

    Another study, by the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School in 2022, affirmed that “countries with independent and well-funded public broadcasting systems also consistently have stronger democracies.”

    The study highlighted how public media works to bridge divides and foster understanding across polarized groups. Unlike commercial media, where the profit motive often creates incentives to emphasize conflict and sensationalism, public media generally seeks to provide balanced perspectives that encourage dialogue and mutual respect. Reports are often longer and more in-depth than those by other news outlets.

    Such attention to nuance provides a critical counterweight to the fragmented, often hyperpartisan news bubbles that pervade cable news and social media. And this skillful, more balanced treatment helps to ameliorate political polarization and misinformation.

    In all, public media’s unique structure and mission make democracy healthier in the U.S. and across the world. Public media prioritizes education and civic enlightenment. It gives citizens important tools for navigating complex issues to make informed decisions – whether those decisions are about whom to vote for or about public policy itself. Maintaining and strengthening public broadcasting preserves media diversity and advances important principles of self-government.

    Congress’ cuts to public broadcasting will diminish the range and volume of the free press and the independent reporting it provides. Ronald Reagan once described a free press as vital for the United States to succeed in its “noble experiment in self-government.” From that perspective, more independent reporting – not less – will prove the best remedy for any worry about partisan spin.

    Stephanie A. (Sam) Martin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. PBS and NPR are generally unbiased, independent of government propaganda and provide key benefits to US democracy – https://theconversation.com/pbs-and-npr-are-generally-unbiased-independent-of-government-propaganda-and-provide-key-benefits-to-us-democracy-261512

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Could Rupert Murdoch bring down Donald Trump? A court case threatens more than just their relationship

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Dodd, Professor of Journalism, Director of the Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

    If Rupert Murdoch becomes a white knight standing up to a rampantly bullying US president, the world has moved into the upside-down.

    This is, after all, the media mogul whose US television network, Fox News, actively supported Donald Trump’s Big Lie about the 2020 presidential election result and paid out a US$787 million (about A$1.2 billion) lawsuit for doing so.

    It is also the network that supplied several members of Trump’s inner circle, including former Fox host, now controversial Defense Secretary, Pete Hegseth.

    But that is where we are after Trump filed a writ on July 18 after Murdoch’s financial newspaper, The Wall Street Journal, published an article about a hand-drawn card Trump is alleged to have sent to sex offender Jeffrey Epstein in 2003. The newspaper reported:

    A pair of small arcs denotes the woman’s breasts, and the future president’s signature is a squiggly “Donald” below her waist, mimicking pubic hair.

    The Journal said it has seen the letter but did not republish it. The letter allegedly concluded:

    Happy Birthday – and may every day be another wonderful secret.

    The card was apparently Trump’s contribution to a birthday album compiled for Epstein by the latter’s partner Ghislaine Maxwell, who is serving a 20-year sentence after being found guilty of sex trafficking in 2021.

    Trump was furious. He told his Truth Social audience he had warned Murdoch the letter was fake. He wrote, “Mr Murdoch stated that he would take care of it but obviously did not have the power to do so,” referring to Murdoch handing leadership of News Corporation to his eldest son Lachlan in 2023.




    Read more:
    How Rupert Murdoch helped create a monster – the era of Trumpism – and then lost control of it


    Trump is being pincered. On one side, The Wall Street Journal is a respected newspaper that speaks to literate, wealthy Americans who remain deeply sceptical about Trump’s radical initiative on tariffs, which it described in an editorial as “the dumbest trade war in history”.

    On the other side is the conspiracy theory-thirsty MAGA base who have been told for years that there was a massive conspiracy around Epstein’s apparent suicide in 2019 that included the so-called deep state, Democrat elites and, no doubt, the Clintons.

    Trump, who loves pro wrestling as well as adopting its garish theatrics, might characterise his lawsuit against Murdoch as a smackdown to rival Hulk Hogan vs Andre the Giant in the 1980s.

    To adopt wrestling argot, though, it is a rare battle between two heels.

    A friendship of powerful convenience

    Murdoch and Trump’s relationship is longstanding but convoluted. The key to understanding it is that both men are ruthlessly transactional.

    Exposure in Murdoch’s New York Post in the 1980s and ‘90s was crucial to building Trump’s reputation.

    Not that Murdoch particularly likes Trump. Yes, Murdoch attended his second inauguration, albeit in a back row behind the newly favoured big tech media moguls. He was also seen sitting in the Oval Office a few days later looking quite at home.

    But this was pure power-display politics, not the behaviour of a friend.

    Murdoch joined Trump in the Oval Office in February 2025.
    Anna Moneymaker/Getty

    Remember Murdoch’s derision on hearing Trump was considering standing for office before the 2016 election, and his promotion of Ron De Santis in the primaries before Trump’s second term. Murdoch’s political hero has always been Ronald Reagan. Trump has laid waste to the Republican Party of Reagan.

    Murdoch knows what the rest of sane America knows: Trump is downright weird, if not dangerous. This, of course, only makes Murdoch’s complicity in Trump’s rise to power, and Fox News’ continued boosterism of Trump, all the more appalling.

    But, in keeping with Murdoch’s relationship to power throughout his career, what he helps make, he also helps destroy. Perhaps now it’s Trump’s turn to be unmade. As a former Murdoch lieutenant told The Financial Times over the weekend:

    he’s testing out: Is Trump losing his base? And where do I need to be to stay in the heart of the base?

    And here is Murdoch’s great advantage, and his looming threat.

    A double-edged sword

    The advantage comes with the scope of Murdoch’s media empire, which operates like a federation of different mastheads, each with their own market and aspirations. While Fox News panders to the MAGA base, and The New York Post juices its New York audience, The Wall Street Journal speaks, and listens, to business. Each audience has different needs, meaning they’re often presented with the same news in very different ways, or sometimes different news entirely.

    Like a federation, though, News Corp uses its various operations to drive the type of change that affects all its markets.

    It might work like this. The Wall Street Journal breaks a story that’s so shocking it begins to chip away at MAGA’s unquestioning loyalty of Trump. This process is, of course, willingly aided by the rest of the media. The resulting groundswell eventually allows Fox News and the Post to tentatively follow their audiences into questioning, and then perhaps criticising, Trump.

    Fox News audiences could slowly begin to question Trump, or abandon the network entirely.
    NurPhoto/Getty

    The threat is that before that groundswell builds, Murdoch is seriously vulnerable to criticism from a still dominant Trump, who can turn conspiracy-prone audiences away from Fox News with just a social media post. Trump has already been busy doing just that, saying he is looking forward to getting Murdoch onto the witness stand for his lawsuit.

    If the Fox audience decides it’s the proprietor who’s behind this denigration of Trump, they may decide to boycott their own favoured media channel, even though Fox’s programming hasn’t yet started questioning Trump.

    The Murdochs’ fear of audience backlash was a major factor in Fox’s promulgation of the Big Lie after Trump’s defeat in 2020. The fear their audience might defect to Newsmax or some other right-wing media outfit is just as real today.

    History littered with fakery

    We also need to consider that Trump might be right. What if the letter is a fake?

    Murdoch has form when it comes to high-profile exposés that turn out to be fiction. Who can forget the Hitler Diaries in 1983, which we now know Murdoch knew were fake before he published.

    Think also of the Pauline Hanson photos, allegedly of her posing in lingerie, all of which were quickly proved to be fake after they were published by Murdoch’s Australian tabloids in 2009.

    There was also The Sun’s despicable and wilfully wrong campaign against Elton John in 1987 and the same paper’s continued denigration of the people of Liverpool following the Hillsborough stadium disaster in 1989.

    But while Murdoch’s News Corp has a history of confection and fakery, the Wall Street Journal has a reputation for straight reportage, albeit through a conservative lens. Since Murdoch bought it in 2007, it has been engaged in its own internal battle for editorial standards.

    Media rolling over

    What Trump won’t get from Murdoch is the same acquiescence he’s enjoyed from America’s ABC and CBS networks, which have both handed over tens of millions of dollars in defamation settlements following dubious claims by Trump about the nature of their coverage.




    Read more:
    ABC’s and CBS’s settlements with Trump are a dangerous step toward the commander in chief becoming the editor-in-chief


    In December 2024, ABC’s owner Disney settled and agreed to pay US$15 million (A$23 million) to Trump’s presidential library. The president sued after a presenter said Trump was found guilty of raping E. Jean Carroll.

    Trump had actually been found guilty by a jury in a civil trial of sexually abusing and defaming Carroll and was ordered to pay her US$5 million (A$7.6 million).

    CBS’ parent company, Paramount, did similarly after being sued by the president, agreeing in early July to settle and pay US$16 million (A$24.5 million) to Trump’s library. This was despite earlier saying the case was “completely without merit”.

    Beware the legal microscope

    From Trump’s viewpoint, two prominent media companies have been cowed. But his campaign against critical media doesn’t stop there.

    Last week, congress passed a bill cancelling federal funding for the country’s two public-service media outlets, the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and National Public Radio (NPR).

    Also last week, CBS announced the cancellation of Stephen Colbert’s stridently critical comedy show, although CBS claims this is just a cost-cutting exercise and not about appeasing a bully in the White House.

    Presuming the reported birthday letter is real, Murdoch will not bend so easily. And that’s when it will be important to pay attention, because at some point Trump’s lawyers will advise him about the dangers of depositions and discovery: the legal processes that force parties to a dispute to reveal what they have and what they know.

    If the Epstein files do implicate Trump, the legal fight won’t last long and the media campaign against him will only intensify.

    Right now we have the spectre of Murdoch joining that other disaffected mogul, Elon Musk, in a moral crusade against Trump, the man they both helped make. The implications are head-spinning.

    As global bullies, the three of them probably deserve each other. But we, the public, surely deserve better than any of them.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Could Rupert Murdoch bring down Donald Trump? A court case threatens more than just their relationship – https://theconversation.com/could-rupert-murdoch-bring-down-donald-trump-a-court-case-threatens-more-than-just-their-relationship-261532

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: The end of open-plan classrooms: how school design reflects changing ideas in education

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leon Benade, Professor in the School of Education of Edith Cowan University (ECU), Perth, WA, Edith Cowan University

    skynesher/Getty Imaged

    The end of open-plan classrooms in New Zealand, recently announced by Education Minister Erica Stanford, marks yet another swing of the pendulum in school design.

    Depending on who you ask, these classrooms were an opportunity to foster collaboration and flexibility or an exercise in organised chaos.

    So-called “modern learning environments” – characterised by flexible layouts, fewer walls and sometimes multiple classes and teachers in one space – were vigorously pushed by the National government in 2011.

    The stated goal was to promote flexibility in the way students were taught, encourage collaboration and to accommodate new technology in classrooms.

    But a 2024 ministerial inquiry into school property found complex procurement, design and authorisation processes associated with bespoke designs caused delays, budget overruns and unrealised expectations in many school communities.

    Among the solutions offered by the inquiry was the development of simple but functional schools based on cookie-cutter designs constructed off-site. This recommendation was welcomed by the current National-led government.

    Design influenced by ideology

    The modern, bespoke designs of the past two decades represented a response to technological developments, such as the introduction of digital devices, that changed how students learned.

    This resulted in the steady replacement of traditional school designs from the industrial age with spaces designed for flexibility.

    Those industrial age schools were themselves products of changes in the second half of the 20th century. Since the first school opened in 1843, school architecture in New Zealand had evolved significantly. Early schools featured cramped six-metre by four-metre classrooms which could accommodate more than 30 students.

    By the 1920s, the “Taranaki” and “Canterbury” models included a more generous minimum classroom size of eight metres by seven metres. There was a greater emphasis on light and ventilation. Their larger spaces also recognised changes in teaching styles that encouraged more active and participatory learning.

    By the 1950s, classroom size had grown to ten metres by seven metres. The “Nelson” and “S68” blocks of the 1950s and 1960s provided small self-contained blocks of classrooms that reduced student movement and corridor noise.

    Changes to New Zealand school buildings also reflected global trends. Open-plan schools emerged in North America after 1960. At the same time, there were signs English schools would replace their traditional Victorian-style buildings with classrooms considered more child-centred.

    The goal was to achieve flexible, connected designs to support evolving education philosophies. England’s 1966 Plowden Report on primary education significantly aided this evolution towards progressive styles of teaching and learning, leading to the creation of schools that featured flexibility, connectivity and external-internal flow.

    These schools were the forerunners of “innovative learning environments” and were considered cutting-edge at the time.

    In 2004, the ambitious Building Schools for the Future programme was launched in the United Kingdom. It was designed to replace outdated school facilities considered unfit for preparing students for the 21st century.

    But in 2011, the James Review of Education Capital highlighted a number of issues with the way schools were being built, putting an end to the infrastructure programme.

    That report, like the 2024 New Zealand report, suggested replacing government investment in bespoke school infrastructure with a focus on standardised designs.

    A swing back

    In New Zealand, “modern learning environments” became part of education policy with the Ministry of Education’s School Property Strategy 2011-2021, published in 2011. But the pendulum started to swing back after Labour came to power in 2017.

    Departing from the 2011 strategy, the language of “modern learning environments”, “innovative learning environments” and “flexible learning spaces” largely disappeared. It was replaced in policy documents with “quality learning environments”.

    This shift emphasised physical characteristics such as heating, lighting and acoustics, rather than innovative approaches to teaching and learning.

    Since coming to power, the current National-led coalition has focused on embedding a standardised approach to foundational skills in reading, writing, maths and science.

    While not directly scapegoating open-plan designs for educational underachievement, Erica Stanford said the reforms would ensure learning spaces were “designed to improve student outcomes”.

    But as New Zealand moves back to standardised designs, it is worth considering why modern learning environments were introduced in the first place – the flexibility for new technology and space for collaboration – and what students may lose by a swing back towards the separate classrooms of the past.

    Leon Benade is affiliated with Learning Environments Australasia, Philosophy of Education Society of Australasia (PESA) and The Australian Association for Research in Education (AARE).

    Chris Bradbeer is affiliated with Learning Environments New Zealand/Aotearoa (LENZ), and Learning Environments Australasia (LEA).

    Alastair Wells does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The end of open-plan classrooms: how school design reflects changing ideas in education – https://theconversation.com/the-end-of-open-plan-classrooms-how-school-design-reflects-changing-ideas-in-education-261359

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Labor to put disclaimer under Mark Latham’s caucus room picture

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The picture of Mark Latham on the caucus room gallery of Labor leaders will have an annotation under it saying he was expelled for life and his actions do not accord with Labor values.

    The first meeting of the new caucus agreed unanimously to this compromise, after pressure from some in Labor to remove the photo of Latham, who led the party in 2003–05.

    Latham’s former partner recently accused him of a “sustained pattern” of domestic abuse, in a civil court application for an apprehended violence order. It will be heard next week.

    In other condemned behaviour – the latest of a string of controversial incidents over the years – Latham, now an independent in the NSW upper house, also photographed women members without their consent.

    The wording under the picture will read:

    In 2017, Mark Latham was expelled from the Australian Labor Party and banned for life. His actions do not accord with Labor values and fail to meet the standards we expect and demand.

    Opinion in the party about what to do about the picture has been divided. The matter was discussed by both the right and left factions at their meetings.

    The Minister for Women, Katy Gallagher, told the ABC, “I think there’s a recognition, on balance, that you can’t erase history”. But acknowledging that Latham was expelled and his actions “don’t align with modern Australian Labor Party values or standards” was important, she said.

    “I wasn’t there at the time but I think it was a style of leadership that didn’t sit well with the values of the Australian Labor Party and it’s a type of leadership people wouldn’t want to return to.”

    Ahead of the new parliament’s opening on Tuesday, both Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Sussan Ley addressed their respective party rooms.

    Albanese told his huge caucus, which includes 94 members of the House of Representatives, that if Labor maintained its sense of discipline and purpose there was no reason why they could not all be returned at the next election – and their numbers added to as well.

    He said Labor was embarking on “our year of delivery. That is our focus. We’ve just been through an election, we had clear commitments and we want to deliver them.”

    Ley told the Coalition party room Albanese was giving interviews “suggesting that we should just get out of the way. Well we won’t be getting out of the way.”

    The opposition would cooperate with constructive government policies, as it was doing on child care safety reforms.

    But if the government brought forward legislation that was not in the national interest “we will fight them every step of the way”, she said, flagging the Coalition’s opposition to potential tax increases.

    The first parliamentary week comes against a background of further depressing news for the Coalition, after its election rout.

    The latest Newspoll shows Labor improving its position since the election, to lead 57–43 on a two-party basis. Labor has a primary vote of 36%, while the Coalition is down to 29%, which is the lowest in the history of Newspoll, that goes back to the mid-1980s.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Labor to put disclaimer under Mark Latham’s caucus room picture – https://theconversation.com/labor-to-put-disclaimer-under-mark-lathams-caucus-room-picture-261097

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: How are Australians adapting to climate change? Here are 729 ways

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tia Brullo, Research Fellow in Climate Change Adaptation, The University of Melbourne

    Australia’s climate is changing. To avoid catastrophic disruptions from successive supercharged disasters, society must adapt. But change takes time and it’s not always clear how much progress we’re making.

    We wanted to find out what Australia’s governments, industries and local groups are doing to adapt to climate change. Our work culminated in the Australian Adaptation Database, which captures more than 700 initiatives so far.

    Standout examples from this first national stocktake include Ramblers Reef in Victoria – an artificial reef of rocks and shells 500 metres offshore that has helped reduce coastal erosion. In Adelaide, urban cooling and greening projects are transforming the city and suburbs across 17 councils .

    Our project shows climate adaptation is happening in Australia, but there’s plenty of room for improvement. The more society can do now to prepare for change, the better off we’ll be in the long run.

    Urban greening is helping to cool the city of Adelaide.
    Ozitraveler, Shutterstock

    What does climate change adaptation in Australia look like?

    Australia is lagging behind many other nations when it comes to managing climate action. The federal government is yet to release its first national adaptation plan, while other countries are up to their third or fourth versions.

    Why track Australia’s progress in climate adaptation? First, it enables progress to be reported efficiently to governments and international bodies such as the United Nations.

    The database also helps people share knowledge. Anyone striving to improve their resilience to climate change can look to the database for ideas and inspiration.

    The data was mainly gathered from conversations we had with people in state and territory government departments, local government associations, not-for-profit organisations and private companies across Australia.

    On Wednesday, we will present the database at the opening of the national Climate Adaptation 2025 conference in Perth.

    The project shows the vast range of ways Australians are preparing for a warmer world. Examples include:

    Anyone can explore and search the database. It’s not an exhaustive record of all climate adaptation in Australia, but provides more detail than ever before. It’s constantly being updated as new examples are added.

    But the database is only as good as the information we feed into it, so we need everyone to contribute. All you need to do is hit the “submit an entry” button on the homepage to get started.

    Artificial reefs such as Ramblers Reef help slow erosion (ABC News)

    The role of government: local, state and federal

    Much work to date in climate adaptation has involved laying the foundations for practical actions.

    For example, South Australia’s Climate Ready Coasts program aims to improve planning for coastal hazards. This joint effort between state and local governments make sense, given both have a role to play, and it helps ensure adaptation actions are efficient and coordinated.

    At the federal level, the Australian government has focused on funding for national disasters such as the Future Drought Fund. Another example, the Infrastructure Betterment Fund, involves making roads, rail, bridges and other infrastructure more resilient to climate change.

    Australia is yet to release its first National Adaptation Plan. This document is expected to clarify the federal role in climate adaptation.

    The private sector

    The private sector is beginning to adapt to climate change. Examples include:

    Knowledge sharing and capacity building

    We also found extensive efforts to communicate and share information about adapting to change.

    Such activities include knowledge building for organisations and communities through workshops, training sessions and simulation games.

    Examples include Western Australia’s “being waterwise in the home” tips, and Hobart’s Sparking Conversations, Igniting Action Program for bushfire preparedness. These activities help lay the groundwork for practical action.

    Change is hard, but Australia is finally making some progress in climate adaptation.
    Markus Spiske, Unsplash., CC BY

    What’s next?

    Our research shows the policy and governance mechanisms to drive adaptation are largely in place. The knowledge and networks to support meaningful action are gradually being developed.

    But the next “heavy lifting” phase – putting plans into action – is yet to begin in earnest.

    There’s a clear need to channel funding to those best placed to deliver frontline projects and programs, especially local governments and community organisations.

    The Australian Local Government Association is calling for a A$400 million climate adaptation fund to support Australian councils to deliver place-based adaptation actions.

    Last year, the Australian Council of Social Services called for a $2 billion investment in a national housing retrofit program to make Australia’s 670,000 low-income houses cooler in summer to reduce illness and death from extreme temperatures. Neither of these calls has been answered.

    Let’s get moving

    This research is part of a three-year project exploring how to encourage and promote best practice in adapting to climate change across Australia.

    The next step is to measure progress around climate adaptation, which is difficult and rarely done – even though it’s required under the Paris Agreement.

    The good news is Australia has made a start, but there is much more to do to ensure the wellbeing of our country through a changing climate.

    Tia Brullo receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program Climate Systems Hub Project Number CS2.1

    Elissa Waters receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program Climate Systems Hub Project Number CS2.1 and Australian Climate Service.

    Jon Barnett receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program Climate Systems Hub Project Number CS2.1

    Sarah Boulter receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program Climate Systems Hub.

    ref. How are Australians adapting to climate change? Here are 729 ways – https://theconversation.com/how-are-australians-adapting-to-climate-change-here-are-729-ways-256446

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