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Category: Global

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Canada can turn tariff tensions into a global affordable housing alliance

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ehsan Noroozinejad Farsangi, Visiting Senior Researcher, Smart Structures Research Group, University of British Columbia

    Canada is facing a worsening housing crisis. Home prices have exploded, with 45 per cent of Canadians saying they are deeply worried about finding affordable housing.

    The country needs to build an additional 3.5 million homes by 2030 to achieve housing affordability. However, housing supply is lagging well behind that target even as demand continues to rise, driven largely by population growth and immigration.



    Read more:
    Canada’s housing crisis: Innovative tech must come with policy reform

    Into this crisis have come new costs. In March 2025, the United States imposed 25 per cent tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum imports. Canada immediately hit back with its own 25 per cent duties on U.S. steel and aluminum, affecting roughly $12.6 billion of steel and $3 billion of aluminum goods.

    In practical terms, that means higher costs for key building materials like steel beams, aluminum cladding, appliances and machinery.

    Industry groups say these duties will drive up the price of new construction and further erode affordability. In a market already strained, adding tariff charges is like pouring salt on an open wound: it makes every new home more expensive to build and to buy.

    Factory-built housing offers a way forward

    Modern methods of construction, such as modular and prefabricated housing, are a promising answer to the housing shortage. These methods involve large components of houses being produced in factories and assembled at their final location.

    Factory-built housing can be done about 50 per cent faster and up to 35 per cent cheaper than site-built homes.

    Importantly, this speed and affordability do not come at the expense of quality or energy performance. Canadian-built modular homes achieve top efficiency ratings and reach net-zero energy while frequently delivering superior performance compared to site-built homes. They are also greener, as controlled factory processes produce far less waste.

    In Japan, modular factories produce over 15 per cent of all new housing. Sweden’s construction industry heavily relies on prefabricated construction as well; it is present in approximately 84 per cent of detached houses.

    Other countries are rapidly scaling up modern construction methods. Singapore mandates every public housing project to use modular techniques because this enables mass apartment production with efficiency.

    The combination of expensive labour costs and immediate housing needs makes Australia, the United Kingdom and parts of the United States optimal markets for modular construction expansion.

    Canada can lead in modular housing

    Canada has key advantages that make it well suited to expand modular and prefabricated housing. In particular, it has a strong forest products sector for supplying wood panels and engineered timber, a skilled construction and technology workforce and a growing policy drive for lower-carbon building.

    Canadian builders have already shown they can deliver modular housing at scale. Launched in 2020, Canada’s Rapid Housing Initiative committed $1 billion to modular projects, followed by another $1.5 billion in 2021 to quickly house vulnerable populations.

    The Rapid Housing Initiative exceeded its target, creating nearly 4,700 new homes in short order. It proved that factory-built housing can be both fast and high-quality in Canada.

    Canada has the opportunity to build on that success. The 2024 federal budget created a Homebuilding Technology and Innovation Fund aimed at expanding prefabricated housing. It set aside $50 million through Next Generation Manufacturing Canada (to be matched by industry) and up to $500 million in low-cost loans from the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation for prefabricated apartment projects.

    Prime Minister Mark Carney has also shown interest in modular and prefabricated housing technologies to create sustained demand.

    Provinces like Ontario and British Columbia are focusing on modular construction to cut red tape and better understand how to expand it. Canada’s National Research Council is also consulting on aligning building codes and inspections for factory-built homes with the help of Canadian universities.

    A global alliance on modular housing

    As Canada faces a deepening housing crisis, it has the opportunity to turn today’s tariff tensions into deeper international partnerships.

    By forming an international affordable housing consortium, Canada could collaborate with countries that have succeeded in modern construction methods, like Sweden, Japan, Australia and Germany, to share knowledge. Together, these nations could harmonize building standards and invest in research.

    Here are five practical moves Canada can take to build this global modular housing alliance:

    1. Create a zero-tariff modular homes club.

    Canada should use the trade tools it already has, like the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, to eliminate most tariffs with the European Union and Asian countries. Canada should negotiate an add-on protocol that lets modular components, such as panels and factory equipment, cross borders without tariffs.

    2. Launch a joint show-home projects in partner countries.

    We propose a “FastBuild 1000 initiative” initiative that would see each member nation commit to building a minimum of 1,000 modular homes. Pilot sites could include Vancouver, Sydney, Hamburg and Osaka — urban centres in countries already familiar with modern construction techniques. Engineers could travel across countries to test how modules fit different climates and design codes, while giving factories steady orders.

    3. Pool global buying power for materials and appliances.

    Canada and its partners could form a modular materials co-operative that bundles steel, engineered timber, heat pumps and windows. The proposed system should leverage economies of scale in factory production to make the final product much cheaper.

    4. Open-source designs and one-click certifications.

    Ottawa’s catalogue of pre-approved housing designs could be expanded into a global online catalogue where partner countries can download and adapt pre-existing designs while keeping the structure safe and secure. Simplified, one-click certification would help speed up approvals across borders.

    5. Create a ‘modular skills passport’ and research and development hub.

    Canadian universities and colleges could train workers through micro-credentials in areas like offsite manufacturing, digital construction, robotics, penalization and on-site assembly. Some countries like Japan have a huge prefabrication industry valued at over $24 billion. Linking research and development would give Canada access to the latest technologies while offering partner countries entry into the Canadian construction sector.

    By investing in this kind of international collaboration, Canada can address its domestic housing crisis while leading a fast, green housing revolution that makes homes affordable worldwide.

    Dr. Ehsan Noroozinejad has received funding from both national and international organizations to support research addressing housing and climate crises. His most recent funding for integrated housing and climate policy comes from the James Martin Institute for Public Policy. He has also been involved in securing funding from NSERC and Mitacs.

    Prof. T.Y. Yang secures funding from national and international organizations to develop innovative solutions for housing and climate crises, with a focus on modern methods of construction. His most recent funding has been from NRCan, NSERC and Mitacs.

    – ref. How Canada can turn tariff tensions into a global affordable housing alliance – https://theconversation.com/how-canada-can-turn-tariff-tensions-into-a-global-affordable-housing-alliance-255829

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Israeli plan to occupy all of Gaza could open the door for annexation of the West Bank

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Leonie Fleischmann, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, City St George’s, University of London

    Israel’s security cabinet has announced a plan to “capture” the whole of the Gaza Strip. The prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, said on May 5 the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) would remain in the territory indefinitely and take over the administration of humanitarian aid. What his government is referring to as its latest “intensive operation” is likely to result in Israel occupying all of Gaza.

    This development should come as no surprise, given previous rhetoric from members of Netanyahu’s cabinet. But the announcement marks a turning point in official policy that could have significant implications.

    Israel’s far-right has repeatedly advocated for the expulsion of Palestinians and the resettlement of Gaza. In response to Netanyahu’s announcement, the finance minister and leader of the Religious Zionist party, Bezalel Smotrich, said that there will be “no retreat from the territories we have conquered, not even in exchange for hostages”.

    Smotrich envisioned that a successful Israeli incursion would leave Gaza “totally destroyed”, with the Palestinian population left “totally despairing” and wanting to leave the Strip.

    Yair Golan, leader of the Israeli left-of-centre Democrats party, criticised the plans for an all-out occupation of Gaza. He wrote on X on May 5 that the operation was approved “not in order to protect the security of Israel, but in order to save Netanyahu and his government of extremists”.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    It’s an argument that has consistently been raised against Netanyahu’s response to the October 7 Hamas attacks. The Hostage and Missing Families Forum also criticised the government for sacrificing the lives of the Israeli hostages held in Gaza and spilling the blood of more Israeli soldiers.

    Despite this opposition, it is Israel’s far-right politicians who hold the reins of power and appear to be influencing Israeli government policy when it comes to Gaza.

    The government’s objectives to eradicate Hamas in Gaza, and shore up Netanyahu’s precarious position as prime minister – as well as Trump’s plan to expel Palestinians from Gaza to neighbouring countries – have given them the opportunity to realise their maximalist dreams. This is not only the reoccupation of Gaza, but also the annexation of the West Bank.

    Gaza and the West Bank have notable differences. An all-out war of the kind being waged in Gaza is unlikely in the West Bank, at least at present. But there have been many attempts from various arms of the Israeli system to drive Palestinians from their land there.

    Driving Palestinians from the West Bank

    At the end of 2023, half a million Israelis were reported as living in the West Bank, compared with almost 3 million Palestinians. As of November 2024, the Israeli Peace Now movement recorded 141 settlements that it said were “officially established” by the Israeli government in the West Bank (not including those in East Jerusalem), with a further 224 outposts established without government approval since the 1990s. These are considered illegal according to Israeli law – although only two of these outposts have ever been evicted.

    In 1993, under the sponsorship of the Clinton administration, the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation signed the Oslo Declaration of Principles (also commonly referred to as Oslo Accord 1). This divided the West Bank into three areas: A, B and C. These are not delineated areas, rather – as the Oslo accords map below shows – they differentiate between Palestinian cities and villages and areas under Israeli civil and military control, about 60% of the total of the land area of the West Bank.

    Area C is where the majority of Israeli settlers live, alongside, at present, 200,000 Palestinians. Oslo Accord II mandated the gradual transfer of control of this area to the Palestinians, but this has never happened.

    Map of Areas A B and C after Oslo II.
    Researchgate

    Research by the Norwegian Refugee Council has found that, despite full control of Area C being central for the creation of a viable Palestinian state, there are two separate planning systems in place, one for Israelis and one for Palestinians.

    Israeli Human Rights Organisation, B’Tselem, has criticised Israel’s planning and building policy in Area C as “aimed at preventing Palestinian development and dispossessing Palestinians of their land”. This is achieved through denying permits for Palestinian construction and demolishing Palestinian buildings, while allowing Israeli settlement construction.

    Meanwhile, for decades the Israeli settlers have engaged in intimidation and violent attacks against Palestinians there. This continuing harassment has led to Palestinian communities being displaced. In his recent documentary film, The Settlers, Louis Theroux films and interviews ultranationalist settlers who make it clear they have nothing but contempt for the Palestinians – solely motivated by what they believe to be their God-given right to sovereignty over the Greater Land of Israel.

    As the exclusive authority over Area C of the West Bank, Israel is obliged by international law to protect the Palestinian communities. But a report by Israeli human rights organisation, Yesh Din, dating back to 2006 identified, even then, “a systematic evasion of applying the law to Israeli civilians who harm Palestinians in the West Bank”. The Israeli authorities, according to Yesh Din, “stand idly by” as crimes are committed by the settlers towards Palestinians.

    2025 the ‘year of sovereignty’

    In February 2023, Smotrich was entrusted with administration over civilian life in Area C. He has made no effort to hide his intentions of establishing Israeli sovereignty over the occupied territory.

    Unlike in Gaza, the annexation of territory in the West Bank has been incremental and often under the radar. The Palestinian human rights organisation, Al Haq, claims this amounts to de facto annexation of the West Bank.

    Smotrich this week said the government would move forward with its plans to approve construction in the highly contentious E1 area of the West Bank. This would include the building of enough Israeli settlements to “bring in a million residents”.

    Should it go ahead, it would significantly alter the situation by effectively dividing the West Bank in half and would bury any remaining hope for a two-state solution. In the words of Smotrich: “this is how you kill the Palestinian state”.

    Leonie Fleischmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Israeli plan to occupy all of Gaza could open the door for annexation of the West Bank – https://theconversation.com/israeli-plan-to-occupy-all-of-gaza-could-open-the-door-for-annexation-of-the-west-bank-256029

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What does Netanyahu’s plan for ‘conquering’ Gaza mean for Israel, Palestine and their neighbours? Expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Lucas, Professor of International Politics, Clinton Institute, University College Dublin

    The Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has announced that the Israeli military will launch a new “intensified” offensive in Gaza. In a video posted on X, he said Israel’s security cabinet had approved a plan for “conquering” the Gaza Strip and establishing a “sustained presence” there.

    This announcement was well-received by far-right ministers in the Netanyahu government. Finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, has since declared that an Israeli victory in Gaza would see the territory “entirely destroyed” and its residents “concentrated” in the south. From there, they would “start to leave in great numbers to third countries”.

    The plan, which Palestinian militant group Hamas says represents “an explicit decision to sacrifice” Israeli hostages, far exceeds the aims Israel has been pursuing in the war so far. It has drawn widespread criticism, including from the UK, France, EU and UN, as well as from within Israel.

    Middle East expert, Scott Lucas, answered our questions as to what the plan involves and what it means for neighbouring Egypt and Jordan.

    What is Netanyahu’s ultimate plan for Gaza?

    Since March, Netanyahu has been clear that his government’s ultimate plan for Gaza is the “voluntary” emigration of its population.

    It looks like he is using US president Donald Trump’s narcissist thought bubble of Gaza, ethnically cleansed of Gazans in a “Riviera of the Middle East”, as political cover for his ambition and those of his hard-right ministers.

    In January 2024, three months into the military response to Hamas’s cross-border attack on southern Israel, Netanyahu said: “Israel has no intention of permanently occupying Gaza or displacing its civilian population.”

    But by September, unable to “destroy” Hamas despite the killing of almost 35,000 Gazans and the displacement of 1.9 million of the territory’s 2.1 million inhabitants, the government was considering occupation with the removal of all those in northern Gaza.

    Political pressure from inside Israel, as well as from the Biden administration in the US, forced Netanyahu to back away. And in January 2025, pushed hard by Trump, he accepted a six-week phase one ceasefire. This involved Hamas returning some of the hostages in return for Israel releasing many Palestinians detained in its jails.

    However, Netanyahu had no intention of moving to phase two, which would have paved the way for a more permanent end to the war. The hard-right ministers in his government made clear they would leave and withdraw support in the Knesset (parliament) if the war ended before Hamas had been completely destroyed.

    Netanyahu could face early elections and his trial on bribery charges should his government collapse. This left only one possible resolution to the “open-ended” war on Gaza: occupation.

    So at the start of March, Israel renewed its airstrikes and cut off humanitarian aid. It began expanding ground operations, initially with the declaration of a “buffer strip” and then claiming northern Gaza.

    Netanyahu has now announced a “forceful operation” in which Gaza’s population “will be moved, to protect it”. Israeli ground forces will be in the Strip indefinitely. “They will not enter and come out,” he said.

    Will Egypt and Jordan accept displaced Palestinians from the Gaza Strip?

    When Trump first proposed displacing Palestinians from Gaza, the leaders of Egypt and Jordan said they would refuse to allow an exodus of refugees on their territory. Egypt’s president, Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, said at the end of January: “The deportation and displacement of the Palestinian people from their land is an injustice that we cannot take part in.”

    That position has not changed. Egypt and Qatar reiterated on May 7 that they will persist with mediation to alleviate suffering and promote de-escalation within Gaza. Egypt affirmed that it will not be drawn into any agendas that “do not serve the interests of the Palestinian people”.

    Any Arab government that takes in Gazans, even amid a humanitarian crisis, would be tacitly burying the idea of a Palestinian state. That would break a 77-year-old principle and resurrect the Nakba, the forced displacement and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948.

    It would also risk unrest from disaffected populations. The Gazans are added to the 5.9 million Palestinians who are refugees in countries such as Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria.

    How might Egypt and Jordan respond to increased pressure to house Gazan refugees?

    Trump has previously looked to coerce Egypt and Jordan into accepting Palestinians from Gaza, even threatening to withhold US aid to the two countries.

    But such pressure does not look likely at present. The Trump administration is a chaotic mess. Bent on destroying US agencies, it has gutted the State Department, threatened the military, and undermined intelligence services.

    Trump’s envoy to the Middle East, the real estate developer Steve Witkoff, is now preoccupied with photo opportunities in the Kremlin and informal talks over Iran’s nuclear programme.

    The US government has walked away, leaving Israel to resume the mass killing but abjuring any role beyond that. The UN is not going to back ethnic cleansing. Nor will the EU, China, Russia or the Gulf States.

    Does the depopulation of Gaza now look inevitable?

    Far from it, at least in the sense of Palestinians being relocated from Gaza. In recent weeks, Israel has finally eased its near-total block on exiting Gaza and has allowed hundreds of people to leave.

    But this is not forced removal. It was the Israeli government relenting on urgent cases of those who were trapped in the Strip – dual nationals or their dependents, Gazas needing medical treatment, students, and some people with visas for third countries.

    The depopulation is instead occurring within Gaza. Depopulation through killing, starvation, destruction of healthcare, displacement from housing, and lack of clean water.

    It is depopulation through the reduction of Gazans to nothing more than irritants in the way of Hamas’s quest for survival and the Netanyahu government’s quest for perpetual dominance.

    Scott Lucas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What does Netanyahu’s plan for ‘conquering’ Gaza mean for Israel, Palestine and their neighbours? Expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/what-does-netanyahus-plan-for-conquering-gaza-mean-for-israel-palestine-and-their-neighbours-expert-qanda-256150

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: David Attenborough’s Ocean reveals how bottom trawling is hurting sealife in horrifying detail

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Callum Roberts, Professor of Marine Conservation, University of Exeter

    A bottom trawl net hanging to dry in the harbour of Harlingen in the Netherlands, showing the rockhopper rollers on the footrope that contacts the seabed. 365 Focus Photography/Shutterstock

    In one of the most powerful scenes of Sir David Attenborough’s new film Ocean, the audience sees industrial fishing from a fish’s perspective.

    Confronting a bottom trawl net as it thunders across the seabed, terrified fish scatter in desperate but futile attempts to escape the vast net swallowing them. The heavy chain that holds the trawl down sweeps away sponges, corals, seagrass and other seabed life, leaving behind utter devastation.

    Attenborough’s latest nature documentary is a visually magnificent and highly personal meditation on the relationship humans have with the sea. It is the most important part of our world, he says. But we have taken it for granted.

    A century of intensifying and destructive fishing has culminated in bottom trawl nets, some as big as cathedrals and weighing many tonnes, being towed along the seabed to catch fish. To allow them to fish more effectively in areas of rough seabed, which is where most marine life is found, fishers in the 1920s invented “rock-hopper” gear: rollers placed along the foot rope that touches the bottom, allowing the net to bounce over obstacles.

    This innovation followed the trajectory of many fishing methods, which was to become more destructive over time to sustain the size of catches in the face of declining fish stocks.

    Trawler nets are designed to gobble up marine life indiscriminately.
    Anney_Lier/Shutterstock

    Shellfish dredging, another fishing method that destroys as it catches, is shown in a second horrifying scene. To catch scallops, steel dredges armed with spikes (imagine the harrows farmers use to break up soil on ploughed fields) drag along the seabed, smashing and pummelling everything. In minutes, seabed life of astonishing diversity and beauty is erased.

    Together, Attenborough explains, bottom trawling and dredging wreak their havoc across an area of seabed larger than the Amazon rainforest every year.

    Attenborough invites viewers to wonder how on Earth these fishing methods are still allowed when the damage is so obvious. Viewers may be even more surprised, and very probably angry, to learn that most marine protected areas in Europe, and indeed worldwide, permit bottom trawling and dredging within their boundaries.

    To understand why this is the case, we have to go back in time.

    A medieval practice

    We know from the parliamentary records of Edward III in 1376 that fishers in southern England were practising bottom trawling as far back as the 1300s. Long-held traditions are hard to change, even when there is irrefutable evidence that they cause harm.

    It is telling, however, that this early description of trawling is a petition urging the king to ban the method for its reckless destruction of habitat and waste of fish.

    Nevertheless, these fisheries expanded because trawling was an efficient means of landing huge quantities of fish. Trawling’s success came at the expense of what we call marine animal forests, habitats built by animals like oysters, horse mussels and sponges – all swept away to leave behind vacant shifting sands, mud and gravel that predominate over vast swaths of seafloor today.

    A recent estimate has suggested that oyster reefs once covered at least 17,000 square kilometres of European seas – an area the size of Northern Ireland. All of this was gone by the beginning of the 20th century. This ecosystem cannot recover until it is offered protection from trawling and dredging. So, why haven’t we protected it?

    Degraded habitats, profoundly altered by trawling, were what scientists and then conservationists found when they first ventured below water after the invention of scuba diving in the mid-20th century. These early submarine explorers mistook them for natural and wild, failing to see the role industrial fishing had played in their creation.

    Being now occupied almost exclusively by creatures used to the passage of trawls – animals that live fast and die young like worms, prawns and whelks – these habitats were labelled as resilient, and not in need of protection.

    This warped perspective fooled us into thinking that marine protected areas left open to bottom trawling would be fine. In the few cases where protected areas exclude trawling, like around the Isle of Arran in western Scotland, the swift resurgence of seabed life has revealed how wrong this assumption was.

    In only five years, sea-moss, sea-nettles, scallops and brittle stars have reoccupied the seafloor, a transformation that is nevertheless just the beginning of a recovery that will carry on for decades.

    Seabeds protected from trawls and dredges can rebound, like this one off the Isle of Arran. It offers a glimpse of what existed before industrial fisheries.
    Henley Spiers/Blue Marine Foundation

    Giving up the trawl and dredge does not mean an end to fishing, as the film explains. In fact, recovering fish populations in protected areas replenish those in fishing grounds nearby, leading to better and more sustainable catches.

    Calling time on destructive fishing

    Perhaps now, at last, the writing is on the wall for bottom trawling and dredging, because they do a more insidious form of damage we have only recently become fully aware of. The ocean floor is one of the planet’s largest carbon stores. A snowfall of sinking organic matter and sediment accumulates on the seabed, where the carbon it contains is buried for thousands of years.

    Left undisturbed, this carbon is out of harm’s way. But when churned up by the passage of trawls and dredges, some is turned back into CO₂, some of which will end up back in the atmosphere.

    The magnitude of these seabed carbon emissions, and their role in climate change, is hotly debated. Getting more reliable estimates is the mission of a five-year project I lead, the Convex Seascape Survey. One thing is already clear from our research, however: there are places underwater – like peat bogs or permafrost on land – that we should not disturb because they harbour immense quantities of carbon.

    Ironically, these muddy basins have in the past few decades become some of the most intensively fished places in the sea because they are home to valuable prawns, which are among the few species still able to support viable fisheries.

    Any country serious about meeting net zero in time to prevent dangerous climate change must act swiftly to protect its seabed carbon stores. And any country serious about ocean conservation knows that marine protected areas are useless if they don’t exclude trawling and dredging.

    David Attenborough, Silverback Films and the Open Planet Studios team have brought these truths to a mass audience, leaving no space for further evasion and denial. What we need now is action.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Callum Roberts receives funding from Convex, the Natural Environment Research Council and the European Research Council. He is on the board of Nekton and Maldives Coral Institute and sits on the Minderoo Natural Ecosystems advisory panel, the Bertarelli Ocean Legacy Science advisory board and the CORDAP science advisory panel.

    – ref. David Attenborough’s Ocean reveals how bottom trawling is hurting sealife in horrifying detail – https://theconversation.com/david-attenboroughs-ocean-reveals-how-bottom-trawling-is-hurting-sealife-in-horrifying-detail-255991

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: We set out to improve literacy among struggling readers in Kenya – what we learnt

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Fridah Gatwiri Kiambati, Post Doctoral research scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

    Literacy – being able to read, write and understand written or spoken language – is a cornerstone of educational achievement. Yet, for millions of children worldwide, acquiring basic literacy skills is a significant challenge.

    This is a result of systemic inequalities, poverty, conflict, displacement and gender disparities. A Unicef report on global literacy levels in 2023 found that 89% of 10-year-olds in sub-Saharan Africa were unable to read or comprehend a basic story.

    In Kenya, the gap in foundational literacy is stark. A nationwide evaluation of over 44,000 children across 1,973 primary schools in 2023 found that three in 10 grade 6 learners aged 11 struggled to read grade 3-level (age 8) texts.

    These numbers highlight the critical need to address reading difficulties in early grades to ensure that learners do not fall behind irretrievably.

    When learners aren’t able to read, they are likely to fall behind in literacy and other learning areas. This is because foundational learning skills – which include literacy (reading) and numeracy (basic maths) – are the building blocks for learning in later years of schooling and for lifelong learning.

    I am an inclusive education researcher. I was involved in the Developing Readers Study. It set out to design and pilot an intervention to improve literacy skills among grade 2 and 3 learners who are furthest behind in reading.

    The study, implemented by the African Population and Health Research Center, was aimed at providing policy-relevant evidence on how support for struggling readers can be formally and systematically incorporated into school timetables and education systems.

    In 13 weeks, more than a third of the learners had become fluent readers.

    The study

    The Developing Readers Study was implemented in 15 schools in Kiambu County, which neighbours the Kenyan capital Nairobi. This was strategic to design, test and refine the intervention before scaling up.

    The intervention started with the preparation of instruction materials. These included a teachers’ guide and assessment booklet, as well as homework packets for the learners. Teachers were trained on how to deliver the structured intervention while accommodating individual learner needs.

    Learners were assessed to identify those with reading difficulties. Out of 2,805 learners from 15 schools screened, 920 (33%) learners had reading difficulties.

    They were then categorised into three groups as per their reading levels at baseline:

    • module 1 for non-readers, who numbered 410 (45%)

    • module 2 for beginning readers, who could read 1-9 correct words per minute (212 learners, or 23%)

    • module 3 for intermediate readers who could read 10-16 correct words per minute (298 learners, or 32%).

    The learners were then taken through remedial lessons for English and Kiswahili for 13 weeks. Each lesson lasted 30 minutes. During the intervention period, teachers received support from curriculum support officers, and quality assurance and standards officers in Kiambu County.

    In addition, these officers observed the lessons to identify the support needed. Cluster meetings were held to gather teacher feedback on the implementation process.

    Parents were also engaged through homework packets. This encouraged a supportive home environment for learning.

    The results

    The study led to significant improvements in literacy outcomes among participating learners over the 13 weeks.

    1. The proportion of non-readers who couldn’t read any correct word per minute reduced from 43.3% (following a few dropouts) to 18.9% at endline. This improvement highlights the power of targeted instruction to transform learning outcomes for struggling readers.

    2. Both boys and girls benefited from the programme. However, girls consistently outperformed boys in tasks like syllable and oral passage reading. These insights highlight the importance of designing interventions that address gender-specific learning needs.

    3. The programme equipped teachers with practical tools and strategies to give learners individual attention according to their needs. By the endline assessment, 92% of teachers were closely following the structured lesson guides, demonstrating increased confidence and competence.

    4. Parents played a pivotal role in the programme’s success. Weekly homework packets provided opportunities for learners to practise reading at home.

    5. Over a third of the learners (37%) advanced to emergent and fluent reading levels, meaning they no longer required remedial support. This progression was particularly notable among younger learners in grade 2, underscoring the value of early intervention.

    The developing readers intervention stands out because it goes beyond addressing literacy challenges at the classroom level. It also brought in education officials, rigorous teacher training and contextualised learning materials.

    Its findings demonstrate that structured, targeted interventions can effectively address foundational literacy gaps. This same model can be used elsewhere.

    What next

    The study provides a roadmap for addressing Kenya’s literacy crisis. Its positive outcomes demonstrate that early, targeted interventions can put struggling readers on the path to success.

    Scaling up this programme offers an opportunity to ensure no child is left behind in acquiring foundational literacy skills.

    To achieve this, policymakers must make sure remedial interventions take place at schools. They must also provide resources for teacher training and promote home-school collaboration.

    With sustained investment and a commitment to evidence-based strategies, Kenya can bridge its literacy gap and pave the way for a brighter future for its learners.

    Fridah Gatwiri Kiambati works for the African Population and Health Research Center. The Developing Readers Study, which this article is based was funded by the Gates foundation.

    – ref. We set out to improve literacy among struggling readers in Kenya – what we learnt – https://theconversation.com/we-set-out-to-improve-literacy-among-struggling-readers-in-kenya-what-we-learnt-253252

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Somaliland’s 30-year quest for recognition: could US interests make the difference?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Aleksi Ylönen, Professor, United States International University

    More than three decades after unilaterally declaring independence from Somalia, Somaliland still seeks international recognition as a sovereign state. Despite a lack of formal acknowledgement, the breakaway state has built a relatively stable system of governance. This has drawn increasing interest from global powers, including the United States. As regional dynamics shift and great-power competition intensifies, Somaliland’s bid for recognition is gaining new currency. Aleksi Ylönen has studied politics in the Horn of Africa and Somaliland’s quest for recognition. He unpacks what’s at play.

    What legal and historical arguments does Somaliland use?

    The Somali National Movement is one of the main clan-based insurgent movements responsible for the collapse of the central government in Somalia. It claims the territory of the former British protectorate of Somaliland. The UK had granted Somaliland sovereign status on 26 June 1960.

    The Somali government tried to stomp out calls for secession. It orchestrated the brutal killing of hundreds of thousands of people in northern Somalia between 1987 and 1989.

    But the Somali National Movement declared unilateral independence on 18 May 1991 and separated from Somalia.

    With the collapse of the Somali regime in 1991, the movement’s main enemy was gone. This led to a violent power struggle between various militias.

    This subsided only after the politician Mohamed Egal consolidated power. He was elected president of Somaliland in May 1993.

    Egal made deals with merchants and businessmen, giving them tax and commercial incentives to accept his patronage. As a result, he obtained the economic means to consolidate political power and to pursue peace and state-building. It’s something his successors have kept up with since his death in 2002.

    What has Somaliland done to push for recognition?

    Successive Somaliland governments continue to engage in informal diplomacy. They have aligned with the west, particularly the US, which was the dominant power after the cold war, and the former colonial master, the UK. Both countries host significant Somaliland diaspora communities.

    The US and the UK have for decades flirted with the idea of recognising Somaliland, which they consider a strategic partner. However, they have been repeatedly thrown back by their respective Somalia policies. These have favoured empowering the widely supported Mogadishu government to reassert its authority and control over Somali territories.

    This Somalia policy has been increasingly questioned in recent years, in part due to Mogadishu’s security challenges. In contrast, the Hargeisa government of Somaliland has largely shown it can provide security and stability. It has held elections and survived as a state for the last three decades, though it has faced political resistance and armed opposition.



    Read more:
    Somaliland elections: what’s at stake for independence, stability and shifting power dynamics in the Horn of Africa

    As new global powers rise, Somaliland administrations have pursued an increasingly diverse foreign policy, with one goal: international recognition.

    Hargeisa hosts consulates and representative offices of Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Taiwan, the UK and the European Union, among others.

    The government has also engaged in informal foreign relations with the United Arab Emirates. The Middle Eastern monarchy serves as a business hub and a destination of livestock exports. Many Somalilanders migrate there.

    Somaliland maintains representative offices in several countries. These include Canada, the US, Norway, Sweden, the UK, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Taiwan. Hargeisa has alienated China because it has collaborated with Taiwan since 2020. Taiwan is a self-ruled island claimed by China.

    On 1 January 2024, Somaliland’s outgoing president Muse Bihi signed a memorandum of understanding with Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed for increased cooperation. Bihi implied that Ethiopia would be the first country to formally recognise Somaliland. The deal caused a sharp deterioration of relations between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu.

    Abiy later moderated his position and, with Turkish mediation, reconciled with his Somalia counterpart, President Hassan Mohamud.

    What’s behind US interest in Somaliland?

    The US, like other great powers, has been interested in Somaliland because of its strategic location. It is on the African shores of the Gulf of Aden, across from the Arabian Peninsula. Its geographical position has gained currency recently as Yemeni Houthi rebels strike maritime traffic in the busy shipping lanes. Somaliland is also well located to curb piracy and smuggling on this global trade route.

    The US Africa Command set up its main Horn of Africa base at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti in 2002. This followed the 11 September 2001 attacks.



    Read more:
    Somaliland’s quest for recognition: UK debate offers hint of a sea change

    In 2017, China, which had become the main foreign economic power in the Horn of Africa, set up a navy support facility in Djibouti. This encouraged closer collaboration between American and Somaliland authorities. The US played with the idea of establishing a base in Berbera, which hosts Somaliland’s largest port.

    With Donald Trump winning the US presidential election in 2024, there were reports of an increased push for US recognition of Somaliland. This would allow the US to deepen its trade and security partnerships in the volatile Horn of Africa region.

    Since March 2025, representatives of the Trump administration have engaged in talks with Somaliland officials to establish a US military base near Berbera. This would be in exchange for a formal but partial recognition of Somaliland.

    What are the risks of US recognition of Somaliland?

    Stronger US engagement with Somaliland risks neglecting Somalia.

    Mogadishu depends on external military assistance in its battle against the advancing violent Islamist extremist group, Al-Shabaab. It also faces increasing defiance from two federal regions, Puntland and Jubaland.

    US recognition would reward Hargeisa for its persistent effort to maintain stability and promote democracy. However, it could encourage other nations to recognise Somaliland. This would deliver a blow to Somali nationalists who want one state for all Somalis.

    Aleksi Ylönen is affiliated with the Center for International Studies, Iscte-Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, and is an associate fellow at the HORN International Institute for Strategic Studies.

    – ref. Somaliland’s 30-year quest for recognition: could US interests make the difference? – https://theconversation.com/somalilands-30-year-quest-for-recognition-could-us-interests-make-the-difference-255399

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to tell if a photo’s fake? You probably can’t. That’s why new rules are needed

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Martin Bekker, Computational Social Scientist, University of the Witwatersrand

    The problem is simple: it’s hard to know whether a photo’s real or not anymore. Photo manipulation tools are so good, so common and easy to use, that a picture’s truthfulness is no longer guaranteed.

    The situation got trickier with the uptake of generative artificial intelligence. Anyone with an internet connection can cook up just about any image, plausible or fantasy, with photorealistic quality, and present it as real. This affects our ability to discern truth in a world increasingly influenced by images.



    Read more:
    Can you tell the difference between real and fake news photos? Take the quiz to find out

    I teach and research the ethics of artificial intelligence (AI), including how we use and understand digital images.

    Many people ask how we can tell if an image has been changed, but that’s fast becoming too difficult. Instead, here I suggest a system where creators and users of images openly state what changes they’ve made. Any similar system will do, but new rules are needed if AI images are to be deployed ethically – at least among those who want to be trusted, especially media.

    Doing nothing isn’t an option, because what we believe about media affects how much we trust each other and our institutions. There are several ways forward. Clear labelling of photos is one of them.

    Deepfakes and fake news

    Photo manipulation was once the preserve of government propaganda teams, and later, expert users of Photoshop, the popular software for editing, altering or creating digital images.

    Today, digital photos are automatically subjected to colour-correcting filters on phones and cameras. Some social media tools automatically “prettify” users’ pictures of faces. Is a photo taken of oneself by oneself even real anymore?



    Read more:
    The use of deepfakes can sow doubt, creating confusion and distrust in viewers

    The basis of shared social understanding and consensus – trust regarding what one sees – is being eroded. This is accompanied by the apparent rise of untrustworthy (and often malicious) news reporting. We have new language for the situation: fake news (false reporting in general) and deepfakes (deliberately manipulated images, whether for waging war or garnering more social media followers).

    Misinformation campaigns using manipulated images can sway elections, deepen divisions, even incite violence. Scepticism towards trustworthy media has untethered ordinary people from fact-based accounting of events, and has fuelled conspiracy theories and fringe groups.

    Ethical questions

    A further problem for producers of images (personal or professional) is the difficulty of knowing what’s permissable. In a world of doctored images, is it acceptable to prettify yourself? How about editing an ex-partner out of a picture and posting it online?

    Would it matter if a well-respected western newspaper published a photo of Russian president Vladimir Putin pulling his face in disgust (an expression that he surely has made at some point, but of which no actual image has been captured, say) using AI?

    The ethical boundaries blur further in highly charged contexts. Does it matter if opposition political ads against then-presidential candidate Barack Obama in the US deliberately darkened his skin?

    Would generated images of dead bodies in Gaza be more palatable, perhaps more moral, than actual photographs of dead humans? Is a magazine cover showing a model digitally altered to unattainable beauty standards, while not declaring the level of photo manipulation, unethical?

    A fix

    Part of the solution to this social problem demands two simple and clear actions. First, declare that photo manipulation has taken place. Second, disclose what kind of photo manipulation was carried out.

    The first step is straightforward: in the same way pictures are published with author credits, a clear and unobtrusive “enhancement acknowledgement” or EA should be added to caption lines.



    Read more:
    AI isn’t what we should be worried about – it’s the humans controlling it

    The second is about how an image has been altered. Here I call for five “categories of manipulation” (not unlike a film rating). Accountability and clarity create an ethical foundation.

    The five categories could be:

    C – Corrected

    Edits that preserve the essence of the original photo while refining its overall clarity or aesthetic appeal – like colour balance (such as contrast) or lens distortion. Such corrections are often automated (for instance by smartphone cameras) but can be performed manually.

    E – Enhanced

    Alterations that are mainly about colour or tone adjustments. This extends to slight cosmetic retouching, like the removal of minor blemishes (such as acne) or the artificial addition of makeup, provided the edits don’t reshape physical features or objects. This includes all filters involving colour changes.

    B – Body manipulated

    This is flagged when a physical feature is altered. Changes in body shape, like slimming arms or enlarging shoulders, or the altering of skin or hair colour, fall under this category.

    O – Object manipulated

    This declares that the physical position of an object has been changed. A finger or limb moved, a vase added, a person edited out, a background element added or removed.

    G – Generated

    Entirely fabricated yet photorealistic depictions, such as a scene that never existed, must be flagged here. So, all images created digitally, including by generative AI, but limited to photographic depictions. (An AI-generated cartoon of the pope would be excluded, but a photo-like picture of the pontiff in a puffer jacket is rated G.)

    The suggested categories are value-blind: they are (or ought to be) triggered simply by the occurrence of any manipulation. So, colour filters applied to an image of a politician trigger an E category, whether the alteration makes the person appear friendlier or scarier. A critical feature for accepting a rating system like this is that it is transparent and unbiased.

    The CEBOG categories above aren’t fixed, there may be overlap: B (Body manipulated) might often imply E (Enhanced), for example.

    Feasibility

    Responsible photo manipulation software may automatically indicate to users the class of photo manipulation carried out. If needed it could watermark it, or it could simply capture it in the picture’s metadata (as with data about the source, owner or photographer). Automation could very well ensure ease of use, and perhaps reduce human error, encouraging consistent application across platforms.



    Read more:
    Can you spot a financial fake? How AI is raising our risks of billing fraud

    Of course, displaying the rating will ultimately be an editorial decision, and good users, like good editors, will do this responsibly, hopefully maintaining or improving the reputation of their images and publications. While one would hope that social media would buy into this kind of editorial ideal and encourage labelled images, much room for ambiguity and deception remains.

    The success of an initiative like this hinges on technology developers, media organisations and policymakers collaborating to create a shared commitment to transparency in digital media.

    Martin Bekker receives funding from the National Research Foundation in South Africa.

    – ref. How to tell if a photo’s fake? You probably can’t. That’s why new rules are needed – https://theconversation.com/how-to-tell-if-a-photos-fake-you-probably-cant-thats-why-new-rules-are-needed-252645

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Fraudulent crowdfunding after the Lapu Lapu tragedy highlights the need for vigilance and oversight

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jeremy Snyder, Professor, Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University

    Around 100,000 members of Vancouver’s Filipino community and other residents recently gathered to take part in the Lapu Lapu street festival to celebrate Filipino culture. This vibrant community celebration ended in tragedy when a vehicle was driven at high speed through the festival.

    Eleven people were killed in the April 26 attack, and dozens injured in what acting police chief Steve Rai called the “darkest day in the city’s history.”

    There has been an outpouring of community support for the victims, their friends and families, and the Filipino community in Vancouver. This support has taken the form of flowers and messages left at the attack site, vigils and gatherings and religious events.

    And, as is now common following high-profile tragedies, the Lapu Lapu festival attack has been accompanied by a number of crowdfunding campaigns by and for its victims.

    A memorial for the victims of the Lapu Lapu tragedy.
    (J. Snyder), CC BY

    Helping after disaster

    Many of these crowdfunding campaigns are hosted by GoFundMe, which has set up a dedicated hub for these fundraisers. A week after the attack, the 16 campaigns on this hub had raised more than $2.3 million.

    Dozens of other fundraisers on GoFundMe have raised additional money for various causes and groups associated with the tragedy and Vancouver’s Filipino community. Other crowdfunding platforms have also hosted related crowdfunding campaigns.

    Crowdfunding is a way for the public to help those in need in concrete ways while also expressing their shock and sadness over tragic events. People from across the world have taken advantage of crowdfunding’s accessibility to learn about victims and join the outpouring of support.

    This support can be large and consequential. A campaign for Andy Le, a teenager who lost his family at the festival attack, has received more than $500,000 in donations. As a result of this support, Le has in turn pledged to donate half that money to other victims.

    This viral, international support has meant these campaigns are likely able to raise vastly more money than would be possible through traditional, purely local and offline activities.

    Teenager Andy Le, who lost his family in the Lapu Lapu attack, redistributes the funds raised in an online campaign.

    Fraud and fundraising

    But while the online nature of crowdfunding allows for a global response to high-profile tragedies, the relatively impersonal nature of crowdfunding has its downsides. Our research has demonstrated that crowdfunding sometimes attracts fraudulent campaigns.

    High-profile events that spur numerous campaigns and massive financial support are particularly attractive to fraudsters. Unfortunately, this has been the case with the Lapu Lapu festival tragedy. In one case, a GoFundMe campaign fraudulently raised more than $57,000, ostensibly to return the body of “Reyna Dela Peñato” to the Philippines after her death at the festival and to support her sons.

    Separately, the Philippine Consulate General of Vancouver warned of fraudulent campaigns on its behalf that used images from its website.

    Vetting authenticity

    Communities can provide mutual support by detecting these fraudulent campaigns, especially in tight-knit communities like Filipinos in Vancouver. In the case of the fraudulent campaign for “Reyna Dela Peñato,” it was flagged by Raquel Narraway, a Vancouver resident who had been compiling information on fundraisers. Narraway was able to marshal her connections to the local Filipino community to show that the campaign was not genuine.

    GoFundMe does its own vetting as well, identifying some campaigns as “verified” after contacting organizers.

    However, responding to actual and potential fraud creates new burdens on victims to prove their legitimacy to the public and crowdfunding platforms. Local community members are in turn taken away from grieving to investigate these campaigns. These policing activities inject a level of distrust into fundraising that is less present when giving takes place between people with pre-existing connections.

    Growing challenges

    While the problem of fraud in crowdfunding isn’t new, changes to the practice of crowdfunding may make it harder to detect. The advent of large language models or artificial intelligence (AI) tools like ChatGPT have made it easier for crowdfunding campaigners to edit their campaign narratives to appeal to a wider pool of potential donors.

    Crowdfunding platforms like GoFundMe are also pushing AI features directly into their platforms to “enhance” these campaigns and help campaigners “connect with more donors.” These features may be especially appealing to people whose first language is not English, as may be the case with some victims of the Lapu Lapu festival attack.

    While the AI-ification of crowdfunding creates a more level playing field for campaigners, it may also make fraud easier to commit and harder to detect. This will be true if generating fake campaigns is easier using chatbots and if legitimate campaigns use AI and take on a less authentic voice.

    Online crowdfunding isn’t going anywhere, and for many victims of the Lapu Lapu festival attack, it has enabled them to ease some of the burden from that terrible day. However, we should be aware that crowdfunding isn’t a purely beneficial tool for people in need. Without proper oversight, it may develop in ways that are even more problematic.

    Jeremy Snyder receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Valorie A. Crooks receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, BC Women’s Health Research Institute and MITACS..

    – ref. Fraudulent crowdfunding after the Lapu Lapu tragedy highlights the need for vigilance and oversight – https://theconversation.com/fraudulent-crowdfunding-after-the-lapu-lapu-tragedy-highlights-the-need-for-vigilance-and-oversight-255934

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Chinese research isn’t taken as seriously as papers from elsewhere – my new study

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Peng Zhou, Professor of Economics, Cardiff University

    My new research suggests there is a stubborn pattern in academic publishing. My co-author and I examined some 8,000 articles published in the world’s most reputable economics journals to study citations, which are where academics cite previously published research in their papers. We found papers whose lead author had a Chinese surname received on average 14% fewer citations than comparable papers written by those with a non-Chinese name.

    This supports similar findings from previous studies in chemistry and other natural sciences, suggesting that citation prejudice is a cross-disciplinary problem.

    In reaching that conclusion, we put our raw findings through every test we could think of to rule out other explanations. Our first thought was that maybe Chinese-authored papers are more recently published on average than non-Chinese-authored papers, and therefore less cited. However the same citation gap holds for papers published in all years.

    Average citations of economic articles by author ethnicity:

    Another obvious guess is that Chinese-authored papers are of lower quality. Some readers will have heard about the issue of China’s “paper mills”, companies which have in recent years been churning out research papers based on fraudulent findings for Chinese universities. There are reports that this may have made some western academics more reluctant to take Chinese research seriously, but these are largely a problem for low-quality journals.

    We only looked at articles published in the top journals (rated as 4 or 4* in the ABS journal rankings). Each paper has gone through a strict process of editorial review, often taking a couple of years, so they are far less likely to have been produced by high-volume paper mills. Additionally, almost half of the Chinese authors in our sample were affiliated outside China, so paper-mill allegations against Chinese authors are not relevant in our observations.

    Alternatively, you may be wondering if Chinese authors’ papers are less citable because of a language barrier in the writing. Again, this shouldn’t be an issue when all these papers which have been strictly quality-assured by peer reviews and editorial reviews. The writing styles of Chinese authors in these journals do not seem significantly different from non-Chinese authors.

    We probed still more possibilities to explain the apparent discrimination, controlling for different factors and so on. But each time, the citation gap persisted – and sometimes became larger.

    Eventually we gave up trying to falsify the hypothesis, and turned to understanding why this ethnic discrimination exists.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences. Join The Conversation for free today.

    Why do economists discriminate?

    Picture the market for ideas as a miniature galaxy. Each paper is like a planet with its own mass, based on its quality, the authors’ stature and the perceived importance of the topic. Citations are like gravity, tugging knowledge towards these planets; the heavier the planet’s mass, the stronger the pull.

    Yet gravity also fades with distance, in this case meaning not kilometres but culture – language, networks and the subtle signals that tell us who feels familiar. It may be that the farther away a scholar seems on the cultural map, the weaker their intellectual pull.

    Our findings show this “cultural distance” at work. Interestingly, the same thing happens in both directions: the ratio of Chinese-authored references is significantly higher in Chinese-authored papers than in non-Chinese-authored papers.

    Our next step was some detective work to deduce who exactly is discriminating. We identified four “suspects”: journal editors, reviewers, publishers, and finally citers.

    If discrimination began with journal editors, they should only be publishing Chinese-led papers of comparably higher quality than other papers they publish. If so, you would expect these superior papers to be cited more, not less, which is at odds with the evidence.

    As for reviewers, most journals adopt a “double-blind” approach where reviewers and authors don’t know each other’s identities. If reviewers don’t know when they’re dealing with a Chinese author, they cannot be discriminating against them. Similarly, publishers are not usually allowed to intervene in editorial decisions, so they cannot be discriminating either.

    This leaves the citers as the main discriminators, those who read academic papers and cite them in their own work. To get a clearer picture of what is happening, we compared three pairs of subgroups: Chinese versus non-Chinese, top economists versus non-top economists, and those with US university affiliations versus non-US affiliations.

    We concluded that non-Chinese top economists from non-US institutions are the ones least likely to cite authors with Chinese surnames. This seems surprising given US rivalry with China, but actually it is a natural consequence. For US economists to study their biggest opponent, you would expect them to cite studies about China –and most are done by Chinese authors.

    Mitigating the discrimination

    One way of reducing the “Chineseness” of authorship is co-authoring with a non-Chinese academic. However in academic writing, a citation convention is that when a paper has over three authors, you only keep the surname of the first author (who is also the lead researcher). For example, a paper written by Zhang, Smith and Armstrong in 2025 will simply become “Zhang et al. (2025)”. Therefore bringing in more non-Chinese academics will make no difference.

    Another way of diluting “Chineseness” is for the lead author to become affiliated with a US institute. Per our study, this reduces the citation bias by 16%. However, obtaining such a US affiliation is not always feasible.

    This led us to conclude that the best way of reducing discrimination is to reduce the amount of author information in citations. For example, journals can request for citations to be by initials (“BG 1957”) or numeric codes (1, 2, 3), as market leaders like Nature already do. Journals can also use a digital object identifier (DOI), for example “10.1234/example.article”, instead of disclosing author names in published references.

    This may not solve the problem of papers not being cited in the first place, but it can reduce the likelihood of subsequent citation bias as readers no longer know the surnames of cited papers.

    Discrimination is self-sabotage. Each time we discount a paper because the surname feels “foreign”, we put the brakes on our own progress. This slows insight, muffles debate and leaves the world poorer in ideas.

    Peng Zhou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Chinese research isn’t taken as seriously as papers from elsewhere – my new study – https://theconversation.com/chinese-research-isnt-taken-as-seriously-as-papers-from-elsewhere-my-new-study-255794

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Decentralized finance is booming − and so are the security risks. My team surveyed nearly 500 crypto investors and uncovered the most common mistakes

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mingyi Liu, Ph.D. student in Computer Science, Georgia Institute of Technology

    When the first cryptocurrency, Bitcoin, was proposed in 2008, the goal was simple: to create a digital currency free from banks and governments. Over time, that idea evolved into something much bigger: “decentralized finance,” or “DeFi.”

    With decentralized finance, people trade, borrow and earn interest on crypto assets without relying on traditional intermediaries. DeFi services run on blockchains, which are essentially digital ledgers, and use “smart contracts” − self-executing code that automates financial transactions. Tens of billions of dollars have poured into the DeFi market.

    But with innovation comes risks. The lack of centralized oversight has made crypto, including decentralized finance, a prime target for hackers and scammers. In 2024 alone, people lost nearly US$1.5 billion due to security exploits and fraud. And unlike traditional finance, there’s usually no way to recover stolen crypto.

    As a computer scientist, I wanted to better understand how people perceive and respond to these risks. So my colleagues and I first conducted in-depth interviews with 14 crypto investors, then surveyed nearly 500 others to validate our findings.

    Our study found that people often made the same mistakes, driven by recurring misconceptions and gaps in security awareness. Here are some of the most important.

    Mistake 1: Thinking the blockchain guarantees security

    Many people told us they thought decentralized finance was secure – but their reasoning wasn’t very convincing. Some seemed to confuse decentralized finance with blockchain technology itself, which is designed to ensure transactions are tamper-resistant through so-called “consensus mechanisms.” One told us that DeFi is secure “because a hacker would have to override an entire blockchain” to steal funds.

    But services on the blockchain are still vulnerable to implementation and design flaws. These include smart contract breaches, in which bad guys exploit bugs in a service’s code, and front-end attacks, where a user interface is altered to redirect funds into a hacker’s wallet. A front-end attack was reportedly to blame for a recent $1.5 billion crypto heist.

    CNBC reports on the record-breaking $1.5 billion crypto theft.

    Mistake 2: Thinking safe keys mean safe funds

    Another common misconception is that DeFi is secure if private keys are well stored. A private key is a secret code that allows someone to access their crypto assets. It’s true that in DeFi – unlike in centralized crypto finance where an exchange holds private keys – users have full control over their own private keys.

    But even with perfect private key management, users can still lose funds by interacting with compromised DeFi platforms. That’s because safeguarding private keys can prevent only direct attacks targeting private key access, such as phishing attempts.

    The people we spoke with also failed to follow best practices for securing their private keys. Using a hardware wallet – a physical device that stores private keys offline – is one of the most secure options for protecting keys from online threats. However, our study found that only a handful of participants actually used hardware wallets.

    Mistake 3: Thinking 2-factor authentication is a silver bullet

    Two-factor authentication, or 2FA, is a standard security mechanism in which two forms of verification are required to access an account. Think being texted a one-time code before you can log into your bank account.

    To prevent account breaches, centralized crypto exchanges such as Binance and Coinbase use two-factor authentication for logins, account recovery and withdrawal confirmations. But while 2FA is crucial to security in the traditional and centralized crypto finance system, it plays a much smaller role in decentralized finance.

    DeFi wallets give users access based on private key ownership rather than identity verification, which means traditional 2FA can’t be used. Instead, only 2FA-like mechanisms are available in DeFi. For instance, multisignature wallets require approval from multiple private key holders. However, if your private key is compromised, attackers can perform wallet operations on your behalf without any additional verification. In addition, even users who adopt 2FA-like measures can’t prevent the security breaches on the DeFi services’ end.

    Unfortunately, our participants were overly confident regarding the effectiveness of 2FA, with one saying, “Two-factor authentication has been one of the best solutions for keeping wallets safe.” In our survey, 57.1% of users relied on 2FA as their only technical countermeasure against rug pulls – scams where project creators suddenly withdraw funds – and 49.3% did so for smart contract exploits. This misplaced trust could lead them to ignore more effective security strategies.

    Mistake 4: Not managing token approvals

    One such effective strategy is revoking token approvals. In DeFi, tokens are digital assets on a blockchain that represent value or rights, and users often need to approve smart contracts to access or spend them. But if you leave these approvals open, a malicious contract – or one that’s been hacked – can drain your wallet. So it’s crucial to routinely check all token approvals you’ve granted to prevent losses caused by fraudulent or hacked DeFi services. Specifically, you should limit spending allowances instead of using the default “unlimited” option, and revoke approvals for apps you no longer use or trust.

    Worryingly, we found that only 10.8% and 16.3% of participants regularly checked and revoked token approvals to protect against rug pulls and smart contract exploits, respectively. In light of this, we recommend that wallet providers introduce a reminder feature to prompt users to review their token approvals periodically.

    Mistake 5: Not learning from past incidents

    Even after they’re hacked or scammed, people often don’t do anything to improve their security practices, we found. Just 17.6% of those who reported being victims of a DeFi scam regularly checked token approvals afterward. Worse, 26% took no action at all after a scam, and 16.4% doubled down by investing even more in other DeFi services.

    Surprisingly, more than half of the victims said their belief in DeFi either stayed the same or grew stronger after the incident. One user who lost $4,700 due to a rug-pull incident said, “My belief in cryptocurrency has grown stronger after that because I made good money from it.” That person added, “An opportunity to make money is something I believe in.” This suggests that DeFi users’ financial motivations can sometimes outweigh their security concerns – and, perhaps, their better judgment.

    There’s no one-size-fits-all solution to DeFi security. But awareness is the first step. To stay safe, crypto investors should use hardware wallets, revoke unused token approvals and continually learn new techniques to protect themselves from evolving threats. Most importantly, they should stay rational and not let the allure of profits cloud their security practices.

    Mingyi Liu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Decentralized finance is booming − and so are the security risks. My team surveyed nearly 500 crypto investors and uncovered the most common mistakes – https://theconversation.com/decentralized-finance-is-booming-and-so-are-the-security-risks-my-team-surveyed-nearly-500-crypto-investors-and-uncovered-the-most-common-mistakes-251305

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How proposed changes to higher education accreditation could impact campus diversity efforts

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jimmy Aguilar, PhD Candidate in Urban Education Policy, University of Southern California

    An executive order seeks to remove ‘discriminatory ideology’ in universities. Critics contend it politicizes the accreditation process. Abraham Gonzalez Fernandez via Getty Images

    President Donald Trump on April 23, 2025, signed an executive order that aims to change the higher education accreditation process. It asks accrediting agencies to root out “discriminatory ideology” and roll back diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives on college campuses.

    The Conversation asked Jimmy Aguilar, who studies higher education at the University of Southern California, to explain what accreditation is, why it matters and how the Trump order seeks to change it.

    What is accreditation and how does it work?

    Accreditation is a process that evaluates whether colleges and universities meet standards of academic rigor, institutional integrity and financial stability.

    In the United States, there were 88 accrediting agencies during the 2022-23 school academic year.

    The agencies are formally recognized by the Department of Education and the Council for Higher Education Accreditation.

    Accreditation is not a one-time stamp of approval, but a continuous process.

    At its core, accreditation is a guarantor of quality in higher education.

    The process involves self-assessment and peer review visits.

    Colleges typically undergo a full review every five to 10 years, depending on the accrediting agency.

    Institutions must meet standards for curriculum, faculty, student services and outcomes, and provide documentation.

    Then, federally recognized accrediting agencies review the documentation.

    Teams, often comprised of peer reviewers from other colleges, conduct campus visits and evaluations before granting or reviewing accreditation.

    Why do universities need to be accredited?

    Accreditation assures students, employers and the public that an institution meets basic academic standards.

    It also signals credibility and secures federal financial support.

    Without it, colleges cannot access key funding sources such as Pell Grants and federal student loans.

    The funding is essential for college budgets and students’ access to higher education.

    Accreditation is also required for professional licensure in fields such as teaching, nursing, medicine and law.

    It also helps ensure that students can transfer credits between institutions.

    What does Trump’s executive order do?

    President Donald Trump displays a signed executive order in the Oval Office at the White House on April 23, 2025, in Washington.
    Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

    The executive order would reshape the college accreditation system, aligning it with the administration’s political priorities. Those priorities include the rollback of DEI initiatives.

    The order seeks to use federal oversight to weaken institutional DEI policies and priorities. It also promotes new standards aligned with the administration’s interpretation of “merit-based” education.

    The executive order also directs the Department of Education to penalize agencies that require colleges to implement DEI-related standards.

    The Trump administration claims that such standards amount to “unlawful discrimination.”

    Penalties may include increased oversight or loss of federal recognition. This would render the accreditation seal meaningless, according to the executive order.

    The order also proposes a broad overhaul of the accreditation process, including:

    • Promoting “intellectual diversity” in faculty hiring. The executive order argues that promoting a broader range of viewpoints among faculty will enhance academic freedom. Critics often interpret this language as an effort to increase conservative ideological representation.

    • Streamlining the process for institutions to switch accreditors. During Trump’s first term, his administration removed geographic restrictions, giving colleges more flexibility to choose. The new executive order goes further. It makes it easier for schools to leave agencies whose standards they disagree with.

    • Expanding recognition of new accrediting agencies to increase competition.

    • Linking accreditation more directly to student outcomes. This would shift focus to metrics such as graduation rates and earnings, rather than commitments to diversity or equity.

    A 2023 Supreme Court ruling that outlawed affirmative action in university admissions has been a point of contention in the debate over diversity, equity and inclusion in higher education.
    Joe Daniel Price/Getty Images

    The executive order singles out accreditors for law schools, such as the American Bar Association, and for medical schools, such as the Liaison Committee on Medical Education.

    The order accuses them of enforcing DEI standards that conflict with a 2023 Supreme Court ruling that outlawed affirmative action in university admissions.

    However, the ruling was limited to race-conscious admissions. It did not directly address faculty hiring or accreditation standards.

    That raises questions about whether the order’s interpretation extends beyond the scope of the court’s decision.

    The ruling has nonetheless been a point of contention in the debate over diversity, equity and inclusion.

    The American Association of University Professors and the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law have denounced the executive order.

    The groups argue that it threatens to politicize accreditation and suppress efforts to promote equity and inclusion.

    Nevertheless, the order represents a push by the federal government to influence higher education governance.

    Jimmy Aguilar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How proposed changes to higher education accreditation could impact campus diversity efforts – https://theconversation.com/how-proposed-changes-to-higher-education-accreditation-could-impact-campus-diversity-efforts-255309

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Humans are killing helpful insects in hundreds of ways − simple steps can reduce the harm

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christopher Halsch, Ecologist, Binghamton University, State University of New York

    Dragonflies, just like bees and butterflies, face threats that humans can help prevent. Christopher Halsch

    Insects are all around us – an ant on the sidewalk, a bee buzzing by, a butterfly floating on the breeze – and they shape the world we experience. They pollinate flowering plants, decompose waste, control pests, and are critical links in food chains.

    Despite how much humans rely on insects, our actions are reducing their populations in many parts of the world. A recent study found that the United States lost more than 20% of its butterflies over the past two decades. Sadly, this rate of decline is not unusual. Many studies have found that insect populations are declining at 1% to 2% per year.

    To understand why this is happening, Status of Insects, an international research group we are part of, reviewed 175 recent studies on the causes of insect decline. We found hundreds of potential causes that are all highly connected, almost all of which stem directly or indirectly from human activities.

    The drivers of insect decline are connected

    The causes of insect decline are led by a few major sources: intensive agriculture, climate change, pollution, invasive species and habitat loss. Some drivers are bigger threats than others, but all of them play a role in causing insect declines.

    Importantly, many insects experience more than one of these stressors at the same time.

    The Mitchell’s satyr butterfly relies on prairie wetlands, many of which have been drained or altered, and is now critically endangered. Its greatest threats are habitat loss and insecticides from agricultural areas. This one was spotted in Michigan.
    U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

    Urban risks

    Picture a moth in a city park. It is threatened by habitat loss as the city grows, but its habitat may also be threatened by invasive plants that escape from gardens. At the same time, it is suffering from the effects of pollution – light, air and noise pollution are common in urban areas.

    Light pollution is especially important for moths because they are attracted to artificial lights at night, and so are their predators. Spiders, for example, have learned to hunt in lit areas. When moth species that fly at night spend a lot of time around lights, they can expend a lot of energy, leaving less for other activities, such as pollinating plants.

    In addition to being pollinators, moths also control plant growth by eating leaves during their caterpillar stage. And they provide food for many species of birds and bats, which play their own important roles in ecosystems.

    Risks on farmland and orchards

    Intensive agriculture is one of the most commonly discussed drivers of insect decline. It is also heavily connected to other causes.

    Consider native bees in agricultural areas. As agriculture expands, their native habitat is reduced. Agricultural landscapes also tend to have high levels of chemical pollution – especially insecticides, fungicides, herbicides and fertilizers. Insecticides are designed to disrupt insect physiology and can directly harm bees, while herbicides indirectly disrupt bees by removing plants that provide food.

    Flowers, and the insects that rely on them, can fall victim to chemicals used on farms.
    Dixit Motiwala/Unsplash, CC BY

    Often, U.S. farms also use honeybees, native to Europe, for pollination. These introduced bees are easier to manage but can spread diseases and parasites into native bee populations.

    Native bees may be able to survive one of these threats, but all three together present a much bigger challenge.

    Polluted water can also harm insects

    Humans often focus on insects such as bees and butterflies because they are more visible, but many insects spend much of their life underwater, where they face another set of threats.

    For instance, dragonflies are aquatic when they are juveniles. The threats at this stage of life are no less severe but are entirely different from those facing adults.

    When water levels in streams or ponds decrease, that reduces young dragonflies’ habitat. These insects can also be threatened by water pollution from runoff and increases in water temperature with climate change.

    Successful conservation considers all the risks

    These connections mean humans must be thoughtful about conservation.

    Well-meaning actions such as reducing pollution or controlling invasive species can help, but they will have little effect if there is no habitat for insects to return to. Restoring habitat can have widespread benefits and potentially help insects respond to other threats.

    Many insects play important roles in humans’ lives. Caterpillars, for example, help keep plant growth under control.
    Christopher Halsch

    There are more insect species on Earth than species in any other plant or animal group. They can be found almost everywhere you look.

    Yet public attention is mostly focused on pollinators. That can leave other insects facing unaddressed human threats.

    Preserving and restoring water resources such as wetlands, lakes and streams is vital for aquatic insects like dragonflies. Many other insects spend much of their lives underground. Soil-dwelling insects, such as some beetles and flies, serve important functions, like decomposing dead plant material.

    Successful conservation also considers species throughout their life cycles. For instance, planting pollinator gardens provides nectar for adult hoverflies – an important but often overlooked pollinator. But a garden alone would not necessarily provide food for their larval stage, when many hoverflies decompose plant and animal matter.

    How to help insects

    The simplest way to help insects is by providing high-quality habitats.

    This includes supporting a variety of native plants that can provide both nectar and leaves, which are food for many herbivorous insects throughout their lives.

    A good habitat also provides places for insects to nest, such as bare ground or leaf litter. Bigger patches are better, but even small gardens can be helpful.

    Wildflower gardens can help insects thrive.
    California Native Plant Society/Flickr, CC BY

    At the same time, limiting exposure to other threats is important. Actions such as dimming artificial lights at night and reducing the use of pesticides can help.

    There are many reasons for insect decline, making population recovery an imposing challenge. But there are also many ways – large and small – that people, cities and companies can reduce the harm and help these valuable critters thrive.

    Christopher Halsch has received funding from the USDA NIFA (2022-67011-36563).

    Eliza Grames receives funding from the National Science Foundation (DEB 2225092).

    – ref. Humans are killing helpful insects in hundreds of ways − simple steps can reduce the harm – https://theconversation.com/humans-are-killing-helpful-insects-in-hundreds-of-ways-simple-steps-can-reduce-the-harm-255844

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Grit’ and relentless perseverance can take a toll on brain health − particularly for people facing social stresses like racism

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Darlingtina Esiaka, Assistant Professor of Behavioral Science, University of Kentucky

    Persistence without rest may tax brain health. ljubaphoto/E+ via Getty Images

    For many people, grit – the perseverance and passion for long-term goals – is a virtue. It is also a key ingredient in overcoming challenges, achieving success and maintaining resilience.

    Studies have linked grit with success in goal attainment, improved psychological well-being and increased life satisfaction.

    But despite conventional narratives equating this type of psychological persistence with well-being, brain research is beginning to show that mustering grit in the face of adversity may also have some unexpected detrimental effects – particularly for communities that are already under chronic stress.

    As a behavioral scientist studying Alzheimer’s disease and brain health in Black communities, I use techniques such as brain activity monitoring to examine risk factors and early signs of cognitive decline. My research along with other work is beginning to uncover that pushing through can create a level of stress that actually taxes brain health.

    The paradox of grit, active coping and brain health

    Grit has become a central idea in psychology. Researchers have mainly focused on its positive features, describing it as a quality that helps people work hard, stay strong during tough times and keep trying even when things are difficult. Active coping is a similar concept defined as addressing problems directly and actively seeking solutions. Studies have linked it to lower stress, better health and feeling more in control.

    Traits such as grit and active coping are strategies used to manage stress, and they are traditionally seen as protective factors for well-being.

    But perseverance may also come with risks that can contribute to poor brain health outcomes. Consider the concept of John Henryism, developed by an epidemiologist named Sherman James in the 1970s.

    John Henryism is a coping strategy characterized by persistent, high-effort striving in response to chronic stressors, particularly among marginalized groups. It is named after the legendary African American folk hero John Henry, who worked himself to death in a contest against a steam-powered drill. In the folk tale, John Henry exemplifies how people may engage in prolonged, high-effort coping, often at the expense of their health. James used the folklore to symbolize the relentless effort to overcome structural and systemic barriers.

    For example, imagine someone in their early 40s who works two physically demanding jobs to support their family and prevent homelessness. They believe relentless effort is the only path to stability, despite experiencing chronic fatigue and pain. Over time, this sustained strain may lead to high blood pressure, stroke and depression – all of which have been linked to cognitive decline.

    This statue of John Henry stands in Talcott, W.Va., above the Big Bend Tunnel on the Chesapeake and Ohio Railway. Many people believe the events described in the folktale took place here.
    Ken Thomas via Wikimedia Commons

    John Henryism has been linked to negative health outcomes, including increased risks of hypertension, cardiovascular disease and early mortality. It has also been linked to the risk of poor brain health.

    Perseverance and the risk of cognitive impairment

    My colleagues’ and my recent work supports the idea that high-effort coping such as grit can contribute to neurocognitive wear and tear. Being constantly under stress can essentially overwork certain parts of the brain. This damage can build up to make it harder for the brain to learn new things, remember information and stay sharp as a person gets older.

    In our study published in January 2025, we asked 158 Black men living in the U.S. to participate in an online survey. The survey measured grit by asking how much participants agreed with statements like “I finish whatever I begin.” It also asked participants to report how often they experienced episodes of memory loss and confusion and to rank whether these episodes were becoming more frequent.

    We found that men with higher levels of grit reported greater cognitive difficulties such as trouble concentrating, forgetfulness and feeling mentally fatigued, despite their strong motivation to persevere. While our study couldn’t determine whether grit causes these difficulties, it raises important questions about whether sustained, high-effort coping might come at a cognitive cost over time.

    A concept called allostatic load provides one possible explanation for the link between perseverance and the cognitive decline we observed in our study. Allostatic load is the wear and tear on the body that builds up over time due to dealing with stress.

    I believe individuals who push through adversity against all odds may experience allostatic load more acutely. Their persistent coping could intensify physiological strain over time, contributing to earlier onset of cognitive decline. This explanation aligns with previous work, which has shown that prolonged exposure to stress can accelerate cognitive decline and negatively affect memory and executive function.

    Facing frequent stressors such as racism, discrimination, economic challenges and limited access to health care with intense levels of perseverance may encourage people to push through these challenges without adequate recovery. That can cause chronic stress that damages brain health.

    Continuously exerting mental and emotional effort without relief may also result in cognitive overload and diminish people’s ability to sustain mental resilience. This burden accelerates brain aging and increases the risk of cognitive decline.

    Unlike the occasional stress of meeting a deadline or completing a difficult project, this type of overexertion is more like waking up every day already exhausted, yet pushing through multiple jobs, financial worries and family responsibilities with little rest or support. Over time, this constant mental strain may wear down the brain’s ability to recover and maintain clarity, even when the person appears outwardly resilient.

    Rethinking perseverance

    Researchers are beginning to build a more nuanced understanding of perseverance that challenges the conventional wisdom that it is always beneficial. This perspective also redefines the notion of strength in the face of adversity.

    In this more realistic definition, perseverance can include self-care and rest. Knowing when to take a break or prioritize self-care is a practical strategy for maintaining cognitive health in the face of challenges.

    Also, practices such as meditation, deep breathing and guided relaxation can help regulate stress responses and reduce cognitive strain. And beyond personal resilience, leaning on social support and meaningful connections can be just as crucial for long-term brain health.

    Darlingtina Esiaka receives funding from National Institute on Aging and Alzheimer’s Association. She is the founder of Black in Gerontology and Geriatrics Network.

    – ref. ‘Grit’ and relentless perseverance can take a toll on brain health − particularly for people facing social stresses like racism – https://theconversation.com/grit-and-relentless-perseverance-can-take-a-toll-on-brain-health-particularly-for-people-facing-social-stresses-like-racism-251585

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: When doctors don’t believe their patients’ pain – experts explain the all-too-common experience of medical gaslighting

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth Hintz, Assistant Professor of Health Communication, University of Connecticut

    Medical gaslighting stems from centuries of gender bias in medicine. SimpleImages/Moment via Getty Images

    For people with chronic gynecological pain conditions, pain can be constant, making everyday activities like sitting, riding a bicycle and even wearing underwear extremely uncomfortable. For many of these people – most of whom identify as women – sexual intercourse and routine pelvic exams are unbearable.

    Endometriosis and vulvodynia, or chronic genital pain, are common gynecological conditions that can cause severe pain. They each affect about 1 in 10 American women.

    Yet many women face skepticism and gaslighting in health care settings when they seek care for this type of pain.

    We know this well through our research on social cognition and on how people with misunderstood health conditions manage difficult conversations with their doctors and family, as well as through volunteer work alongside people living with these conditions.

    We’ve consistently found that medical gaslighting around chronic gynecological pain is a complex societal problem, fueled by holes in medical research and training.

    ‘It’s all in your head’

    A 2024 study of patients who went to a clinic for vulvovaginal pain – pain experienced in the external female genitals and vagina – found that 45% of these patients had been told that they “just needed to relax more” and 39% were made to feel that they were “crazy”. A staggering 55% had considered giving up on seeking care.

    These results echo what one of us – Elizabeth Hintz – found in her 2023 meta-synthesis: Female patients with chronic pain conditions frequently hear this “It’s all in your head” response from doctors.

    Another study followed patients in two different major U.S. cities who were seeking care for vulvovaginal pain. The researchers found that most patients saw multiple clinicians but never received a diagnosis. Given the challenges of seeking medical care, many patients turn to social media sources like Reddit for support and information.

    These studies, among others, illustrate how people with these conditions often spend years going to clinician after clinician seeking care and being told their pain is psychological or perhaps not even real. Given these experiences, why do patients keep seeking care?

    “Let me describe the pain that would drive me to try so many different doctors, tests and treatments,” a patient with vulvovaginal pain said to her doctor. For her, sex “is like taking your most sensitive area and trying to rip it apart.”

    “I can now wear any pants or underwear that I want with no pain,” said another patient after successful treatment. “I never realized how much of a toll the pain took on my body every day until it was gone.”

    The World Health Organization estimates that at least 1 in 10 women suffers from endometriosis, yet many doctors miss it or dismiss it.

    Medical gaslighting

    Many patients worldwide experience medical gaslighting – a social phenomenon where a patient’s health concerns are not given appropriate medical evaluation and are instead downplayed, misattributed or dismissed outright.

    Medical gaslighting is rooted in centuries of gender bias in medicine.

    Women’s reproductive health issues have long been dismissed as psychological or “hysterical.” Genital and pelvic pain especially has been misattributed to psychological rather than biological causes: A century ago, Freudian psychoanalysts incorrectly believed that female sexual pain came from psychological complexes like penis envy.

    These historical views help shed light on why these symptoms are still not taken seriously today.

    Consequences of medical gaslighting

    In addition to the physical toll of untreated pain, medical gaslighting can take a psychological toll. Women may become isolated when other people do not believe their pain. Some internalize this disbelief and can begin to doubt their own perceptions of pain and even their sanity.

    This cycle of gaslighting compounds the burden of the pain and might lead to long-term psychological effects like anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress symptoms. For some, the repeated experience of being dismissed by clinicians erodes their sense of trust in the health care system. They might hesitate to seek medical attention in the future, fearing they will once again be dismissed.

    Although some chronic gynecological pain conditions like endometriosis are gaining public attention and becoming better understood, these dynamics persist.

    A funding crisis

    Part of the reason for the misunderstanding surrounding chronic gynecological pain conditions is the lack of research on them. A January 2025 report from the National Academies found that research on diseases disproportionately affecting women were underfunded compared with diseases disproportionately affecting men.

    This problem has gotten worse over time. The proportion of funding from the National Institutes of Health spent on women’s health has actually declined over the past decade. Despite these known disparities, in April 2025 the Trump administration threatened to end funding for the Women’s Health Initiative, a long-running women’s health research program, further worsening the problem.

    Without sustained federal funding for women’s health research, conditions like endometriosis and vulvodynia will remain poorly understood, leaving clinicians in the dark and patients stranded.

    Disparities in care

    As hard as it is for any female patient to have their pain believed and treated, gaining recognition for chronic pain is even harder for those who face discrimination based on class or race.

    One 2016 study found that half of the white medical students surveyed endorsed at least one false belief about biological differences between Black and white patients, such as that Black people have physically thicker skin or less sensitive nerve endings than white people. The medical students and residents who endorsed these false beliefs also underestimated Black patients’ pain and offered them less accurate treatment recommendations.

    Research shows that medical students and residents often hold false beliefs about biological differences between Black and white patients.
    FG Trade Latin/E+ via Getty Images

    Studies show that women are more likely to develop chronic pain conditions and report more frequent and severe pain than men. But women are perceived as more emotional and thus less reliable in describing their pain than men. Consequently, female patients who describe the same symptoms as male patients are judged to be in less pain and are less likely to be offered pain relief, even in emergency settings and with female clinicians. Compared to male patients, female patients are more likely to be prescribed psychological care instead of pain medicine.

    These lingering erroneous beliefs about gender and race are key reasons patients’ pain is dismissed, misunderstood and ignored. The very real-life consequences for patients include delayed diagnosis, treatment and even death.

    Practical steps to disrupt medical gaslighting

    Correcting these problems will require a shift in clinical training, so as to challenge biased views about pain in women and racial minorities and to educate clinicians about common pain conditions like vulvodynia. Research suggests that medical training needs to teach students to better listen to patients’ lived experiences and admit when an answer isn’t known.

    In the meantime, people navigating the health care system can take practical steps when encountering dismissive care.

    They can educate themselves about chronic gynecological pain conditions by reading books like “When Sex Hurts: Understanding and Healing Pelvic Pain” or educational information from trusted sources like the International Society for the Study of Women’s Sexual Health, the International Pelvic Pain Society and the International Society for the Study of Vulvovaginal Disease.

    Although these steps do not address the roots of medical gaslighting, they can empower patients to better understand the medical conditions that could cause their symptoms, helping to counteract the effects of gaslighting.

    If someone you know has experienced medical gaslighting and would like support, there are resources available.

    Organizations like The Endometriosis Association and the National Vulvodynia Association offer support networks and information – like how to find knowledgeable providers. Additionally, connecting with patient advocacy groups like Tight Lipped can provide opportunities for patients to engage in changing the health care system.

    Elizabeth Hintz volunteers with Tight Lipped, a non-profit patient advocacy organization by and for people with chronic vulvovaginal and pelvic pain.

    Marlene Berke volunteers with Tight Lipped, a non-profit patient advocacy organization by and for people with chronic vulvovaginal and pelvic pain.

    – ref. When doctors don’t believe their patients’ pain – experts explain the all-too-common experience of medical gaslighting – https://theconversation.com/when-doctors-dont-believe-their-patients-pain-experts-explain-the-all-too-common-experience-of-medical-gaslighting-250770

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump speaking poorly of other presidents is uncommon, but not unheard of, in American presidential history

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Peter Kastor, Professor of History & American Culture Studies, Washington University in St. Louis

    While most former presidents do not speak out about their successors after they leave the White House, Donald Trump is not the first president to criticize his former political opponents while in office. Trigger Photo/Getty Images Plus

    Former presidents don’t criticize their successors in public.

    Or do they?

    Former Presidents Bill Clinton, Barack Obama and Joe Biden have all criticized President Donald Trump in recent months.

    In April 2025, Obama, for example, spoke about the importance of preserving the international order, meaning the system of rules, norms and institutions that have been active since World War II. He said: “And this is an important moment, because in the last two months, we have seen a U.S. government actively try to destroy that order and discredit it. And the thinking, I gather, is that somehow, since we are the strongest, we’re going to be better off if we can just bully people into doing whatever we want.”

    Biden also offered his own negative comments on April 15: “In fewer than 100 days, this new administration has done so much damage,” he said in his first public remarks since leaving office.

    Some commentators have called these former presidents’ remarks “unprecedented.”

    Many Americans are accustomed to former presidents not speaking about – let alone criticizing – the current president.

    As a scholar of the presidency, I know that most presidents stay quiet about their successors, regardless of what the current president does or says. They do this to avoid undermining both their own reputations as well as the stability of the presidency itself.

    But I am also struck by the fact that this tradition is not as entrenched as former presidents might claim or as many Americans believe.

    President Jimmy Carter and his Republican challenger, Ronald Reagan, shake hands as they meet on a debate stage in 1980.
    Bettmann/Contributor/Getty Images

    Presidents who bucked the norm

    President George Washington established the precedent that presidents retire after two terms and steer clear of public statement. John Quincy Adams, the sixth U.S. president, established a different model.

    After Adams lost his bid for reelection in 1828 to Andrew Jackson, he served in the House of Representatives from 1831 through 1848. Congress is an unusual perch for a former president, but it’s a place where criticizing sitting presidents and their policies is part of the job. Adams had plenty of criticism there for his successors, including Jackson and James K. Polk.

    Nearly half a century later, President Teddy Roosevelt was disappointed that his hand-picked successor, William Howard Taft, failed to live up to Roosevelt’s vision of reform. Roosevelt went from criticizing Taft privately in political circles to campaigning against him publicly in 1912, aiming to win a nonconsecutive second term. Democrat Woodrow Wilson eventually won that election, beating out Taft and Roosevelt.

    Richard Nixon, who, in 1974, became the only president to resign from office, wrote a series of books in the 1980s and 1990s that sought to redeem his own sullied image by casting himself as a visionary statesman. Nixon’s books also included plenty of unsolicited advice – and implicit criticism – for Democratic and Republican presidents alike.

    Before becoming the beloved elder statesman of the former presidents club in 1980, Jimmy Carter earned the ire of his successors for his outspokenness. He said that President Ronald Reagan’s administration was an “aberration on the political scene” and said that one of Clinton’s political pardons was “disgraceful.”

    With the exception of Roosevelt, these former presidents who criticized their successors all felt they had something to prove. Anxious to redeem their legacies, they did not retire quietly.

    A healthy foray into retirement

    So why don’t we all know these stories, and instead believe that past presidents simply keep their mouths shut?

    Americans have long treated presidential retirement as a symbol of a healthy democracy. And that story of retirement emphasizes how former presidents often leave politics behind them.

    The trajectory of presidents finding peace and contentment in retirement, surrounded by friends and family, is an appealing way for presidential biographers to end a story. These stories have included narratives about Harry Truman taking a cross-country road trip only months after leaving the White House in 1953, and George W. Bush taking up painting.

    In reality, former presidents have led complex lives of happiness and loss, withdrawal and engagement. The energy and ambition that brought them to the White House often make retirement difficult. And, over the long history of the presidency, former presidents have become increasingly public figures.

    Former Presidents Bill Clinton, left, George W. Bush and Barack Obama are seen with Hillary Clinton and Laura Bush at the inauguration of Donald Trump on Jan. 20, 2025, in Washington.
    Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

    A shifting role

    Another important factor in the growing prominence of former presidents is how their roles have recently changed.

    Beginning in the 1990s, former presidents and first ladies tried to publicly show friendship and agreement with their counterparts.

    George H.W. Bush and Clinton, for example, teamed up to raise money for disaster relief after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami in South and Southeast Asia. In 2017, Bush’s son George W. Bush, himself a former president by that time, called Clinton his “brother with a different mother.”

    Former first lady Michelle Obama and Barack Obama have publicly thanked George W. Bush and Laura Bush for helping their family adjust to life in the White House. Michelle Obama has also become known for her personal friendship with George W. Bush.

    And as medical advances enabled former presidents to live longer than ever, the relationships within a growing former presidents club became the subject of books, movies and television segments.

    All of these stories had the same message – that all presidents are committed to their country. Likewise, the amiable relationship between former and sitting presidents shows that if party leaders could overcome partisanship in the name of unity and friendship, so too could other Americans.

    In a remarkable moment, for example, three presidents from two different parties – Clinton, George W. Bush and Obama – came together for a video before Biden’s 2021 inauguration to call for unity in a moment of crisis.

    Following the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol attack, they used their connection as presidents to tell a national story. As Bush said, “Well, I think the fact that the three of us are standing here talking about a peaceful transfer of power speaks to the institutional integrity of our country.”

    “America’s a generous country, people of great hearts. All three of us were lucky to be the president of this country,” Bush continued.

    The Republican former president looked at the Democrats on either side of him and smiled.

    Presidents Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton speak together in 2021.

    A new kind of presidential relations

    While friendships between presidents became more common in the 1990s and 2000s, Clinton and especially Trump were doing something different by the 2016 election.

    In 2016, Clinton became an active partisan in support of his wife, Hillary Clinton, during her unsuccessful bid for president.

    Both Clintons remained public critics of Trump long after he assumed office in 2017.

    For his part, Trump as a politician and then president immediately dismissed the notion of friendship with his predecessors and former competitors. He was quick to condemn Hillary Clinton – and especially Obama – in the early years of his first presidency.

    No sooner did Trump lose the 2020 election than he was heaping public scorn on Biden with an energy that only increased after Trump entered the 2024 race.

    Trump’s criticism of Biden did not stop after his 2024 victory, with the White House issuing statements like a pledge “to turn back the economic plague unleashed by the Biden Administration.”

    Trump has escalated attacks on other presidents. But he was not the first to criticize his successors or predecessors.

    Peter Kastor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump speaking poorly of other presidents is uncommon, but not unheard of, in American presidential history – https://theconversation.com/trump-speaking-poorly-of-other-presidents-is-uncommon-but-not-unheard-of-in-american-presidential-history-255568

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: FDR united Democrats under the banner of ‘liberalism’ − but today’s Democratic Party has nothing to put on its hat

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kevin M. Schultz, Professor of History, University of Illinois Chicago

    President Franklin D. Roosevelt, left, popularized the term ‘liberal’; President Lyndon Johnson may have caused its demise. FDR: AFP/Getty; LBJ: Bettmann/Getty

    If Donald Trump has taught Americans anything, it’s that political parties can shift positions on any number of issues and retain strong support. Republicans had once been aggressive Cold Warriors, standing shoulder to shoulder with allies against Russia, but now they are isolationists. They once favored so-called “free markets,” but now they support tariffs. And they once supported cutting budget deficits, but now they balloon those deficits with tax cuts.

    Same party, different policies.

    This accords with recent scholarship showing that American political parties don’t have much ideological coherence around concepts such as “freedom” or “equality” but instead are more like social groups with strong communal bonds such as common sympathies and common enemies.

    It turns out that political parties are mostly just people rooting for their side, the way you might support a sports team. It doesn’t matter whether your team changes tactics. You still root for them.

    People do switch allegiances, but it often takes a traumatic event to stop seeing fellow partisans as good, reasonable people.

    Republicans right now have strong tribal belonging that begins and ends with a single question: Do you support President Trump? They have a banner to march under: MAGA. And a song: “God Bless the U.S.A.” They live, laugh and love to own the libs. Their signs and symbols are simple and amusing. And they are effective.

    The Democrats have nothing. No leader, no banner to march under, no signs and no symbols.

    They used to.

    In 1960, scholar Charles Frankel dived into the meaning of the politically important word ‘liberal’ in a commentary for The New York Times.
    New York Times archive

    The liberal past

    In the past, Democrats had a word to describe their sensibility: “liberal.” But now: RIP, liberal. No one, it seems, wants to be a liberal anymore.

    In my research on uses and abuses of the word liberal, I discovered that liberalism is a relatively new word in American politics, really starting only in 1932.

    That year, presidential candidate Franklin D. Roosevelt was searching for a way to fend off Republican accusations that his New Deal was “socialism,” a word with radical connotations.

    Liberalism as a word predates FDR’s usage, but he redefined it to signify the government regulation of capitalism and the use of the state to provide citizens with basic economic security.

    When in 1932 FDR accepted the nomination for president, he declared the Democratic Party “the bearer of liberalism,” by which he meant undertaking “planned action” while fighting for “the greatest good to the greatest number of our citizens.”

    FDR pitted his liberalism against his opponents, whom he labeled “conservatives.” The U.S. has had the liberal-conservative divide ever since.

    FDR’s successor, Democrat Harry Truman, recognized the power of the term, extravagantly claiming, “The liberal faith is the political faith of the great majority of Americans.”

    President John F. Kennedy gloried in the word, too, defining a liberal as “someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people.”

    In 1960, philosopher Charles Frankel argued that liberalism as defined by FDR was a banner under which every Democrat marched, concluding that “anyone who today identifies himself as an unmitigated opponent of liberalism … cannot aspire to influence on the national political scene.”

    Shifting meanings

    Not for long.

    For one thing, in the 1950s the word shifted meaning to better accord with the times, as it had done several times in the past. During the post-World War II economic expansion, “a large part of the New Deal public,” historian Richard Hofstadter wrote in 1954, “have become home-owners, suburbanites and solid citizens.”

    Liberals therefore shifted liberalism. No longer were liberals solely about providing jobs and Social Security. They also demanded increased access to higher education, medical care and civil rights, and the elevation of popular culture.

    In 1956, future presidential adviser Arthur Schlesinger Jr. called this shift one from “quantitative” to “qualitative liberalism.”

    President Lyndon Johnson put this into effect in the mid-1960s. Johnson developed anti-poverty programs such as Head Start, but he also created cultural programs such as PBS, expanded civil rights and passed Medicare and Medicaid.

    “We are a great and liberal and progressive democracy,” Johnson declared in 1966.

    But Johnson’s qualitative liberalism came with costs. The programs expanded the federal bureaucracy, which by the late 1960s became noted for being ineffective and overly regulatory.

    Civil rights laws were perceived as threatening to the white working class. And Johnson’s liberalism became wedded to the war in Vietnam, where by 1969 more than 500,000 Americans were fighting to protect liberalism from the supposedly creeping arms of communism.

    Soon, the knives were out for liberals.

    3 lines of attack

    First, right-wing thinkers had already begun to portray liberals as little more than quasi-communists pushing for civil rights beyond most Americans’ desires.

    In 1955, conservative impresario William F. Buckley Jr. founded the magazine National Review to create “a responsible dissent from the Liberal orthodoxy.” He titled his 1959 book “Up from Liberalism” and spent 217 of the book’s 229 pages attacking liberals.

    Then leftist thinkers took their shot, imagining liberals as little more than beards for capitalism and foreign policy hawks.

    Left-wing novelist Norman Mailer summed up this sentiment in 1962, writing, “I don’t care if people call me a radical, a rebel, a red, a revolutionary, an outsider, an outlaw, a Bolshevik, an anarchist, a nihilist or even a left conservative, but please don’t ever call me a liberal.”

    Left-wing author Norman Mailer said in 1962 that people could call him a Bolshevik, an anarchist, a nihilist, ‘but please don’t ever call me a liberal.’
    Fred Stein Archive/Archive Photos/Getty Images

    Civil rights advocates took their turn, seeing liberals as halfway friends, unwilling to fully embrace equality. Historian Lerone Bennett Jr. wished liberals “a fond farewell” in 1964. In that same year, writer James Baldwin called white liberals an “affliction.”

    With attacks coming from multiple sides, by the 1970s Democrats ran from the label. And without defenders, enemies redefined liberals, first as out-of-touch elitists, then as allies of corporations ignoring the demands of working people, and eventually, today, as woke snowflakes.

    In 2009, political scientists examining a hundred years of polling data found that, starting in the mid-1960s, decreasing numbers of Americans referred to themselves as liberal. And because partisanship is a social dynamic, when the club began to shrink, the researchers wrote, it turned into “a spiral in which ‘liberal’ not only is unpopular, but becomes ever more so.”

    The researchers also found that most Americans still supported “‘liberal’ public policies” such as “redistribution, intervention in the economy, and aggressive governmental action to solve social problems.” Americans, apparently, just hated the label.

    “Owning the libs” has been the glue keeping together the Republican Party ever since.

    From ‘abundance’ to ‘Waymo’

    Democrats are now searching for a new label. What can replace liberalism?

    New York Times columnist Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, who writes for The Atlantic, have proposed “abundance liberalism.” Other New York Times writers have also been busy envisioning this future. Reporter and editor David Leonhardt suggested “democratic capitalism.” Columnist Thomas Friedman improbably went with “Waymo Democrat,” referring to self-driving Waymo cars as a placeholder for an embrace of technological innovation.

    More realistically, political analyst E.J. Dionne and historian James Kloppenberg are writing a history of “social democracy” as a potential rallying cry for Democrats, pointing to its use by the most popular politician in America, Bernie Sanders.

    Whatever emerges, it’s helpful to remember that before 1932, hardly anyone in the U.S. used the word “liberal” to describe any kind of politics. Now, without finding a new emblem to rally behind, Democrats may be doing little more than battling that other neologism: MAGA.

    Kevin M. Schultz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. FDR united Democrats under the banner of ‘liberalism’ − but today’s Democratic Party has nothing to put on its hat – https://theconversation.com/fdr-united-democrats-under-the-banner-of-liberalism-but-todays-democratic-party-has-nothing-to-put-on-its-hat-255362

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Recycling asphalt pavement can help the environment − now scientists are putting the safety of recycled pavement to the test

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jingtao Zhong, Ph.D. Student in Civil Engineering, University of Tennessee

    The composition of the asphalt mixture making up a road can determine how safe it is for cars to drive on. Tarik Seker/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    More than 90% of paved roads in the U.S. are made of asphalt, which is constructed with nonrenewable materials such as petroleum. One way to make paving more sustainable is to recycle old pavement. When roads break down and need repaving, transportation agencies can recycle their old pavement into a reusable material called reclaimed asphalt pavement, or RAP. This method reduces carbon emissions and conserves natural resources.

    Nearly 95% of new asphalt pavement projects in the U.S. incorporate RAP.

    However, researchers don’t know as much about the long-term safety and durability of RAP as they do about new pavement.

    So, can engineers make roads more sustainable without compromising safety? As civil engineering researchers at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, we’re working with our state’s transportation department to help answer this question.

    RAP and friction

    Asphalt pavement is composed of asphalt binder and aggregates. Asphalt binder is typically sticky and black petroleum-based material that acts as glue, holding the pavement together.

    Aggregates are solid materials, such as crushed stone, gravel or sand. The pavement manufacturers coat these aggregates with asphalt to bind them together and create a durable road surface. But both of these materials are nonrenewable.

    One way to reduce the demand for new aggregates is by recycling old pavement. Contractors use a milling machine to grind up the existing pavement surface. The milled material is then reused: The old aggregates and asphalt binder from the road become part of the new mixture. These old materials are often blended with new binder and additional aggregates to make sure they can perform well.

    Why study RAP’s properties?

    One challenge with using RAP is that its properties vary significantly. RAP typically look black, since they are fully coated in asphalt. Researchers have a hard time visually inspecting them to identify the aggregate types, shapes or textures. But we developed testing procedures to measure these properties.

    The road’s ability to grip the tires, known as skid resistance, keeps vehicles from skidding or hydroplaning during wet conditions. Skid resistance is typically quantified by measuring a coefficient of friction between the tire and the pavement surface.

    Pavement friction is the force that resists the motion between a vehicle’s tire and the pavement’s surface. More friction means a vehicle is less likely to skid.

    Understanding RAP’s skid resistance-related properties is important because these attributes affect how safe the pavement is, especially when it’s wet.

    Nearly 75% of weather-related accidents occur on wet pavement. At low speeds, most of the skid resistance between a tire and the pavement comes from the texture of the aggregates.

    Most friction research has tested new aggregates. RAP needs to maintain good frictional properties to be as safe as the original, but until now, researchers haven’t fully investigated whether it does.

    How we study RAP’s properties

    Our research team developed a two-step process to better understand RAP’s safety performance. First, we extract the aggregates from the RAP. Then, we measure the frictional properties of those aggregates, since they play a key role in pavement skid resistance.

    To remove the black asphalt coating and expose the actual surface of the aggregates, we use two simple methods. The first is a mechanical method, where we crush the RAP using a hammer to expose the surface inside. The second is a chemical procedure, where we use a solvent to dissolve asphalt and leave the aggregates for further testing.

    Once we’ve cleaned the aggregates, we analyze their chemical composition and see how it relates to friction. One factor we look for is the hardness of the minerals in the aggregate. Harder minerals, such as silica, provide better friction as they keep their texture better over time instead of wearing down under traffic.

    We also use an aggregate image measurement system, which takes high-resolution images and analyzes the shape, angularity − the sharpness of the aggregate particles − and surface texture of the aggregates. These properties relate directly to skid resistance.

    Understanding the frictional properties of RAP − and, specifically, how silica content affects skid resistance − helps engineers determine whether an RAP mixture is safe for a road’s curves or intersections. These insights can guide how much RAP transportation departments can use, and where, without compromising safety. We hope our research will lead to solutions that reduce carbon emissions, conserve natural resources and keep roads safe over time.

    Jingtao Zhong receives funding from the Tennessee Department of Transportation (State project number RES2023-15).

    Baoshan Huang receives funding from the Tennessee Department of Transportation (State project number RES2023-15).

    – ref. Recycling asphalt pavement can help the environment − now scientists are putting the safety of recycled pavement to the test – https://theconversation.com/recycling-asphalt-pavement-can-help-the-environment-now-scientists-are-putting-the-safety-of-recycled-pavement-to-the-test-252348

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Basic research advances science, and can also have broader impacts on modern society

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Bruce J. MacFadden, Distinguished Professor Emeritus, University of Florida

    As charismatic animals, sharks can stimulate interest in science, research and technology. Florida Museum (Kristin Grace photo)

    It might seem surprising, but federal research funding isn’t just for scientists. A component of many federal grants that support basic research requires that discoveries be shared with nonscientists. This component, referred to as “broader impacts” by the National Science Foundation, can make a big difference for K-12 students and teachers, museumgoers, citizen scientists and other people interested in science, while also helping the scientists themselves give back to the taxpayers that fund their work.

    Basic research, often done because of a curious scientist’s interest, may not initially have a direct application, like developing the smartphone or curing a disease. But these discoveries build important knowledge in the natural sciences, engineering, mathematics and related disciplines.

    The U.S. is a world leader in scientific and technological innovation. On the federal level, the National Science Foundation, or NSF, is one of the primary funders of this kind of basic research. In 2022, the federal government funded 40% of all basic research done in the U.S., with the remainder coming from other sources, including the business sector.

    During World War II, President Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted to position the U.S. for strategic and economic leadership worldwide. He commissioned physicist Vannevar Bush to develop a vision for the future of U.S. science and technology. His 1945 report, “Science: the Endless Frontier,” became the blueprint for government-funded basic research. In 1950, Congress created the National Science Foundation to promote the progress of science, advance national prosperity and welfare and secure the national defense.

    Vannevar Bush historically said that ‘without scientific progress, no amount of achievement in other directions can insure our health, prosperity and security as a nation in the modern world.’
    Office for Emergency Management Defense

    During the early decades of NSF, the 1950s until the late 1990s, proposals were mostly evaluated based on the quality of the science and the scientists doing the work. But then, the foundation created a new system, still in place today.

    Thus, each NSF research proposal is now peer-reviewed based on two criteria: intellectual merit, or the quality and novelty of the science and track record of the research team, and “broader impacts” – related activities that disseminate the discoveries to general audiences.

    Intellectual merit is about advancing science knowledge and innovation, while broader impacts describe why people who aren’t scientists should care, and how society could benefit from this research.

    Another pragmatic aspect to broader impacts is that taxpayers pay for these activities, so it’s important for them, and Congress, to understand their return on investment. These broader impacts activities communicate about, and engage the public in, research in a variety of ways.

    While researchers usually understand the intellectual merit of their NSF-funded projects, these broader impacts can be challenging to characterize.

    Broader impact activities

    Since childhood, I’ve had an interest in paleontology — the study of fossils and what we can learn from them about prehistoric life. This field is primarily basic research — adding to knowledge about ancient life. As a scientist conducting basic research, I’ve felt the responsibility to give back to society through broader impacts activities, and I’ve seen many of the benefits that these activities can have.

    My primary area of interest has been extinct mammals of the Americas, particularly the 55-million-year-old record of fossil horses on this continent. For years, NSF supported my discoveries about this interesting group of animals. Fossil horses are a classic example of evolution — in books and museum exhibits.

    A fossil horse from the Ice Age on display at the Florida Museum. Fossil horses are a classic example of evolution — both in books and museum exhibits.
    Florida Museum (Mary Warrick photo)

    Many people are generally interested in horses, so it’s easy to attract their attention with this charismatic group. They also are often surprised to learn that prehistoric horses were native to North America for millions of years. Then, during historical times, they were first introduced by humans onto the continent about 500 years ago.

    Over the years, my research team has used grant-funded broader impact activities to teach people about these fossil horses and our research. One example included working with K-12 science teachers to develop lesson plans. The students measured fossil horse teeth and explored how their teeth adapted to feeding on grasses. We’ve also developed exhibits on fossil horses and studied how they communicate science to museum visitors.

    Science teachers have joined our fieldwork to collect fossils along the Panama Canal during its recent expansion. I’ve given many talks and collaborated with fossil clubs and their members throughout the U.S. We’ve also promoted projects like Fossils4Teachers where fossil collectors donated their fossils and worked alongside K-12 teachers to develop lesson plans that were implemented back in the teachers’ classrooms.

    The Fossils4Teachers professional development workshop, hosted by the Florida Museum in 2017, is one example of a broader impacts activity.
    Florida Museum (Jeff Gage photo)

    We’ve also been able to activate peoples’ interest in other animal groups — such as fossil sharks. Through our Scientist in Every Florida School program, we gave middle school teachers study kits with real fossil shark teeth. Their students learned to identify the shark teeth and then trained computers to identify the teeth using machine learning, a type of artificial intelligence.

    Students study fossil shark teeth through a program at the Florida Museum of Natural History.
    Florida Museum (Megan Higbee Hendrickson photo)

    Broader impact outcomes

    Broader impacts activities like these can have a variety of short- and long-term outcomes. More than 50 million people visit natural history museums in the U.S. annually. Activities that promote museums can reach large numbers of people in their pursuit of lifelong learning.

    More broadly, participatory science interest groups can allow people to learn about science while informing basic research projects. Within the field of natural history, a few popular examples include the Merlin app and the iNaturalist app, both of which have millions of active observers. Merlin encourages people to submit their observations of birds, and iNaturalist accepts sightings of plants, animals and fossils, which researchers can carefully vet and use as data.

    Many of the K-12 teachers my team has worked with report that they feel more confident teaching the new science content that they learned from our collaborations.

    Interestingly, although much of the research on science professional development focuses on the teachers, scientists also report a high level of satisfaction and improved communication skills after working with these teachers, both in the field and back in the classroom.

    Basic research benefits for society

    Generations of U.S. scientists have greatly benefited from federal investments in basic research. In the 75 years since NSF’s founding, the organization has funded hundreds of thousand projects to advance science and technology.

    These have supported basic research discoveries and also the training and career development of the tens of thousands of scientists working on these projects annually.

    Many prominent scientists have gone on to be productive leaders and innovators in the U.S. and internationally. NSF has funded more than 268 Nobel laureates.

    While NSF invests in the discovery of foundational knowledge about the natural world, funded projects have not traditionally had direct applications for societal benefits. To be sure, however, many of NSF’s projects – for example, on lasers and nanotechnology – started out as curiosity-driven basic research and ended up with immense applications for technological innovation and economic prosperity.

    For example, mapping the Earth’s ocean floor’s magnetic properties during World War II helped scientists understand how the crust moves and mountains form. This led to the plate tectonic revolution in the earth sciences. This line of basic research then led to an important application: predicting the probable location of high-risk earthquake zones worldwide.

    None of these downstream applications and benefits to society would have been realized without basic research discoveries supported by federal agencies such as NSF, and the further value added through broader impacts activities.

    Bruce J. MacFadden has received funding from the U. S. National Science Foundation.

    – ref. Basic research advances science, and can also have broader impacts on modern society – https://theconversation.com/basic-research-advances-science-and-can-also-have-broader-impacts-on-modern-society-252983

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Secrets of the Thames: mudlarking treasures showcase history of London’s river and the people who scour its banks

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas Lucking, PhD Candidate in History, University of East Anglia

    Twice a day, every day, the tides of the River Thames rise and fall, revealing a foreshore that, in the middle of London, has been a focus of human activity for millennia.

    Making use of the limited windows of time in which the riverbank is exposed, devoted hobbyists known as mudlarks scour the river’s edge for historic and interesting finds. The mudlarks, through their dedication, have assembled impressive collections of objects, each of which adds yet another small piece of London’s history to the archaeological record.

    Secrets of the Thames, a new exhibition at the London Museum Docklands presents an insight into the fascinating world of mudlarking. It draws together more than 350 finds recovered from the river alongside the stories, insights and experiences of the mudlarks themselves.

    The result is an engaging exhibition that makes use of the objects on display to tell the story of the Thames and London through time, and the people who search for them, giving the visitor an all-round insight that goes beyond being a room of objects in cases.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    The objects on display are more than simply a group of interesting items – although there are certainly plenty of objects that require time and attention to fully appreciate.

    They are also a record of the ways the Thames has been used and viewed over the years. And together, they tell the story of the mudlarks that put the hours into finding these objects. For those who wish to see a variety of the more ancient objects from London, this exhibition tides things over until the London Museum Smithfield opens in 2026.

    The beginning of the exhibition explores the history of mudlarks on the Thames. The term was coined in the late 18th and 19th centuries to refer to the poor who scavenged for objects such as scrap metal and coal.

    Historic accounts, paintings and other objects provide glimpses into this time, including descriptions of some of these early mudlarks. Their stories and motivations for being on the Thames contrast sharply with the mudlarks of today. Those early mudlarks were effectively scavenging to survive. But over time an appreciation of the number of historic objects revealed by the tides saw mudlarking evolve into a hobby for those who wanted to search for small pieces of the city’s history.

    Today, a permit is needed to mudlark on the Thames, provided by the Port of London Authority (PLA).

    The changing ways the Thames has been used and viewed over time is revealed in the next space. Displays are arranged to showcase objects exploring different themes, including the river as a place of religious significance, a place of travel and trade and a place to dispose of the countless tons of rubbish generated by the inhabitants of London down the centuries.

    Indeed, the cases themselves sit within a reconstructed foreshore having seemingly been washed across the room by the tidal waters, complete with historic and not-so-historic objects emerging from the mud. The objects on display cover a wide timescale, from prehistoric flint tools through to modern religious offerings, all of which have been pulled from the mud of the Thames.

    Modern mudlarks

    It is in the next space that the modern mudlarks themselves are brought into sharper focus. A mock-up of someone’s home display, complete with drawers filled with a range of objects, hints at the dedication and organisation required for these searchers.

    Video interviews with mudlarks are played, explaining the enjoyment they take from their wanderings on the river. Alongside is a display explaining the role of the Portable Antiquities Scheme in recording the objects, preserving the information and context of where they were found. Each object adds a piece to the archaeological jigsaw.

    Underlying all of this is the tidal nature of the Thames, which both continually turns the foreshore and allows access for the mudlarks. A large model of the moon provides a space to sit and reflect at the end of the exhibition. A further small room shows a video of mudlarking on the Thames, allowing visitors to immerse themselves into the sight and sounds of the river. It offers an understanding of why people are drawn to its banks.

    The overall impression of the exhibition is a mixture of appreciation for the variety of objects that have been recovered from the river, with every aspect of human life represented.

    The thematic approach taken to displaying many of the objects brings the shared habits and customs of human life down the centuries to the fore. In objects such as the Roman jewellery, we see items that would look perfectly at home being worn by anyone walking the banks of the Thames today.

    The modern human connection with the river is also clear to see through the mudlarks, whose dedication gives them a unique perspective on what may at first glance appear to be a muddy riverbank, but through their searching, reveals a far richer and deeper history.

    Secrets of the Thames is at the London Museum Docklands until March 1 2026.

    Thomas Lucking is an AHRC-funded PhD researcher.

    – ref. Secrets of the Thames: mudlarking treasures showcase history of London’s river and the people who scour its banks – https://theconversation.com/secrets-of-the-thames-mudlarking-treasures-showcase-history-of-londons-river-and-the-people-who-scour-its-banks-256006

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why loneliness should be treated as a social issue

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kathryn Bates, Research Fellow, Psychology, King’s College London

    Stock Unit/Shutterstock

    Anyone who has experienced loneliness knows how deeply personal it feels. We feel lonely when our social and emotional needs aren’t being met. Because of this, psychological research often focuses on individual-level solutions, encouraging people to change their perceptions or behaviour through therapy. But this focus misses the heart of the issue: the absence of meaningful connection with others.

    It’s right to be concerned about high rates of loneliness among young people, especially given the negative impact of severe loneliness on physical and mental health. Some argue that technology is to blame and point to increased time spent on phones or social media.

    While studies do show that higher internet use is associated with greater loneliness, the direction of this relationship remains unclear. Are young people lonely because they’re online, or online because they feel lonely?

    The internet is not devoid of social interaction. In fact, studies suggest that young people’s online activities often mirror their offline behaviour, especially when it comes to seeking connection and communicating with friends. This complicates the idea that technology alone is to blame.

    Rather than placing all responsibility on a person suffering from loneliness, we need to look at societal solutions. This doesn’t mean psychological interventions have no value. Therapies like cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) or social skills training can be effective for some, particularly in cases of severe loneliness.

    But these approaches aren’t universally successful. They’re expensive, require trained professionals and any resulting improvements are often short-lived.

    Societal solutions, by contrast, offer broader and more sustainable impact. These can be thought of in two main ways: creating spaces for meaningful social connection and addressing the root societal conditions that lead to loneliness.

    While loneliness is a subjective experience, social connection is more tangible. It’s reflected in whether we have people we can rely on, whether we feel supported, and the quality of our relationships. In this sense, social connection can be an antidote to loneliness.

    When public spaces shrink, loneliness grows

    But opportunities for connection are shrinking. In the UK, hundreds of millions of pounds have been cut from youth services and half of all youth clubs closed between 2011 and 2021. At the same time, a global cost of living crisis has left many young people – even those in full-time work – with little or no money left at the end of the month.

    Meanwhile, “third spaces” – places outside of home, school, or work where people can connect – are disappearing. Cafes and bars are often too expensive, while public libraries and community spaces are underfunded and closing rapidly. In this context, it’s no surprise that young people are spending more time socialising online: there are simply fewer affordable and accessible places to connect in person.

    Taking a societal approach also means acknowledging the inequalities that shape how loneliness is experienced. We’re not just individuals making isolated choices: we’re part of communities and systems. And, for many, structural issues like marginalisation and discrimination play a role in their experience of loneliness.

    Young people from marginalised backgrounds, including those from lower-income families and those identifying as LGBTQ+, are at significantly higher risk of loneliness. Researchers argue that exclusion and discrimination – not individual deficits – are contributing to this.

    That’s why some are calling for us to understand the causes of loneliness at every level, from personal traits to societal attitudes to the design of neighbourhoods and communities.

    If we want to reduce loneliness in young people, we need to go beyond telling them to seek therapy or use their phones less. We need public investment in spaces that foster connection, and we must address the broader structural issues that make some young people especially vulnerable. Focusing only on the lonely individual won’t be enough, especially for those facing the deepest barriers to belonging.

    Kathryn Bates receives funding from the Economic Social Research Council.

    – ref. Why loneliness should be treated as a social issue – https://theconversation.com/why-loneliness-should-be-treated-as-a-social-issue-252951

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Could psychedelics help you to drink less alcohol? Our new study aims to find out

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca Harding, PhD Candidate, Clinical Psychopharmacology Unit, UCL

    Master1305/Shutterstock

    Psychedelics like LSD and psilocybin (the active ingredient in magic mushrooms) are gaining increasing attention in psychiatry. Studies suggest they may offer therapeutic benefits for conditions such as depression, anxiety, obsessive–compulsive disorder, eating disorders and addiction.

    Our research team is investigating whether N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT), a fast-acting psychedelic, can help people reduce alcohol consumption.

    Alcohol is the most commonly misused substance in the UK, partly because it is legal, widely available and deeply ingrained in social culture. While many people can enjoy alcohol in moderation, a significant number struggle to control their drinking. For these people, excessive alcohol consumption can lead to serious physical, mental and social consequences.

    Traditional treatments don’t work for everyone, which is why we’re exploring alternatives, such as psychedelics, that might enable people to change their behaviour in a single, transformative experience.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences. Join The Conversation for free today.

    DMT is metabolised rapidly in the body. When administered intravenously, the effects kick in almost immediately, typically within one to two minutes. However, these effects are short-lived, lasting only ten to 20 minutes.

    Despite its brief duration, many users describe the experience as intensely profound. They often report vivid visions, complex patterns and a sensation of entering a different reality. In some cases, the experience leads to a complete shift in how they think, feel and perceive the world. For many, the experience is deeply meaningful and transformative.

    But what happens in the brain during this time, and how might it influence long-term behaviour, such as reducing alcohol consumption?



    Read more:
    Psychedelic drugs can be almost as life altering as near-death experiences

    Neuroplasticity and addiction

    Our team is particularly interested in how psychedelics like DMT might help in the context of addiction. One theory is that psychedelics can temporarily enhance neuroplasticity, the brain’s ability to form new neural connections. This temporary boost could open a window of flexibility, allowing some people to be more open to change.

    For someone stuck in the cycle of heavy drinking, this enhanced plasticity might help them break old habits and develop healthier behaviour. Essentially, it could offer the brain an opportunity to “rewire” itself and disrupt the unhealthy patterns that underlie addiction.

    We’re also focusing on the brain’s reward and motivation systems, which play a key role in addiction. These systems influence behaviour associated with pleasure, including eating, sex and drinking alcohol.

    In people with alcohol use disorder, these systems become hypersensitive to alcohol-related cues, often at the expense of other rewarding experiences. Some early research suggests psychedelics may help “reset” these reward pathways. We’re testing this theory to see whether DMT can reduce alcohol consumption by recalibrating the brain’s reward system.

    To explore these possibilities, we’ve designed a study with heavy drinkers who are motivated to reduce their alcohol intake. Every participant undergoes a thorough screening to ensure they’re fit for the study and all sessions are conducted in a highly controlled, clinical setting with medical professionals and experienced researchers overseeing the process.

    The study involves three visits to our lab at UCL. On the first and third visits, we use functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to measure brain activity and observe how different regions of the brain interact.

    During the scans, participants watch emotionally engaging films, which offer a more natural way to study brain responses compared to abstract tasks. This helps us assess how DMT might impact brain function in real-life, emotionally charged situations.

    On the second visit, participants are randomly assigned to receive either DMT, a placebo, or a non-psychedelic drug (D-cycloserine or Lisuride). These non-psychedelic substances are believed to promote neuroplasticity without inducing the full psychedelic effects of DMT.

    The study is double-blind – neither the participants nor the researchers know which substance is being administered. This helps eliminate bias and ensures that the results are as reliable as possible.

    Additionally, we measure changes in brain activity during the drug infusion using electroencephalography (EEG). EEG tracks the brain’s electrical signals and could help us predict which participants are most likely to benefit from DMT.

    Participants also complete a range of psychological assessments, including questionnaires and tasks that measure memory, attention, mood and decision-making. This data will help us understand how changes in brain function might relate to changes in drinking behaviour.

    What we’re hoping to discover

    We’re still in the process of collecting data, but we’re excited to see whether DMT can lead to meaningful reductions in alcohol consumption. As researchers, it’s crucial that we stay objective and allow the evidence to guide our conclusions. By keeping the study “blinded” until all results are in, we ensure that our findings are unbiased and reliable.

    If DMT proves effective in helping people reduce their alcohol consumption, particularly for those who have struggled with other treatments, it could pave the way for a new approach to addiction therapy. Even if the results are inconclusive, they will still provide valuable insights into the potential role of psychedelics in addiction treatment and open up new avenues for future research.

    It’s important to emphasise that this research is taking place in a safe, controlled environment. Psychedelics are potent substances, and their effects can be unpredictable, especially outside of clinical settings. They are not a “magic bullet” and are not suitable for everyone. The controlled setting allows us to study their effects while minimising risk to participants.

    That said, we believe psychedelics offer a unique opportunity to better understand the brain and its capacity for change. By examining how transformative experiences can influence behaviour, we hope to contribute to the development of more effective treatments for addiction and other mental health conditions.

    Ravi Das receives research funding from the Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (UK), Academy of Medical Sciences (UK) and Wellcome Leap (USA).

    Rebecca Harding does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Could psychedelics help you to drink less alcohol? Our new study aims to find out – https://theconversation.com/could-psychedelics-help-you-to-drink-less-alcohol-our-new-study-aims-to-find-out-255454

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Russia looks to frame war as an inevitable part of life on Victory Day

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jennifer Mathers, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, Aberystwyth University

    Russia celebrates the 80th anniversary of the Soviet victory in the second world war on May 9. But while the cameras will focus on the assembled ranks of elderly war survivors watching the military parade in Red Square, Moscow, the focus of senior officials is on Russia’s children and young people.

    Patriotism in Vladimir Putin’s Russia is built on exaggerated respect for key moments in the country’s history. These moments have been chosen to create a specific story about Russia. This is a story about Russia’s military might, the ability of its citizens to endure almost unimaginable suffering for the motherland, and the inevitability of victory over its enemies.

    Victory Day gives the Kremlin a chance to retell that story. It also allows the state to assure Russians that they, like their ancestors, will be victorious in the so-called “special military operation” in Ukraine. Moscow describes this war as the modern-day equivalent of the fight against Nazi Germany.

    With fewer witnesses to that historic victory still alive, the Kremlin’s ability to manipulate society by drawing on this important memory depends on the willingness of the next generation to embrace the state’s official history. And Russian political figures are worried that young people nowadays are disconnected from their heritage.

    A poll conducted in December 2022 by the Russian Public Opinion Research Centre found that 76% of Russians aged 14 to 24 believe they have a good understanding of the history of their country. But the results of an alternative poll from June 2023 show that 70% of Russia’s young people do not know enough about their nation’s history.

    Vladimir Medinsky, the chairman of the Interdepartmental Commission of Historical Education of Russia, reflected on the issue at a forum on how to interest young people in Russian history in 2023. He said: “What needs to be done to make our children interested in history? To make interesting historical performances, to make historical films.”

    Russia’s leaders seek to address this perceived disconnect through military patriotic education. This is a system of surrounding children and young people with state-approved messages about Russia’s historic military victories and the role of its armed forces in making their country respected – and feared – around the world.

    These messages are conveyed through textbooks and in lessons at school. But one of the challenges for the Russian state is finding ways of making this material attractive enough for young people to want to engage with it.

    Putin himself has indicated that he understands this challenge. At a meeting with the Russian non-profit society Znaniye (Knowledge) on April 30, the Russian president argued that “it is crucial to have both an opportunity and skills to communicate the truth about past years and decades: sincerely, compellingly and – if I may say so – in a way that truly resonates”.

    Patriotic youth groups are an important vehicle for delivering military patriotic education in fun and exciting ways. These groups organise activities including games and competitions, as well as more immersive activities such as role-playing and re-enactments. These activities are designed to create a deeper engagement with the events of the past.

    One group, Victory Volunteers, emphasises collecting personal accounts from war veterans to add to the historical record. It also actively brings young people and war veterans together so that the heroes of future wars can be inspired by real-life stories of wartime heroism.

    Listening to these first-hand testimonials is intended to enable young people to deepen their understanding of the experience of war, including its hardships and tragedies.

    Yunarmiya (Young Army) is probably Russia’s best-known military patriotic youth group. It works with young people to develop their appreciation of history. But its focus on dressing its members in uniforms and training them in practical military skills has captured the attention of the world’s media.

    These skills include military-style activities such as marching in formation, learning how to assemble and disassemble weapons, and how to fire them.

    The Russian state also supports military patriotic education through the presidential grants fund. Hundreds of charities, youth groups and local societies apply to the fund twice a year, with the winners reportedly chosen by Putin himself.

    Many of the successful applications involve activities to raise young people’s awareness of historical memory, especially the memory of war.

    In 2022, for example, the historical reconstruction club Volnitsa received funding to organise a memorial march “in the footsteps of the winners” to mark the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the Bogucharsky region of Russia (near the border with Ukraine) from Nazi occupation.

    The successful application emphasised the emotional intensity of the reenactment and its educational effects on young participants.

    Events like the 80th anniversary of Victory Day have a significance for the Kremlin that goes beyond the speeches, parades and pageantry of the day itself. They are part of an effort by the Russian state to shape the expectations and behaviour of the next generation of its citizens.

    By encouraging young people to feel a personal connection to Russia’s history of war, Moscow hopes to ensure that society will regard war as an inevitable part of life. The scale of this effort suggests that Putin and other senior officials anticipate the need for a society willing to make sacrifices so that Russia can achieve victories in future wars.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Russia looks to frame war as an inevitable part of life on Victory Day – https://theconversation.com/russia-looks-to-frame-war-as-an-inevitable-part-of-life-on-victory-day-255751

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Black students are increasingly less likely to get a first or 2:1 than their white peers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Mba, Vice-Chancellor, Birmingham City University

    Andrii Zastrozhnov/Shutterstock

    Black students are increasingly less likely to get a first or 2:1 than their white peers, according the latest Ethnic Representation Index for higher education in England and Scotland.

    This need for better representation for students was the impetus behind the development of the index, first launched in 2022. I began it while deputy vice-chancellor at the University of Arts London, with the intention of creating a consistent methodology and agreed metrics to measure the progress of universities in England and Scotland in addressing institutional racism, as well as to examine the sense of belonging and inclusion among Black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) staff and students.

    The index exposes the so-called “awarding gap” – that’s the difference between the proportion of white and BAME students awarded a first class or 2:1 degree. For Black and other ethnic minority students in England, it now stands at 14.1%, up from 12.3% the previous year. Indeed, 76% of universities in England and a similar proportion of universities in Scotland have a gap of more than 10%.

    For Black students in particular, the gap is even greater. It now stands at 21.6%, up from 19.3% in England. In Scotland, 81% of universities have a Black awarding gap of over 25%.

    Despite this, though, the index does show some encouraging signs. This is its third and latest iteration, which I co-authored with Chris Lloyd-Bardsley, Adam Weigel and Sandra Longville at the University of Arts London, covers the 2022-2023 academic year.

    According to data from the National Student Survey, the gap in reported satisfaction rates between white and students from ethnic minority backgrounds has narrowed over the last few years. Black students reported a better university experience than their white peers.

    Staff representation

    Staff, by and large, are becoming more representative of the student body. For instance, 20.2% of academics and 33.3% of undergraduates in England are from ethnic minority backgrounds.

    This is by no means parity, but it is progress when we consider that, in the last index, 18.5% of academics were from ethnic minority backgrounds. Representation among professional services staff, professors, senior managers and governors increased, too.

    Progress has also been made in Scotland. Black and ethnic minority students comprise 11.6% of the undergraduate student body there, 16% of postgraduate researchers – and 15.4% of academics. Representation among executive board members also increased.

    Interestingly, irrespective of the near parity in minority ethnic student and academic populations in Scotland, the awarding gaps are still high. This could in part be due to the concentration of staff and students from minority ethnic groups in different departments, schools and subject areas. So, while the overall representation looks equal, minority ethnic staff populations may be concentrated in only a few areas.

    Nonetheless, addressing the awarding gap isn’t entirely about representation.

    Some universities are signed up to the Race Equality Charter: an award provided to institutions addressing problems faced by ethnic minority staff and students. Universities can apply for a bronze or silver award depending on progress.

    At the time of developing this year’s index, 52 universities had achieved an award. I am pleased to note that 77% of these increased the proportion of Black and ethnic minority academic staff relative to students and 65% increased their proportion of Black academics.

    Yet while universities have made progress in some areas, it has stalled in others. In some cases, it has even retreated. The ethnicity pay gap measures the average gap across all university staff, including academic staff and professional services staff. The ethnicity pay gap increased this year by 0.4 percentage points to 6%. At some universities, gaps as high as 27.4% were reported.

    In Scotland, the figures are better, but a pay gap of 1.9% nevertheless persists.

    Mixed success

    And while representation may have increased among academics and professorial staff, the same cannot be said for the highest echelons of management. In England, Black and ethnic minority representation among executive teams fell from 7.7% to 7%. Black representation in England also fell, to only 0.7%.

    In Scotland, ethnic minority representation among executives increased, but Black representation fell. There are no reported Black executive board members in Scotland.

    For students in England, the disparity in continuation rates (the proportion of students who continue their studies into a second year) is 1.3 percentage points between Black and ethnic minority and white students. The disparity in completion rates (the proportion of students who can be tracked through to the end of their qualification) is 2.7 percentage points.

    For Black students in particular the gap is even greater. There is a continuation rate gap of 2.5 percentage points and a completion rate gap of 4.5 percentage points between Black and white students. Some universities in England reported completion rate disparities for Black students of over 15%.

    Moreover, Black and ethnic minority graduates in England are 2.5 percentage points less likely to be in employment or further study 15 months after graduating than their white peers, though this does mark a slight improvement of 0.4 percentage points from last year.

    Students from an ethnic minority background have previously been shown to worry that the absence of lecturers from a similar background could have an effect on their achievement, as well as their sense of belonging at university, their engagement with their course. For these students, having a teacher that looks like them can have a transformational impact.

    We may be tempted to believe the path toward equality in higher education is straight and narrow. Make the commitment, put in place the strategy, the rest will follow. This is evidently not the case. We should gain some comfort that universities are making progress in some areas. However, it is disappointing that higher education institutions have fallen back elsewhere.

    David Mba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Black students are increasingly less likely to get a first or 2:1 than their white peers – https://theconversation.com/black-students-are-increasingly-less-likely-to-get-a-first-or-2-1-than-their-white-peers-255546

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Alberta has long accused Ottawa of trying to destroy its oil industry. That’s a dangerous myth

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ian Urquhart, Professor Emeritus, Political Science, University of Alberta

    “Alberta is a place soaked in self-deception.” Those words began Alberta-based journalist Mark Lisac’s 2004 book aimed at shattering the myths that have unhelpfully animated too much of Alberta’s politics over the past few decades.

    Current and former Alberta politicians are once again embracing and treating separatist grievances seriously. That means it’s time once again to highlight and challenge political misconceptions that have the potential to destroy Canada.

    Oil is the root of one such myth. The misconception? That Ottawa perenially opposes the oil and gas sector and is determined to stop its continued growth. The National Energy Program (1980), the Northern Gateway pipeline project (2016), the Energy East Pipeline (2017) and the proposed greenhouse gas pollution cap allegedly prove Ottawa’s hostility.

    Notably missing from these grievances is the Keystone XL pipeline and the Trans Mountain Expansion Project. Ottawa supported these projects aimed at transporting Alberta oilsands crude to foreign markets. The federal government even purchased the Trans Mountain project from Kinder Morgan in 2018 — not to kill it, but to build it.



    Read more:
    Justin Trudeau’s risky gamble on the Trans Mountain pipeline

    As for Keystone XL, Alberta Premier Jason Kenney thanked Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for supporting the project. This doesn’t fit the separatist narrative, so it’s largely ignored.

    Oilsands booster

    No one should dispute the National Energy Program’s devastating impact on Alberta’s conventional oil and gas sector 40 years ago. But the oilsands, not conventional oil, propelled Canada to its position as the world’s fourth largest oil producer.

    Has Ottawa facilitated or obstructed the spectacular post-1990 growth of oilsands production?

    The record shows that, since the mid-1970s, Ottawa has facilitated and supported the oilsands sector. The federal government helped keep the Syncrude project alive in 1975 when it took a 15 per cent interest in Canada’s second oilsands operation.

    Ironically, Ottawa’s enthusiasm for more, not less, petroleum from the oilsands also appeared in 1980 via the National Energy Program (NEP), the devil in Alberta’s conservative catechism. What most accounts of the NEP don’t mention is that Ottawa offered tax benefits to oilsands companies while stripping them from conventional oil producers.

    Furthermore, the NEP’s “made-in-Canada” pricing effectively guaranteed Syncrude would receive the world price for its production. At $38 per barrel, Syncrude received more than double what conventional producers received. If the NEP was harsh on conventional oil producers, it helped create a golden future for the oil sands.

    In the mid-1990s, Ottawa helped propel the post-1995 oilsands boom. The industry-dominated National Task Force on Oil Sands Strategies sought federal tax concessions to promote oilsands growth. The federal government delivered them in its 1996 budget, despite Prime Minister Jean Chretien’s general concern with cutting the deficit.

    Again, these measures clearly contradict the myth of federal opposition to the oil industry.

    Generous emissions caps

    Ottawa’s policy favouritism towards the oilsands didn’t end there. It has consistently animated the federal government’s treatment of the oilsands in its climate change policies.

    The federal Climate Change Plan for Canada (2002) treated oil and gas leniently. Its measures for large industrial emitters bore a striking resemblance to the climate change policy preferences of the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers. Suncor and Syncrude, the two leading oilsands producers, estimated these federal proposals would add a pittance, between 20 and 30 cents, to their per barrel production costs.

    Justin Trudeau’s response to Alberta’s 2015 oilsands emissions cap also underlined Ottawa’s favouritism, not hostility, to the dominant player in Canada’s oil patch.

    Rachel Notley’s NDP government set this cap at 100 million tonnes of GHG per year, plus another 10 million tonnes allowed to new upgrading and co-generation facilities. This cap was a whopping 39 million tonnes or 55 per cent higher than what the oilsands emitted in 2014.

    This generous cap contributed to a tremendous increase in oilsands production. Healthy profits became record profits in 2022. Ottawa embraced Alberta’s largesse, incorporating the province’s cap into its post-2015 climate policies.

    Furthermore, Ottawa increased its leniency towards the oilsands by exempting new in-situ (non-mining) oilsands projects in Alberta from the federal Impact Assessment Act. This exemption applies until Alberta’s emissions cap is reached. Canada’s latest National Inventory Report on greenhouse gas emissions reported record oilsands GHG emissions of 89 million tonnes in 2023, still 11 million tonnes shy of the 100 million tonne threshold.

    Weaponizing myths

    Finally, we have today’s proposed national cap on greenhouse gas emissions. Alberta is apoplectic about the cap. But whether or not it’s intentional, Premier Danielle Smith’s outrage feeds into secessionist sentiment by seemingly misrepresenting the cap’s impact on oil and gas production.

    Smith and her environment minister use the work of the Parliamentary Budgetary Officer (PBO) to nurture their “Ottawa hates oil” narrative. They claim the officer’s analysis of the cap’s economic impact showed it “will cut oil and gas production by five per cent, or more than 245,000 barrels per day.”

    This is simply not true.

    In fact, the PBO concluded that, with the cap, oilsands production “is projected to remain well above current levels” — 15 per cent higher than in 2022. The proposed federal emissions cap, like the Alberta NDP’s cap of a decade ago, is higher than current oilsands emissions levels. The PBO concluded the proposed ceiling for oilsands emissions would be six per cent higher than 2022 emissions.

    Ottawa’s proposed cap, in fact, continues its decades-long support of the oilsands.

    Myths are central to our being. When I tell my grandsons about the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow, I hope to inspire curiosity, imagination and interest in their grandmother’s Irish heritage.

    But in politics, fanciful stories can be dangerous. Some weaponize myths, using the fictions at their core to encourage followers to let falsehoods rule their behaviour. That seems to be playing out yet again in Alberta. We must demand better from the political class.

    Ian Urquhart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Alberta has long accused Ottawa of trying to destroy its oil industry. That’s a dangerous myth – https://theconversation.com/alberta-has-long-accused-ottawa-of-trying-to-destroy-its-oil-industry-thats-a-dangerous-myth-255908

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Everyone lives in fear’: trapped between two warring nuclear giants, the people of Kashmir continue to suffer

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Leoni Connah, Lecturer in International Relations, Flinders University

    Tensions between India and Pakistan escalated this week after India launched missile strikes on its long-time rival, killing more than 30 people.

    India was retaliating for a terror attack on tourists in Indian-controlled Kashmir on April 22, which killed 26 civilians, most of them Indian. New Delhi has blamed a Pakistan-based militant group for the incident.

    Pakistan has vowed revenge for the airstrikes, calling them an “act of war”.

    If a full-scale war does break out between the two nuclear powers, it wouldn’t be the first time they have fought over the disputed region of Kashmir. In fact, the two sides have been in conflict over Kashmir since 1947.

    The people of Kashmir, meanwhile, are stuck in the middle of this geopolitical rivalry, trapped in a security state with little hope for the future.

    Life before the April 22 terror attack

    Before the attack on the tourists last month, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government had made repeated claims that “normalcy” was returning to the region.

    However, Kashmir remains one of the most heavily militarised zones in the world and the people have long suffered human rights abuses the Indian government has justified on the grounds of counter-terrorism.

    In 2019, the Modi government revoked Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which had granted a special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, along with a high degree of autonomy.

    The revocation of this article brought Jammu and Kashmir, now a “union territory”, under the full control of the Modi government in New Delhi.

    This decision was made on behalf of Kashmiris, not in consultation with them. Speaking with Kashmiris in 2020 as part of my ongoing research on the region, there was a huge sense of betrayal at the move.

    One of my interview subjects claimed Indian security forces were “instilling fear and psychological warfare” in Kashmir. Another said “it’s no exaggeration to say after every three kilometres, there’s a checkpoint” manned by Indian security forces. The situation worsened during the COVID pandemic, with increased lockdowns and curfews.

    Some hope did return last September when Kashmiris were able to vote in regional assembly elections for the first time in a decade.

    The election meant the new local assembly would have the power to make and amend laws, debate local issues and approve decisions for the territory, particularly in education and culture.

    However, this doesn’t mean “normalcy” had returned, nor was Kashmir peaceful and tranquil.

    In February of this year, there were reports that Indian security forces had conducted operations against suspected militants, resulting in a lockdown and 500 people being detained.

    A young Kashmiri man died by suicide after allegedly being tortured by police in February. The next day, another man was shot dead by the army.

    These are just two incidents that are part of a wider cycle of violence that has become a part of everyday life in Kashmir.

    Life after April 22

    After the April 22 tourist attack, the central government has doubled down on its heavy-handed approach to Kashmir under the guise of counter-terrorism.

    Kashmiris have been subjected to an increased security presence, new lockdowns, “cordon and search operations”, social media surveillance, house demolitions and other draconian measures.

    Police say some 1,900 Kashmiris have been detained and questioned since the attack. This number will no doubt continue to rise.

    It is no wonder Kashmiris were saying “everyone lives in fear”, even before India launched missile strikes on its neighbour.

    Possible retaliation from Pakistan – or a wider war – now looms, with Kashmiris again on the front lines.

    Calls for India to follow Israel’s lead

    There is a very big concern that right-wing Indian media outlets and social media posts are now encouraging the Indian government to respond to the terror attack in the same way Israel has retaliated against Hamas in Gaza.

    Some commentators are portraying the April 22 attack as India’s version of the October 7 Hamas attack on southern Israel, which could become a dangerous precedent for what the future holds for Kashmir.

    Israel also recently announced its support for India’s right to “self-defence”.

    In addition, the rise in right-wing rhetoric increases the likelihood of Islamophobic attacks taking place against Kashmiris, as well as Muslims in India more broadly.

    Pathways to peace?

    Each war fought between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has ended with negotiations and treaties.

    Bilateral relations have been attempted numerous times over the years and would be a preferable option to increased escalation in the current conflict.

    Ultimately, it is the Kashmiris who suffer the most whenever tensions boil over between the two nuclear powers. As one young man recently said:

    My parents don’t allow me to step outside. Every time I get a call, I feel a wave of anxiety, fearing it might be the police.

    Kashmir might be a wonderland, a mini-Switzerland or a paradise for others, but for us, it is an open prison. Everyone lives in fear. What future do we have?

    Leoni Connah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Everyone lives in fear’: trapped between two warring nuclear giants, the people of Kashmir continue to suffer – https://theconversation.com/everyone-lives-in-fear-trapped-between-two-warring-nuclear-giants-the-people-of-kashmir-continue-to-suffer-256085

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fiji media’s Stan Simpson blasts ‘hypocrites’ in social media clash over press freedom

    Pacific Media Watch

    Barely hours after being guest speaker at the University of the South Pacific‘s annual World Press Freedom Day event this week, Fiji media industry stalwart Stanley Simpson was forced to fend off local trolls whom he described as “hypocrites”.

    “Attacked by both the Fiji Labour Party and ex-FijiFirst MPs in just one day,” chuckled Simpson in a quirky response on social media.

    “Plus, it seems, by their very few supporters using myriads of fake accounts.

    “Hypocrites!”

    Simpson, secretary of the Fiji Media Association (FMA), media innovator, a founder and driving force of Mai TV, and a gold medallist back in his university student journalist days, was not taking any nonsense from his cyberspace critics, including Rajendra, the son of Labour Party leader and former prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry.

    The critics were challenging recent comments about media freedom in his speech at USP on Monday and on social media when he took a swipe at “pop-up propagandists”.

    “I stand by my statements. And I love the attention now put on media freedom by those who went missing or turned a blind eye when it was under threat [under Voreqe Bainimarama’s regime post-2006 coup]. Time for them to own up and come clean.”

    Briefly, this is the salvo that Simpson fired back after Rajendra Chaudhry’s comment “This Stanley Simpson fella . . . Did he organise any marches [against the Bainimarama takeover], did he organise any international attention, did he rally the people against the Bainimarama regime?” and other snipes from the trolls.

    1. FLP [Fiji Labour Party]
    At a period 2006-2007 when journalists were being bashed and beaten and media suppressed — the Fiji Labour Party and Chaudhry went silent as they lay in bed with the military regime.

    Rajendra Chaudhry’s criticism. Image: APR screenshot

    “They try to gloss over it by saying the 1997 constitution was still intact. It was intact but useless because you ignored the gross human rights abuses against the media and political opponents.

    “Where was FLP when Imraz, Laisa, Pita and Virisila were beaten? Where were they when Netani Rika, Kenneth Zinck, Momo, Makeli Radua were attacked and abused, when our Fiji Living Office was trashed and burnt down, and Pita and Dionisia put in jail cells like common criminals?

    “It was when Chaudhry took on Fiji Water and it backfired and left the regime that they started to speak out. When Aiyaz [Sayed-Khaiyum, former Attorney-General] replaced him as No. 2. By then too late.

    “Yes FLP — some of us who survived that period are still around and we still remember so you can’t rewrite what happened in 2006-2007 and change the narrative. You failed!”

    “2. Alvick Maharaj [opposition MP for the FijiFirst Party]
    “The funny thing about this statement is that I already knew last night this statement was coming out and who was writing it etc. I even shared with fellow editors and colleagues that the attacks were coming — and how useless and a waste of time it would be as it was being done by people who were silent and made hundreds of thousands of dollars while media were being suppressed [under the draconian Fiji Media Industry Development Act 2010 (MIDA) and other news crackdowns].

    Troll-style swipes. Image: APR screenshot

    “Ex-Fiji First MPs protecting their former PR colleagues for their platform which has been used to attack their political opponents. We can see through it all because we were not born yesterday and have experience in this industry. We can see what you are doing from a mile away. Its a joke.

    “And your attacks on the [recent State Department] editors’ US trip is pathetic. Plus [about] the visit to Fiji Water.

    “However, the positive I take from this — is that you now both say you believe in media freedom.

    “Ok now practice it. Not only when it suits your agenda and because you are now in Opposition.

    “You failed in the past when you governed — but we in the media will continue to endeavor to treat you fairly.

    “Sometimes that also means calling you out.”

    USP guest speech
     As guest speaker at USP, Simpson had this to say among making other points during his media freedom speech:

    The USP World Press Freedom Day seminar on Monday. Image: USP/APR

    “Journalists today work under the mega spotlight of social media and get attacked, ridiculed and pressured daily — but need to stay true to their journalism principles despite the challenges and pressures they are under.

    “Today, we stand at a crossroads. To students here at USP — future journalists, leaders, and citizens — remember the previous chapter [under FijiFirst]. Understand the price paid for media freedom. Protect it fiercely. Speak out when it’s threatened, even if it’s unpopular or uncomfortable.

    “To our nation’s leaders and influencers: defend a free media, even when it challenges you. A healthy democracy requires tolerance of criticism and commitment to transparency.”

    • Fiji rose four places to 40th (out of 180 nations) in the RSF 2025 World Press Freedom Index to make the country the Oceania media freedom leader outside of Australia (29) and New Zealand (16).

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ Māori Council, PSNA appeal for urgent action over Gaza starvation

    Asia Pacific Report

    The New Zealand Māori Council and Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa made a high profile appeal to Foreign Minister Winston Peters over Gaza today, calling for urgent action over humanitarian supplies for the besieged Palestinian enclave.

    “Starving a civilian population is a clear breach of international humanitarian law and a war crime under the Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court,” said the open letter published by the two organisations as full page advertisements in three leading daily newspapers.

    Noting that New Zealand has not joined the International Court of Justice for standing up to “condemn the use of starvation as a weapon of war”, the groups still called on the government to use its “internationally respected voice” to express solidarity for humanitarian aid.

    The plea comes amid Israel’s increased attacks on Gaza which have killed at least 61 people since dawn, targeting civilians in crowded places and a Gaza City market.

    The more than two-month blockade by the the enclave by Israel has caused acute food shortages, accelerating the starvation of the Palestinian population.

    Israel has blocked all aid into Gaza — food, water, fuel and medical supplies — while more than 3000 trucks laden with supplies are stranded on the Egyptian border blocked from entry into Gaza.

    At least 57 Palestinians have starved to death in Gaza as a result of Israel’s punishing blockade. The overall death toll, revised in view of bodies buried under the rubble, stands at 62,614 Palestinians and 1139 people killed in Israel.

    The open letter, publlshed by three Stuff-owned titles — Waikato Times in Hamilton, The Post in the capital Wellington, and The Press in Christchurch, said:

    Rt Hon Winston Peters
    Minister of Foreign Affairs
    Winston.Peters@parliament.govt.nz

    Open letter requesting government action on the future of Gaza

    Kia ora Mr Peters,

    The situation in Occupied Gaza has reached another crisis point.

    We urge our country to speak out and join other nations demanding humanitarian supplies into Gaza.

    For more than two months, Israel has blocked all aid into Gaza — food, water, fuel and medical supplies. The World Food Programme says food stocks in Gaza are fully depleted. UNICEF says children face “growing risk of starvation, illness and death”. The International Committee of the Red Cross says “the humanitarian response in Gaza is on the verge of total collapse”.

    Meanwhile, 3000 trucks laden with desperately needed aid are lined up at the Occupied Gaza border. Israeli occupation forces are refusing to allow them in.

    Starving a civilian population is a clear breach of International Humanitarian Law and a War Crime under the Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court.

    At the International Court of Justice many countries have stood up to condemn the use of starvation as a weapon of war and to demand accountability for Israel to end its industrial-scale killing of Palestinians in Gaza.

    New Zealand has not joined that group. Our government has been silent to date.

    After 18 months facing what the International Court of Justice has described as a “plausible genocide”, it is grievous that New Zealand does not speak out and act clearly against this ongoing humanitarian outrage.

    Minister Peters, as Minister of Foreign Affairs you are in a position of leadership to carry New Zealand’s collective voice in support of humanitarian aid to Gaza to the world. We are asking you to speak on behalf of New Zealand to support the urgent international plea for humanitarian aid to be allowed into Gaza and to initiate calls for a no-fly zone to be established over the region to prevent further mass killing of civilians.

    We believe the way forward for peace and security for everyone in the region is for all parties to follow international law and United Nations resolutions, going back to UNGA 194 in 1948, so that a lasting peace can be established based on justice and equal rights for everyone.

    New Zealand has an internationally respected voice — please use it to express solidarity for humanitarian aid to Gaza, today.

    Nā

    Ann Kendall QSM, Co-chair
    Tā Taihākurei Durie, Pou [cultural leader]
    NZ Māori Council

    Maher Nazzal and John Minto, National Co-chairs
    Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA)

    The NZ Māori Council and Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa advertisement in New Zealand media today. Image: PSNA

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: New Caledonia’s political talks – no outcome after three days of ‘conclave’

    By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific Desk

    After three solid days of talks in retreat mode, New Caledonia’s political parties have yet to reach an agreement on the French Pacific territory’s future status.

    The talks, held with French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls and French Prime Minister’s special advisor Eric Thiers, have since Monday moved from Nouméa to a seaside resort in Bourail — on the west coast of the main island, about 200 km from the capital — in what has been labelled a “conclave”, a direct reference to this week’s meeting of Catholic cardinals in Rome to elect a new pope.

    However, the Bourail conclave is yet to produce any kind of white smoke, and no one, as yet, claims “Habemus Pactum” to say that an agreement has been reached.

    Under heavy security, representatives of both pro-France and pro-independence parties are being kept in isolation and are supposed to stay there until a compromise is found to define New Caledonia’s political future, and an agreement that would later serve as the basis for a pact designed to replace the Nouméa Accord that was signed in 1998.

    The talks were supposed to conclude yesterday, but it has been confirmed that the discussions were going to last longer, at least one more day, probably well into the night.

    Valls was initially scheduled to fly back to Paris today, but it has also been confirmed that he will stay longer.

    Almost one year after civil unrest broke out in New Caledonia on 13 May 2024, leaving 14 dead and causing 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.2 billion) in damage, the talks involve pro-France Les Loyalistes, Le Rassemblement, Calédonie Ensemble and pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front), UNI-PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party).

    Wallisian ‘third way’
    Éveil Océanien, a Wallisian-based party, defends a “neither pro, nor against independence” line — what it calls a “third way”.

    The talks, over the past few days, have been described as “tense but respectful”, with some interruptions at times.

    The most sensitive issues among the numerous topics covered by the talks on New Caledonia’s future, are reported to be the question of New Caledonia’s future status and relationship to France.

    Other sensitive topics include New Caledonia’s future citizenship and the transfer of remaining key powers (defence, law and order, currency, foreign affairs, justice) from Paris to Nouméa.

    Valls, who is visiting New Caledonia for the third time since February 2025, said he would stay in New Caledonia “as long as necessary” for an inclusive and comprehensive agreement to be reached.

    Earlier this week, Valls also likened the current situation as “walking on a tightrope above embers.”

    “The choice is between an agreement and chaos,” he told local media.

    Clashing demands
    On both sides of the discussion table, local parties have all stated earlier that bearing in mind their respective demands, they were “not ready to sign at all costs.”

    The FLNKS is demanding full sovereignty while on the pro-France side, that view is rejected after three referendums were held there between 2018 and 2021 said no to independence.

    Valls’s approach was still trying to reconcile those two very antagonistic views, often described as “irreconcilable”.

    “But the thread is not broken. Only more time is required”, local media quoted a close source as saying.

    Last week, an earlier session of talks in Nouméa had to be interrupted due to severe frictions and disagreement from the pro-France side.

    Speaking to public broadcaster NC la 1ère on Sunday, Rassemblement leader Virginie Ruffenach elaborated, saying “there had been profound elements of disagreements on a certain number of words uttered by the minister (Valls)”.

    One of the controversial concepts, strongly opposed by the most radical pro-French parties, was a possible transfer of key powers from Paris to Nouméa, as part of a possible agreement.

    Loyalists opposed to ‘independence-association’
     “In what was advanced, the land of New Caledonia would no longer be a French land”, Ruffenach stressed on Sunday, adding this was “unacceptable” to her camp.

    She also said the two main pro-France parties were opposed to any notion of “independence-association”.

    “Neither Rassemblement, nor Les Loyalistes will sign for New Caledonia’s independence, let this be very clear.”

    The pro-France camp is advocating for increased powers (including on tax matters) for each of the three provinces of New Caledonia, a solution sometimes regarded by critics as a form of partition of the French Pacific territory.

    In a media release on Sunday, FLNKS “reaffirmed its . . . ultimate goal was Kanaky (New Caledonia’s) accession to full sovereignty”.

    Series of fateful anniversaries
     On the general public level, a feeling of high expectations, but also wariness, seems to prevail at the news that discussions were still inconclusive.

    In 1988, the Matignon-Oudinot peace talks between pro-independence leader at the time, Jean-Marie Tjibaou and pro-France leader Jacques Lafleur, were also held, in their final stage, in Paris, behind closed doors, under the close supervision of French Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard.

    The present crucial talks also coincide with a series of fateful anniversaries in New Caledonia’s recent history — on 5 May 1988, French special forces ended a hostage situation and intervened on Ouvéa Island in the Gossana grotto, where a group of hard-line pro-independent militants had held a group of French gendarmes.

    The human toll was heavy: 19 Kanak militants and 2 gendarmes were killed.

    On 4 May 1989, one year after the Matignon-Oudinot peace accords were signed, Jean-Marie Tjibaou and his deputy Yeiwene Yeiwene were gunned down by hard-line pro-independence Kanak activist Djubelly Wea.

    Valls attended most of these commemoration ceremonies at the weekend.

    On 5 May 1998, the 27-year-old Nouméa Accord was signed between New Caledonia’s parties and then French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin.

    De facto Constitution
    The Nouméa pact, which is often regarded as a de facto Constitution, was placing a particular stress on the notions of “re-balancing” economic wealth, a “common destiny” for all ethnic communities “living together” and a gradual transfer of powers from Paris to Nouméa.

    The Accord also prescribed that if three self-determination referendums (initially scheduled between 2014 and 2018) had produced three rejections (in the form of “no”), then all political stakeholders were supposed to “meet and examine the situation thus generated”.

    The current talks aimed at arriving at a new document, which was destined to replace the Nouméa Accord and bring New Caledonia closer to having its own Constitution.

    Valls said he was determined to “finalise New Caledonia’s decolonisation” process.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Indian airstrikes in Kashmir following tourist attack raises fears of a regional conflict

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By MD Rakib Jahan, PhD Student, Department of Political Studies, International Relations, Queen’s University, Ontario

    In response to the Pahalgam terrorist attack on tourists in Jammu and Kashmir last month,, India has launched “Operation Sindoor,” a series of targeted airstrikes on nine locations in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

    The killing of 26 tourists in Kashmir’s Baisaran Valley on April 22 did more than shatter a moment of peace in one of South Asia’s most scenic regions. The assault has significantly increased India-Pakistan tensions and generated worries of possible military conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.

    Though Pakistan denies the charges, India has specifically held Pakistan responsible for sheltering terrorist groups.

    In response to the attack, India has taken several actions against Pakistan, including downgrading diplomatic ties, recalling diplomats, suspending participation in a vital water-sharing agreement and closing a significant border crossing.

    This rapidly deteriorating situation underscores the broader consequences of the devastating Pahalgam assault.



    Read more:
    India and Pakistan have fought many wars in the past. Are we on the precipice of a new one?

    Human tragedy

    Described by the region’s chief minister, Omar Abdullah, as “much larger than anything we’ve seen directed at civilians in recent years,” the assault in Pahalgam is not only a humanitarian tragedy and a blow to Kashmir’s economy but a flashpoint in an already fragile regional relationship.

    The Pahalgam attack’s timing coincided with United States Vice President JD Vance’s visit to India in April. This mirrors a grim pattern that includes former U.S. president Bill Clinton’s 2000 trip, when militants struck Chittisinghpura in Jammu and Kashmir hours before his arrival.

    By staging violence during diplomatic milestones, militants aim to amplify global attention and send a message to the Indian government. As global attention shifts back to Kashmir, the Baisaran massacre appears to mark a new chapter in the long-fought battle over this territory — one that risks tourism, targets civilians and threatens to unravel regional stability.

    Strategic targeting of Kashmir’s economy

    Though Kashmir has seen warfare for decades, militant groups had mostly avoided targeting visitors because of the the economic significance of tourism to Kashmir.

    The calculated selection of Pahalgam — one of Kashmir’s top tourist sites — reveals a plan to attack the core of Kashmir’s economy. According to counter-terrorism expert Ajai Sahni, the local community and militant groups have an implicit understanding not to compromise the tourism industry.

    By breaking this unwritten rule, the militants have demonstrated a willingness to inflict economic harm on the population.

    Nearly everyone in Kashmir, particularly in the valley, depends on tourism either directly or indirectly. Tourism, which has seen a resurgence since the COVID-19 pandemic, generates thousands of direct and indirect jobs and more than eight per cent of Kashmir’s GDP.

    Experts like Amitabh Mattoo, from the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, warn that Kashmir may experience long-term devastating effects from a drop in tourism. A significant exodus of travellers from Kashmir has already taken place.



    Read more:
    Why are India and Pakistan on the brink of war and how dangerous is the situation? An expert explains

    Challenging India’s post-2019 Kashmir narrative

    The assault also weakens India’s narrative on Kashmir, an area that has been disputed by both Pakistan and India since their independence from Britain in 1947.

    The attack took place as India Prime Minister Narendra Modi was scheduled to open a multi-billion-dollar railway project to the Kashmir Valley, which his government contends will enhance tourism and economic development.

    Modi’s administration has presented the rise in tourism as proof of “normalcy” coming back to Kashmir following India’s removal of special status to Kashmir.

    The intentional targeting of visitors sends a message that the illusion of normalcy is misleading.

    A deadly departure from past tactics

    The Resistance Front (TRF), a rather unknown militant group founded in 2019 and designated as a “terrorist organization” by the Indian government in January 2023, claimed responsibility for the assault via social media. They offered no proof to back their assertion.

    TRF represents a new breed of militant Kashmiri nationalism and resistance. Indian intelligence agencies have connected the group to the Pakistan-based terrorist organization Lashkar-e-Taiba.

    TRF’s communication regarding the assault emphasized resistance to new “outsider” residency rights. This corresponds with worries voiced by some Kashmiris after 2019 modifications permitted non-locals to acquire land and get employment in the area.

    The government disclosed in April 2025 that 83,000 individuals have been given residence certificates under these new standards in the last two years.

    The future of Kashmir’s stability

    Apart from causing obvious human sorrow, the Pahalgam slaughter also endangers years of economic development and could send Jammu and Kashmir back into a cycle of bloodshed and instability.

    Targeting tourists could mean militants are willing to risk Kashmir’s economic core. The assault appears to be an attempt to internationalize the Kashmir problem at a time when worldwide interest had started to fade. It also exploits religious divides, and has succeeded in inciting severe security reactions.

    The future seems more and more uncertain for ordinary Kashmiris caught between security crackdowns and militant brutality. Historical trends indicate that more militancy usually results in more security policies, putting more strain on civilian life.

    For many teenagers and young people in Jammu and Kashmir, the lack of consistent income, mobility limitations and increased monitoring intensifies sensations of marginalization and anger.

    Radical groups can take advantage of these frustrations. To counter this, economic policies must address these inequalities.



    Read more:
    India-Pakistan strikes: 5 essential reads on decades of rivalry and tensions over Kashmir

    A strategy for the way ahead

    The Pahalgam incident calls for a counter-terrorism strategy that balances security with socio-economic stability.

    For example, tourism profit-sharing systems could be implemented and tax advantages or subsidies could be offered to tour businesses, especially those employing young marginalized demographics. This could help to bring some financial respite as well as long-term stability and has been successful in countries like Rwanda.

    The failure to pre-empt the attack despite heightened security during the Vance’s visit and the Hindu pilgrimage season reveals systematic intelligence failures.

    The way ahead calls for tackling both security issues and the underlying complaints still driving militancy in Jammu and Kashmir as the region once again confronts the possibility of violence.

    United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres has urged both nations to de-escalate and return to diplomacy.

    MD Rakib Jahan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Indian airstrikes in Kashmir following tourist attack raises fears of a regional conflict – https://theconversation.com/indian-airstrikes-in-kashmir-following-tourist-attack-raises-fears-of-a-regional-conflict-256166

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: No matter who the next pope is, US Catholics stand ‘at a crossroads’ − a sociologist explains

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Maureen K. Day, Research Fellow, Center for Religion and Civic Culture, University of Southern California

    Parishioners attend a memorial Mass in honor of Pope Francis at the Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels in Los Angeles on April 21, 2025. Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images

    More than 130 cardinals entered the Sistine Chapel on May 7, 2025. With the announcement “Extra omnes” – “all out” – the doors have been closed and the cardinals sequestered to elect the next leader of the Catholic Church. They will vote, confer, pray and vote again until a candidate acquires the two-thirds majority needed to become pope.

    Ten of the men voting this week are from the United States. The Conversation U.S. asked Maureen Day, a researcher at the University of Southern California who has written several books about the contemporary church, to explain what Catholicism looks like in the U.S. at this high-stakes moment.

    How is Catholic identity and practice in the U.S. changing, compared with a generation ago?

    In 1987, the year of the first American Catholic Laity survey, nearly half of American Catholics said that faith was “the most” or “among the most” important parts of their life. Now, only 37% say the same.

    Others are leaving the Catholic Church completely. The General Social Survey, a national survey conducted every year or two since the 1970s, asks people about the faith they grew up with, as well as their present religious identity. According to our analysis of its data, in 1973 only 10% of Americans who grew up Catholic had changed religions, and another 7% had left religion altogether. By 2018, each of those percentages had increased to 18%.

    A Pew Research Center study conducted in 2024 found that for every American who converts to Catholicism, another 8.4 leave. The only reason that Catholicism is able to maintain a relatively steady share of the U.S. population – about 20% – is due to the high percentage of immigrants and migrants who are Catholic.

    So my co-authors and I chose the title of our 2025 book, “Catholicism at a Crossroads,” quite intentionally. The church has been facing a variety of challenges for decades, both nationally and across the globe. It’s not just about disaffiliation, but also issues such as the sexual abuse crises and bishops’ decreasing influence on lay Catholics’ personal decisions.

    The Rev. Athanasius Abanulo celebrates Mass in Lanett, Ala., in 2021. Many international clergy, like Abanulo, are helping to ease a shortage of priests in the U.S.
    AP Photo/Jessie Wardarski

    In response, church leaders have mostly offered minor adjustments, such as encouraging parishes to become more family- or young adult-friendly. They have not yet made larger shifts that could substantially alter some of those trend lines.

    Some of your work focuses on what you call ‘cultural Catholics’ − defined as Catholics who attend Mass less than once per month. How would you describe cultural Catholicism in the U.S. today?

    A big concern of Catholic leaders right now is decreasing Mass attendance, as weekly Mass is an important precept of the Catholic Church. Sunday Mass is a place for Catholics to participate in the sacraments, strengthen their faith and build relationships with other Catholics.

    One of the things Catholic leaders tend to attribute this drop in attendance to is a broader trend of secularism. There might be some merit to this, but it can’t be the whole story. In our analysis of General Social Survey data, for example, the percentage of Protestant Christians who say they attend worship services weekly was 35% in 1950 and 40% in 2023. Among Catholics, however, weekly Mass attendance has declined from 63% to 30% in these same years.

    “Cultural Catholics” who say they attend Mass “a few times a year” or “seldom or never” account for 53% of U.S. Catholics. Many of them demonstrate strong ties to Catholic teachings in other ways. For example, around 70% to 80% of cultural Catholics say that it is “essential” or “somewhat essential” to Catholicism to help the poor, have a devotion to Mary and practice daily prayer.

    There are findings that can lend themselves to either a “glass half empty” or “glass half full” interpretation. For instance, it might be heartening to Catholic leaders to know that 62% of cultural Catholics say it is important that future generations of their family are Catholic – although this is much lower than the 89% among those who attend Mass frequently.

    Sister Maris Stella Vaughan teaches a religion class at St. John Paul II Catholic School in Phoenix, Ariz., in 2020.
    AP Photo/Dario Lopez-Mills

    And when these cultural Catholics imagine future generations of their family being Catholic, what does that mean? Perhaps it entails simply a few milestones, like receiving baptism, First Communion and possibly Confirmation – the three sacraments that initiate a person into the Catholic faith. The way many cultural Catholics are loosely tethered to the church, without much involvement in parish life, is a great concern for many Catholic leaders.

    What main challenges do you see for the American church under the next pope?

    I would argue that the American church’s biggest challenge is how to heal the factionalism within itself.

    On the one hand, there is a great deal of common ground among the most active Catholics, even with the diversity still found here. According to our analysis, 20% of Catholics are “high commitment”: those who say they attend Mass weekly, are unlikely to leave the faith, and that the church is very important to them. These Catholics are more likely to depart from their political party’s position on an issue if it does not align with Catholic teachings. For example, high-commitment Catholic Republicans are much more likely to support the bishops’ position on making the immigration process easier for families. High-commitment Catholic Democrats, meanwhile, are more likely to be against abortion than are their moderate- or low-commitment counterparts.

    In other words, these high-commitment Catholics tend to be less polarized and could find common cause with one another.

    Catholics pray during Mass at Benedictine College on Dec. 3, 2023, in Atchison, Kan.
    AP Photo/Charlie Riedel

    However, there are more extreme pockets – such as those who called into question the legitimacy of Francis’ papacy – that are more militant about their vision of Catholicism. While these Catholics are few in number, they are very vocal. There are fringe groups that mobilized to try to change the direction of the Catholic Church after Francis’ papacy, which they saw as a series of liberal reforms.

    Within more mainstream Catholicism, there are divides over styles of worship, with media attention on some young Americans flocking to more conservative or traditional parishes. However, sociologist Tim Clydesdale and religion scholar Kathleen Garces-Foley found that young adult Catholics are split: While some are attracted to churches with pastors who demonstrate “orthodoxy,” a similar number prefer “openness.”

    What do you wish more people understood about Catholicism in the U.S.?

    I think the “missing piece” for many is the incredible diversity of U.S. Catholicism, from race and ethnicity to politics and practice. Many Americans tend to associate the religion with one or two issues, such as abortion and same-sex marriage, and assume that Catholics are fairly monolithic, both in their demographics and their politics.

    Catholics themselves can also forget – or never learn – that their small slice of Catholicism is not the whole of Catholicism.

    Recognizing and elevating what unites this vast family of Catholics, both personally and collectively, is going to be critical as the church moves forward.

    The work mentioned in this article was funded largely by the Louisville Institute. Her previous research has received funding from many sources, including the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.

    – ref. No matter who the next pope is, US Catholics stand ‘at a crossroads’ − a sociologist explains – https://theconversation.com/no-matter-who-the-next-pope-is-us-catholics-stand-at-a-crossroads-a-sociologist-explains-255177

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –