Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
Moscow, June 9 /Xinhua/ — Contacts with Ukraine need to continue, but there is no clear understanding yet about a new round of talks, Russian presidential press secretary Dmitry Peskov said on Monday.
“Now, depending on how the situation develops, the conversation should, in theory, turn to continuation and the next round of negotiations. There are no precise understandings on this matter yet,” TASS quotes him as saying.
As D. Peskov noted, Russia will continue contacts with Ukraine, despite significant changes in the vision of the essence of Kyiv after the recent attacks on railway tracks in the Bryansk and Kursk regions, which Moscow classified as terrorist attacks.
“We will certainly talk about continuing the conversation,” concluded D. Peskov. –0–
Local business receives funding to commercialize new product line
June 9, 2025 – Vars, Ontario
Strengthening Canada’s manufacturing sector unlocks new opportunities, enhances domestic production and creates skilled jobs in the region. The Government of Canada is committed to supporting businesses that drive sustainable growth and innovation, all while helping to build a strong economy that works for everyone.
Today, on behalf of the Honourable Evan Solomon, Minister of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Innovation and Minister responsible for the Federal Economic Development Agency for Southern Ontario (FedDev Ontario), Giovanna Mingarelli, Member of Parliament for Prescott–Russell–Cumberland, participated in the groundbreaking for the new 104,000-square foot Nordik Windows Inc. (Nordik) facility.
At the celebration, MP Mingarelli announced a Government of Canada investment of $1 million to support Nordik to acquire and install advanced equipment to commercialize a new product line of hurricane-resistant, energy-efficient windows for export into new markets. The new line, which will increase production, will also use recycled materials to help divert waste from landfills.
This investment underscores the Government of Canada’s ongoing commitment to supporting our businesses as they foster sustainable, homegrown innovation while contributing to the growth of southern Ontario and Canada’s economy.
Four people allegedly involved in an elaborate Queensland-based money laundering scheme that smuggled cash around the country and washed millions of dollars of criminal proceeds have been charged following an 18-month, multi-agency investigation.
The AFP-led Criminal Assets Confiscation Taskforce (CACT) has also restrained assets across Queensland and NSW suspected of being the proceeds of crime, which have a combined value of about $21 million and include 17 properties, bank accounts and vehicles.
More than 70 members from the Queensland Joint Organised Crime Taskforce (QJOCTF), comprised of the AFP, Queensland Police Service, Australian Border Force, the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission, AUSTRAC and Australian Taxation Office, executed 14 search warrants at homes and businesses across Brisbane and the Gold Coast on 5 and 6 June 2025.
AUSTRAC and the ATO also provided analytical expertise and support during the investigation, which was centred on Southeast Queensland but also monitored cash dead drops in multiple cities around Australia.
A Brisbane man, 32, from Heathwood, who was allegedly a major client of the money laundering operation and washed $9.5 million in 15 months, was charged on Thursday (5 June) with money laundering and failing to provide the password to a mobile phone. He has been remanded in custody and is scheduled to face Brisbane Magistrates’ Court today (9 June).
In December 2023, the QJOCTF began investigating suspicious financial transactions. The investigation linked the Heathwood man to a company that had received millions of dollars transferred by suspicious third-party transactions.
Investigators following the money trail allegedly identified the man was a customer of a sophisticated money laundering operation allegedly being run through the armoured transport unit of a security company that transferred $190 million cash into cryptocurrency.
Investigations into the source of the $190 million converted into cryptocurrency by the security company remain ongoing.
A Gold Coast man, 48, and woman, 35, who were the director and general manager respectively of the security business, were each charged on Friday (6 June) with a money laundering offence. The couple, from Maudsland, was granted watchhouse bail and is scheduled to face Southport Magistrates Court on 21 July 2025.
Another Brisbane man, 58, from West End, who allegedly funnelled laundered money through a business account to a separate business account controlled by the Heathwood man, was also charged on Friday with two money laundering offences. He was granted watchhouse bail and is scheduled to face Brisbane Magistrates Court on 1 August 2025.
The QJOCTF alleges the Gold Coast-based security company used a complex network of bank accounts, businesses, couriers and cryptocurrency accounts to launder millions of dollars of illicit funds over 18 months.
The security company, which transferred cash between businesses and banks, allegedly mixed cash from its legitimate business arm with illicit funds deposited by suspected criminals.
To further obfuscate the source of the funds from law enforcement, the security company allegedly channelled the money through a web of transactions including through a sales promotion company, a classic car dealership and cryptocurrency exchange services.
The organisation then paid out the funds to beneficiaries using cryptocurrency or those third-party companies.
The Heathwood man allegedly controlled the sales promotion company and received about $9.5 million in cash and cryptocurrency originating from the security company over 15 months.
The QJOCTF will allege the Heathwood man attempted to distance himself from the money laundering scheme by setting his wife up as a ‘straw director’ of the promotions company, while he maintained effective control.
The QJOCTF alleges the West End man was the director of a classic car dealership that received about $6.4 million from the security company and laundered it through his business over a 17-month period.
The director allegedly opened at least seven bank accounts with different banks to conceal the source of the money as he moved it around. The illicit money was then allegedly mixed with legitimate money from the car dealership before being transferred to the sales promotions business.
It is alleged the security company was also the front for the movement of millions of dollars of illicit cash from other states to Southeast Queensland for laundering.
The cash, which was allegedly generated by organised criminal ventures, was left at dead drop locations around the country and collected by a network of couriers who sent it as domestic cargo on flights to Queensland. It was then collected by the security company’s couriers in Southeast Queensland.
During search warrants last week, investigators seized crypto wallets containing about $170,000 in cryptocurrency, $30,000 cash, encrypted devices, along with business records and documents related to the alleged money laundering scheme.
The Maudsland man, 48, the director of the security company, was charged with one count of dealing with the proceeds of general crime, worth $10 million or more, contrary to section 400.2B(6) of the Criminal Code (Cth). The maximum penalty for this offence is 15 years’ imprisonment.
His wife, 35, who was the general manager of the business, was charged with one count of dealing with the proceeds of general crime, worth $10 million or more, contrary to section 400.2B(3) of the Criminal Code (Cth). The maximum penalty for this offence is imprisonment for life.
The Heathwood man, 32, allegedly linked to the sales promotion company, was charged with:
one count of dealing with proceeds of crime, worth $1 million or more, contrary to section 400.3(2B) of the Criminal Code (Cth). The maximum penalty for this offence is 12 years’ imprisonment, and
one count of failure to comply with a 3LA Order, contrary to section 3LA(5) of the Crimes Act (Cth). The maximum penalty for this offence is 10 years’ imprisonment.
The West End man, 58, who was the director of the classic car company, was charged with:
two counts of dealing with proceeds of crime, money or property worth $1 million or more, contrary to section 400.3(2B) of the Criminal Code (Cth). The maximum penalty for this offence is 12 years’ imprisonment
one count of uttering a forged document, contrary to section 488(1)(b) of the Criminal Code (QLD). The maximum penalty for this offence is three years’ imprisonment, and
one count of dealing with identification information to commit or facilitate an indictable offence, contrary to section 408D of the Criminal Code (Qld). The maximum penalty for this offence is 5 years’ imprisonment.
Investigations are ongoing, and further arrests have not been ruled out.
AFP Detective Superintendent Adrian Telfer said money laundering undermined Australia’s national security, the economy and social security system.
‘Many Australians are feeling the financial pinch but remain law-abiding and honest citizens,’ Det Supt Telfer said.
‘Criminals always choose greed over decency and will constantly find opportunities to increase their wealth at the expense of others.’
‘We allege this organisation intentionally concealed and disguised the source, value and nature of their illicit money, and distanced themselves from the funds to try to avoid getting caught by authorities.’
‘This plot was elaborate and calculated, and it demonstrates the lengths criminals will go to make money.’
‘Money laundering investigations are incredibly challenging due to the complex web of deception used by criminals, and this crime cannot be tackled by one agency alone.’
‘This result is a testament to the great work done by the investigators, forensic accountants in the QJOCTF, the CACT, and our Taskforce Avarus partners.’
Queensland Police Service Crime and Intelligence Command, Detective Acting Superintendent David Briese, from the Drug and Serious Crime Group, said money laundering was far from a victimless crime.
‘Criminal networks use money laundering to legitimise their profits and exploit legitimate businesses, harming communities and economies. It fuels serious organised crime, enabling everything from drug trafficking and exploitation to fraud and violence,’ Det a/Supt Briese said.
‘This case demonstrates both the complexity of money laundering operations, and the extreme lengths criminals will go to conceal their illicit gains.’
‘The result reflects the strength of our collaboration across law enforcement, intelligence, and regulatory bodies, and our shared commitment to protecting the public from the harms of serious and organised crime.’
ABF Acting Commander Troy Sokoloff praised the efforts of ABF officers working alongside partner agencies in the QJOCTF.
‘Today’s outcome sends a formidable message to those who seek to engage in criminal money laundering. This act is illegal and unacceptable, and all branches of law enforcement can and will work together to bring such crimes to justice,’ a/Commander Sokoloff said.
‘I would like to acknowledge the dedication of our highly trained investigator who was engaged as a co-case officer for the entirety of this investigation. He has worked tirelessly with his colleagues to achieve this outcome, drawing upon ABF digital intelligence sharing and observations which were critical to the success we see today.’
‘This type of illegal activity is insidious – and the ABF will continue to work hand in hand with its partners to detect and deter such schemes.’
ATO Deputy Commissioner John Ford reinforced the ATO was assisting partner agencies in disrupting, investigating and penalising the perpetrators of organised crime.
‘Serious and organised crime harms our community, economy, government and way of life, and robs the community of funding for essential services such as health and education,’ Mr Ford said.
‘This week’s action is a strong reminder to those involved in money laundering – while you may think you can wash away the evidence, this is simply not the case. We will continue to work together with our partner agencies to disrupt these criminals and hold them to account.’
AUSTRAC National Coordinator, Law Enforcement, Markus Erikson said AUSTRAC intelligence was pivotal in putting a stop to these crimes.
‘The intelligence AUSTRAC provided to law enforcement painted a vivid trail of criminal activity being undertaken by disparate individuals,’ Mr Erikson said.
‘I would like to recognise the businesses who report to AUSTRAC for their commitment to protecting the financial system from harm. Without their reporting, this disruption would not have been possible, and the offending may have continued undetected.’
‘I would also like to acknowledge the incredible work of our partner agencies in this matter. Operations like this take significant resources, hard work, and personal sacrifice to accomplish.’
‘This outcome is a testament to the dedication of everyone involved in Taskforce AVARUS as well as the Queensland Police Service and Australian Taxation Office.’
ACIC National Manager Boyd Doherty emphasised the critical role of the QJOCTF.
‘The ACIC works closely with partners to disrupt the highest threat criminal networks. Serious and organised crime groups thrive off money made from criminal activities,’ Mr Doherty said.
‘We are committed to disrupting the operations of these groups, denying them the ability to profit and making Australia a hostile environment for them to operate in.’
The QJOCTF is a multi-agency team focused on targeting and dismantling transnational serious organised crime networks in Queensland.
Taskforce Avarus was established in 2022 to target the highest priority money laundering threats facing Australia. The Taskforce comprises the AFP, AUSTRAC, ACIC and ABF who work in partnership to uncover methods criminals use to conceal their illegal funds.
The CACT – which brings together the resources and expertise of the AFP, ABF, Australian Taxation Office, ACIC and AUSTRAC – was permanently established in 2012 as a proactive and innovative approach to trace, restrain and ultimately confiscate criminal assets.
Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Mike Johnson (LA-04)
WASHINGTON — When people who can work but refuse to do so and stay on Medicaid, it takes away resources from those who deserve and rely upon it – like the teenage son of Arkansas father Nick Stehle, who has severe autism and epilepsy and requires constant attention. The Wall Street Journal published Nick’s story last week, which touts the work requirements included in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that will strengthen and preserve the program for those who need it.
“Yet thanks to ObamaCare’s Medicaid expansion, he is stuck on a multiyear waiting list for in-home care because able-bodied adults are competing for the same resources,” Arkansas father Nick Stehle wrote.
Read the full op-ed here or below:
Medicaid was created to help people like my son. He is 17, has severe autism and epilepsy, and needs constant attention. Yet thanks to ObamaCare’s Medicaid expansion, he is stuck on a multiyear waiting list for in-home care because able-bodied adults are competing for the same resources. Republicans in the Senate can help states fix this by strengthening the Medicaid work requirements in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act they’re about to pass.
ObamCare gave states a financial incentive to treat able-bodied adults better than the disabled. The federal government gives states $9 for every $1 they spend on able-bodied adults, but only $1.33 for every dollar spent on children, people with disabilities, pregnant women and seniors. Drawn by the promise of so much federal money, Arkansas’s Democratic governor expanded Medicaid in 2013. The program now covers more than 230,000 able-bodied adults.
Because able-bodied adults bring so much money, Arkansas makes them a priority. We applied for in-home care in 2023, but state officials said it would take 10 years. Democrats are doing everything they can to keep my son on the wait list. They’re trying to frighten Republicans into abandoning work requirements by claiming they’re ineffective, unnecessary and cruel—none of which is true.
In 2018 the Trump administration gave Arkansas a waiver that let it require able-bodied adults without children to work part time as a condition of receiving Medicaid benefits. A federal judge struck down the waiver on procedural grounds 10 months after the policy began to phase in. Yet the work requirement already had strong results.
In less than a year, nearly 18,000 able-bodied adults increased their incomes enough to get off Medicaid. States should encourage people to replace government dependency with financial independence, protecting Medicaid for people like my son. But Democrats and their allies now claim there wasn’t a corresponding increase in the number of people working. They also claim that people left Medicaid because they didn’t know about the work requirement and therefore didn’t fill out the paperwork. All these false claims are intended to convince Republicans that work requirements are difficult for states to administer.
Yet Arkansas thought it was well worth the effort, sending out more than a million letters, emails, text messages and phone calls in 2018 alone to inform recipients about the requirement. And far from not filling out paperwork, fully 87% of the people who were removed from Medicaid had already increased their incomes, moved out of state or otherwise become ineligible for the program. This freed up resources for people like my son. Arkansas projected the changes would save at least $300 million a year, reflecting how few of those able-bodied adults worked. Though the left now says that 92% of Medicaid recipients are supposedly working, that claim is based on self-reported survey data from the Census, with state sample sizes as small as 41 people. Only one conclusion is possible: Democrats want able-bodied adults to continue getting the benefits intended for my son.
A work requirement for Medicaid would put my son first. The House version of the “one big beautiful bill” applies only to childless adults on Medicaid expansion. The Senate could do better by extending the work requirement to even more able-bodied adults—say, those without young kids. The Senate could go even further, ending the Medicaid funding formula that encourages states to sign up able-bodied adults at the expense of people with disabilities. But the work requirement is the bare minimum of what Republicans should pass. Able-bodied adults have blocked my son from care for too long.
Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Tracey Mann (Kansas, 1)
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CLICK HERE to download Rep. Mann’s opening remarks.
CLICK HERE to watch Rep. Mann’s opening remarks on YouTube.
WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Representative Tracey Mann (KS-01) spoke on the U.S. House floor in support of theOne Big Beautiful Bill Act, which passed in the House with a vote of 215-214 on May 22, 2025. During the speech, Rep. Mann highlighted his priorities in the bill, which include advancing the largest tax cuts in American history, historic investments in the nation’s border security and air traffic control systems, and long overdue relief for the nation’s agriculture community.
Rep. Mann’s Remarks as Prepared:
Mr. Speaker, over the Memorial Day recess, Rasmussen found that a majority of Americans say the country is on the right track. Under President Trump, America just keeps winning, again and again and again. Promises made, promises kept.
77 million Americans trusted President Trump to restore common sense to our nation’s capital by bringing down everyday costs, reining in our federal spending, lowering taxes, rolling back burdensome regulations, strengthening our nation’s border security and getting our fiscal house back in order. President Trump has already begun delivering on that mandate, and Congress is helping him advance his agenda.
Just a few days ago, here in this chamber, House Republicans voted to deliver the largest tax cut in American history. We made long overdue investments into our nation’s border security by funding the completion of the border wall, investing in modern technology to assist with intercepting drug and human smuggling, and increasing detention capacity for Immigration and Customs Enforcement as they work to deport violent criminals and gang members who are in the country illegally.
Our bill supports America’s farmers, ranchers, and agricultural producers like those in the Big First District of Kansas who want to see the farm safety net strengthened by expanding crop insurance and updating reference prices. We permanently expanded the death tax exemption, saving two million family farms and saving those families more than $10 billion. We supported President Trump and Secretary Duffy’s request to make much-needed investments into the Federal Aviation Administration to modernize our air traffic control technology and infrastructure and to uphold the Gold Standard of American aviation.
The One Big Beautiful Act strengthens our social safety net while better stewarding the tax dollars of hardworking Americans. Americans are generous people, but we cannot allow the government to abuse that generosity. Programs like Medicaid and SNAP were intended for the most vulnerable populations in the country—pregnant women, single parents with kids too young for school, low-income Americans, disabled individuals, and the elderly. Over the years, those programs have been exploited and expanded beyond their initial intent, causing the cost of these programs to skyrocket exponentially.
If taxpaying Americans can get up every day and go to work, why shouldn’t we ask the same thing of those who benefit from that generosity? Our bill requires that able-bodied adults without kids too young for school, work, or volunteer at least 20 hours a week. This includes volunteering at a food pantry, a local church, or giving back to their community. It’s disheartening that so many of my Democrat colleagues would prefer to lie about what our bill does and limit Americans to a permanent destination of government assistance rather than empower them returning to the ladder of opportunity. That is not the American dream.
I am hopeful that the Senate will move quickly to get it over the finish line and on the President’s desk. The country cannot afford for us to get this bill wrong, and I trust that every single Republican is committed to getting it to the President as soon as possible and helping America win yet again.
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For more information about Representative Mann, visit: www.mann.house.gov.
Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth
June 05, 2025
[WASHINGTON, D.C.] – Combat Veteran and U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL)—today led 22 of her fellow Senate Democratic colleagues in urging Defense Secretary Hegseth to reverse course and not implement the Trump Administration’s un-American transgender military service ban that will unfairly attack honorable servicemembers for who they are, compromise good order and discipline and jeopardize our national security. In the Senators’ letter, the group demands answers from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth—including what specific data is being used to back up their claim that transgender servicemembers are not in the “interests of national security” and how much it will cost taxpayers to train the replacements of perfectly capable transgender servicemembers that they are forcing out of our military. After Senator Duckworth led over a dozen of her colleagues in April pushing back against the ban, Secretary Hegseth’s response to their letter did not answer many of the questions that were asked about the short- and long-term impacts of the ban on servicemembers, readiness and national security as well as taxpayer cost and more.
“Transgender servicemembers are not political props; they are patriotic Americans serving honorably,” wrote the Senators. “Banning them from service will compromise good order and discipline, take deployable servicemembers out of the fight and create national security risks felt for years to come. Your recent implementation guidance makes matters worse.”
Additionally, the lawmakers admonished the Trump Administration’s latest guidance for implementing the ban, which requires military commanders to report servicemembers in their unit who they think display any signs of gender dysphoria.
“By stating that unit commanders ‘will direct’ reviews of the medical records of servicemembers under their command, despite the fact that they are not equipped to do so, you are requiring them to perform a duty—for purely political reasons—that is far outside the scope of their normal operational and warfighting-centric responsibilities,” continued the Senators. “This burden is corrosive to unit cohesion, trust and the wellbeing of the servicemember and the commanders, who are being failed by their chain of command. This is not leadership.”
In conclusion, the lawmakers’ wrote: “Your policy will harm our armed services’ operational readiness and lethality, not only endangering Americans, but costing billions of dollars in taxpayer money in service of a political stunt meant to attack a small, extraordinarily brave group of people. Servicemembers’ privacy is being invaded, their livelihoods are being threatened and they are being used as a political tool to appeal to a minority of Americans.”
“Mr. Secretary, do not implement this ban.”
In addition to Duckworth, the letter is co-signed by U.S. Senators Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Cory Booker (D-NJ), Chris Coons (D-DE), John Fetterman (D-PA), Ruben Gallego (D-AZ), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), Mazie K. Hirono (D-HI), Andy Kim (D-NJ), Ed Markey (D-MA), Jeff Merkley (D-OR), Gary Peters (D-MI), Jacky Rosen (D-NV), Bernie Sanders (I-VT), Brian Schatz (D-HI), Adam Schiff (D-CA), Tina Smith (D-MN), Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), Peter Welch (D-VT), Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) and Ron Wyden (D-OR).
The letter is endorsed by SPARTA, Modern Military Association of America, Minority Veterans of America and Out in National Security.
The full text of the letter is available on Senator Duckworth’s website and below:
Secretary Hegseth:
We write to express our ongoing opposition to the U.S. Department of Defense’s (DoD) destructive and foolhardy ban on transgender servicemembers, as outlined in the May 15, 2025, memorandum entitled “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness: Implementation Guidance.” We have already written to condemn the ban itself. Transgender servicemembers are not political props; they are patriotic Americans serving honorably. Banning them from service will compromise good order and discipline, take deployable servicemembers out of the fight and create national security risks felt for years to come. Your recent implementation guidance makes matters worse.
The May 15th memorandum compromises commanders by making them informers on their own troops in areas outside of their expertise. Per that guidance, commanders of servicemembers who, in their judgment, display “gender dysphoria, a history of gender dysphoria, or symptoms consistent with gender dysphoria will direct individualized medical record reviews of such Service members.” Generally, commanders are not trained in medicine, psychology or mental health and are therefore not qualified to assess the members of their units for symptoms of mental health diagnoses. By stating that unit commanders “will direct” reviews of the medical records of servicemembers under their command, despite the fact that they are not equipped to do so, you are requiring them to perform a duty—for purely political reasons—that is far outside the scope of their normal operational and warfighting-centric responsibilities. This burden is corrosive to unit cohesion, trust and the wellbeing of the servicemember and the commanders, who are being failed by their chain of command. This is not leadership.
Additionally, the Department’s discharge guidance punishes those who have volunteered to serve. The guidance, which mandates separating transgender officers using the JDK separation code “on the basis that their continued service is not clearly consistent with the interests of national security,” is unjustifiable. There is ample evidence that these servicemembers, many of whom are decorated with years of honorable service and all or nearly all of whom are otherwise deployable, are assets to their units and to the force. Your DoD has failed to produce any meaningful evidence to suggest otherwise, much less to prove that transgender servicemembers threaten national security. Using this discharge code is not only cruel; it’s stupid. Beyond insulting brave individuals who have sacrificed to serve their country, this further ensures that the DoD or other security agencies will not be able to hire these individuals in a civilian capacity, robbing the national security establishment that protects everyday Americans of any opportunity to benefit from the skills and expertise these unreasonably separated servicemembers have gained at great expense to the taxpayer.
Beyond those process failures, your last response declined to answer several critical questions, answers to which are vital for Congress’ ability to oversee your Department. Ongoing litigation is no excuse; the taxpayers have a right to know your reasons and evidence. Please explain:
What is the anticipated cost of implementing this policy, including all costs for separation, legal defense, investments made in these brave servicemembers that will no longer be recouped and the cost to train their replacements? How much more expensive is it than retaining these servicemembers?
What specific information, data or evidence, if any, serve as the basis for the statement that allowing transgender troops to serve is “not clearly consistent with the interests of national security”?
What consultations, studies and/or assessments were conducted (internally or externally) to evaluate the impact of this policy prior to implementation?
We trust that you will either include copies of all such reports, briefs or findings with your response, or specify that no such evidence exists.
Your policy will harm our armed services’ operational readiness and lethality, not only endangering Americans, but costing billions of dollars in taxpayer money in service of a political stunt meant to attack a small, extraordinarily brave group of people. Servicemembers’ privacy is being invaded, their livelihoods are being threatened and they are being used as a political tool to appeal to a minority of Americans.
Delays at Manadon. We all know about them, we’ve all felt it.
Some days it can be absolutely fine; others it’s bit of a gamble. It’s not reliable.
And that’s just now. In the next few years, as the city grows with ambitious new housing targets, the growth of the hospital and the expansion of the dockyard, it’s going to get worse.
That’s why we’re bringing forward potential changes to the roundabout, to improve things not just now but in the future.
The graphic below has been developed from queue length data and shows how traffic queues will look in years to come in scenarios where we continue with the scheme and if we do nothing.
“The data is clear,” explains Councillor John Stephens, Cabinet Member for Transport. “Doing nothing, sitting on our hands, is simply not a viable option. Manadon needs investment so that we can provide the infrastructure we need for the expected growth of this city.
“I’d ask everyone who travels through Manadon to get involved in this engagement exercise. Give us your feedback and let us know what you think of the proposals.”
Manadon is at the heart of Plymouth’s transport network and is a key part of the journey to and from some of the busiest places in the city.
You’ve got an appointment at Derriford at 10am, but you’re still stuck queuing on the A38 at 9.40am. You thought you’d left enough time. It was fine when you came through Manadon last week but it’s just not moving today. You hope you don’t miss it.
University Hospitals Plymouth NHS Trust (UHP), who runs Derriford Hospital, the largest specialist teaching hospital in the south west peninsula and the region’s major trauma centre, continues to redevelop their facilities.
Stuart Windsor, Future Hospital Director, said: “Our Future Hospital Programme is transforming how care is delivered to improve lives across Plymouth, Devon and Cornwall through investing in our healthcare estate.
“This includes a new purpose-built Emergency Care Building at our Derriford site, which will double the space to care for the increasing numbers of patients with urgent and emergency conditions.
“Works that improve accessibility to Derriford Hospital will be hugely beneficial for our patients and colleagues, and are an important part of enabling our organisation to delivering its long-term goals.”
Argyle have got a crunch late-season game to secure promotion and by some miracle, you’ve bagged yourself a ticket. You left the house in good time – enough time for a pasty before the game. But you didn’t account for Manadon. There’s been a shunt somewhere else in the city, and everyone is using Manadon instead. It’s 2.40pm. You’ve still got to find somewhere to park once you get to Home Park. It’s not the start to the afternoon you had planned.
Meanwhile, every other week for most of the year at least 16,000 people descend on Home Park to cheer on Plymouth Argyle. Many of that crowd make their way through Manadon.
Christian Kent, Head of Venue, Hospitality & Events at Plymouth Argyle, said: “Supporters will be aware that Plymouth Argyle have worked hard on making Home Park more accessible over the past two seasons with additional transport and parking.
“The Manadon project ethos and aims are a step in the right direction in ensuring attending matches and events at Home Park is as efficient as possible.
“We’d very much encourage our fans to engage with the scheme, so the needs of our fanbase are considered.”
Ghana’s national agenda often focuses on the country’s large number of young people. In fact a less noticed demographic transformation is reshaping society: the country’s older population is growing rapidly. According to Ghana Statistical Service estimates,
people aged 60 and above are projected to make up over 12% of the total population by 2050, more than doubling the 2021 estimate of 6.8%.
And more of these older adults are ageing alone.
That’s because of Ghana’s transition from extended to nuclear family systems, coupled with rural–urban and international migration. Traditionally, older Ghanaians aged within multi-generational households, with care provided by children and extended family. But today, migration patterns have intensified, with over 50% of the population living in urban areas, leaving many elders behind in rural communities or isolated in city slums.
I recently conducted a study across six Ghanaian communities (urban and rural). Drawing from 52 interviews, I explored the emotional, social and economic implications of ageing alone.
The participants in the study echoed a common theme: the erosion of intergenerational family structures, leaving the elderly socially and emotionally isolated.
As a 73-year-old widow participant who lives in a city put it:
My daughter is in Canada. My son lives in Kumasi, but he rarely visits. I live alone, and if I fall sick, I just wait. Sometimes, I pray someone will notice.
Such stories are no longer anecdotal outliers. Nationally representative data from the Ghana Living Standards Survey and WHO SAGE Ghana Wave 2 also reveal an uptick in solitary living among older adults, particularly widowed women and those without formal pensions. Over 22% of older respondents in urban Ghana reported living alone, a sharp contrast to previous decades, where co-residence with adult children was the norm. Many older Ghanaians don’t have reliable caregivers.
As a PhD candidate in population studies at the University of Ghana, I focus on health-related quality of life among older adults. This article draws from my doctoral fieldwork in urban and rural Ghana, using qualitative interviews to uncover the lived realities of ageing alone.
The study highlights a gap in Ghana’s ageing policies: they overlook solitary elders who live without daily family support.
The paper calls for integrated social protection for older adults living alone. That would include subsidised healthcare, community outreach services, emergency care networks, and community-based mental health interventions.
What old people had to say
Focus group discussions revealed that older adults struggle with emotional loneliness, financial anxiety and health system constraints. Despite the presence of pension associations, many older adults feel forgotten. Spiritual activities and reading offer moments of solace, but limited National Health Insurance Scheme coverage, rising living costs, and declining family support deepen the hardship.
Focus groups revealed that older women were particularly vulnerable due to widowhood, land insecurity and declining support from children. Men, while respected, felt idle and underutilised. Participants spoke of finding strength in farming, faith and fellowship, but felt forgotten in national development planning.
Ghana’s National Ageing Policy (2010) promises integrated care, but older adults, especially women, are slipping into the cracks of urban anonymity.
Ageing here is not just biological, it is physical, psychological and economic. My broader research affirms that the majority of older adults in Ghana worked in the informal sector. They therefore have no access to formal pensions or post-retirement income security.
Participants in my most recent research shared how they felt:
I was a seamstress all my life. Now my eyes are failing. No pension, no money. I survive on cassava and prayer. – 66-year-old retired woman
Ageing in Ghana is like walking into a forest — you disappear quietly. No one sees you. — 69-year-old woman
This statement underscores the gendered experience of ageing, where women often face greater economic and emotional vulnerability due to widowhood, longer life expectancy, and social neglect.
We are not dying yet. We want to matter again. – 70-year-old man
We have houses, but not homes anymore. – 75-year-old man
What next
The implications of this neglect are staggering. According to the World Health Organization, loneliness and social isolation among the elderly are associated with a 50% increased risk of dementia, depression and premature death. In Ghana, there are added challenges of inaccessible health facilities and cultural stigma about ageing. Yet most people aren’t talking about it.
Ghana introduced the National Ageing Policy in 2010 to promote the health, security and participation of older people in national development. But many elderly people still live without affordable healthcare, age-friendly infrastructure or a regular income.
What Ghana needs now is not another grand policy document. It needs practical, community-rooted and state-supported action.
Decentralised community geriatric care: Train district-level health volunteers in geriatric care, and equip them with basic tools to support older people in their homes.
Pension and informal sector integration: Extend Ghana’s pension framework to informal sector workers.
Public awareness campaigns: Reframe ageing in national media not as decline but as contribution, highlighting elder wisdom, resilience, and ongoing social relevance.
Urban planning for ageing: Incorporate age-friendly elements like ramps, benches, toilets and signage into development plans.
None of this is charity. It is a strategic investment. In 2021, Ghana spent less than 0.5% of its national health budget on elderly-specific care. That is fiscally short-sighted. Healthier, engaged older adults reduce family burdens, boost social capital, and can even contribute economically by training and mentoring others.
In the communities I visited, I encountered grassroots interventions worth scaling up: church youth groups providing weekly food support, pensioners’ associations checking in on members, and intergenerational community storytelling sessions that rebuild emotional bonds.
In Ghana’s Akan tradition, elders are considered living libraries. Their absence from the communal space is not just a social loss, it is a cultural erasure.
If the elderly are neglected, anyone may wake up on the wrong side of the demographic line one day, wondering if they too will be forgotten.
Andrew Kweku Conduah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Philip Harrison, Professor School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand
South African president Cyril Ramaphosa met senior leaders of Johannesburg and Gauteng, the province it’s located in, in March 2025 to discuss ways to arrest the steep decline in South Africa’s largest city.
Ramaphosa announced a two-year-long presidential intervention to tackle some of the city’s most pressing issues. It is to be led by the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group with eight cross-governmental and multi-stakeholder workstreams.
Johannesburg was established 130 years ago, where the world’s largest-ever gold deposits were discovered. It grew rapidly in the early 20th century and became the country’s economic heartland and largest population centre. Like all South African cities, it was deeply scarred by apartheid policies. People were divided by racially defined groups. Good services and a strong economy benefited a minority, and a black majority were pushed into impoverished ghettos.
But, for about the first two decades of post-apartheid rule from 1994, Johannesburg led the country with innovation and progressive change. It pioneered the new local government system, institutional reforms, new practice on city strategy and planning, pro-poor service delivery, and modern transport infrastructure.
Today, however, the city is in a dire state. Over the past decade, roughly coinciding with the arrival of messy coalition governance in 2016, sound political leadership, administrative stability and financial management have crumbled. Underinvestment in infrastructure maintenance has led to collapsing services. Public trust is deteriorating among increasingly frustrated communities. This was evident in local election results. It also shows up in recent data released by the Gauteng City-Region Observatory on public trust in local government.
Corruption in many parts of the city is an endemic complicating factor.
The presidential intervention is designed to address this complex interplay between embedded legacies and failings post-apartheid. The workstreams involving city officials and concerned stakeholders are generating ideas for priority actions. There is also a new energy in the city government, with the executive mayor and members of his mayoral committee making turnaround promises.
This long overdue attention is heartening. But some caution is called for. While some “quick wins” are needed, there will be no easy turnaround. The best prospect is likely to be a process of recovery that will require patience and methodical attention over the long term. A city cannot be repaired in the way an automobile can. A city has a trillion moving parts and is in a constant state of makeover, as dynamics of economy, technology, demography, environment, society, politics, and more, interact and produce change.
The question is not whether a city is fixed – it can never finally be – but rather what trajectory it is on. For Johannesburg, the question is how to exit the downward spiral and begin the process of reconstruction.
We are a group who previously worked in the City of Johannesburg as officials, who are now academics with decades of experience observing local governance trends and dynamics, or scholars engaged in civil society coalitions or communities mobilising around the crisis. Some of us have been involved in the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group over the last few months.
Our view is that there are four areas needing urgent but sustained attention.
Focus areas
The first is the need for a joint effort across national, provincial and municipal government to resolve the crisis. We are pleased that this has begun. The political leadership in the city (and of the province) failed to grasp the opportunity provided by the post-2024 election national compromises to put together a broad-based government of local unity to lead reconstruction. There is no option now but to pursue an inter-governmental initiative led by national government with the committed involvement of the other spheres.
Only genuine collaboration will succeed.
In this respect, the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group holds promise. But what will be needed is careful, concerted work focused first on short-term priorities. Then, over years, on key structural challenges facing the city.
Second, the city needs civil society in all its forms to hold a careful balance between keeping up the pressure on municipal government, constantly holding it accountable to its residents, and working with government to help it solve problems. The Joburg Crisis Alliance, Jozi-my-Jozi, WaterCAN and similar initiatives are claiming well-recognised and respected voice in the affairs of the municipality.
Johannesburg needs a city government that is open to this scrutiny, accepting the need for transparency, and open to the help that civil society can offer.
To raise the level of accountability and collaboration, a clear programme of restoration has to be communicated openly to the public. Milestones and expenditure requirements need to be set that allow for constant monitoring. There must be open council meetings, and regular online and in-person briefings.
Also required are new mechanisms for citizen-based monitoring. These may include trained citizen monitors reporting on service delivery. Alternatively, the establishment of a sort of “Citizen’s Council” which meets regularly to receive reports from these monitors and the city administration.
International examples include the Bürgerrat model. This is now fully institutionalised in parts of Germany and Austria to strengthen local democracy and accountability. In this model, citizens are randomly selected to sit on a council which monitors performance of local government and provides new ideas.
Another approach could be for civil society organisations to be invited to a Citizen’s Council that would act in support of the oversight processes of the elected Municipal Council.
Third, there has to be a solution to unstable coalition governments. These seem to be structured to facilitate separate political fiefdoms where spoils can be divided in the allocation of portfolios. At minimum, the presidential intervention must provide for a check and balance on processes where bureaucratic appointments and budgetary allocations may serve the interests of cronyism. For example, there should be transparency and rigour in appointments to the boards of Johannesburg’s municipally owned companies.
Regulatory reforms are required in the political arena. This should include rules for the distribution of seats on the municipal executive and the election of mayors. Between January 2023 and August 2024 a tiny minority party held the mayoralty because the larger parties could not agree on a mayoral selection or, more cynically, to ensure that the executive mayor could not call large parties to account.
More importantly, though, there has to be a change in political culture. This is a longer-term process.
Fourth, the problems run far deeper than what bureaucratic reorganisation can achieve.
The longer-term project is to build a capable administration with clear political direction and oversight but insulated from personal agendas and factional battles. The administration became confused and demoralised because of the political instability over an extended period. There are, however, still many capable and committed public servants in the city bureaucracy. The focus should be on working with them to rebuild the administration, making it a place where talent and initiative are recognised and rewarded.
Restored political leadership and a rejuvenated administration is needed for a long term process, extending far beyond the quick wins. This process will involve refurbishing the decaying network infrastructure, restoring financial stability, reestablishing social trust and returning confidence to the city’s economy.
2025 marks 30 years since the first democratic local elections. National government is looking seriously at sweeping municipal reforms. And the next municipal election – likely to be held at the end of 2026 – is an opportunity to make a deep transformation effort. Citizens can ensure that parties contesting the election place Johannesburg’s recovery at the heart of their agenda.
Philip Harrison has received funding from South Africa’s National Research Foundation in support of the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning.
The Gauteng City-Region Observatory receives core grant funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.
Lorena Nunez Carrasco received funding from the National Research Foundation in support of research on the South African response on COVID-19
Rashid Seedat receives funding from Gauteng Provincial Government for the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. He is affiliated with the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation as a member of the Board of Trustees.
Surrey, BC/Territories of the Coast Salish (Kwantlen, Katzie, Semiahmoo, Tsawwassen First Nations), June 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Westland Insurance, one of Canada’s largest insurance brokerages, today announced that it has acquired Dave Dale Insurance Agencies Ltd., effective June 1. This strategic acquisition is a part of Westland’s ongoing expansion across Canada, reinforcing the organization’s commitment to providing insurance solutions that meet the diverse needs of clients within their communities.
Dave Dale Insurance, a trusted provider of quality insurance services, proudly celebrates over 50 years of dedicated service to the Grand Forks community. The team of professional advisors provides a wide range of insurance services – including risk management solutions for automobile, residential, small business, and travel insurance – while also serving as the community’s driver licensing centre.
“We’re very pleased to welcome Dave Dale Insurance to the Westland team and growth story,” says Jamie Lyons, Westland’s President & CEO. “As we expand our network of insurers across Canada, we’re always looking to partner with organizations that have an excellent track-record of serving their communities. Dave Dale Insurance has not only provided personalized insurance solutions to the Great Forks community since 1967 but has also invested in impact with their support of local organizations. Their outlook strongly aligns with Westland’s commitment to being an authentic and invested community member and we’re very excited to have them on board.”
Westland continues to invest in and grow its business in Canada, both organically and through strategic acquisitions.
– 30 –
About Westland Insurance Group
Westland Insurance Group is one of the largest and fastest-growing independent insurance brokers in Canada. Trading over $4 billion of premium, Westland continues to expand coast to coast. Westland’s brokers provide expertise and advisory-based services across commercial, personal, employee benefits, farm, and specialty insurance segments. The company’s mission is to protect individuals, businesses, and communities across Canada with trusted advice and tailored insurance solutions. As a Canadian-based company, Westland is proud to support local communities, Canadian jobs, and a strong economy. For more information, please visit westlandinsurance.ca.
South African president Cyril Ramaphosa met senior leaders of Johannesburg and Gauteng, the province it’s located in, in March 2025 to discuss ways to arrest the steep decline in South Africa’s largest city.
Ramaphosa announced a two-year-long presidential intervention to tackle some of the city’s most pressing issues. It is to be led by the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group with eight cross-governmental and multi-stakeholder workstreams.
Johannesburg was established 130 years ago, where the world’s largest-ever gold deposits were discovered. It grew rapidly in the early 20th century and became the country’s economic heartland and largest population centre. Like all South African cities, it was deeply scarred by apartheid policies. People were divided by racially defined groups. Good services and a strong economy benefited a minority, and a black majority were pushed into impoverished ghettos.
But, for about the first two decades of post-apartheid rule from 1994, Johannesburg led the country with innovation and progressive change. It pioneered the new local government system, institutional reforms, new practice on city strategy and planning, pro-poor service delivery, and modern transport infrastructure.
Today, however, the city is in a dire state. Over the past decade, roughly coinciding with the arrival of messy coalition governance in 2016, sound political leadership, administrative stability and financial management have crumbled. Underinvestment in infrastructure maintenance has led to collapsing services. Public trust is deteriorating among increasingly frustrated communities. This was evident in local election results. It also shows up in recent data released by the Gauteng City-Region Observatory on public trust in local government.
Corruption in many parts of the city is an endemic complicating factor.
The presidential intervention is designed to address this complex interplay between embedded legacies and failings post-apartheid. The workstreams involving city officials and concerned stakeholders are generating ideas for priority actions. There is also a new energy in the city government, with the executive mayor and members of his mayoral committee making turnaround promises.
This long overdue attention is heartening. But some caution is called for. While some “quick wins” are needed, there will be no easy turnaround. The best prospect is likely to be a process of recovery that will require patience and methodical attention over the long term. A city cannot be repaired in the way an automobile can. A city has a trillion moving parts and is in a constant state of makeover, as dynamics of economy, technology, demography, environment, society, politics, and more, interact and produce change.
The question is not whether a city is fixed – it can never finally be – but rather what trajectory it is on. For Johannesburg, the question is how to exit the downward spiral and begin the process of reconstruction.
We are a group who previously worked in the City of Johannesburg as officials, who are now academics with decades of experience observing local governance trends and dynamics, or scholars engaged in civil society coalitions or communities mobilising around the crisis. Some of us have been involved in the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group over the last few months.
Our view is that there are four areas needing urgent but sustained attention.
Focus areas
The first is the need for a joint effort across national, provincial and municipal government to resolve the crisis. We are pleased that this has begun. The political leadership in the city (and of the province) failed to grasp the opportunity provided by the post-2024 election national compromises to put together a broad-based government of local unity to lead reconstruction. There is no option now but to pursue an inter-governmental initiative led by national government with the committed involvement of the other spheres.
Only genuine collaboration will succeed.
In this respect, the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group holds promise. But what will be needed is careful, concerted work focused first on short-term priorities. Then, over years, on key structural challenges facing the city.
Second, the city needs civil society in all its forms to hold a careful balance between keeping up the pressure on municipal government, constantly holding it accountable to its residents, and working with government to help it solve problems. The Joburg Crisis Alliance, Jozi-my-Jozi, WaterCAN and similar initiatives are claiming well-recognised and respected voice in the affairs of the municipality.
Johannesburg needs a city government that is open to this scrutiny, accepting the need for transparency, and open to the help that civil society can offer.
To raise the level of accountability and collaboration, a clear programme of restoration has to be communicated openly to the public. Milestones and expenditure requirements need to be set that allow for constant monitoring. There must be open council meetings, and regular online and in-person briefings.
Also required are new mechanisms for citizen-based monitoring. These may include trained citizen monitors reporting on service delivery. Alternatively, the establishment of a sort of “Citizen’s Council” which meets regularly to receive reports from these monitors and the city administration.
International examples include the Bürgerrat model. This is now fully institutionalised in parts of Germany and Austria to strengthen local democracy and accountability. In this model, citizens are randomly selected to sit on a council which monitors performance of local government and provides new ideas.
Another approach could be for civil society organisations to be invited to a Citizen’s Council that would act in support of the oversight processes of the elected Municipal Council.
Third, there has to be a solution to unstable coalition governments. These seem to be structured to facilitate separate political fiefdoms where spoils can be divided in the allocation of portfolios. At minimum, the presidential intervention must provide for a check and balance on processes where bureaucratic appointments and budgetary allocations may serve the interests of cronyism. For example, there should be transparency and rigour in appointments to the boards of Johannesburg’s municipally owned companies.
Regulatory reforms are required in the political arena. This should include rules for the distribution of seats on the municipal executive and the election of mayors. Between January 2023 and August 2024 a tiny minority party held the mayoralty because the larger parties could not agree on a mayoral selection or, more cynically, to ensure that the executive mayor could not call large parties to account.
More importantly, though, there has to be a change in political culture. This is a longer-term process.
Fourth, the problems run far deeper than what bureaucratic reorganisation can achieve.
The longer-term project is to build a capable administration with clear political direction and oversight but insulated from personal agendas and factional battles. The administration became confused and demoralised because of the political instability over an extended period. There are, however, still many capable and committed public servants in the city bureaucracy. The focus should be on working with them to rebuild the administration, making it a place where talent and initiative are recognised and rewarded.
Restored political leadership and a rejuvenated administration is needed for a long term process, extending far beyond the quick wins. This process will involve refurbishing the decaying network infrastructure, restoring financial stability, reestablishing social trust and returning confidence to the city’s economy.
2025 marks 30 years since the first democratic local elections. National government is looking seriously at sweeping municipal reforms. And the next municipal election – likely to be held at the end of 2026 – is an opportunity to make a deep transformation effort. Citizens can ensure that parties contesting the election place Johannesburg’s recovery at the heart of their agenda.
Philip Harrison has received funding from South Africa’s National Research Foundation in support of the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning.
The Gauteng City-Region Observatory receives core grant funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.
Lorena Nunez Carrasco received funding from the National Research Foundation in support of research on the South African response on COVID-19
Rashid Seedat receives funding from Gauteng Provincial Government for the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. He is affiliated with the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation as a member of the Board of Trustees.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says his second term government is “focused on delivery” of its commitments, declaring this is important not only for the economy but also for Australians’ faith in our democracy.
In a speech to the National Press Club on Tuesday, partially released ahead of delivery, Albanese warns that the present era of global uncertainty reaches beyond just economic uncertainty.
“It is the more corrosive proposition that politics and government and democratic institutions, including a free media, are incapable of meeting the demands of this moment.
“Some simply dismiss such sentiment. Others cynically seek to harvest it. Our responsibility is to disprove it.
“To recognise that some of this frustration is drawn from people’s real experience with government – be it failures of service delivery, or falling through the cracks of a particular system.
“And to counter this, we have to offer the practical and positive alternative.To prove that a good, focused, reforming Labor government can make a real difference to people’s lives.”
Albanese’s speech comes ahead of his departure later this week for the G7 summit in Canada, where he is expected to meet US President Donald Trump on the sidelines.
Their talks are set to cover, in particular, the Albanese government’s bid for relief from the Trump tariffs and the president’s desire for Australia to significantly boost its spending on defence.
Australia is subject to both the general US 10% tariff and the separate tariff on steel and aluminium, which the president has just increased to 50%.
Australia will put on the table a proposal for arrangements on access to our critical minerals and rare earths, that will favour the US. The government has also been examining a way to give access to US beef, which currently faces an effective ban on biosecurity grounds.
Albanese has stressed that any change would not compromise Australian biosecurity.
The Trump administration has flagged it would like to see Australia boost defence spending to 3.5% of GDP. Albanese has said Australia makes its own defence decisions and that spending should be based on capability needs rather than a set percentage.
Albanese’s stress, in his speech, on “delivery” of commitments is partly to manage expectations in the wake of the government’s massive majority.
The unexpected election result has led to some pressures on the government to use its position to undertake a more radical agenda than the one it put at the election.
Albanese says: “Our government’s vision and ambition for Australia’s future was never dependent on the size of our majority.
“But you can only build for that future vision if you build confidence that you can deliver on urgent necessities.
“How you do that is important too – ensuring that the actions of today, anticipate and create conditions for further reform tomorrow.”
He says the government’s second-term agenda has been shaped by Australians’ lives, priorities and values.
“It is the mission and the measure of a Labor government to give those enduring ideals of fairness, aspiration and opportunity renewed and deeper meaning, for more Australians.
“To deliver reforms that hold no-one back – and drive progress that leaves no-one behind.
“This is no small task. It demands we aim high and requires us to build big.”
He points to the government’s promised big investment in Medicare as well as its commitments on housing and the energy transition.
“Our vision is for a society that is a microcosm for the world – where all are respected and valued and our diversity is recognised as a strength.
“Where our international relationships in the fastest growing region of the world in human history benefit us, but also provide a platform for us to play a stabilising global role in uncertain times.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Northeast India has emerged as a model of inclusive and sustainable development over the past 11 years, with remarkable progress in agriculture, healthcare, literacy, and social empowerment. Between 2014 and 2025, targeted government schemes and grassroots participation have helped bridge the development gap between the Northeast and the rest of the country.
Sikkim led the charge by becoming the world’s first 100% organic state. Building on its success, the central government launched the Mission Organic Value Chain Development for North Eastern Region (MOVCDNER), under which over 200,000 farmers transitioned to organic farming between 2015 and 2025. The establishment of 434 Farmer Producer Companies has facilitated access to national and international markets.
Mizoram set another benchmark in May 2025 by becoming India’s first state to achieve 100% functional literacy under the ULLAS (Understanding Lifelong Learning for All in Society) mission, which focuses on adult education and community learning.
Healthcare infrastructure has also advanced significantly. Assam now houses 15 medical colleges and 15 cancer hospitals, forming the largest cancer care network in South Asia. These facilities, developed over the past decade, have enhanced access to specialized and affordable treatment for millions in the region.
To measure and guide progress, the Ministry of DoNER launched the North East District Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) Index in collaboration with NITI Aayog and UNDP. This tool tracks district-wise performance on key indicators, helping tailor development policies to local needs.
Together, these milestones represent 11 years of purposeful, people-first growth—transforming the Northeast into a beacon of inclusive and sustainable development.
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3
Press release
First meeting of defence industry body to forge new partnership and industry mobilisation
Defence Secretary John Healey co-chairs the first Defence Industrial Joint Council meeting today, bringing together defence firms, trade unions and investors to forge a new partnership aimed at improving warfighting readiness, driving innovation and boosting British jobs.
Defence Secretary to co-chair inaugural Defence Industrial Joint Council meeting at Hadean’s London headquarters.
Council members include primes, tech companies, small and medium enterprises (SMEs), trade unions and investors, bringing diverse defence industry expertise from all across the UK to the heart of defence decision-making.
Focus on delivering the Government’s Plan for Change by driving jobs and prosperity through a new partnership with industry and driving procurement reforms, marking start of London Tech Week and following launch of the Strategic Defence Review.
The UK’s drive to improve warfighting readiness and turbocharge defence innovation will be the focus of the first ever meeting of the Government’s new Defence Industrial Joint Council (DIJC) today – bringing together Ministers and defence firms of all sizes with trade unions and investors.
Co-chaired by the Secretary of State for Defence, John Healey and Dr. Charles Woodburn, Chief Executive Officer at BAE Systems, the meeting comes at a significant moment for defence, following the publication of the Government’s Strategic Defence Review and in the lead-up to the Defence Industrial Strategy’s publication this summer.
Industry, innovators and investors will benefit from the new partnership with UK Defence, enabling better decision-making and communication between the MOD and its industry partners, boosting British jobs and national security, underpinning the Government’s Plan for Change.
This comes as the Prime Minister made the historic commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of UK GDP by April 2027, recognising the critical importance of military readiness in an era of heightened global uncertainty.
Closer collaboration with the defence industry was a key focus of the Strategic Defence Review, which saw the UK committing to:
Investing £6bn in munitions this parliament, including £1.5bn in an “always on” pipeline for munitions and building at least 6 new energetics and munitions factories in the UK, generating over 1,000 jobs and boosting export potential.
Establishing UK Defence Innovation with £400m to fund and grow UK based companies.
Creating a new Defence Exports Office in the Ministry of Defence to drive exports to our allies and growth at home.
Introducing radical new reforms to speed up defence procurement.
Defence Secretary John Healey MP said:
National security is at the heart of our Plan for Change and is essential for economic security. We are sending a signal to industry and to our adversaries: with a strong UK defence sector we will make Britain secure at home and strong abroad.
It is an honour to co-chair the inaugural meeting of the Defence Industrial Joint Council, through which we can forge a new and improved partnership between government and industry, while also bringing trade unions and investors closer to the heart of defence decision-making. I am proud that this council brings together, for the first time, the full range of voices across UK Defence.
UK Defence is open for business and driving defence as an engine for economic growth, boosting British jobs across the UK.
The DIJC replaces the former Defence Suppliers Forum and aims to harness a wider, and more diverse set of defence expertise to shape the future of Britain’s defence manufacturing, supply chain and innovation – including trade union representation alongside SMEs and investors for the first time.
The Council is underpinned by a commitment to continually refresh and widen its membership, to champion new entrants to the defence sector. The diversity of the DIJC’s members reflects the defence sector of the future, a joint endeavour characterised by innovation and efficiency.
The meeting coincides with the first day of London Tech Week, serving as a reminder of the cutting-edge innovation delivered through defence tech year-round and its contribution to keeping the UK safe at home and strong abroad. Innovation as a driver for growth has been recognised by government with a commitment to ringfencing 10% defence budget for investment in novel technologies.
Dr. Charles Woodburn, Chief Executive Officer at BAE Systems said:
Today’s meeting of the Defence Industrial Joint Council is an important moment, bringing together defence companies of all sizes, along with trade unions and investors, to support implementation of the Government’s forthcoming Defence Industrial Strategy.
Improved collaboration and communication will enable industry to continue investing in new technologies, facilities and our workforce to create a stronger UK defence industrial base ready to meet evolving military requirements in an increasingly uncertain world.
Innovation can be delivered most efficiently through partnerships between the public and private sectors, exemplified by the latest remotely operated underwater robot developed by the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (Dstl) with small and medium enterprises. By modifying a commercially available remotely operated vehicle, Dstl and its industry partners have created a prototype which might soon be able to save lives at sea for the Royal Navy and prevent adversaries from sabotaging undersea cables and pipelines.
The Paiter-Suruí people have a culture deeply rooted in their land: the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land (TISS), on the border of Rondônia and Mato Grosso in the southwestern Brazilian Amazon. Known as Paiterey Karah, this territory is home to rich biodiversity. However, increasing human encroachment has triggered socio-cultural and territorial challenges that now threaten the transmission of traditional wisdom.
The region’s wildlife includes several primate species—some now at risk of extinction due to deforestation and environmental degradation. Within their traditional memory, the Paiter-Suruí hold extensive knowledge about these animals, which are integral to their cultural heritage. This includes the 10 species of neotropical primates identified and named by the Paiter-Suruí, all native to their territory.
Of these 10 species, five appear on the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s (IUCN) Red List, a global benchmark for conservation status of fauna and flora. Among them, three—Ateles chamek, Chiropotes albinasus, and Pithecia mittermeieri—are considered extremely rare, according to Paiter tradition.
Ethnoprimatology studies the intersections between humans and non-human primates. In this field, the Paiter-Suruí have developed a complex traditional knowledge system relating to the primate species in their territory.
Because it is inherently interdisciplinary, ethnoprimatology connects biology and anthropology, allowing a deeper analysis of how human and primate lives intertwine—both ecologically and culturally.
My research used an ethnoprimatological approach grounded in qualitative methodology, drawing on key practices from biological and cultural anthropology.
The study
This research aimed to document the breadth of Paiter-Suruí knowledge about the primates within the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, examining both the cultural and ecological significance of these animals, as well as their uses—for food, handicrafts, traditional medicine, and timekeeping based on animal vocalizations.
Using an interdisciplinary approach, I holistically examined the biological, ecological, and socio-cultural factors shaping the human-primate relationship in this region.
For data collection, I used several techniques: free listing, collective semi-structured interviews, participant observation—immersing myself in daily community life for deeper understanding—and audiovisual recordings.
Interviews included community members aged 20 to 80, with special attention to elders, who are the main custodians of traditional primate knowledge. However, women and young hunters were also included to enrich the information gathered.
Through the free list technique, which asks participants for open-ended answers without restrictions, I identified 10 primate species recognized and named by the Paiter-Suruí.
The primates of the territory
Among the 10 primate species documented in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, three are traditionally used as food, while four have special symbolic importance, woven into key cultural, ecological, and mythological aspects of the Paiter cosmology.
An illustrative case is the red-necked night monkey—called Yaah in Paiter. Elders say this species is excluded from the community’s typical primate classifications and instead regarded as an omen. Hearing its call or unexpectedly seeing one signals the approach of external enemies or impending death in the community.
While exploring these cultural ties to the region’s primates, I also observed the practice of rearing infant animals, especially among girls. Species such as Alouatta puruensis (howler monkey), Saimiri ustus (squirrel monkey), and Mico nigriceps (black-headed marmoset) are commonly involved.
In Paiter-Suruí society, adolescent girls often care for offspring of monkeys hunted by the community, as well as other small animals outside their typical diet. Encouraged by parents, this tradition is a vehicle for socialization and passing down valued skills. By raising young animals, girls develop emotion, empathy, nurturing skills, and hands-on experience seen as foundational for motherhood in Paiter tradition.
Beyond developing caretaking abilities, these interactions strengthen symbolic and emotional connections with local wildlife—especially primates—reinforcing ideals of belonging, reciprocity, and respect for nature. These practices demonstrate the interplay among social learning, interspecies relations, and ecological wisdom passed down through generations.
Community members also reported declining populations of certain primate species, including two—Yaah (Aotus nigriceps) and Arimẽ-Iter (Ateles chamek)—that hold special cultural significance. The latter became a central focus of my research.
The endangered Arimẽ-Iter
The black-faced spider monkey (Ateles chamek), or Arimẽ-Iter to the Paiter, is classified as endangered on the IUCN Red List. Its sacred status and diverse roles led me to propose it as a ‘Cultural Key Species’ for the Paiter-Suruí.
In various Indigenous communities, certain biological species are of exceptional cultural importance and are called Cultural Key Species. Defined by their significant role, many uses and deep integration in community life, these species embody the interdependence between people and their environment.
For the Paiter-Suruí, the black-faced spider monkey (Ateles chamek) stands out for its multiple uses and appears to meet the criteria of a Cultural Key Species.
Based on field observations, I cataloged five uses the Paiter-Suruí associate with this species:
· Food: The meat of Ateles chamek (called Sobag) is an important protein source in the Paiter-Suruí diet.
· Traditional dishes: Its meat is used in cultural recipes, often with Mamé—a flatbread made from corn flour. This practice passes down culinary knowledge and highlights the species’ nutritional, medicinal, and symbolic value in the community.
· Handicrafts: Spider monkey teeth are made into body ornaments (Sogap Arimẽ Ikaáp)—such as necklaces and bracelets—which reflect status or ceremonial participation and reinforce ties between people and local fauna.
· Medicine: The animal’s lard is traditionally applied to wounds (Ikawah), part of the community’s oral ethnopharmacological knowledge passed down by elders and healers.
· Caretaking: When infants are orphaned through hunting, adolescent girls may raise young spider monkeys. This reinforces learning about caretaking and builds affectionate, reciprocal ties between people and primates (Yatĩga), reflecting broader values of coexistence with nature.
Together with ancestral stewardship of spider monkey habitats, these uses highlight the species’ role as essential for cultural preservation and identity among the Paiter-Suruí.
Territorial and environmental management plan
Facing growing socio-environmental challenges, the Paiter have created internal policies for territorial management, grassroots political organization, and culturally centered development—all to protect their culture and traditional knowledge.
This laid the foundation for the Territorial and Environmental Management Plan (PGTA) for the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, launched in 2000 as a comprehensive framework guiding conservation, resource management, and recognition of cultural practices.
In my research, I examine TISS land management practices, focusing on the protection of primates as essential to ecological preservation. These animals are vital both for maintaining natural balance and for the cultural continuity of the territory.
Of the 10 primate species recognized by the Paiter, five now qualify as threatened under the IUCN Red List. However, the PGTA currently lacks targeted conservation measures for these at-risk populations. My findings suggest the management plan could serve as a platform to protect local primates.
Ultimately, enacting effective conservation efforts for these ethno-species is critical to the coexistence of the region’s biodiversity and the traditional knowledge of the Paiter-Suruí.
Fabrício Gatagon Suruí não presta consultoria, trabalha, possui ações ou recebe financiamento de qualquer empresa ou organização que poderia se beneficiar com a publicação deste artigo e não revelou nenhum vínculo relevante além de seu cargo acadêmico.
RANCHO CUCAMONGA, Calif., June 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — iPower Inc. (Nasdaq: IPW) (“iPower” or the “Company”), a tech and data-driven ecommerce services provider and online retailer, today announced that it has made a deposit payment to initiate the production of a new, fully integrated equipment line as part of its broader U.S.-based manufacturing strategy under the “Made in USA” module of its SuperSuite platform.
This payment secures the start of equipment production for iPower’s new joint venture, United Package NV LLC (“United Package”), and represents a key milestone in reshoring strategic manufacturing capabilities. The equipment is expected to complete production within two months, with shipping, installation, and testing to follow thereafter. The Company is targeting a full operational launch in Q4 2025.
“Our investment in United Package marks a major step forward in our strategic goal to localize key manufacturing functions,” said Lawrence Tan, CEO of iPower. “By initiating production now, we are not only strengthening our operational resilience, but also creating additional value for our partners and customers through faster delivery, quality control, and service agility. This initiative reinforces our long-term vision of building a stronger, more sustainable supply chain ecosystem in the U.S.”
In addition to iPower’s digital sales infrastructure and nationwide fulfillment capabilities, United Package will benefit from the offline sales channels and established B2B customer base of its joint venture partner — significantly accelerating go-to-market efficiency and customer reach.
Together, the joint venture is poised to offer:
Shortened lead times and improved delivery reliability
Localized control over production timelines and quality
Optimized inventory management with real-time visibility
Expanded access to both digital and traditional sales channels
This development also reinforces iPower’s long-term strategy to integrate its “Made in USA” module into the SuperSuite platform — providing end-to-end support for domestic manufacturing, from legal and compliance guidance to facility setup, labor sourcing, logistics and last-mile delivery.
About iPower Inc.
iPower Inc. is a tech and data-driven online retailer, as well as a provider of value-added ecommerce services for third-party products and brands. iPower’s capabilities include a full spectrum of online channels, robust fulfillment capacity, a nationwide network of warehouses, competitive last mile delivery partners and a differentiated business intelligence platform. iPower believes that these capabilities will enable it to efficiently move a diverse catalog of SKUs from its supply chain partners to end consumers every day, providing the best value to customers in the U.S. and other countries. For more information, please visit iPower’s website at www.meetipower.com.
Forward-Looking Statements
All statements other than statements of historical fact in this press release are forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks and uncertainties and are based on current expectations and projections about future events and financial trends that iPower believes may affect its financial condition, results of operations, business strategy, and financial needs. Investors can identify these forward-looking statements by words or phrases such as “may,” “will,” “expect,” “anticipate,” “aim,” “estimate,” “intend,” “plan,” “believe,” “potential,” “continue,” “is/are likely to” or other similar expressions. iPower undertakes no obligation to update forward-looking statements to reflect subsequent events or circumstances, or changes in its expectations, except as may be required by law. Although iPower believes that the expectations expressed in these forward-looking statements are reasonable, it cannot assure you that such expectations will turn out to be correct, and iPower cautions investors that actual results may differ materially from the anticipated results and encourages investors to review other factors that may affect its future results and performance in iPower’s most recent Annual Report on Form 10-K and subsequent SEC filings for more detailed information.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joshua Lens, Associate Professor of Instruction of Sport & Recreation Management, University of Iowa
Former Arizona State University swimmer Grant House is one of the plaintiffs in the class action lawsuit filed against the NCAA.Mike Comer/NCAA Photos via Getty Images
The business of college sports was upended after a federal judge approved a settlement between the NCAA and former college athletes on June 6, 2025.
After a lengthy litigation process, the NCAA has agreed to provide US$2.8 billion in back pay to former and current college athletes, while allowing schools to directly pay athletes for the first time.
Joshua Lens, whose scholarship centers on the intersection of sports, business and the law, tells the story of this settlement and explains its significance within the rapidly changing world of college sports.
What will change for players and schools with this settlement?
The terms of the settlement included the following changes:
The NCAA and conferences will distribute approximately $2.8 billion in media rights revenue back pay to thousands of athletes who competed since 2016.
Universities will have the ability to enter name, image and likeness, or NIL, agreements with student-athletes. So schools can now, for example, pay them to appear in ads for the school or for public appearances.
Each university that opts in to the settlement can disburse up to $20.5 million to student-athletes in the 2025-26 academic year, a number that will likely rise in future academic years.
Athletes’ NIL agreements with certain individuals and entities will be subject to an evaluation that will determine whether the NIL compensation exceeds an acceptable range based on a perceived fair market value, which could result in the athlete having to restructure or forego the deal.
The NCAA’s maximum sport program scholarship limits will be replaced with maximum team roster size limits for universities that choose to be part of the settlement.
Why did the NCAA agree to settle with, rather than fight, the plaintiffs?
In 2020, roughly 14,000 current and former college athletes filed a class action lawsuit, House v. NCAA, seeking damages for past restrictions on their ability to earn money.
For decades, college athletics’ primary governing body, the NCAA, permitted universities whose athletics programs compete in Division I to provide their athletes with scholarships that would help cover their educational expenses, such as tuition, room and board, fees and books. By focusing only on educational expenses, the NCAA was able to reinforce the notion that collegiate athletes are amateurs who may not receive pay for participating in athletics, despite making money for their schools.
A year later, in 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled in a separate case, Alston v. NCAA, that the NCAA violated antitrust laws by limiting the amount of education-related benefits, such as laptops, books and musical instruments, that universities could provide to their athletes. The ruling challenged the NCAA’s amateurism model while opening the door for future lawsuits tied to athlete compensation.
It also burnished the plaintiffs’ case in House v. NCAA, compelling college athletics’ governing body to take part in settlement talks.
What were some of the key changes that took place in college sports after the Supreme Court’s decision in Alston v. NCAA?
Following Alston, the NCAA permitted universities to dole out several thousand dollars in what’s called “education benefits pay” to student-athletes. This could include cash bonuses for maintaining a certain GPA or simply satisfying NCAA academic eligibility requirements.
But contrary to popular belief, the Supreme Court’s Alston decision didn’t let college athletes be paid via NIL deals. The NCAA continued to maintain that this would violate its principles of amateurism.
With over a dozen states looking to pass similar laws, the NCAA folded on June 30, 2021, changing its policy so athletes could accept NIL compensation for the first time.
Will colleges and universities be able to weather all of these financial commitments?
Universities and their athletics departments, on the other hand, will have to reallocate resources or cut spending. Some will cut back on travel expenses for some sports, others have paused facility renovations, while other athletic departments may resort to cutting sports whose revenue does not exceed their expenses.
As Texas A&M University athletic director Trev Alberts has explained, however, that college sports does not have a revenue problem – it has a spending problem. Even in the well-resourced Southeastern Conference, for example, many universities’ athletics expenses exceed its revenue.
Do you see any future conflicts on the horizon?
Many observers hope the settlement brings stability to the industry. But there’s always a chance that the settlement will be appealed.
More potential challenges could involve Title IX, the federal gender equity statute that prohibits discrimination based on sex in schools.
What if, for example, a university subject to the statute distributes the vast majority of revenue to male athletes? Such a scenario could violate Title IX.
NCAA President Charlie Baker, who has served in his role since 2023, has overseen major changes in conference governance and athlete compensation. David J. Griffin/Icon Sportswire via Getty Images
On the other hand, a university that more equitably distributes revenue among male and female athletes could face legal backlash from football athletes who argue that they should be entitled to more revenue, since their games earn the big bucks.
And as I pointed out in a recent law review article, an athlete or university may challenge
the new enforcement process that will attempt to limit athletes’ NIL compensation within an acceptable range that is based on a fair market valuation.
The NCAA and the conferences named in the lawsuit have hired the accountancy firm Deloitte to determine whether athletes’ compensation from NIL deals fall within an acceptable range based on a fair market valuation, looking to other collegiate and professional athletes to set a benchmark range. If athletes and universities have struck deals that are too generous, both could be penalized, according to the terms of the settlement.
Finally, the settlement does not address – let alone solve – issues facing international student-athletes who want to earn money via NIL. Most international student-athletes’ visas, and the laws regulating them, heavily limit their ability to accept compensation for work, including NIL pay. Some lawmakers have tried to address this issue in the past, but it hasn’t been a priority for the NCAA, as it has lobbied Congress for a federal NIL law.
Joshua Lens owns The Compliance Group, which provides NCAA compliance consulting services for universities and conferences.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kendall Deas, Assistant Professor of Education Policy, Law, and Politics, University of South Carolina
Originally developed as a tool to help Black children attend better schools, school voucher programs now serve a different purpose.Drazen via Getty Images
School voucher programs that allow families to use public funds to pay tuition to attend private schools have become increasingly popular.
The first vouchers were offered in the 1800s to help children in sparsely populated towns in rural Vermont and Maine attend classes in public and private schools in nearby districts.
After the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, in which justices ruled that separating children in public schools on the basis of race was unconstitutional, segregationists used vouchers to avoid school integration.
More recently, school voucher programs have been pitched as a tool to provide children from low-income families with quality education options.
As a scholar who specializes in education policy, law and politics, I can share how current policies have strayed from efforts to support low-income Black children.
History of school voucher programs
Over time, as school voucher policies grew in popularity, they evolved into education subsidies for middle-class families. Peter Dazeley/Getty Images
Research from education history scholars shows that more recent support for school choice was not anchored in an agenda to privatize public schools but rooted in a mission to support Black students.
Over time, as school voucher policies grew in popularity, they evolved into subsidies for middle-class families to send their children to private and parochial schools.
School choice policies have also expanded to include education savings account programs and vouchers funded by tax credit donations.
School voucher programs can negatively impact the quality of public schools serving Black students. Connect Images via Getty Images
States looking to add or expand school choice and voucher programs have adopted language from civil rights activists pushing for equal access to quality education for all children. For example, they contend that school choice is a civil right all families and students should have as U.S. citizens. But school voucher programs can exclude Black students and harm public schools serving Black students in a host of ways, research shows.
Since the Brown v. Board ruling, school voucher programs have been linked to racial segregation. These programs were at times used to circumvent integration efforts: They allowed white families to transfer their children out of diverse public schools into private schools.
For example, private schools that receive voucher funding are not always required to adopt the same antidiscrimination policies as public schools.
School voucher programs can also negatively impact the quality of public schools serving Black students.
As some of the best and brightest students leave to attend private or parochial ones, public schools in communities serving Black students often face declining enrollments and reduced resources.
In cities such as Macon, Georgia, families say that majority Black schools lack resources because so many families use the state’s voucher-style program to attend mostly white private schools.
Moreover, the cost of attending a private or parochial school can be so expensive that even with a school voucher, Black families still struggle to afford the cost of sending children to these schools.
Vouchers can siphon school funding
Voucher programs can disproportionately affect funding in majority Black school districts. kali9/Getty Images
Research from the Economic Policy Institute, a nonpartisan, nonprofit think tank based in Washington, D.C., shows that voucher programs in Ohio result in majority Black school systems such as the Cleveland Metropolitan School District losing millions in education funding.
Another example is the Marion County School District, a South Carolina system where about 77% of students are Black.
Marion County is in the heart of the region of the state known as the “Corridor of Shame,” known for its inadequate funding and its levels of poor student achievement. The 17 counties along the corridor are predominantly minority communities, with high poverty rates and poor public school funding because of the area’s low tax base due to a lack of industry.
On average, South Carolina school districts spent an estimated US$18,842 per student during the 2024-25 school year.
In Marion County, per-student funding was $16,463 during the 2024-2025 school year.
By comparison, in Charleston County, the most affluent in the state, per-student funding was more than $26,000.
Returning voucher policy to its roots
Rather than focus on school choice and voucher programs that take money away from public schools serving Black students, I argue that policymakers should address systemic inequities in education to ensure that all students have access to a quality education.
Establishing restrictions on the use of funds and requiring preferences for low-income Black students could help direct school voucher policies back toward their intent.
It would also be beneficial to expand and enforce civil rights laws to prevent discrimination against Black students.
These measures would help ensure all students, regardless of background, have access to quality education.
Kendall Deas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Yet as fascination with America’s founding endures, controversy colors how the revolution is taught across the United States. From contested efforts by The New York Times “1619 Project” to put slavery at the center of America’s story, to attempts to limit teaching about race and racism, partisanship surrounds the teaching of American history. Anniversaries can inspire public passion, but they can also open old wounds.
As an American historian and a naturalized citizen of the United States, I regard the American Revolution with both personal and professional interest. The fact that I grew up in the United Kingdom amuses my students to no end whenever we discuss the Revolutionary War. Sometimes, in my British-accented English, I remind them I did not personally grow up with King George. Teaching history is encouraging students to think critically about the past without dictating what emotions they should feel – patriotic or otherwise.
Sadly, in the U.S., the sort of objective historical knowledge once taken for granted now appears to be waning. According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress, just 13% of eighth graders in 2023 ranked “proficient” in American history. A 2010 survey found that 26% of adults could not identify from whom America declared its independence, with China, Mexico and France among the responses.
America divorcing France would have been news to Gilbert du Motier, better known as the Marquis de Lafayette. His commitment to the new country not only helped secure its independence, but it also helped solidify American identity decades later.
Key alliance
A privileged aristocrat who served in both the American and French revolutions, Lafayette went to war at age 19. Commissioning and equipping his own expedition across the Atlantic in 1777, he fought in many battles against the British, including decisive action at Yorktown. Earning George Washington’s confidence, Lafayette attained the rank of major general in the Continental Army.
‘The reception of Lafayette at Mount Vernon, home of Washington,’ painted by Herman Bencke around 1875. Bencke & Scott/Library of Congress
Lafayette’s enrollment in the U.S. military predated the 1778 alliance between his home country and the United States. Eventually, France’s alliance turned the tide against Great Britain on land and at sea. By the war’s end, the French had supplied some 12,000 soldiers, 22,000 sailors and dozens of warships to the American cause, plus huge financial resources. When Lafayette volunteered, however, he was one of just a few foreign volunteers – and the most acclaimed.
“Nowadays,” as historian Sarah Vowell conceded, Americans think of Lafayette as “a place, not a person.” But an abundance of cities, counties and thoroughfares named after the revolutionary hero attest to his former celebrity. During World War I, U.S. troops sailed to France under the slogan “Lafayette here we come,” promising to repay America’s debt of gratitude to France.
A growing country
Older Americans may recall the U.S. bicentennial of 1976, marked with much pageantry and even a state visit by Queen Elizabeth II. America’s semicentennial, however – the 50th anniversary of independence – played a far greater role shaping the idea of America in the minds of its citizens.
Lafayette starred in the buildup to this 1826 commemoration, the first of its kind at the national level. President James Monroe, a fellow veteran of the War of Independence, invited Lafayette to be “the guest of America,” honored as the last living major general of the Continental Army. Beginning in July 1824, at the age of 66, Lafayette embarked on a triumphal tour of all 24 states then comprising the union – nearly double the original 13.
As Lafayette headed west, borne by horse-drawn carriage, steamboat and canal barge, he journeyed across a changing America. Nowhere was America’s economic and demographic growth more evident than Cincinnati, where a crowd of 50,000 welcomed Lafayette in May 1825. Once a small frontier town, Cincinnati was growing faster than any comparably sized city in the nation: Its population increased from around 15,000 to roughly 115,000 in the quarter century following Lafayette’s visit.
He addressed his audience with emotion: “The highest reward that can be bestowed on a revolutionary veteran is to welcome him with a sight of the blessings which have issued from our struggle for independence, freedom and equal rights.”
Lafayette gave human face to America’s national commemoration. He granted citizens of frontier states like Ohio – hitherto excluded from the revolutionary narrative – license to celebrate themselves. High turnouts in western stops such as Cincinnati reflected enthusiasm for grand spectacles. They also reflected the growth of America’s print media, which had advertised his visit, and improved transportation in formerly remote regions of the country.
Lafayette’s tour culminated with a September 1825 state banquet in Washington, D.C., hosted by the new president, John Quincy Adams. Adams – the son of America’s second president, John Adams – praised “that tie of love, stronger than death,” connecting Lafayette “for the endless ages of time, with the name of Washington.”
Rose-colored glasses
The enthusiasm that welcomed Lafayette 200 years ago was authentic. But like all good history lessons, Lafayette’s legacy is open to interpretation.
His grand tour cemented the myth of “the Era of Good Feelings”: a golden age of American political harmony. In reality, the seeds of America’s civil war were already evident. Missouri’s 1820 admission to the union threatened the country’s precarious balance between states that opposed slavery and states that allowed it – a crisis Thomas Jefferson warned was “a fire bell in the night.”
Likewise, Lafayette’s lionization in the western United States coincided with the ongoing forced removal of Indigenous people. Ohio, for example, forcibly removed its last Native American tribe in 1843.
Despite the uses and abuses of historical memory and the aversion of modern historians toward hero-worship, Lafayette remains a charismatic figure – a “citizen of two worlds” who championed both abolitionism and women’s rights. I believe his fading public memory indicates a troubling amnesia. America’s anniversary offers the opportunity to reconsider his legacy, alongside revolutionary stories of Americans from all walks of life.
As Lafayette wrote home following the British army’s surrender in 1781: “Humanity has won its battle. Liberty now has a country.”
Matthew Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
While many Americans do not trust national news, they still say they have faith in local news. iStock/Getty Images Plus
Many Americans say they have lost trust in national news – but most still believe they can rely on the accuracy of local news.
In 2023, trust in national newspapers, TV and radio reached historic lows. Just 32% of Americans said they have a “great deal” or “fair amount” of trust in these news sources. In 1976, by comparison, 72% of Americans said they had a “great deal” or “fair amount” of trust in mass media, including newspapers, TV and radio.
And in 2021, the United States ranked last among 46 countries in the trust citizens placed in news outlets.
Yet even as the local news industry is declining in the U.S. – more than 3,200 local and regional newspapers have closed since 2005 – Americans still place much more trust in local news than they do in national news.
In 2024, 74% of Americans said they had “a lot of” or “some” trust in their local news organizations, and 85% believed their local news outlets are at least somewhat important to their community.
Despite their trust in local news, many Americans are not willing to pay for it. Only 23% of Americans who say they pay for online news report paying for a local or regional newspaper.
News organizations in the U.S. have long relied on commercial business practices – such as advertising from companies and subscriptions from readers – that have not been financially sustainable since the mid-2000s.
Newspapers’ advertising revenue peaked around 2005 and has since rapidly declined from more than $49 billion a year in 2005 to less than $10 billion in 2020, according to the Pew Research Center. This drop was driven by the rise of the internet.
As a result, the U.S. has lost more than a third of its local and regional newspapers since 2004.
Now, “news deserts” have become more common. This term describes places where there are not enough reliable news sources to help people get information about their local communities.
Of the local newspapers that remain, 80% are weeklies, as opposed to the daily local newspapers that were more common in the past.
Americans also read local newspapers less than they once did. Since 2015, print and digital circulation numbers have dropped 40% for weekday news editions and 45% for Sunday editions among locally focused daily newspapers and their websites.
Despite local news’ problems with declining revenue and readership, Americans still trust local news – and this trust crosses partisan lines.
A 2024 Pew Research Center survey found that both Republicans and Democrats think local journalists are in touch with their local communities. The majority of Democrats and Republicans in this survey agreed that local news media “report news accurately,” “are transparent about their reporting,” “cover the most important stories/issues” and “keep an eye on local political leaders.”
This might be because local newspapers can focus on issues people encounter in their day-to-day lives rather than on national politics. In many cases, readers are also able to more easily connect with local journalists in their communities and share story ideas or feedback.
Local news gives constituents information they need to monitor whether their local leaders are implementing campaign promises. People who regularly follow local news are more likely to participate in politics, including voting in local elections, contacting a local public official and attending a town hall meeting.
A man reads the New York Post, a local New York City paper, on Nov. 5, 2008, in Grand Central Station. Don Emmert/AFP via Getty Images
Some Americans started relying more heavily on national news when local newspapers shut down, which research shows led to increases in political polarization. My research found that when people trust a partisan-leaning national news source, for example, they’re very likely to agree with the partisan-slanted news stories published by that source.
As nonpartisan local newspapers have vanished or downsized, partisan-leaning online local news content has cropped up over the past several years. These sites publish news stories that are focused on local issues but approach it with a partisan bent. As a result, people looking for local news information may take in unreliable information that is presented as local news and interpret it as trustworthy.
Verifying the origins and intentions of information continues to be paramount for news consumers to make sure they are receiving accurate information – including when it comes to local news.
While the local news industry continues to face financial problems, research shows that local journalists could consider new content ideas to increase readers’ interest, such as engaging with community members by answering their specific questions.
Meanwhile, I believe that news consumers should consider whether they are willing to pay for and continuously support the local news they say that they trust. Without that support, their trusted local news source may disappear.
Jennifer Hoewe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael A. Little, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Binghamton University, State University of New York
If people stopped having babies, how long would it be before humans were all gone? – Jeffrey
Very few people live beyond a century. So, if no one had babies anymore, there would probably be no humans left on Earth within 100 years. But first, the population would shrink as older folks died and no one was being born.
Even if all births were to suddenly cease, this decline would start slowly.
Eventually there would not be enough young people coming of age to do essential work, causing societies throughout the world to quickly fall apart. Some of these breakdowns would be in humanity’s ability to produce food, provide health care and do everything else we all rely on.
Food would become scarce even though there would be fewer people to feed.
As an anthropology professor who has spent his career studying human behavior, biology and cultures, I readily admit that this would not be a pretty picture. Eventually, civilization would crumble. It’s likely that there would not be many people left within 70 or 80 years, rather than 100, due to shortages of food, clean water, prescription drugs and everything else that you can easily buy today and need to survive.
Sudden change could follow a catastrophe
To be sure, an abrupt halt in births is highly unlikely unless there’s a global catastrophe. Here’s one potential scenario, which writer Kurt Vonnegut explored in his novel “Galapagos”: A highly contagious disease could render all people of reproductive age infertile – meaning that no one would be capable of having babies anymore.
A lot of these works are science fiction involving a lot of space travel. Others seek to predict a less fanciful Earth-bound future where people can no longer reproduce easily, causing collective despair and the loss of personal freedom for those who are capable of having babies.
Two of my favorite books along these lines are “The Handmaid’s Tale,” by Canadian writer Margaret Atwood, and “The Children of Men,” by British writer P.D. James. They are dystopian stories, meaning that they take place in an unpleasant future with a great deal of human suffering and disorder. And both have become the basis of television series and movies.
In the 1960s and 1970s, many people also worried that there would be too many people on Earth, which would cause different kinds of catastrophes. Those scenarios also became the focus of dystopian books and movies.
‘The Last Man on Earth’ is an American postapocalyptic comedy television series about what might happen after a deadly virus wipes out most of the people in the world.
Heading toward 10 billion people
To be sure, the number of people in the world is still growing, even though the pace of that growth has slowed down. Experts who study population changes predict that the total will peak at 10 billion in the 2080s, up from 8 billion today and 4 billion in 1974.
The U.S. population currently stands at 342 million. That’s about 200 million more people than were here when I was born in the 1930s. This is a lot of people, but both worldwide and in the U.S. these numbers could gradually fall if more people die than are born.
One thing that will be important as these patterns change is whether there’s a manageable balance between young people and older people. That’s because the young often are the engine of society. They tend to be the ones to implement new ideas and produce everything we use.
Also, many older people need help from younger people with basic activities, like cooking and getting dressed. And a wide range of jobs are more appropriate for people under 65 rather than those who have reached the typical age for retirement.
Declining birth rates
In many countries, women are having fewer children throughout their reproductive lives than used to be the case. That reduction is the most stark in several countries, including India and South Korea.
The declines in birth rates occurring today are largely caused by people choosing not to have any children or as many as their parents did. That kind of population decline can be kept manageable through immigration from other countries, but cultural and political concerns often stop that from happening.
At the same time, many men are becoming less able to father children due to fertility problems. If that situation gets much worse, it could contribute to a steep decline in population.
Neanderthals went extinct
Our species, Homo sapiens, has been around for at least 200,000 years. That’s a long time, but like all animals on Earth we are at risk of becoming extinct.
Consider what happened to the Neanderthals, a close relative of Homo sapiens. They first appeared at least 400,000 years ago. Our modern human ancestors overlapped for a while with the Neanderthals, who gradually declined to become extinct about 40,000 years ago.
Some scientists have found evidence that modern humans were more successful at reproducing our numbers than the Neanderthal people. This occurred when Homo sapiens became more successful at providing food for their families and also having more babies than the Neanderthals.
If humans were to go extinct, it could open up opportunities for other animals to flourish on Earth. On the other hand, it would be sad for humans to go away because we would lose all of the great achievements people have made, including in the arts and science.
In my view, we need to take certain steps to ensure that we have a long future on our own planet. These include controlling climate change and avoiding wars. Also, we need to appreciate the fact that having a wide array of animals and plants makes the planet healthy for all creatures, including our own species.
Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.
And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.
Michael A. Little does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Imagine finding out your friends hosted a dinner party and didn’t invite you, or that you were passed over for a job you were excited about. These moments hurt, and people often describe rejection in the language of physical pain.
While rejection can be emotionally painful, it can also teach us something.
I am a social psychology researcher, and research my colleagues and I have conducted shows that rejection can serve as a learning signal – shaping how people navigate relationships and decide whom to attempt to connect with in the future.
But why does being excluded hurt so much? From an evolutionary standpoint, our brains likely evolved to treat social rejection as a threat. For our ancestors, losing social bonds meant losing access to protection, resources, and cooperation – making social connection and belonging a fundamental human need. In other words, rejection hurts to alert you that your welfare is in danger.
Early neuroscience studies seemed to support this idea. When people were left out of a simple virtual ball-tossing game, their brain activity mirrored the response to physical pain, showing activation of a brain region called the anterior cingulate cortex.
Later studies suggested a different explanation: Perhaps it wasn’t just the pain of rejection that triggered this brain activity, but also the surprise of it. In this view, the brain responded differently to negative feedback and unexpected feedback. What might your brain do with this unexpected feedback?
Social lives aren’t defined by isolated moments of rejection. You learn through interactions: You get to know people, read their intentions, revise your assumptions and try to make sense of mixed signals. People might turn you down for all sorts of reasons – some understandable, others harder to accept. You then reflect on what these experiences mean, adjustyour behavior, and if you cross paths with them again, you get another chance to decide how you want to engage.
This is where our research takes a next step: We examine how people learn from social rejection and acceptance over time and how they use these past experiences to build future connections, deciding on whom to invest in building relationships with and whom to let go.
Rejection as an experience to learn from
My colleagues and I designed a dynamic experiment that mimics the structure of real social decisions. Using behavioral tests, brain imaging and computational modeling, we studied how people learn from repeated social feedback.
Our college-aged participants played a multi-round economic game while undergoing brain scans. First, they created personal profiles for themselves answering questions about times they were honest and trustworthy, and were told that other players would read these profiles to get to know them better. These other players, who assumed the role of “Deciders,” would then rank participants – “Responders” – in the order they wanted to play with them.
In each round, Responders were either accepted or rejected by Deciders. This depended on two things: how highly they had been ranked and how many slots the computer had allowed for that round. In reality, Responders weren’t paired with real people; the Deciders’ rankings and number of slots were generated by the computer.
Participants could receive a high rank but still get rejected if there were not enough slots. That scenario is like not receiving an invitation to a wedding due to a very tight budget – the outcome is disappointing but understandable because you know you were excluded due to circumstances and that your friend still values you. Or participants could receive a poor rank but still get accepted if there were a lot of slots. This would be similar to being picked last for a team – still getting a chance to play despite knowing you were not as desired.
This unique design allowed us to tease apart how people learn from two types of feedback. When you’re accepted, your brain notes that feeling included results in a rewarding experience. Your brain also calculates relational value, which indicates how much you think others value you. In the case of our study, relational value was indicated by how highly Responders were ranked by the Decider.
If accepted by a Decider, Responders would receive a pot of money that would triple. Responders would then get to decide whether to give half of the tripled amount back to the Decider or keep all to themselves, putting trust and reciprocity to test.
We found that Responders were more likely to choose Deciders who had accepted them and rated them highly, learning from both kinds of feedback. With neuroimaging, we identified that these learning mechanisms were distinctly tracked by different regions in the brain.
Brain areas that researchers previously foundto be active in social rejection studies, like the anterior cingulate cortex, were also activated when participants received feedback about how much they were valued. Interestingly, this activity didn’t just reflect pain or surprise; it reflected a recalibration of their perceived social worth, as this brain activity occurred when participants changed their beliefs about how others rank them.
Together, these findings suggest that the brain is doing more than reacting to rejection or reward – it’s in fact learning from it. Each social interaction helps people update internal models of who values them and who doesn’t, shaping future decisions about whom to trust, approach or avoid.
When it comes to social relationships, the two learning systems we studied here – how people respond to rewards and how they track relational value – serve an important role in interpreting social interactions and adjusting behavior. To maintain healthy relationships, you need to disentangle social rewards from how much you think others value you.
You sometimes need to recognize that your friend still values you even if they might disappoint you, like missing a birthday party for a valid reason. Without this kind of understanding, relationships can become unstable.
In fact, some mental health conditions reflect problems in these very processes. For example, borderline personality disorder is often marked by volatile relationships and intense reactions to both kindness and perceived slights.
By unpacking how people learn from acceptance and rejection, our study offers a foundation to better understand both healthy social behavior and the struggle to connect.
Begüm Babür does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Foster Portsmouth braved the thunderstorms alongside Fostering South East cluster partners Fostering Southampton and Hampshire County Council at UK Pride on Saturday 7 June.
Of the 260+ community-run Pride organisations across the UK, Portsmouth Pride won the bid to host UK Pride in 2025.
Taking ‘Pride’ of place at the event is part of a campaign being run throughout June by Foster Portsmouth, Portsmouth City Council‘s fostering service. Their team were also part of UK Pride and The Family Network’s LGBTQ+ Routes to Parenting event on 3 June, and they will be celebrating their foster carers from the LGBTQ+ community and taking action to bust myths around who can foster throughout Pride Month.
Foster Portsmouth, Fostering Southampton and Hampshire County Council’s fostering service joined forces at UK Pride with the aim to raise awareness of the national crisis in foster care and the need for more foster carers in the area.
They also engaged with event goers to tackle any perceptions that may prevent some from the LGBTQ+ community from exploring fostering to build a family life.
Anyone aged over 21 with a spare bedroom could foster – regardless of their age, gender, sexuality, faith, ethnicity, marital or work status, or whether they rent or own their own home.
Councillor Nick Dorrington, Cabinet Member for Children, Families and Education at Portsmouth City Council, said:
“Foster Portsmouth celebrates the diversity of our committed team of foster carers, and we are all proud to work with many individuals and couples from the LGBTQ+ community.”
Foster Portsmouth’s presentation at the Parenting Network and UK Pride’s ‘LGBTQ+ Routes to Parenthood’ event helped identify pathways to parenthood within the LGBTQ+ community. Attendees were also offered expert insights, lived experiences and an opportunity to connect with community members and support networks.
This Pride Month, Foster Portsmouth also aims to shine a light on the incredible efforts of our existing LGBTQ+ foster carers and thank them for their contribution to the care of vulnerable children and young people in the city and the immediate surrounding areas. Foster carers like sole carer Michael.
Michael, a full-time IT project manager, fosters teens with Foster Portsmouth. He shared:
“Because I was fostered myself, I chose to become a foster carer rather than adopt. I had the same wonderful long-term carers who gave me amazing opportunities. I want to give something back to children who need care and stability in their lives.”
Michael has fostered a number of teenagers, including providing respite care for a sibling pair and an emergency placement, and three longer-term arrangements for teenage boys, one of whom was a child seeking safety and asylum.
“There have been many touching moments which makes it all worthwhile and lets me know that I’ve been a positive chapter in their story.”
Foster Portsmouth are in need of additional foster carers with the skills and experience to help children develop a positive sense of their own identity, so they are asking individuals and couples in the LGBTQ+ community to consider the impact they could have on a child or young person’s life through fostering.
There are many types of fostering and everyone will be able to find one that will work for them and their family or commitments. This could be a short or long-term arrangement for a child or siblings until they’re ready to live independently or be reunited with family, support for children with a disability or children seeking safety and asylum, supported lodgings to develop their independent living skills, a parent and baby placement, or respite care.
Our Foster carers receive local round the clock support and ongoing quality training such as therapeutic care, including through our mentoring scheme and our innovative award-winning Mockingbird programme which provides a support network of other foster carers similar to that of an extended family. They also receive competitive fees, discounts, benefits and allowances, social activities, and free membership to The Fostering Network.
Our foster carers come from Portsmouth or the immediate surrounding areas, from Emsworth and Rowlands Castle to Gosport and Fareham, and the Isle of Wight and Hayling Island to Petersfield and Havant.
They would welcome the opportunity to explore if their close-knit fostering community at Foster Portsmouth would be the right fit for them.
Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIJING, June 9 (Xinhua) — China saw double-digit growth in passenger car retail sales last month as the country continued to implement policies to stimulate consumption, the China Association of Passenger Automobile Manufacturers said Monday.
According to the association’s statistics, in May this year, retail sales of passenger cars in the country increased by 13.3 percent year-on-year and exceeded 1.93 million units.
To stimulate domestic demand and support economic recovery, China launched a large-scale trade-in program in 2024. Under the program, individual consumers can receive subsidies to buy new cars, home appliances and many other items. The program was expanded earlier this year.
According to China’s Ministry of Commerce, 4.12 million new vehicles were sold under the program in the first five months of this year.
In addition, about 1.17 million new energy vehicles were produced in the country in May, and retail sales of such vehicles exceeded 1.02 million units, up 30.2 percent and 28.2 percent year-on-year, respectively.
According to the association, in the first five months of this year, retail sales of passenger cars in the country exceeded 8.81 million units, up 9.1 percent. -0-
Synchrony to become exclusive issuer of OnePay credit cards at Walmart, with the credit card experience embedded inside the OnePay app
The program will add credit cards to OnePay’s growing portfolio of financial services products, helping consumers save, spend, borrow, and grow their money — all in one place
NEW YORK and STAMFORD, Conn., June 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — OnePay, a leading consumer fintech, and Synchrony (NYSE: SYF), a premier consumer financial services company, today announced a strategic partnership to exclusively power a new industry-leading credit card program with Walmart (NYSE: WMT). The credit card program is expected to launch this fall, with the experience embedded inside the OnePay app and powered by Mastercard’s global payments network, and will be made available to millions of Walmart customers and to consumers across the U.S.
OnePay, the consumer fintech backed by Walmart and Ribbit Capital, today serves millions of customers nationwide and offers a suite of banking, credit, and payments products — including cashback debit, high-yield savings, installment loans, a digital wallet, and domestic and international peer-to-peer payments. In partnering with Synchrony and Mastercard, OnePay will add credit cards to its growing portfolio as part of its vision to help people save, spend, borrow, and grow their money with a simplified way to holistically manage their financial lives.
As part of the program, OnePay and Synchrony will introduce both a general-purpose card, which will serve as the program’s signature card and be available to use anywhere Mastercard is accepted, and a private label card, which will be exclusively for Walmart purchases. The credit card functionality will be embedded inside the OnePay app, offering millions of Walmart’s U.S. customers a sleek, intuitive digital experience and the ability to access OnePay’s suite of financial services products.
“Our goal with this credit card program is to deliver an experience for consumers that’s transparent, rewarding, and easy to use,” said Omer Ismail, Chief Executive Officer, OnePay. “We’re excited to be partnering with Synchrony to launch a program at Walmart that checks each of those boxes and will help serve millions of people.”
Synchrony will leverage its deep lending expertise and innovative digital capabilities to deliver financial flexibility through a seamless experience. Following the initial launch and reserve costs, the program is expected to drive loyalty and sales at attractive risk-adjusted returns and be accretive to the company’s long-term financial performance.
“We are proud to be selected by OnePay to further our mission of helping people live better and build healthier financial futures with Walmart,” said Brian Doubles, President and Chief Executive Officer, Synchrony. “Together, we aim to drive even greater innovation and new credit experiences to better serve customers while driving long-term, high-quality growth.”
“Walmart is always seeking innovative ways to help customers save money and live better,” said John David Rainey, Executive Vice President and Chief Financial Officer, Walmart Inc. “Today’s announcement represents one more way we’re serving our customers the way they want to be served, providing an upgraded digital financial services experience with even greater choice and value.”
“Consumers today expect financial products that are simple, secure, and built around how they live and shop,” said Linda Kirkpatrick, President, Americas at Mastercard. “Our partnership with OnePay and Synchrony brings together deep retail expertise, trusted credit capabilities, and the scale, security, and reliability of Mastercard’s global payments network to deliver a seamless, rewarding experience for Walmart customers — whenever and wherever they choose to pay.”
About OnePay OnePay is a leading consumer fintech on a mission to help people achieve financial progress. The company is backed by Walmart and Ribbit Capital and partners with other financial institutions to offer digital financial services that empower consumers to save, spend, borrow, and grow their money — all in one place. OnePay is a financial technology company, not a bank. Banking services are provided by Coastal Community Bank and Lead Bank, Members FDIC and loans through OneProgress Services LLC. OnePay debit and credit cards are issued by partner banks pursuant to licensing by MastercardⓇ International. To learn more about OnePay, please visit onepay.com.
About Synchrony Synchrony (NYSE: SYF) is a leading consumer financing company at the heart of American commerce and opportunity. From health to home, auto to retail, our Synchrony products have been serving the needs of people and businesses for nearly 100 years. We provide responsible access to credit and banking products to support healthier financial lives for tens of millions of people, enabling them to access the things that matter to them. Additionally, through our innovative products and experiences, we support the growth and operations of some of the country’s most respected brands, as well as more than 400,000 small and midsize businesses and health and wellness providers that Americans rely on. Synchrony is proud to be ranked as the country’s #2 Best Company to Work For® by Fortune magazine and Great Place to Work®. For more information, visit www.synchrony.com.
Forward-Looking Statements This press release includes forward-looking statements within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Forward-looking statements may be identified by words such as “will,” “aim,” “expect,” or words of similar meaning. The forward-looking statements convey expectations related to the strategic partnership between Synchrony and OnePay, which are based on assumptions and subject to inherent uncertainties, risks and changes that are difficult to predict. As a result, actual results could differ materially from those indicated in these forward-looking statements. For the reasons described above, we caution you against relying on any forward-looking statements, which should also be read in conjunction with Synchrony’s public filings, including under the heading “Risk Factors Relating to Our Business” and “Risk Factors Relating to Regulation” in the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended December 31, 2024, as filed on February 7, 2025. Any forward-looking statement speaks only as of the date on which it is made and we undertake no obligation to update any forward-looking statement, except as otherwise may be required by law.
Paddy Hill spent more than 16 years in prison for murders he did not commit. One of the so-called Birmingham Six who were wrongfully convicted for the Birmingham pub bombings in 1974, he was proof that exoneration and financial compensation do not fix a miscarriage of justice.
When I met him in July 2023, more than 30 years after his release from prison, his ordeal continued to haunt him. He was in his late 70s, looking frail and far from the “12 and a half stone” man he was in Parkhurst Prison. He had very little appetite and was in poor health. The little sleep he was able snatch was marred by screaming nightmares.
Neither of us knew it at the time, but this was to be his final interview. He died aged 80, on December 30 2024. I sat down to talk with Hill in his living room. Struggling to control his emotions, he told me: “Sometimes I sit in the bedroom … and I’m crying my eyes out like a child and I don’t know what the fuck happened … I’ve been so fucking screwed up.”
The ITV docudrama Mr Bates vs the Post Office thrust wrongful convictions into mainstream consciousness in January 2024 – a quarter of a century after the Post Office began prosecuting sub-postmasters and mistresses for fraud, theft, and false accounting and 15 years after Rebecca Thomson’s Computer Weekly article exposing the Horizon IT system as the potential culprit.
Now the public could finally see the human impact of miscarriages of justice on these upstanding – and, more importantly, innocent – members of their communities. Public outrage followed.
But despite the mass quashing of hundreds of convictions, and amid promises of speedy financial compensation, progress has been pitiful. While collecting a National Television Award in September 2024, former sub-postmistress Jo Hamilton confirmed that out of the “555 group”, those involved in the litigation which exposed the Horizon scandal, “more than 300 haven’t been paid yet, including Sir Alan Bates”.
Sadly, this timescale is far from unusual. In July 2023, Andrew Malkinson finally had his 2003 rape conviction overturned after several unsuccessful appeals, including unsuccessful applications in 2012 and 2020 to the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC), the independent body which investigates potential miscarriages of justice.
Crucially, the CCRC did not commission the DNA testing that finally exonerated him and did not review police files which would have shown that Greater Manchester Police had withheld crucial evidence at his trial.
Malkinson spent 17 years in prison maintaining his innocence. Perversely, he could have been released sooner had he falsely confessed. He was eventually exonerated thanks to the help of the charity Appeal, which commissioned those crucial DNA tests and unearthed the disclosure failures.
The CCRC has since acknowledged in an independent review that it “failed Mr Malkinson” with chairperson Helen Pitcher OBE (whose recent resignation was welcomed by the Ministry of Justice) eventually expressing “sincere regret and an unreserved apology on behalf of the commission”. All of this happened 12 months after Malkinson called on the CCRC to apologise to him. Malkinson said it was “shameful” that the CCRC has kept private the names of those responsible for his ordeal and delayed the publishing of the report highlighting its mishandling of his case.
The true number of miscarriages of justice is unknown. In the UK, the CCRC referral rate averages 2% including appeals of sentence. In the US, estimates of wrongful conviction and imprisonment range from 6% to 15.4%.
The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.
Inevitably, some innocent people will have their appeals denied and will remain convicted for the rest of their lives. The trauma of remaining legally guilty of a crime you did not commit cannot be overstated.
But persistent psychological ill-effects can be seen even in those who have been formally exonerated, including long-term effects on their employment and relationships.
I’ve been examining cases like this as part of a research project into the experiences of people who suffer grave miscarriages of justice. Working with Dr Mandy Winterton at Edinburgh Napier University, I interviewed several men who have been imprisoned for crimes they did not commit.
As academics with psychology and sociology backgrounds, we were predominantly interested in how victims were affected by such injustices. Previous research has documented the litany of mental health and social effects on those who have been wrongfully convicted and exonerated, and the flaws in the criminal justice system that are to blame. But little attention has been paid to individual experiences. While there were clear commonalities in the men’s stories, they all had unique perspectives.
Of the people we spoke to, Hill and a man called Jimmy Boyle spoke to us on the record and specifically requested that they be named. I have given the other men featured here pseudonyms to protect their anonymity.
Paddy Hill
Hill’s story is particularly harrowing. On November 21 1974, shortly after 8pm, bombs exploded in two pubs in Birmingham, England, killing 21 people and injuring around 200 others. They were attributed to the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), which had detonated many bombs in the West Midlands in the previous year.
Hill and his friends were arrested at Heysham Docks as they were boarding the ferry to Belfast to attend the funeral of an old friend who had been a member of the IRA. Hill said that they were initially interviewed at Morecambe police station in Lancashire, and the West Midlands Police took over their questioning the next day.
Hill and his co-accused were, says Hill, tortured by the West Midlands serious crime squad. They were subjected to anti-Irish verbal abuse, hours-long beatings over several days, mock executions, were burned with cigarettes, and deprived of sleep, food and drink. Unable to withstand this, four of the six men eventually signed false confessions, condemning them all to life imprisonment in 1975 for the murders. The six men brought a civil action against the West Midlands Police which was thrown out in 1980 by Lord Denning.
These shocking revelations eventually reached the public consciousness thanks to investigative journalist and former Labour MP Chris Mullin, who uncovered evidence of police wrongdoing and corruption. His work informed the group’s court of appeal hearing in 1987. However, the convictions were upheld by Lord Chief Justice Lane. It was only at their second appeal in 1991, after Mullin had uncovered more evidence of their innocence, that they were finally exonerated.
Despite other lines of enquiry which could have led to the real bombers – including a confession and several named suspects – the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) decided in 2023 that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute, denying justice to the families of those killed and injured.
The impact on Hill’s family was enormous. With such public vitriol for the Birmingham Six, his wife and children had to move house regularly and change their names to avoid being recognised. He told me:
Everywhere they went, sooner or later somebody found out who they were and then they’d pick on them. And sometimes my kids were going to school and they couldn’t even remember what fucking name they were supposed to be using, they were that confused.
Hill’s marriage ended while he was in prison. “I told her to divorce me. I said: ‘Meet someone, you want to get married, don’t worry about me.’ And that was it.”
He later remarried, but his relationship with his children was irretrievably destroyed. “Along the way I lost my own kids, because I came out of jail and I didn’t feel nothing for my kids. I still don’t … I’ve spent more time here with you than I have done in the last 20 fucking years with my kids.”
Though he was referred to psychologists for support, he told me none were able to help him. Over and above the pains of imprisonment, the wrongfully convicted are betrayed by the very people that we are led to believe are there to protect us. The justice system has wrought on them the worst injustice, and many will suffer from enduring anger and mistrust of authorities.
When we met, Hill was still consumed by his anger and felt badly let down: “Over the years I realised I was never going to get any professional help from the government, even though we have it in writing that they have a duty of care towards us – but they’ve never done nothing to help us … If they did, they would acknowledge what they’ve done wrong.”
Up until his death, Hill had spent much of the past 30 years helping other survivors of miscarriages of justice. Initially intending to spend his first 12 months of freedom campaigning, he “got involved with the families, and it was then I realised how bad the families had it … That’s what kept me going, coming out and campaigning.”
He established the Miscarriages of Justice Organisation (Mojo), a Glasgow-based charity dedicated to supporting the wrongfully convicted. It provides advocacy for clients in prison, aftercare and reintegration services, and dedicated psychological support offered pro-bono by a clinical psychologist.
But the demand far exceeds Mojo’s ability to help, and it may take several months for a case to be assessed. Euan McIlvride, the organisation’s legal officer, told me it typically receives “250 applications a year, and we will probably support only ten of those because the rest of them don’t meet the requirements for our support … We have finite resources.”
For Hill, keeping busy provided some relief from thinking about his ordeal.
…When you aren’t doing something, all you’re going to do is sit there and think … about things you don’t fucking want to think about. I don’t know what happens to me when I go to sleep … [My wife] hears me screaming … kicking and punching everything … I’ll be watching television and all of a sudden … BANG! It’s like a non-stop video going through your head all the time.
Chained to a radiator
The Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (Pace), which came to effect in 1986, aimed to reduce miscarriages of justice by balancing the powers of the police and the public. Pace provides safeguards for suspects during questioning, puts a limit on how long suspects can be questioned for, and insists that interviews be recorded.
This makes it easier to detect when protocols have not been followed or there may have been mistreatment or intimidation.
It doesn’t prevent such wrongdoing, however.
I spoke with one man, who I am calling Mark, who was wrongfully convicted of murder in 1988. He told me there were over one hundred breaches of Pace in his case, including being handcuffed to a hot radiator, being denied food and water, and being denied a solicitor.
One of his co-accused, a vulnerable adult, had also falsely confessed to the crime. Mark lost his first appeal in 1990 but his case went to the CCRC when it was established in 1997. The CCRC brought in another police force to investigate. He said:
When I saw [their] report … I nearly fell off my chair and nearly choked on my coffee … Everything I had said all those years ago … the handcuffing to the radiators, they proved it. All the breaches of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act … that we were interviewed off the record … Making up notes and stuff like that. I couldn’t believe it. I knew we were going home.
He subsequently pursued a civil action against the police which was settled out of court, with the force insisting the settlement did not mean it was admitting liability.
Mark also suffered a marital breakdown, after he and his wife lost their baby daughter while he was on remand:
It ripped the guts out of my marriage, you know. My wife was only 17-18, same age as me … She had a husband inside and she lost a child. And you’ve got to look at the economical impact and the mental impact it had on her … She was just as much a victim as what I was.
He started taking drugs in prison: “I didn’t care if I lived or died because I had lost everything, as far as I was concerned.”
But Mark turned himself around, got off drugs and availed himself of all the education he had access to, including law and human rights, to build the strongest possible case for his appeal. With the aid of a human rights lawyer the CCRC referred his conviction in 1998, which was then quashed by the Court of Appeal in 1999. He had spent 11 years in prison as a convicted murderer.
‘The innocence test’
After his exoneration, Mark was successful in securing over £600,000 compensation for his ordeal, though he had over £37,000 deducted for “saved living expenses”. A House of Lords ruling in 2007 deemed that those receiving compensation for a miscarriage of justice can have the amount reduced to account for “savings” made while in prison – for costs such as food, housing and other bills that they would have had to pay had they not been wrongfully incarcerated.
Considering the difficulties people face accessing any financial compensation for their wrongful imprisonment, this adds further insult to injury. The rule has since been scrapped following the high-profile Malkinson case – but deductions made prior to this are not being reimbursed.
Mark was given no financial counselling or support, and he rapidly spent the money – more than he had ever had in his life – while trying to block out his pain:
By the time six months had gone, I’d spent the hundred grand [interim payment] on wine, women, drugs … ’cause I couldn’t cope with what was going on … That was my way of blotting out all the things I saw in prison.
The money also caused a rift in his family – something echoed by others I have spoken to. After the death of his mother, his family “went their own ways”.
Nowadays, only a small proportion of those exonerated will ever receive financial compensation due to the requirements of the so-called “innocence test”.
The Criminal Justice Act 1988 made it difficult for applicants to receive compensation because there had to be a newly discovered fact – not available at the time of their original trial – that they could use to make the case that they had suffered a miscarriage of justice.
The definition of what constitutes a miscarriage of justice has become more restrictive over time, meaning an applicant now must provide evidence, beyond reasonable doubt, of their innocence. In the absence of a key witness admitting to falsifying their statement or DNA evidence proving innocence, this is unlikely.
Like Hill, Mark struggled to adjust after his exoneration and release, and found support to be woefully lacking:
I had nobody to talk to, no money, no job, no house. I didn’t have any prospects. I phoned up my solicitor … I remember saying: ‘Why did you get me out?’ It was difficult to adjust … I slept with a hammer … under my pillow – I was very paranoid … All they did was give me tablets and told me to get on with my life. No counselling. Nothing. They didn’t know what to do with people like me.
Mark still suffers with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression, and has never been able to work a normal job. He continues to campaign for the wrongfully convicted and to increase awareness of miscarriages of justice. He credits this work with giving him a sense of purpose.
Jimmy Boyle – not innocent enough?
I also spoke to James Boyle, who was acquitted at retrial of historical sexual offences after he had spent five years in prison. Boyle, from Rutherglen, who likes to be known as Jimmy, has always maintained these offences never happened.
From the outset, Boyle found processes quite at odds from how we are told they are supposed to be. He said: “Things that you should have: for example, presumption of innocence – nonsense, it doesn’t exist. None of these rights exist in reality.” He claims that lines of evidence undermining the allegations against him were not investigated. Further, he encountered professionals in the criminal justice system who he says were incompetent and even “malicious” and “criminal”.
To add further insult, he was later told that he was not considered exonerated because he did not provide evidence proving his innocence (he failed the “innocence test”). As a result, the General Teaching Council for Scotland did not reinstate him and he was unable to return to his teaching career which he had found enormously fulfilling.
Like others I have spoken to, Boyle, now in his 60s, hasn’t been able to work since his release:
There was so much involved, and fighting with the Teaching Council – you know, it was full time. It really was full time when you’re dealing with these agencies … I do plenty [at Mojo] – I’ve spoken at a number of events … But I had to continue fighting my own fight.
Martin: total lack of victim support
Miscarriages of justice have a huge effect on a person’s mental health. But my research found the impact begins long before a conviction – with effects such as anxiety, trauma and depression resulting from the wrongful allegation.
Martin (not his real name) detailed the difficulties he experienced from his initial wrongful allegation of rape – including isolation, lack of advice, and a lack of appropriate mental health support. He said:
I kept [the rape allegations] to myself and it was horrific, because I didn’t know what was going to happen … Once I was charged … I went to my GP because I was severely depressed. I could barely function. [Counselling] was actually making things worse rather than better … I had looked online … There’s victim support and there’s witness support, but if you’ve been accused there is absolutely nothing.
It took over three years from the initial allegation to court proceedings, during which time two other allegations of rape and indecent assault were made and charges were brought. Martin kept the allegations from his employers and friends:
You don’t mention it because if you mention it, you’re opening the box and then that becomes a big thing – and God help how you’re going to feel at the end of that conversation.
Convicted of rape and indecent assault (the second and third charges), he was sentenced to four years in prison, but successfully appealed on the basis that the Moorov doctrine was misapplied.
Moorov is a principle of Scottish law which allows evidence of one crime to corroborate evidence of another. As the charges against him were considered to corroborate one another, having been acquitted of the key (first) charge he should have been acquitted of all. Instead, he spent about a year in prison – yet he considers himself fortunate.
The guy [Andrew Malkinson] that won his appeal the other day spent 17 years in prison. I only spent one. And although I shouldn’t have spent any, it could have been a hell of a lot worse. There are a lot of people that haven’t been able to clear their names, there are a lot of people that have spent a long time in prison. I spent one year and managed to clear my name, so I should be thankful for what little happiness I’ve managed to get out of it.
Martin was fortunate in that he’d had a good education and had taken detailed notes during his trial, which assisted his appeal. He also helped other prisoners who were struggling to complete required forms for themselves, and managed to get a job in the prison kitchen.
Since his release, he has pursued a law degree, eager to use his experience for positive change in the justice system. “I think it’s given me a new perspective really … You know what, life’s too short – let’s just get on with it.”
What needs to be done?
People wrongly accused of crimes are in dire need of support from the moment the initial allegation is made, to help them navigate the complex legal processes and challenging psychological effects of being wrongly accused.
Currently there is woefully inadequate mental health support at all stages, from initial allegation to post-release.
Of course, there are many guilty people in prison who protest their innocence – but support should not be denied to those who maintain their innocence.
Reforms are needed to make it easier for an innocent person to appeal their conviction. The CCRC has suffered a decline in funding, from £9.24 million in 2004 to £6 million in 2022. Over this period, the workload has more than doubled while the Ministry of Justice has reduced CCRC commissioners’ terms of employment from full-time salaried positions to one-day-a-week contracts, making the workload unsustainable.
People may also face significant barriers in accessing evidence that would exonerate them such as police files, without which they have little hope of a successful appeal. This was evident in the Malkinson case, where the charity Appeal accessed the police files the CCRC had refused to look at.
The lack of accountability and consequences for those who purposely harm innocent people causes further anger and distress to the wrongfully accused and convicted. Yet those affected rarely even receive an apology. This needs to change.
Finally, there needs to be greater public awareness of wrongful convictions and allegations, their causes and consequences, and an understanding of their devastating and long-term effects. As Hill told me the year before he died:
People think you come out and they give you a few quid … [then you] walk off into the sunset and live happily ever after. If only. I would love to go to bed at night like an ordinary fucking person … without waking up so angry and tense.
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This work was supported by the BA/Leverhulme Trust grant SRG1819190884. Many thanks to Dr Mandy Winterton, co-Investigator on this research, and to the Miscarriages of Justice Organisation (MOJO) for supporting us by facilitating access to clients.
Faye Skelton is affiliated with the Miscarriages of Justice Organisation having joined the Board of Directors in April 2025.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Victoria Mapplebeck, Professor in Digital Arts, Royal Holloway University of London
Ten years ago I was at a preview screening at the British Film Institute (BFI) of short films shot and set in London. My smartphone-filmed short, 160 Characters, was part of the programme and told the story of me raising my son Jim alone.
I was excited to have my film included, but by the end of the night I was a little less euphoric. I was one of only a handful of women directors screening work that night and almost every film in the programme was set on a council estate, featuring one-dimensional characters who were either mad, bad or sad.
At the post-screening drinks, I met some of the male directors who’d written and directed those films. Several of them had put between £20,000 and £40,000 of their own money into their productions, hoping their short would be the calling card to their first feature. Having a “day job” was not a concept they seemed to have come across.
Flash forward a decade and I’m at a Reclaim The Frame preview screening of Daisy May Hudson’s feature drama Lollipop, watching her receive a standing ovation from an audience who – like me – were bowled over by the authenticity and power of her storytelling .
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Lollipop is a BBC Films-funded feature drama which tells the story of Molly (Posy Sterling), recently out of a prison after serving a four-month sentence. She comes out to find she has lost her council housing and custody of her kids. Molly finds herself in the mother of all catch-22s: she can’t get housing because she doesn’t have her kids living with her, but she can’t get them back without a roof over her head.
On the surface, this film could read like another council estate melodrama. But Lollipop is the polar opposite of middle class fantasies of working class life. When Hudson was writing it she drew on her own experience of homelessness, explored in her debut feature documentary, Half Way (2015).
In Half Way, Hudson, her mum and her kid sister find themselves stuck in “half way” hostels in an endless battle with council bureaucrats who meet their escalating housing crisis with a continual chorus of “computer says no”.
There’s a great scene in which Hudson’s sister complains that the film is too heavy and that she’s sick of talking about their “trauma”. She jokes: “I was thinking we need to liven this documentary up, it’s really dull and miserable and boring, we just talk about doom and gloom stuff.” She goes on to mimic Hudson’s line of questions about how they’re all “feeling”.
Hudson’s decision to keep that scene in gave us a much needed reminder of how many documentary directors fall into the trap of “poverty porn” in which the money shot is the tear rolling down your protagonist’s cheek.
The trailer for Lollipop.
Watching Lollipop with an audience of mainly women, there were a lot of tears but also lots of laughter. Hudson continues to see the importance of humour in her stories as a way of enriching and empowering her characters. She explains in the film’s production notes: “Although Lollipop is grounded in real-life, I never want to see women as victims on screen, because we’re so full of life, there’s so much about us.”
In Hudson’s entirely female cast, Molly and her best mate Amina (Idil Ahmed) are fierce single mums who transform the challenges they face into laugh-out-loud moments of comedy. The film is about the power of their friendship, their love for their kids and their sense of humour.
When it came to casting, Hudson wanted to work with women actors – professionals and first timers – who could relate to what the characters were going through. In the film’s production notes, Hudson explains:
I come from a lived experience background, and it was really important to me that I worked with women with lived experience … women who felt full and rounded, not perfect. Every woman you see in the film is someone trying to do their best. We’re humans. We’re messy, and our beauty is in our messiness.
Hudson’s work is part of a new wave of film and TV drama and comedy written and directed by women who are empowered rather than disempowered by their messiness.
Cash Carraway’s Rain Dogs (2023), Sophie Willan’s Alma’s Not Normal (2020), Michelle de Swarte’s Spent (2024) and Charlotte Regan’s debut feature drama, Scrapper (2023) are all part of an emerging genre of stories in which we finally see working class characters who are well written and relatable. Every one of these directors has mined the highs and lows of their own lives to create these funny, flawed, complex and ultimately believable characters.
The trailer for Rain Dogs.
Rain Dogs*, for instance,* follows the roller-coaster journey of Costello (Daisy May Cooper), a single mum battling to find a permanent home for her and her nine-year-old daughter. Carraway has said of her series:
We don’t see interesting single mothers in TV. We don’t really see that many interesting people living in poverty. If we do, it’s always politicised. I wanted to make it entertaining.
Hudson echoes these sentiments. Speaking to me over the phone, she explains:
Lollipop isn’t issue-led. I don’t want to shout from the rooftops and talk about everything that’s wrong with the world. Yes, the context is these things that I care strongly about. But ultimately, I want audiences to come away, feeling: Wow, isn’t love a magical thing?“
Hudson’s mantra in both life and film is to: “Turn your pain into power and into medicine.” Her women characters have an alchemy and agency we rarely see in the black and white council estate films that became such a staple of UK independent films in the 80s and 90s. Hudson’s women aren’t victims or martyrs, the magic of Lollipop is that she has created fascinating real characters – and captured them in glorious technicolour.
Victoria Mapplebeck does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor University
Since returning to office, Donald Trump has often called the US legal system into question. He has criticised judges as activists, challenged the role of the courts and insisted some firms do free legal work in support of his administration’s causes to make up for working for some of his political opponents.
Meanwhile, Vice-President J.D. Vance has advised US Supreme Court chief justice John Roberts that he ought to be “checking the excesses” of the lower courts.
And Stephen Miller, deputy White House chief of staff, said: “We are living under a judicial tyranny,” after the US Court of International Trade ruled the president didn’t have the power to impose international trade tariffs. Meanwhile, judges are asking for more security to protect them from threats.
Trump’s federal investigations and volley of executive orders (presidential directives that don’t require legislative approval by Congress) have also put enormous pressure on law firms. And a recent report shows that both trust in law firms’ independence, and even the rule of law itself, is perceived as under threat in the US. But what does this mean, and why is it important?
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The president has taken action against law firms in two prominent ways:
First, by federal investigation. Specifically, letters to a group of 20 law firms from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. These demanded information about their diversity, equality and inclusion (DEI) policies, based on the proposition that any sort of treatment of underrepresented groups that appeared preferential to them in policy, or practice, was unequal treatment for other groups, and, consequently, discriminatory.
Second, the president has passed numerous executive orders introducing punitive measures on specific law firms that previously represented clients opposing his administration, or employed attorneys involved in past investigations against him. His administration has also revoked government contracts and suspended security clearance from buildings. In practice, the orders would prevent attorneys from accessing from where they work, such as courthouses and federal agencies.
In response, some prominent law firms have sought to mitigate the fallout with the Trump administration by entering into agreements with it. These have included pledging US$1 billion (£730,000,000) in pro bono (free) legal services supporting causes aligned with Trump’s agenda.
For example, support for veterans, representing police officers, and antisemitism prevention. Noteworthy is that law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison have now agreed to discontinue certain DEI policies, in addition to committing US$40 million (£29.4 million) in pro bono work for the president’s causes. In response the Trump administration has now lifted restrictions against them.
Judges say they are under threat.
More broadly, it has been reported that 70% of the US Justice Department civil rights division’s attorneys are leaving their posts. The mass exodus is believed to be part of attempts to reshape the division into one focused on enforcing executive orders.
The consequences of these developments are that the president’s actions have led to a significant realignment in the legal professions. Some US attorneys have reported that law firms are now more hesitant to engage in pro bono work that could be viewed as opposing the administration’s policies.
By contrast, some lawyers are now trying to establish independent firms aimed at defending civil servants and challenging federal overreach, ensuring at least some, albeit less resourced, support for underrepresented groups.
Trump criticizes judges and legal activists.
Other lawyers have sought legal action against the orders as unconstitutional interference. Some of these have led to success. For example, Perkins Coie challenged theirs and got it struck down. The concern here centred around their representation of Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. In arriving at the decision, the district judge ruled the president’s actions to be an “overt attempt to suppress and punish certain viewpoints”.
Why this matters
These developments call into question the balance between governmental influence and the independence of lawyers in upholding the rule of law. Lawyers must be impartial in representing their clients in order to effectively represent their interests, and allow the judiciary to fulfil their duty of checks and balances on the government’s decisions.
When unfettered power is wielded by the government, and the law is undermined, scope for monitoring the constitutionality of decision making is compromised.
The rule of law is a foundational principle of western democracies. It means that everyone is subject to the law, including governments. Laws must be applied equally, fairly and consistently, and no one is above them.
In essence, laws govern the nation, not arbitrary decisions by individuals in power. In that sense, following the rule of law helps prevent tyranny, protect people’s rights and liberties, and ensures a stable and predictable society.
In order to deliver these objectives, an independent legal sector is needed. Trump’s actions are a threat to achieving this cornerstone US constitutional principle. Some have gone as far as to suggest that by entering into agreements with Trump, law firms have become subsidiaries of his administration.
A recent study on trust in the rule of law found that Americans’ trust in lawyers was already undermined, even before the second Trump administration.
The results, based on public attitudes in 2024, compared public perceptions in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Italy, Norway, the UK and the US. Norway and the UK ranked highest in respect of trust in the rule of law (81% and 74% respectively), and Spain and Italy were least trusted (49% and 43%).
The results for the US are interesting. Around 71% of American respondents stated that they had a high level of trust in the rule of law. Yet the country came third from the bottom under the metric “you feel like you are in good hands in US courts”.
The reasons for this are implied in the responses to the other questions in the survey. The US performed second worst (just behind Spain) in respect of belief that judges could be biased. The US also performed worst of all in the category where the public were asked if lawyers were impartial (just 41% agreed).
In interpreting these results it is important to note that the survey was conducted in 2024, prior to Trump’s second term. But anti-elite and anti-judge rhetoric pointing to arguments for more presidential power and less judicial oversight had already been prominent in the first Trump term, and the 2024 campaign.
The results expose the already fragile nature of trust in the legal sector in the US, and underline how this could be ramped up further after the announcements in recent weeks.
Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIJING, June 9 — In the first quarter of 2025, the medical expenses of nearly 70.8 million patients incurred outside their home provinces were directly settled on site, according to the National Healthcare Security Administration (NHSA).
During the first quarter, over 3.6 million online registrations for the direct cross-province settlement scheme were processed through China’s unified online-filing channel, representing an increase of 18.06 percent year-on-year.
In addition, a rising number of medical institutions have been incorporated into the streamlined settlement scheme. By the end of the first quarter, China had built 651,600 institutions of such kind nationwide.
These projects are a part of the Council’s and Scottish Government’s ongoing play area upgrade programme.
Four play parks, Langlands Park in Luncarty, The Well Green in Scotlandwell, Westfield Common in Rattray, and Greenloaning, have all undergone full upgrades as part of the council’s commitment to enhancing outdoor spaces for communities. On Friday 6 June, Langlands Park, The Well Green and Westfield Common were officially opened, with community celebrations at each location.
The upgrades include a wide range of new play equipment and surfacing, designed to make each park more fun, inclusive, and environmentally sustainable.
These improvements were shaped in partnership with community councils, local schools, and residents, ensuring the new spaces reflect the needs and aspirations of the people who use them most.
A unique feature of the project is the installation of commemorative boards at each site, combining printed acknowledgements with handwritten signatures from those involved creating a lasting tribute to the community spirit behind the transformation.
Local children also played a key role, contributing creative ideas, designing logos for park signage, and sharing their hopes for the future of their play spaces through a detailed consultation process.
Councillor Richard Watters, Convenor of Climate Change and Sustainability Committee said: “We are delighted to see these play parks transformed into vibrant, welcoming spaces for children and families.
“This investment reflects our ongoing commitment to improving local amenities and supporting healthy, active lifestyles. We hope these parks will be enjoyed by the community for many years to come.”
Park Highlights
Westfield Common, Rattray
Combining a free draining circular pathway, the play areas contain soft fall areas of wood chip. A large climbing net and basket swing provides fun for the older children whilst a multi-unit, roundabout and springies keep the younger children engaged. A zip line also provides family fun on the other side of the greenspace. Coupled with the community run BMX track and MANTALK Blairgowrie garden this greenspace provides facilities for all.
The Well Green, Scotlandwell
Includes a thrilling new zip line, monkey bars, swings, and other modern play equipment. Located on the site of a freshwater well, the history of the site is noted in the entrance sign and was once used as an area to dry clothing lines manufactured from locally grown flax.
Langlands Park, Luncarty
Features a hybrid grass surfacing that combines artificial and natural grass for a durable, safe play area. Aimed at the younger children, the play area was developed and relocated following consultation with the Community Council and local school. Combining the adjacent route to school with a line-marked cycleway helps provide the opportunity for young children to learn road safety skills at roundabouts and junctions. There is also a ‘hopscotch’ marked on the footway, which we are sure must be used by all age groups, sometimes ‘secretly!’
Greenloaning
Located within the greenspace area of a housing estate this facility provides for all the family with picnic benches for family feasts and a range of play equipment for all ages. A rubber surfacing keeps the site useable in all weathers with the play equipment combining a range of vibrant natural colours. The equipment is manufactured from many recycled materials including ‘used fishing nets’ melted down and used in the production for the recycled plastic posts, guaranteed for life.
