Category: Middle East

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: Julie Kozack, Director, Communications Department, July 24, 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    July 24, 2025

    SPEAKER:  Ms. Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department, IMF

    MS. KOZACK: Good morning, and welcome to the IMF Press Briefing. It is wonderful to see all of you, both those of you here in person and colleagues online as well. I’m Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department at the IMF. As usual, this briefing is embargoed until 11 A.M. Eastern Time in the United States. I’ll start with a few announcements and then I’ll take your questions in person on Webex and via the Press Center.
    First, we will be releasing our flagship publication, the World Economic Outlook Update, next Tuesday, July 29th. The report will offer fresh insights into the current global economic trends and external imbalances.
    For your planning purposes, our Executive Board will be in recess from August 4th through the 15th, and we will notify you in due course on the date of our next press briefing.
    And with that, I will now open the floor for your questions. For those connecting virtually, please turn on both your camera and microphone when speaking, and the floor is opened.

    QUESTIONER: Just wanted to ask you about the tariff situation that’s unfolding at the moment, given the recent trade deals that the U.S. has struck with its key trading partners, including Japan, Indonesia, Philippines, just recently. The European Union is under negotiations that’s coming to fruition soon. It looks like the consensus is kind of around a 15 to 20% tariff rate in that range, that the US is, sort of agreeing with its partners for. And I just wanted to know if the IMF views that as an acceptable rate? Whether this would be detrimental to the global economy. I know we have the WEO coming out in a few days. Just wanted to get your take on what’s unfolding right now.

    MS. KOZACK: Let us see if there’s any other questions on this topic before I answer. If anyone online wants to come in on this topic, please let us know.
    So let me start with where we are. Since April, when we think about the global economy, we see activity indicators that reflect a complex backdrop shaped by trade tensions. We also saw that in the first quarter of the year, the data showed some front-loading of exports and imports ahead of, at that time, what was expected tariff increases. The more recent data points to trade diversion and to some unwinding of the front-loading. And at the same time, we are seeing some trade deals. Some have lowered tariffs. And at the same time, there’s also been some deals or some, not deals, but we have seen increases in tariffs, for example, on steel, aluminum, and copper. So, our team is assessing all of this information as it is coming in. And they will put together a comprehensive picture, which we will talk about in the WEO next week.

    I would also just remind that when we released our WEO in April, we talked about a period of very high uncertainty. And at that time, we had in our WEO a reference forecast, right? And that reflected the fact that we were in an uncertain environment where there were many different paths forward. For example, we had an effective tariff rate of the U.S. of about 25 percent based on April 2nd announcements. That effective tariff rate for the U.S. declined to 14 percent based on the pause of April 9th. And of course, one of the important factors for assessing the impact of the deals on the U.S. economy and the global economy will be what is the new effective tariff rate that will prevail.
    So, all of that work is ongoing, and we will have a full assessment next week in the WEO.

    QUESTIONER: So, would the 15 to 20 percent rate be higher than what we saw in the April WEO?

    MS. KOZACK: I think the way I would answer that is to simply say that we are looking at all the deals in April, and we had an effective rate around 14 percent. There, of course, has been movement since April. There have been deals. There have been some reductions in some tariff rates. There have been increases in other tariff rates. So, the team is going to have to put together that comprehensive assessment to determine what would be the new effective tariff rate that would prevail. And then, we would be in a position to compare it to what we had based on the April 2 announcement, what we had based on the April 9 pause, and then where we are today.
    And another very important factor will be what is the overall impact on uncertainty, right? We have talked about being in a very highly uncertain environment. So, of course, we will be looking at that closely as well.

    QUESTIONER: The president of Ukraine recently signed a law that regulates the anti-corruption bodies in the country. How does the IMF view this law, and how can this impact IMF Ukraine cooperation moving forward? And secondly, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said Ukraine is facing a significant budget shortfall and is likely seeking a new IMF loan. What is the IMF’s assessment of the possibility of launching a new program?

    MS. KOZACK: Any other questions on Ukraine?

    QUESTIONER: I just wanted to follow up on whether, despite the moves by the Ukrainian government, can the IMF land to Ukraine?

    MS. KOZACK: Are there questions online on Ukraine? On Ukraine, let me just step back and remind kind of where we are with Ukraine.
    On June 30th, the IMF Board completed the Eighth Review of the EFF program and that enabled a disbursement of half a billion U.S. dollars. And that brought total disbursements under the program to U.S. $10.6 billion. Ukraine’s economy remains resilient. The authorities met, and this was reported as part of the Eighth Review, all of the end-March and continuous quantitative performance criteria; they met the prior action that was required for that review, and they also met two structural benchmarks.
    With respect to the specific questions, on the first question that you had, the enacted law, as we see it, neutralizes the effectiveness of Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions. And from our perspective, that would be very problematic for macroeconomic stability and growth in Ukraine. Stepping back a bit, you know, the establishment and the development of independent institutions to detect and prosecute corruption cases has been central to the IMF’s engagement with Ukraine over the past 10 years. And these institutions have contributed to an improvement in governance in Ukraine over that period.
    Why is this important for Ukraine? From our perspective, Ukraine needs a robust anti-corruption architecture. And that will help level the playing field, improve the business climate, and attract private investment into Ukraine. And it’s a central piece of Ukraine’s reform agenda. So, from our perspective, safeguarding the independence of anti-corruption institutions remains a critical policy priority.
    We do take note of the government’s intention to introduce a new bill to restore the independence of the anti-corruption institutions.
    So, what I can say now is that in the coming weeks, the IMF Staff and the authorities are expected to intensify discussions about the 2026 budget and s to do an assessment of Ukraine’s financing needs, both for 2026 and over the medium term. They will be intensifying discussions to put together that comprehensive picture. That work is essential for the current program and any future potential engagement that we would have with Ukraine.

    QUESTIONER: If it finishes, what was the Staff assessment of the First Review of the agreement with Argentina and when would the Board’s definition be? And following the report on external reserves published this week, I think it was on Monday, does the IMF’s concerns continue?

    QUESTIONER: Has the Board already met to evaluate the First Review? And do you know if Argentina has requested a waiver? And how does the IMF assess the recent rate in this area, action rate and interest rates? And what are the causes of this change in monetary and exchange rate policy? Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Yes, to add up to what was asked if there are any concerns regarding the impact of the exchange rates on inflation as well? And also, if the concerns remain regarding the weak external position for Argentina.

    QUESTIONER: President Milei has already confirmed that, for fiscal reasons, he will veto the laws recently passed by the Congress to increase pensions, extend the pension moratorium and declare an emergency disability. So, then has this intention being talked with the IMF previously or what is the IMF position on this matter?

    MS. KOZACK: On Argentina, here is what I can share today. So first, I want to mention that discussions on the First Review, which many of you have mentioned, are very advanced at this stage. And the next step in these discussions will be to reach a Staff-Level Agreement between the authorities and Staff. And we believe that that can happen very shortly. After the Staff-Level Agreement is reached, then Staff will present the documents to the Executive Board for their approval and consideration.
    What I can also add, and we have talked about that before here, is that the program has been off to a strong start. It has been underpinned by the continued implementation of tight macroeconomic policies, including a strong fiscal anchor and a tight monetary policy stance. The transition to a more flexible exchange rate regime has been smooth. Disinflation has resumed. And Argentina has reassessed international capital markets earlier than had been initially anticipated under the program.
    Given that our Staff and the authorities are very engaged in these discussions, which again are at an advanced stage, I’m not going to provide any further details now. We will give space for them to bring those discussions to a conclusion, and then we will, of course, communicate once those discussions have come to a conclusion. And again, we do think that a Staff-Level agreement could happen very, very shortly.

    QUESTIONER: Will the Board meeting be before, and start the holiday recess, or after? Because we are talking about 15 days, if not.

    MS. KOZACK: So right now, I don’t have any further details to share with you, but certainly once a Staff-Level Agreement is reached, we will be communicating, including the potential timing for formal Board discussion.

    QUESTIONER: Can you please kindly update us on the current status of the discussion between the IMF and the Republic of Senegal regarding the temporarily suspended disbursements? Especially with the Annual Meetings approaching in October in Washington, is there a realistic prospect of finalizing the matter before then? This is the first question.
    The second one, following the recent meeting between His Excellency, the President of the Republic of Senegal, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, and Mrs. Gita Gopinath, First Deputy Managing Director of the IMF, could you kindly also share some insight into the key topics discussed? What were the main points of their exchange, particularly in regard to economic and financial cooperation?

    MS. KOZACK: Any other questions on Senegal Online? Does anyone want to come in on Senegal?

    QUESTIONER: I have a follow-up because investors have been expecting the Board to consider the waiver by September. Is that timeline realistic? And the government also said it shared everything in its findings for reconciliation with the IMF. Does the Fund feel it has everything it needs in order to make the decision on the waiver?

    QUESTIONER: Have you received the report done by Mazars? And, is it enough to conclude the misreporting, and can we have maybe a time for the Board? And then, when can we expect also a new program?

    MS. KOZACK: So, let me turn to these questions.
    I’ll start by saying that the IMF remains closely engaged with Senegal. And as part of this process, as was noted, First Deputy Managing Director Gita Gopinath met with President Bassirou Faye during his visit to Washington, D.C. on July 9th. Our First Deputy Managing Director (FDMD), Gopinath, emphasized the IMF’s continued support, as Senegal works to resolve the misreporting matter. And the President reaffirmed his government’s strong commitment to transparency and reform.

    What I can also share is that an IMF Staff team will visit Dakar. The mission is tentatively planned for later in August. The purpose of the mission is going to be to discuss the steps needed to bring the misreporting case to our Executive Board. And the team will also use the opportunity to initiate discussions on the contours of a new IMF-supported program for Senegal. We are also working closely with the authorities to design the corrective actions aimed at addressing the root causes of the misreporting and, of course, to strengthen capacity development in Senegal.

    With respect to the questions on the report by Mazars, what I can share there is that we have received a preliminary debt inventory that has been prepared by Forvis Mazars. Our IMF Staff are currently reviewing that report and all the information in detail. The preliminary assessment in the report is broadly aligned with expectations, and the final validation is ongoing. And I will leave it at that on Senegal. That is what I can share for now.

    QUESTIONER: My question is on Japan. Last week, the upper house election in Japan was over, but still unclear on the composition of a new government. And what is it you are recommending? But almost all parties pledged fiscal — expansionary fiscal policies, from providing cash to reduction of consumption tax. And what is your recommendation to the new government, especially on fiscal policy, given the power of debt in Japan? And my second question is on monetary policy of Federal Reserve next week. And should the Federal Reserve cut interest rates preemptively under the circumstance of huge pressure from President Donald Trump.

    MS. KOZACK: Let us start with Japan. So maybe let me just step back a little bit to give an overview of how we assessed the Japanese economy in our April WEO.
    So, at that time, we expected growth to strengthen in Japan, and we expected inflation to converge to the Bank of Japan’s 2 percent target by 2027. Growth was projected to accelerate from 0.2 percent in 2024 to 0.6 percent this year. At the same time, and as has been the case for quite some time, Japan continues to have high levels of public debt. And because of that, our advice for Japan is for a clear fiscal consolidation plan to offset pressures from rising interest payments and also from aging-related spending. And because of this advice, we assess that Japan has limited fiscal space, again because of high public debt and these future spending needs.

    In the near term, our advice to Japan is that given this limited fiscal space, it is essential that any response to shocks, any fiscal response to shocks, is both temporary and also targeted. And by targeted, I mean targeted toward vulnerable households and firms that may be most affected by shocks. Generalized subsidies and tax cuts, in our view, should be avoided. And that is because they are not targeted to the most vulnerable, and they are not an efficient use of Japan’s limited fiscal space.

    And then, on your second question, what I can say about the U.S. economy is that the U.S. economy has proven to be resilient in the past few years. It is something that we have been talking about for quite some time. But we do see high-frequency data that indicate moderating domestic demand and low consumer and business sentiment in the U.S. In addition, and as we mentioned before, there was a strong front-loading of imports into the U.S. in the first quarter. And that, in anticipation of tariffs, and that led to an important drag on growth in the first quarter. At the same time, in the U.S., labor markets remain resilient, and the unemployment rate remains relatively low.

    With respect to inflation, we do see inflation on a path towards the Fed’s 2 percent target, but it is subject to upside risks. And that means that the Fed’s task is complex given the very highly uncertain economic environment. So the Fed will need to take into account both policies undertaken by the U.S. administration, as well as incoming data in, and of course, data on potential wage pressures as it comes to thinking about, you know, the extent of rate decisions and the timing of any rate decisions going forward.

    QUESTIONER: On Argentina, can the IMF confirm that there was a meeting on Tuesday between the Board and Staff regarding the first program review? And I know you said you wouldn’t be able to divulge much details, but I’m going to ask it anyway. When should you expect Argentina’s $2 billion disbursement?

    MS. KOZACK: So, on the first question, all I can say on this is that it’s not unusual for IMF Staff to informally brief the Executive Board on a broad range of issues. And on the timing of the disbursement, as I already indicated, we will provide more information on the timing for a formal Board meeting only once a Staff-Level Agreement has been reached. And that formal Board meeting would indicate the time when any disbursement would be made available to the Argentine authorities.

    QUESTIONER: First, let me say on behalf of my colleague from the U.S., around the world, as well as in Africa, to say thank you to Gita for everything that she has done. Our engagements with African journalists, especially. So that’s part of what I wanted to say, thank you to her. I know she’s leaving.
    And my question now goes to if you can provide updates on African nations. And I have two specific questions, one on Malawi and one on South Africa. The recent reports on Malawi said the country is facing macroeconomic challenges. I know in 2020 they received the completed HIPC program. Could you provide any updates on whether the country has reached out for any assistance regarding HIPC? Whether they qualify for another Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) program to help them? We know in the past year, they’ve experienced floods, droughts, and natural issues that have affected the economy. I was wondering if the IMF is providing any assistance to them.
    The other question is on South Africa. We see growing tension between South Africa and the U.S. So, can you talk about if there’s any economic implication? South Africa is the largest economic in. Africa is also seen as a gateway to the continent. What are the macroeconomic issues, implications for the South African Development Community region (SADC), and also for the continent as a whole?

    MS. KOZACK: With respect to Malawi, what I can say is we completed the Article IV Consultation with Malawi just yesterday, July 22nd, 2025, or two days ago. So that was the 2025 Article IV Consultation that has been completed. And of course, there will be a lot of rich discussion of the state of the Malawian economy in that report. With respect to your more specific question on HIPC, what I can say is that Malawi completed the HIPC process in 2006. And at that time, Malawi secured U.S. $3.1 billion of debt relief through the HIPC Initiative and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative or otherwise known as MDRI. Since 2006, our assessment is that public debt in Malawi has returned to unsustainable levels. Total public debt is reached 88 percent of GDP at the end of 2024. And the interest bill on public debt is estimated to approach about 7 percent of GDP, which is quite high.

    We continue to urge the authorities to take decisive steps to restore public debt sustainability. Completing an external debt Restructuring and addressing the high cost of domestic borrowing are both essential to do this. And of course, strengthening public debt management and securing concessional financing will also be critical. So again, Malawi already completed the HIPC process in 2006.

    And then, on South Africa. What I can say about South Africa, I can talk a bit about how we see the outlook for South Africa, the economic outlook. So right now, based on the April WEO, we see the current economic outlook for South Africa as subdued. We projected growth in April at 1 percent for this year and 1.3 percent for next year. Uncertainty, including related to global trade policies, is weighing on activity in South Africa. And that it’s causing firms and households to delay their investment decisions and also consumption decisions.

    And I would also refer you to the April REO, Regional Economic Outlook, for Africa, and that includes some estimates on the impact of uncertainty and financial conditions on the Sub-Saharan Africa region.
    And finally, we of course continue to assess developments in South Africa, and we’ll be providing an update in the July WEO.

    QUESTIONER: I just had two follow-up questions. One was on your comments about the Fed. As you know, the tension between the Trump administration and the Fed, particularly Chair Powell, has been increasing lately. The President is going to go tour the Fed building that’s being renovated. It is a subject of controversy. Given that the IMF has been a stalwart defender of Central Bank independence, should any of this lead to Chair Powell’s replacement or his resignation? Just wondering, what kind of signal that would send to financial markets, to other countries, what kind of precedent would that set? And secondly, regarding First Deputy Managing Director Gopinath’s departure, can you walk us through the process for choosing a replacement for her?
    Traditionally, this has been a position that the U.S. has had a very strong hand in choosing. It has typically been an American. Do you expect the U.S. Treasury Department, for example, to basically recommend a candidate to the Managing Director?

    MS. KOZACK: On your first question for quite some time, the IMF has consistently advocated for Central Bank independence. And we’ve said it’s critical to ensuring that Central Banks are able to achieve their mandated objectives, such as low and stable inflation. And as we have seen through the disinflation process that has been taking place over the last few years, the credibility of Central Banks around the world has been instrumental in anchoring inflation expectations and in bringing down inflation across, you know, across the world. And across many countries in the world. And it is also important that independence, of course, it must coexist with clear accountability to the public.
    And on the question about the process, on Gita Gopinath’s decision to return to Harvard, maybe just to step back to say that on July 21st, you know, the Managing Director announced that Gita Gopinath, our First Deputy Managing Director, would be leaving the Fund at the end of August to return to Harvard University. She will be the inaugural Gregory and Ania Coffey Professor of Economics in the Department of Economics.

    And for your background, Ms. Gopinath joined the Fund in January 2019 as the first female Chief Economist of the Fund. And she was promoted to First Deputy Managing Director in January of 2022. I can add that this was a personal decision for Ms. Gopinath. She will return to her roots in academia, where she will continue to push the research frontier in international finance and macroeconomics. And she will also be training the next generation of economists.
    With respect to the selection of process and how the process works, the Managing Director selects and appoints the First Managing Director and the three Deputy Managing Directors of the Fund. The appointment is subject to approval by the Fund’s Executive Board. And in making the selection, the Managing Director consults with the Executive Board regarding the type of qualifications that, in the view of the Executive Board, a First Deputy Managing Director or a Deputy Managing Director should possess.

    QUESTIONER: My first question is regarding Sri Lanka. When can we expect the next review for the IMF-supported program? And secondly, given the uncertainties and risks that are currently opposing the economy for Sri Lanka, is there any decision or any exploration by the IMF to revisit some of the targets that have been implemented in the program that was given to Sri Lanka?

    QUESTIONER: I would like to know that now Sri Lanka has already finished four reviews, and now we are heading for the fifth one. What is the overall view of the IMF? That Sri Lanka’s performance, how we perform during these four reviews? And what are the expectations for the next review in brief? Thank you very much.

    MS. KOZACK: I have a question here that came in through the Press center on Sri Lanka. The question is what is the status of the IMF review of Sri Lanka’s program, an assessment of the macroeconomic outlook as well as the status of the review of the current mission that is visiting Sri Lanka. So, let me go ahead and take these. So, stepping back, on July 1st, the IMF’s Executive Board completed the Fourth Review under the EFF arrangement with Sri Lanka. This provided the country with U.S. $350 million to support its economic policies and reforms, and it brought total IMF financial support to U.S. $1.74 billion.

    What I can add is that Sri Lanka’s ambitious reform agenda continues to deliver commendable outcomes. Inflation remains low, revenue collection is improving and reserves, international reserves, continue to accumulate for the country. The post-crisis growth rebound to 5 percent in 2024 is quite remarkable. The revenue-to-GDP ratio improved from 8.2 percent in 2022 to 13.5 percent in 2024. The debt restructuring is nearly complete. And program performance has been generally strong overall, and the government remains committed to program objectives.

    What I can also add is that although the economic outlook remains positive for Sri Lanka, global trade policy and uncertainties do pose risks. And so, as the team moves forward to the Fifth Review, which we expect will be held in the fall, they will, of course, be looking at the overall and making an overall assessment of Sri Lanka’s economy. You know, including any implications from trade tensions or uncertainty. And of course, that will be — they will take that into account in discussions with the authorities on policies, and all of the program matters as part of the Fifth Review.

    QUESTIONER: Hi Julie. Thank you for taking my question. I have two questions, one on Syria and one on Egypt. So today there was the Saudi Syrian Investment Forum in Damascus, and it was said that in addition to the Saudi investments in support that there will be some global support on this. And the IFC was mentioned as well. So, what’s the IMF’s call on this, given that we have one of the G20 countries pledging this huge amount of investments in support? And how will the IMF contribute in this? That’s on Syria.

    And on Egypt, a few weeks ago in our press briefing here, it was mentioned that the two reviews, the Fifth and the Sixth, will be done together in the fall. Can we say that this is going to be in fall after the Annual Meeting, after the WEO report is published for the — for the region and for the global? And what, what is the main factor that we’re looking at here that would ultimately change the way it’s viewed, how Egypt’s economy is viewed in light of all the recent developments?

    MS. KOZACK: On Syria, what I can say is, and as we discussed here before, an IMF staff team did visit Syria from June 1st through 5th, and that was the first visit since 2009. The team was there to assess economic and financial conditions in Syria and to discuss with the authorities their economic policy and capacity building priorities, ultimately to support the recovery of the Syrian economy. With your specific question, what I can say there is that we have mentioned that Syria will need substantial international assistance to support the authorities’ efforts to rehabilitate the economy, meet urgent humanitarian needs, and rebuild essential institutions and infrastructure. And this not only includes concessional financial support, but it also extends to capacity development. And here, the IMF is committed to supporting Syria in its recovery efforts. The IMF Staff is working in coordination with other partners to develop a detailed roadmap for policy and capacity building priorities for some of the key economic institutions. So that’s kind of within our mandate, and that includes the Finance Ministry, the Central Bank, and the Statistics Agency.

    With respect to Egypt, what I can say on Egypt is that the IMF Staff conducted a mission to Cairo in May 2025. The mission noted continued progress under Egypt’s macroeconomic reform program, including improvements in inflation and foreign exchange reserves. However, additional time was needed to finalize key policy measures, particularly those related to reducing the state’s footprint in the economy by advancing the implementation of the state ownership policy and leveling the playing field for businesses. To allow for this continued work, the Fifth and Sixth Reviews under the EFF will be combined, and they are expected to be completed in the fall. Our team remains committed to supporting Egypt in advancing reforms to strengthen resilience and foster inclusive and private sector led growth.

    MS. KOZACK: Coming back to the Press Center, I have a question that has come in on Ghana. It says Ghana’s Finance Minister is presenting the mid-year budget today, following a first half marked by notable improvements in key economic indicators. However, concerns are rising about potential new fiscal slippages, and that could undermine gains in inflation control, currency stability, and overall recovery. Does the IMF share these concerns? And second question, what is your view on the role of monetary policy at this point, especially as the Bank of Ghana prepares to review its policy stance?

    Again, stepping back, on July 7th, the IMF’s Executive Board completed the Fourth Review of Ghana’s ECF arrangement. And after Board approval, Ghana received about U.S. $367 million, bringing total support to around U.S. $2.3 billion since May 2023.
    With respect to the budget here, I can say that the IMF has welcomed the government’s corrective actions, including a strong 2025 budget and an audit of payables to quantify and address the pre-election fiscal slippages. The authorities have recently implemented changes to their public financial management and public procurement acts, and this helps improve the overall fiscal responsibility framework in Ghana. And the authorities have also adopted a strategy to address issues in the energy sector. I can add that the mid-year budget review is fully in line with the parameters and objectives of the IMF-supported program.

    And with respect to the question on monetary policy, what I can say is that Ghana has made good progress since the beginning of the program in reducing inflation. Inflation was extremely high at the end of 2022 at 54 percent. It has now come down substantially to 14 percent at end June 2025. Going forward, it will be important for monetary policy to remain sufficiently tight, consistent with bringing inflation down to the Bank of Ghana’s target range, which is 8 percent plus or minus 2 percentage points.

    QUESTIONER: I’m going to ask about digital assets. One very specifically. There’s this controversy with El Salvador that is going around and around, but the government says they’re still buying Bitcoin, and it seems that the IMF is saying they are just moving things around between wallets. And I wanted you to address that. Also, with the passage here in the U.S. of the GENIUS Act, I guess, what does the IMF, what do they think the impacts of this sort of increasing legitimization of digital assets in the U.S. is going to be in terms of other economies, in terms of the ability to implement monetary policy? I just wonder if you have any comment on that. Thank you very much for taking the question.

    QUESTIONER: I have a question, specifically on El Salvador. How does the IMF assess the country’s continued Bitcoin accumulation in the context of the fiscal and transparency standards embedded in the Extended Fund Facility, the $1.4 billion program that was agreed last December? To what extent could this strategy complicate monitoring or risk management of this program?

    MS. KOZACK: So, on El Salvador, I’ll start with El Salvador and then Matthew, I’ll get to your question on the GENIUS Act. So again, stepping back. So, on June 27th, the IMF Executive Board completed El Salvador’s annual Article IV Consultation and concluded the First Review of the EFF that enabled El Salvador to have access to U.S. $118 million. And so far, $231 million has been disbursed under the EFF program that was approved in February.
    Program performance has been solid in El Salvador. The economy has continued to expand as macroeconomic imbalances are being addressed. The key fiscal and reserve targets were met at the time of the review with margins. And substantial progress continues with the ambitious reform agenda in the areas of governance, transparency, and financial resilience.
    And risks from Bitcoin continue to be mitigated. Regarding the questions on Bitcoin, I don’t have much new to say other than as we have stated in the past, the total amount of Bitcoin held across government-owned wallets remains unchanged, and that is consistent with El Salvador’s program commitments. The accumulation of Bitcoin by the Strategic Bitcoin Reserve Fund is consistent with program conditionality. And the increases in the Bitcoin Reserve Fund relate to movements across various government-owned wallets.
    And on your second question on the GENIUS Act, let me get to this one. Let me just step back for a moment, and then I’ll kind of come directly to the GENIUS Act.

    So, first, the GENIUS Act covers stablecoins, and stablecoins are a key type of privately issued crypto asset that aims to maintain a stable value. They do bring potential benefits, including cheaper and faster cross-border payments, increased financial inclusion, and greater portfolio diversification. So those are some of the potential benefits. There are operational risks, of course, associated with stablecoins if they are not properly regulated under an appropriate policy framework.

    Now, turning to the GENIUS Act. The GENIUS Act provides a comprehensive foundation for financial innovation and deepening. And that is balanced with consideration of consumer protection and market integrity goals and a clear identification of the institutional framework for oversight.
    Now, with respect to the kind of implications of the GENIUS Act, we, of course, are continuing to very actively monitor developments of stablecoins. We are assessing the potential implications of the GENIUS Act. And for us at the IMF, what is going to be especially important are going to be the implications for the international monetary system and the potential for spillovers to other jurisdictions. So that’s work that is ongoing, and our teams are making those assessments at this time.

    QUESTIONER: Any update on UAE economy outlook for GCC region and oil economy in general?

    MS. KOZACK: What I can share on UAE and the GCC in general, and I’ll be — and, of course, next week as part of the WEO update, we will, of course, be providing an update for the GCC region.
    So, starting with the UAE. Near-term growth in the UAE has been strong, and it is expected to remain healthy at over 4 percent in 2025. That was the assessment at the time of the April WEO. What we are seeing is robust growth in the non-hydrocarbon activity, and it is boosted by tourism, construction, public expenditure, and financial services. So those are the drivers of growth. Oil production is also increasing faster than expected, given the reversal of oil production cuts. And the UAE economy has demonstrated resilience to lower oil prices and increased oil price volatility this year.

    Now, turning to the GCC, what I can say for the GCC is that despite oil production cuts, GCC growth is estimated to have rebounded to 1.4 percent in 2024. And our projection at the time of the April WEO was that it will increase further to 3.3 percent in 2025. Non-hydrocarbon output growth is expected to remain strong, supported by rapid investment, construction, and accelerated reforms to diversify the GCC economies.
    Inflation remains low in the GCC, and our policy advice is for fiscal policy to remain prudent while strengthening fiscal reform implementation. And of course, we encourage policymakers in the region to continue reforms to support economic diversification. And as I noted, we will be providing an update of this assessment as part of the WEO update.
    And with that, I’m going to bring this Press Briefing to a close. Thank you all for your participation today.

    As a reminder, this briefing is embargoed until 11:00 A.M. Eastern Time in the United States. A transcript will be made available later on our website, IMF.org. Should you have any clarifications or additional queries, please do reach out to my colleagues via media@imf.org.

    This concludes our Press Briefing. I wish everyone a wonderful day, and I look forward to seeing you all next time.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: New Permanent Representative of Iraq Presents Credentials

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    The new Permanent Representative of Iraq to the United Nations, Lukman Al-Faily, presented his credentials to UN Secretary-General António Guterres today.

    (As provided by the Protocol and Liaison Service)

    I. General Information:

    Name:  Lukman Al-Faily

    Date of birth: 06.02.1966

    Place of birth: Baghdad, Iraq

    Nationality: Iraqi

    Social Status:    Married to Mrs Lameis AL-AMEERI
    with five children

    Email: LFaily@iraqmission-un.com

    Link: Twitter:  @FailyLukman

    II. Academic Certificates:

    –     Master Business Administration, MBA, Technology Management (2006)

    –     Postgraduate Diploma Computing for Commerce and Industry (2007)

    –     Bachelor Computing Science and Mathematics (1988)

    –     Member of the Institute of Project Management (PMP)

    III. Administrative Posts:

    08/2021 – 07/2025 Ambassador of the Republic of Iraq to the Federal Republic of Germany

    09/2020 – 08/2021 Chief of Staff, Bureau Minister of Foreign Affairs, MFA, Baghdad, Iraq

    09/2019 – 08/2021 Head of America Department, MFA, Baghdad, Iraq

    09/2019 – 11/2020 Head of the Legal Department, MFA, Baghdad, Iraq 

    11/2018 – 09/2019 Official Spokesman of the President of the Republic of Iraq

    07/2016 – 10/2018 Communication, Business and Strategic Planning, Consultant in UK and Iraq

    06/2013 – 06/2016 Ambassador of the Republic of Iraq to the USA, Washington DC

    06/2010 – 05/2013 Ambassador of the Republic of Iraq to Japan, Tokyo

    06/2006 – 06/2009 Program Manager for Information Technology EDS Ltd. (recently HP) UK

    IV. Language Skills:

    Kurdish –  Mother Tongue

    Arabic – Fluent

    English – Fluent

    V.  Publications:

    2016  L. Faily  Paper:  Social Harmony: An Iraqi Perspective 

    2019  L. Faily Book:   Building Iraq: – Reality, External Relation and the Dream of Democracy

    2021  L. Faily Book:   Between Two Generations, a novel

    2022  L. Faily  Book:   Weimar Republic and its lessons for Iraq 2023  L. Faily Paper:  Strategic insight, A necessary skill for future transformation

    2024  L. Faily Book:   The Iraqi Character: Between Cafés, Palaces, and Minarets

    2025  L. Faily  Paper:  Developing Iraqi Think Tanks

    Ambassador Faily has also published in Arabic and English many papers, articles in many Western and Iraqi media outlets and newspapers.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Bacon, Gottheimer, ADL Announce Legislation to Combat Terrorists & Disinformation on Social Media

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Don Bacon (2nd District of Nebraska)

    Bacon, Gottheimer, ADL Announce Legislation to Combat Terrorists & Disinformation on Social Media

    Social Media Apps are Breeding Ground for Terrorist Organizations and Sympathizers; Follows Grok AI’s Antisemitic and Violent Posts

    Washington – Reps. Don Bacon (NE-2) and Josh Gottheimer (NJ-5), and Anti-Defamation League (ADL) CEO and National Director Jonathan Greenblatt held a press conference to announce bipartisan legislation — the Stopping Terrorists Online Presence and Holding Accountable Tech Entities (STOP HATE) Act — to combat terrorists and disinformation on social media.

    Video of the press conference can be found here.

    “Everybody in our country is entitled to respect and not to be the object of hate and scorn. We want to be in a country that makes clear that antisemitism or any kind of racism is repugnant, unacceptable, not allowed in an online space, and that we have zero tolerance for it,” said Rep. Bacon. “We need to work with our social media companies to clean this up because what is going on is wrong. We need to hold these companies accountable and work with them to take it off the airwaves.”

    “We’ve seen an explosion of disinformation and antisemitic hate online in America and around the world — especially since the horrific October 7 terrorist attacks…After the shooting outside the Capital Jewish Museum, anti-Zionist extremists used social media to call for further violence, posting messages like ‘may all Zionists burn.’ Even AI platforms like Grok have posted deeply disturbing content, praising Adolf Hitler and Nazism,” said Rep. Gottheimer. “There is a massive disinformation campaign influencing us every day. Our legislation will be a new tool in our online arsenal to protect our nation against terrorists and foreign adversaries that continue to threaten us in new ways.”

    “The world’s oldest hate is crossing borders and going viral. One of the main drivers supercharging the global rise in antisemitism is the unregulated proliferation of extremists online who are looking to seed divisions among us and drive hate,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, ADL CEO and National Director“Today’s extremists exploit social media to recruit, radicalize, and incite violence – often in violation of these platforms’ own terms of service. As antisemitism and hate surge to record levels, the STOP HATE Act is a vital bipartisan bill that will hold tech platforms accountable for hosting terrorist and extremist content. This bill will provide essential oversight and ensure companies enforce their own policies. I am grateful for Congressmen Gottheimer and Bacon for their leadership and partnership on this issue, and urge Congress to pass the STOP HATE Act without delay.”

    Since the brutal October 7 terrorist attacks on Israel, social media organizations have failed to stop the spread of disinformation and antisemitic hate online. State sponsors of terror and their proxies — especially Iran, Hamas, and its affiliates — consistently use social media platforms to spread propaganda and disinformation. Additionally, foreign-owned platforms — including CCP-connected TikTok — have vague content moderation policies that easily expose young Americans to propaganda from our adversaries.

    Bacon and Gottheimer are announcing the bipartisan STOP HATE Act to help stop terrorism and disinformation on social media and online. This legislation is supported by ADL.

    The bipartisan STOP HATE Act will:

    • Require social media companies to release detailed reports of violations to their terms of service and how they are addressing content generated by Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) or Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs).
    • Require social media companies to explain the standard by which they would judge whether content generated or proliferated by terrorists would be deemed in a violation of the company’s terms of service.
      • Every day social media companies do not comply, it will result in a $5 million fine.
    • Require the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) to report on the use of social media by terrorist organizations.

    Social media platforms are breeding grounds for antisemitic hate and disinformation:

    • The ADL’s 2024 Social Media Scorecard found that the five major social media platforms — Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, YouTube, and X — routinely failed to act on antisemitic hate reported to them.
    • Earlier this month, Grok — the AI chatbot developed by xAI — posted deeply alarming messages on the social media platform X, including support for Adolf Hitler, Nazism, extreme violence, and sexual assault.
    • After the shooting outside the Capital Jewish Museum, anti-Zionist extremist groups flocked to social media to call for further violence. 
      • On Instagram, extremist groups posted news of the attack with the caption: “May all Zionists burn.” 
      • One group leader posted the text, “Death to Nazis,” on top of photos of the victims.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Hold Me Ltd. Signs Binding LOI to Acquire Synthetic Darwin LLC, Creator of Darwinslab Ecosystem – Self-Evolving AI Agents Platform — Eyes Strategic Web3 Expansion

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Tel Aviv, Israel, July 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Hold Me Ltd. (OTCID: HMELF), an Israeli tech company, today announced the signing of a binding Letter of Intent (LOI) to acquire Synthetic Darwin LLC, a U.S.-based AI research and development studio pioneering the next generation of self-evolving, autonomous AI agents – the DrwinsLab.

    Once fully operational, DarwinsLab’s platform would aim to enable AI agents to independently design, test, and refine themselves through recursive self-improvement and genetic algorithms modeled on natural selection, according to Gabriel Fridman of Synthetic Darwin. These agents operate in complex, open-ended simulation environments where they iteratively optimize architectures, objectives, and performance – with no human-in-the-loop. The system represents a powerful step toward fully autonomous, generalizable AI with wide applicability in R&D, algorithmic trading, decentralized coordination, robotics, and AI governance.

    Under the LOI, Hold Me will acquire 100% of Synthetic Darwin in a share-based transaction, subject to definitive agreements and customary regulatory approvals. As part of the transaction strategy, Hold Me will raise growth capital, positioning the combined company at the intersection of AI, blockchain, and capital markets innovation – effectively making it the first publicly traded company operating an ecosystem powered by a Solana-based utility token.

    “Synthetic Darwin will not just build models – they’re aiming to build meta-models: agents that architect and evolve better agents,” said CEO of Hold Me Ltd. “This is an inflection point in AI, and through this acquisition with a public company, we aim to bring this capability to scale – across sectors ranging from decentralized finance to defense autonomy.”

    The post-transaction vision includes deploying evolved AI agents in industrial and defense applications, financial services, healthcare , and on-chain governance environments, as well as integrating blockchain-based compute and reward layers for AI training economies.

    Menny Shalom, CEO of Hold Me, expects that this acquisition, would not only increase global visibility to the company but also provide access to institutional investors, enabling significant investment into compute, reinforcement environments, and cross-chain integrations.

    About Hold Me Ltd.

    Hold Me Ltd. (OTC: HMELF) is an Israeli-listed technology venture company focused on the convergence of artificial intelligence, decentralized systems, and digital infrastructure.

    About Synthetic Darwin LLC

    Synthetic Darwin LLC is a U.S.-based artificial intelligence company developing self-evolving AI systems through recursive improvement and genetic algorithms. Its autonomous agents are designed to autonomously explore, learn, and improve — unlocking new frontiers in self-directed machine intelligence.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This press release contains “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the federal securities laws, including Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. These forward-looking statements are based on Hold Me’s current expectations, estimates and projections about the expected date of closing of the proposed transaction and the potential benefits thereof, its business and industry, management’s beliefs and certain assumptions made by the parties, all of which are subject to change. In this context, forward-looking statements often address expected future business and financial performance and financial condition, and often contain words such as “expect,” “anticipate,” “intend,” “plan,” “believe,” “could,” “seek,” “see,” “will,” “may,” “would,” “might,” “potentially,” “estimate,” “continue,” “expect,” “target,” similar expressions or the negatives of these words or other comparable terminology that convey uncertainty of future events or outcomes. All forward-looking statements by their nature address matters that involve risks and uncertainties, many of which are beyond our control, and are not guarantees of future results, such as statements about the consummation of the proposed transaction and the anticipated benefits thereof. These and other forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future results and are subject to risks, uncertainties and assumptions that could cause actual results to differ materially from those expressed in any forward-looking statements. Accordingly, there are or will be important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those indicated in such statements and, therefore, you should not place undue reliance on any such statements and caution must be exercised in relying on forward-looking statements. Important risk factors that may cause such a difference include but are not limited to: the completion of the proposed transaction on anticipated terms and timing; the occurrence of any event, change or other circumstances that could give rise to the termination of the agreement; and the failure to realize the anticipated benefits of the proposed transaction. While the list of factors presented here is, will be, considered representative, no such list should be considered to be a complete statement of all potential risks and uncertainties. Unlisted factors may present significant additional obstacles to the realization of forward-looking statements. Hold Me does not assume any obligation to publicly provide revisions or updates to any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future developments or otherwise, should circumstances change, except as otherwise required by securities and other applicable laws.

    Contact:
    info@holdme.co.il

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: World News in Brief: Thailand-Cambodia border hostilities, humanitarian efforts in Syria and attacks across Ukraine

    Source: United Nations 2

    The dispute dates to 1953 when France first mapped the border, but tensions resurfaced in May after the death of a Cambodian soldier in a border skirmish.

    Secretary-General António Guterres is “following with concern” reports of the clashes, his Deputy Spokesperson Farhan Haq told journalists in New York.

    “The Secretary-General urges both sides to exercise maximum restraint and address any issues through dialogue and in a spirit of good neighbourliness, with a view to finding a lasting solution to the dispute,” he said.

    Inter-agency humanitarian assistance in Syria

    The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) led an inter-agency visit to Rural Damascus governorate in Syria on Thursday to assess needs and provide assistance to more than 500 families displaced by recent violence in nearby Sweida governorate.

    The UN agencies visited the Sayyeda Zeinab community and plan to visit the neighbouring Dar’a Governorate in the coming days, where humanitarians are supporting tens of thousands of people displaced by violence.

    In Rural Damascus and Dar’a, OCHA and its partners are expanding protection services for displaced people. This includes psychosocial first aid and case management support for children.

    Also on Thursday, the World Food Programme (WFP) distributed urgent food assistance to displaced families. The agency additionally continues to provide assistance across the country, including to Syrians returning home after a decade of conflict.

    Limited access to Sweida

    On Wednesday, a second convoy from the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) arrived in Sweida, with UN agencies providing support.

    The convoy included food, wheat flour, fuel, medicines and health supplies. Medical supplies were delivered to the Sweida national hospital, and wheat flour was dispatched to bakeries.

    Across Sweida, Rural Damascus and Dar’a governorates, the UN has distributed over 1,600 dignity kits to displaced women and girls. UN partners are also providing recreational activities, awareness sessions on gender-based violence and support for women and children.

    But despite efforts in neighbouring governorates and increasing support in Sweida, full and direct access to the conflict-ridden governorate itself is limited due to security constraints.

    Nonetheless, the UN is continuing dialogue with Syrian authorities to facilitate direct access to Sweida.

    Nationwide attacks in Ukraine

    OCHA further reported that at least five civilians were killed, and 46 others injured, in attacks across several regions of Ukraine over the past two days.

    Kharkiv in the northeast was one of the more affected regions, where a glide bomb strike injured at least 16 people on Thursday, and fighting killed three and injured five others on Wednesday.

    Additionally, overnight attacks in central Ukraine injured seven people in Cherkasy and four in Odesa City, damaging homes, health centres, schools, shopping areas and a market.

    Civilians in the southern Kherson region, the eastern Donetsk region and the southeast Zaporizhzhia region were also affected.

    Evacuations and humanitarian response

    Following the overnight attacks in Cherkasy and Odesa, aid workers assisted first responders by providing first aid, meals, shelter materials, hygiene kits, emotional support and legal assistance to affected families.

    Amid the hostilities, nearly 600 people were evacuated from the Donetsk region, and, in the past day, another 24 were evacuated from the northeastern region of Sumy.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: ICYMI: Let’s Honor the 1980 ‘Miracle on Ice’ US Olympic Team with Congressional Gold Medals

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Kevin Cramer (R-ND)

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Forty-five years ago, at the Lake Placid Olympic Games, a team of young American hockey players took the ice and achieved the impossible, winning against the seemingly unbeatable Soviet Union National Team. The Soviets were four-time defending Olympic gold medalists, stacked with seasoned professionals. Team USA, both the youngest-ever U.S. national team and the youngest in the tournament, stunned the world with a 4-3 victory in what became known as the “Miracle on Ice.”

    Now, a congressional effort is underway to recognize these players with a Congressional Gold Medal, the highest civilian honor bestowed by Congress. U.S. Senator Kevin Cramer (R-ND) introduced and U.S. Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) cosponsored legislation to award the Congressional Gold Medal earlier this year. In April, the House of Representatives unanimously passed the legislation, with over 300 cosponsors.

    Together, Senators Cramer and Klobuchar penned an op-ed in The Hill urging their Senate colleagues to pass the legislation to honor this historic team.

    Let’s Honor the 1980 ‘Miracle on Ice’ US Olympic Team with Congressional Gold Medals

    The Hill – July 24, 2025

    In 1980, the world was fraught with political division, economic shifts, and global conflict. The Cold War loomed large, American hostages were being held in Iran, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan had stoked international anxiety, and the United States was in the midst of a painful recession at home.

    Yet at this time of uncertainty, a single hockey game brought us together as Americans. On February 22, 1980, a team of young athletes, mostly college students, took the ice in Lake Placid and achieved the impossible against the seemingly unbeatable Soviet Union National Team.

    The Soviets were four-time defending Olympic gold medalists, stacked with seasoned professionals. Team USA, both the youngest-ever U.S. national team and the youngest in the tournament, stunned the world with a 4-3 victory in what became known as the “Miracle on Ice.”

    Two days later, the team secured the gold medal with a third period comeback win against Finland. Their improbable run gave Americans a renewed sense of pride and unity during a time of deep division and uncertainty.

    To commemorate the 45th anniversary of this iconic moment, we introduced the Miracle on Ice Congressional Gold Medal Act to award the Congressional Gold Medal to the members of the 1980 U.S. Olympic Men’s Hockey Team.

    It is only fitting that we honor this team’s achievement. It had a lasting impact on American history and the game of hockey in the United States. Once enacted, three medals will be displayed at the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Museum in Colorado, the U.S. Hockey Hall of Fame in Eveleth, Minnesota, and the Lake Placid Olympic Center in New York, commemorating this greatest sports moment of the 20th century.

    As National Hockey League Commissioner Gary Bettman once said, “The most special moments in sports actually transcend the playing surface.” In 1980, the Miracle on Ice was one such moment—when, for one night, there were no partisan divides or regional differences, only a shared celebration of what Americans can achieve together. That night, the Lake Placid Olympic hockey games transcended the sheet of ice where the 20 amateur hockey players battled for victory.

    The House of Representatives has already passed this bipartisan legislation unanimously, with the support of nearly 300 cosponsors. We now ask our colleagues in the Senate to join us in honoring this historic team and the spirit of unity that the 1980 U.S. Men’s Hockey Team inspired at the Olympics in Lake Placid. We urge swift, bipartisan passage of the Miracle on Ice Congressional Gold Medal Act.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Columbia’s $200M deal with Trump administration sets a precedent for other universities to bend to the government’s will

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Cantwell, Associate Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education, Michigan State University

    Students at Columbia University in New York City on April 14, 2025. Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images

    Columbia University agreed on July 23, 2025, to pay a US$200 million fine to the federal government and to settle allegations that it did not create a safe environment for Jewish students during Palestinian rights protests in 2024.

    The deal will restore the vast majority of the $400 million in federal grants and contracts that Columbia was previously awarded, before the administration withdrew the funding in March 2025.

    It marks the first financial and political agreement a university has reached with the Trump administration in its push for more control over higher education – and stands to have significant ripple effects for how other universities and colleges carry out their basic operations.

    Amy Lieberman, the education editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with Brendan Cantwell, a scholar of higher education at Michigan State University, to understand what’s exactly in this agreement – and the lasting precedent it may set on government intervention in higher education.

    Palestinian rights demonstrators march through Columbia University on Oct. 7, 2024, marking one year of the war between Hamas and Israel.
    Kena Betancur/AFP via Getty Images

    What’s in the deal Columbia made with the Trump administration?

    The agreement requires Columbia to make a $200 million payment to the federal government. Columbia will also pay $21 million to settle investigations brought by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

    Columbia will need to keep detailed statistics about student applicants – including their race and ethnicity, grades and SAT scores – as well as information about faculty and staff hiring decisions. Columbia will then have to share this data with the federal government.

    In exchange, the federal government will release most of the $400 million in frozen grant money previously awarded to Columbia and allow faculty at the university to compete for future federal grants.

    How does this deal address antisemitism?

    The Trump administration has cited antisemitism against students and faculty on campuses to justify its broad incursion into the business of universities around the country.

    Antisemitism is a real and legitimate concern in U.S. society and higher education, including at Columbia.

    But the federal complaint the administration made against Columbia was not actually about antisemitism. The administration made a formal accusation of antisemitism at Columbia in May of this year but suspended grants to the university in March. The federal government had initially acknowledged that cutting federal research grants did nothing to address the climate for Jewish students on campus, for example.

    When the federal government investigates civil rights violations, it usually conducts site visits and does very thorough investigations. We never saw such a government report about antisemitism at Columbia or other universities.

    The settlement that Columbia has entered into with the administration also doesn’t do much about antisemitism.

    The agreement includes Columbia redefining antisemitism with a broader definition that is also used by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The definition now includes “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews” – a description that is also used by the U.S. State Department and several European governments but some critics say conflates antisemitism with anti-Zionism.

    Instead, the agreement primarily has to do with faculty hiring and admissions decisions. The federal government alleges that Columbia is discriminating against white and Asian applicants, and that this will allow the government to ensure that everybody who is admitted is considered only on the basis of merit.

    The administration could argue that changing hiring practices to get faculty who are less hostile to Jewish students could change the campus climate, but the agreement doesn’t really identify ways in which the university contributed to or ignored antisemitic conduct.

    Is this a new issue?

    There has been a long-running issue that conservatives and members of the Trump administration – dating back to his first term – have with higher education. The Trump administration and other conservatives have said for years that higher education is too liberal.

    The protests were the flash point that put Columbia in the administration’s crosshairs, as well as claims that Columbia was creating a hostile environment for Jewish students.

    The administration’s complaints aren’t limited to Columbia. Harvard is in a protracted conflict with the administration, and the administration has launched investigations into dozens of other schools around the country. These universities are butting heads with the administration over the same grievance that higher education is too liberal. There are also specific claims about antisemitism on university campuses and the privileges given to nonwhite students in admissions or campus life.

    While the administration has a common set of complaints about a range of universities, there is a mix of schools that the administration is taking issue with. Some of them, such as Harvard, are very high profile. The Department of Justice forced out the president at the University of Virginia in January 2025 on the grounds that he had not done enough to root out diversity, equity and inclusion programs at the public university. The University of Virginia may have been a target for the administration because a Republican governor appointed most members of its governance board and agreed with Trump’s complaints.

    How could this change the makeup of Columbia’s student population?

    The Supreme Court ruled in 2023 that Harvard’s affirmative action program, which considered race in admissions, violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. This effectively ended race-based affirmative action for all U.S. colleges and universities.

    Now, with the Columbia deal, the government could say that it would expect to see a proportion of students who are white increase and students who are Black and Latino to decrease at Columbia. That’s a legal approach that America First Legal, a conservative legal advocacy group founded by Stephen Miller, a Trump administration official, has already tried.

    Back in February 2025, America First Legal alleged in a federal lawsuit that the University of California, Los Angeles, was using illegal admissions criteria, because of the number of Black and Latino students that were admitted by the school. That lawsuit is ongoing.

    Claire Shipman, Columbia University’s acting president, speaks during the school’s May 2025 commencement ceremony.
    Jeenah Moon/Pool/AFP via Getty Images

    What does this agreement mean for US higher education as a whole?

    It is an enormous, unprecedented shift in how the federal government works with higher education. Since the McCarthy era in the 1940s and ’50s, when professors were blacklisted and fired because of their alleged communism, Americans have not seen the federal government interrogate education.

    The federal government does have a role in securing people’s civil rights, including in the context of higher education, but this is very, very different from how the federal government has done civil rights investigations and entered into agreements with universities in the past.

    This agreement is very broad and gives the federal government oversight of things that have long been under universities’ control, such as whom they hire to teach and which students they admit.

    The federal government is now saying it has the right to look over universities’ shoulders and guide them in this work that has long been considered independent. And the government is willing to be extremely coercive to get universities to comply.

    What signal does this agreement send to other universities?

    This agreement sets a precedent for the government to direct colleges and universities to comply with its political agenda. This violates the long tradition of academic independence that had helped to make the U.S. higher education system the envy of the world.

    Columbia can afford paying $200 million to the federal government. Most universities can’t afford to pay $200 million.

    And most campuses cannot survive without federal resources, whether that comes in the form of student financial aid or research grants. This agreement sets a standard for other universities that, if they don’t immediately do what the federal government wants them to do, the government could impose penalties that are so high it could end their ability to operate.

    Brendan Cantwell is a Professor in the Department of Educational Administration at Michigan State University.

    ref. Columbia’s $200M deal with Trump administration sets a precedent for other universities to bend to the government’s will – https://theconversation.com/columbias-200m-deal-with-trump-administration-sets-a-precedent-for-other-universities-to-bend-to-the-governments-will-261902

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI: Bel Reports Second Quarter and First Half 2025 Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    WEST ORANGE, N.J., July 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Bel Fuse Inc. (Nasdaq: BELFA and BELFB) today announced preliminary financial results for the second quarter and first half of 2025.

    Second Quarter 2025 Highlights

    • Net sales of $168.3 million compared to $133.2 million in Q2-24. Up 26.3% from Q2-24
    • Gross profit margin of 38.7%, compared to 40.1% in Q2-24
    • GAAP net earnings attributable to Bel shareholders of $26.9 million versus GAAP net earnings attributable to Bel shareholders of $18.8 million in Q2-24
    • Adjusted EBITDA of $35.2 million (20.9% of sales) as compared to $27.7 million (20.8% of sales) in Q2-24
    • Gain of $4.1 million on Sale of Glen Rock, PA building

    “We are pleased with our second quarter results, which exceeded expectations due to improved on-time shipments and enhanced intraquarter turns, reinforcing our thesis of growth for the year,” said Farouq Tuweiq, President and CEO. “Gross margins aligned with guidance, reflecting operational stability. Strength was evident in defense and commercial aerospace applications, alongside a rebound in networking and distribution sales in certain segments, signaling recovery after nearly two years of inventory destocking.

    “Tariffs minimally impacted performance, resulting in only $2.2 million of low-margin sales during the second quarter. We believe our ability to achieve solid results in uncertain times validates our strategic approach. For Q3, based on information available today, we anticipate net sales of $165-$180 million and gross margins of 37%-39%, driven by strong Q2 bookings and sequential growth expected in the second half.”

    “We remain optimistic about delivering value to our customers and shareholders as we navigate the evolving market dynamics,” concluded Mr. Tuweiq.

    Non-GAAP financial measures, such as Non-GAAP net earnings attributable to Bel shareholders, Non-GAAP EPS, Non-GAAP Operating Income and Adjusted EBITDA, adjust corresponding GAAP measures for provision for income taxes, other income/expense, net, interest income/expense, and depreciation and amortization, and also exclude, where applicable for the covered period presented in the financial statements, certain unusual or special items identified by management such as restructuring charges, gains/losses on sales of businesses and properties, acquisition related costs, impairment charges, noncontrolling interest (“NCI”) adjustments from fair value to redemption value, and certain litigation costsIn addition, in the fourth quarter of 2024, we modified our presentation of Non-GAAP financial measures, including revising our definitions of Adjusted EBITDA and Non-GAAP EPS, to additionally exclude from these Non-GAAP measures (i) stock-based compensation, (ii) amortization of intangibles (which primarily relates to the amortization of finite-lived customer relationships and technology associated with the Company’s historical acquisitions, including those associated with the recent acquisition of Enercon), and (iii) unrealized foreign currency exchange (gains) losses. We believe this change enhances investor insight into our operational performance. We have applied this modified definition of Adjusted EBITDA and Non-GAAP EPS to all periods presentedPlease refer to the financial information included with this press release for reconciliations of GAAP financial measures to Non-GAAP financial measures and our explanation of why we present Non-GAAP financial measures.

    Conference Call
    Bel has scheduled a conference call for 8:30 a.m. ET on Friday, July 25, 2025 to discuss these results. To participate in the conference call, investors should dial 877-407-0784, or 201-689-8560 if dialing internationally. The presentation will additionally be broadcast live over the Internet and will be available at https://ir.belfuse.com/events-and-presentations. The webcast will be available via replay for a period of at least 30 days at this same Internet address. For those unable to access the live call, a telephone replay will be available at 844-512-2921, or 412-317-6671 if dialing internationally, using access code 13754675 after 12:30 pm ET, also for 30 days.

    About Bel
    Bel (www.belfuse.com) designs, manufactures and markets a broad array of products that power, protect and connect electronic circuits. These products are primarily used in the networking, telecommunications, computing, general industrial, high-speed data transmission, defense, commercial aerospace, transportation and eMobility industries. Bel’s portfolio of products also finds application in the automotive, medical, broadcasting and consumer electronics markets. Bel’s product groups include Power Solutions and Protection (front-end, board-mount and industrial power products, module products and circuit protection), Connectivity Solutions (expanded beam fiber optic, copper-based, RF and RJ connectors and cable assemblies), and Magnetic Solutions (integrated connector modules, power transformers, power inductors and discrete components). The Company operates facilities around the world.

    Company Contact:
    Lynn Hutkin
    Chief Financial Officer
    ir@belf.com

    Investor Contact:
    Three Part Advisors
    Jean Marie Young, Managing Director or Steven Hooser, Partner
    631-418-4339
    jyoung@threepa.com; shooser@threepa.com

    Cautionary Language Concerning Forward-Looking Statements
    This press release contains “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the “safe harbor” provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, including but not limited to, our guidance for the third quarter of 2025; our statements regarding our expectations for future periods generally including anticipated financial performance, projections and trends for the remainder of the 2025 year ahead and other future periods; our statements regarding future events, performance, plans, intentions, beliefs, expectations and estimates, including statements regarding matters such as trends and expectations as to our sales, volumes, gross margin, products, product groups, customers, geographies and end markets; statements about uncertainty of the evolving tariff landscape, associated difficulties in forecasting, the Company’s estimates concerning Bel’s global sales and recently imposed tariffs, and the Company’s intention to continue to monitor the tariff landscape and assess potential alternatives; statements about anticipated continued strength in certain end markets, and views on the effects on the Company’s overall future performance; and statements regarding our expectations and beliefs regarding trends in the Company’s business and industry and the markets in which Bel operates, and about broader market trends and the macroeconomic environment generally, and other statements regarding the Company’s positioning, its strategies, future progress, investments, plans, targets, goals, and other focuses and initiatives, and the expected timing and potential benefits thereof. These forward-looking statements are made as of the date of this release and are based on current expectations, estimates, forecasts and projections as well as the beliefs and assumptions of management. Words such as “expect,” “anticipate,” “should,” “believe,” “hope,” “target,” “project,” “forecast,” “outlook,” “goals,” “estimate,” “potential,” “predict,” “may,” “will,” “might,” “could,” “intend,” variations of these terms or the negative of these terms and similar expressions are intended to identify these forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are subject to a number of risks and uncertainties, many of which involve factors or circumstances that are beyond Bel’s control. Bel’s actual results could differ materially from those stated or implied in our forward-looking statements (including without limitation any of Bel’s projections) due to a number of factors, including but not limited to, difficulties associated with integrating previously acquired companies, including any unanticipated difficulties, or unexpected or higher than anticipated expenditures, relating to Bel’s November 2024 acquisition of Enercon, and including, without limitation, the risk that Bel is unable to integrate the Enercon business successfully or difficulties that result in the failure to realize the expected benefits and synergies within the expected time period (if at all); the possibility that the Bel’s intended acquisition of the remaining 20% stake in Enercon is not completed in accordance with the shareholders agreement as contemplated for any reason, and any resulting disruptions to Bel’s business and its currently 80% owned Enercon subsidiary as a result thereof; trends in demand which can affect Bel’s products and results, including that demand in Enercon’s end markets can be cyclical, impacting the demand for Enercon’s products, which could be materially adversely affected by reductions in defense spending; the market concerns facing Bel’s customers, and risks for the Company’s business in the event of the loss of certain substantial customers; the continuing viability of sectors that rely on Bel’s products; the effects of business and economic conditions, and challenges impacting the macroeconomic environment generally and/or Bel’s industry in particular; the effects of rising input costs, and cost changes generally, including the potential impact of inflationary pressures; capacity and supply constraints or difficulties, including supply chain constraints or other challenges; the impact of public health crises; difficulties associated with the availability of labor, and the risks of any labor unrest or labor shortages; risks associated with Bel’s international operations, including Bel’s substantial manufacturing operations in China, and following Bel’s November 2024 acquisition of Enercon , risks associated with operations in Israel, which may be adversely affected by political or economic instability, major hostilities or acts of terrorism in the region; risks associated with restructuring programs or other strategic initiatives, including any difficulties in implementation or realization of the expected benefits or cost savings; product development, commercialization or technological difficulties; the regulatory and trade environment including the potential effects of the imposition or modification of new or increased tariffs either by the U.S. government on foreign foreign imports or by a foreign government on U.S. exports related to the countries in which Bel transacts business and trade restrictions that may impact Bel, its customers and/or its suppliers, and risks associated with the evolving trade environment, trade restrictions, and changes in trade agreements, and general uncertainty about future changes in trade and tariff policy and the associated impacts of those changes; risks associated with fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates and interest rates; uncertainties associated with legal proceedings; the market’s acceptance of the Company’s new products and competitive responses to those new products; the impact of changes to U.S. and applicable foreign legal and regulatory requirements, including tax laws; and the risks detailed in Bel’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended December 31, 2024 and in subsequent reports filed by Bel with the Securities and Exchange Commission, as well as other documents that may be filed by Bel from time to time with the Securities and Exchange Commission. In light of the risks and uncertainties impacting Bel’s business, there can be no assurance that any forward-looking statement will in fact prove to be correct. Past performance is not necessarily indicative of future results. The forward-looking statements included in this press release represent Bel’s views as of the date of this press release. Bel anticipates that subsequent events and developments will cause its views to change. Bel undertakes no intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise. These forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as representing Bel’s views as of any date subsequent to the date of this press release.

    Non-GAAP Financial Measures
    The Non-GAAP financial measures identified in this press release as well as in the supplementary information to this press release (Non-GAAP net earnings attributable to Bel shareholders, Non-GAAP EPS, Non-GAAP Operating Income and Adjusted EBITDA) are not measures of performance under accounting principles generally accepted in the United States of America (“GAAP”). These measures should not be considered a substitute for, and the reader should also consider, income from operations, net earnings, earnings per share and other measures of performance as defined by GAAP as indicators of our performance or profitability. Our non-GAAP measures may not be comparable to other similarly-titled captions of other companies due to differences in the method of calculation. We present results adjusted to exclude the effects of certain unusual or special items and their related tax impact that would otherwise be included under U.S. GAAP, to aid in comparisons with other periods. We believe that these non-GAAP measures of financial results provide useful information to management and investors regarding certain financial and business trends relating to our financial condition and results of operations. We use these non-GAAP measures to compare the Company’s performance to that of prior periods for trend analysis and for budgeting and planning purposes. We also believe that the use of these non-GAAP financial measures provides an additional tool for investors to use in evaluating ongoing operating results and trends and in comparing the Company’s financial measures with other similarly situated companies in our industry, many of which present similar non-GAAP financial measures to investors. We also use non-GAAP measures in determining incentive compensation. For additional information about our use of non-GAAP financial measures in connection with our Incentive Compensation Program, please see the Executive Compensation Discussion and Analysis (CD&A) section appearing in our Definitive Proxy Statement filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission on April 11, 2025.

    Website Information
    We routinely post important information for investors on our website, www.belfuse.com, in the “Investor Relations” section. We use our website as a means of disclosing material, otherwise non-public information and for complying with our disclosure obligations under Regulation FD. Accordingly, investors should monitor the Investor Relations section of our website, in addition to following our press releases, Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings, public conference calls, presentations and webcasts. The information contained on, or that may be accessed through, our website is not incorporated by reference into, and is not a part of, this document.

    [Financial tables follow]

     
    Bel Fuse Inc.
    Supplementary Information(1)
    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Operations
    (in thousands, except per share amounts)
    (unaudited)
     
        Three Months Ended     Six Months Ended  
        June 30,     June 30,  
        2025     2024     2025     2024  
                                     
    Net sales   $ 168,299     $ 133,205     $ 320,537     $ 261,295  
    Cost of sales     103,216       79,809       196,635       159,821  
    Gross profit     65,083       53,396       123,902       101,474  
    As a % of net sales     38.7 %     40.1 %     38.7 %     38.8 %
                                     
    Research and development costs     8,104       5,994       15,326       11,209  
    Selling, general and administrative expenses     30,914       24,141       60,421       49,085  
    As a % of net sales     18.4 %     18.1 %     18.8 %     18.8 %
    Restructuring charges     280       638       (2,653 )     703  
    Gain on sale of property     (4,075 )           (4,075 )      
    Income from operations     29,860       22,623       54,883       40,477  
    As a % of net sales     17.7 %     17.0 %     17.1 %     15.5 %
                                     
    Interest expense     (3,993 )     (415 )     (8,145 )     (849 )
    Interest income     264       1,146       539       2,261  
    Other income (expense), net     7,568       (471 )     10,207       1,346  
    Earnings before income taxes     33,699       22,883       57,484       43,235  
                                     
    Provision for income taxes     6,906       4,077       12,369       8,555  
    Effective tax rate     20.5 %     17.8 %     21.5 %     19.8 %
    Net earnings   $ 26,793     $ 18,806     $ 45,115     $ 34,680  
    As a % of net sales     15.9 %     14.1 %     14.1 %     13.3 %
                                     
    Less: Net earnings attributable to noncontrolling interest     822             1,660        
    Redemption value adjustment attributable to noncontrolling interest     (890 )           (1,280 )      
    Net earnings attributable to Bel Fuse Shareholders   $ 26,861     $ 18,806     $ 44,735     $ 34,680  
                                     
    Weighted average number of shares outstanding:                                
    Class A common shares – basic and diluted     2,115       2,124       2,115       2,131  
    Class B common shares – basic and diluted     10,551       10,492       10,504       10,551  
                                     
    Net earnings per common share:                                
    Class A common shares – basic and diluted   $ 2.03     $ 1.43     $ 3.39     $ 2.61  
    Class B common shares – basic and diluted   $ 2.14     $ 1.50     $ 3.58     $ 2.76  
     
    (1) The supplementary information included in this press release for 2025 is preliminary and subject to change prior to the filing of our upcoming Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
    Bel Fuse Inc.
    Supplementary Information(1)
    Condensed Consolidated Balance Sheets
    (in thousands, unaudited)
     
        June 30, 2025     December 31, 2024  
    Assets                
    Current assets:                
    Cash and cash equivalents   $ 59,284     $ 68,253  
    Held to maturity U.S. Treasury securities           950  
    Accounts receivable, net     121,241       111,376  
    Inventories     164,648       161,370  
    Other current assets     33,442       31,581  
    Total current assets     378,615       373,530  
    Property, plant and equipment, net     48,704       47,879  
    Right-of-use assets     23,930       25,125  
    Related-party note receivable     3,715       2,937  
    Equity method investment     10,284       9,265  
    Goodwill and other intangible assets, net     436,292       439,984  
    Other assets     49,040       51,069  
    Total assets   $ 950,580     $ 949,789  
                     
    Total liabilities, redeemable noncontrolling interests and stockholders’ equity                
    Current liabilities:                
    Accounts payable   $ 53,685     $ 49,182  
    Operating lease liability, current     8,688       7,954  
    Other current liabilities     61,709       70,933  
    Total current liabilities     124,082       128,069  
    Long-term debt     250,000       287,500  
    Operating lease liability, long-term     16,387       17,763  
    Other liabilities     74,402       75,295  
    Total liabilities     464,871       508,627  
    Redeemable noncontrolling interests     80,966       80,586  
    Stockholders’ equity     404,743       360,576  
    Total liabilities, redeemable noncontrolling interests and stockholders’ equity   $ 950,580     $ 949,789  
     
    (1) The supplementary information included in this press release for 2025 is preliminary and subject to change prior to the filing of our upcoming Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
    Bel Fuse Inc.
    Supplementary Information(1)
    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Cash Flows
    (in thousands, unaudited)
     
        Six Months Ended  
        June 30,  
        2025     2024  
                     
    Cash flows from operating activities:                
    Net earnings   $ 45,115     $ 34,680  
    Adjustments to reconcile net earnings to net cash provided by operating activities:                
    Depreciation and amortization     13,284       7,123  
    Stock-based compensation     2,900       1,775  
    Amortization of deferred financing costs     692       27  
    Deferred income taxes     (861 )     (2,930 )
    Net unrealized gains on foreign currency revaluation     (12,913 )     (355 )
    Gain on sale of property     (4,075 )      
    Other, net     1,595       652  
    Changes in operating assets and liabilities:                
    Accounts receivable, net     (8,203 )     2,805  
    Unbilled receivables     (1,400 )     6,887  
    Inventories     (122 )     7,972  
    Accounts payable     3,511       (4,026 )
    Accrued expenses     (8,641 )     (14,147 )
    Accrued restructuring costs     (5,075 )     (1,553 )
    Income taxes payable     2,143       4,517  
    Other operating assets/liabilities, net     914       (5,083 )
    Net cash provided by operating activities     28,864       38,344  
                     
    Cash flows from investing activities:                
    Purchases of property, plant and equipment     (6,718 )     (4,278 )
    Purchases of held to maturity U.S. Treasury securities           (122,345 )
    Proceeds from held to maturity securities     950       101,071  
    Investment in related party notes receivable     (778 )     (633 )
    Proceeds from sale of property, plant and equipment     4,867       229  
    Net cash used in investing activities     (1,679 )     (25,956 )
                     
    Cash flows from financing activities:                
    Dividends paid to common stockholders     (1,660 )     (1,674 )
    Deferred financing costs     (681 )      
    Repayments of long-term debt     (42,500 )      
    Proceeds of long-term debt     5,000        
    Purchases of common stock           (14,175 )
    Net cash used in financing activities     (39,841 )     (15,849 )
                     
    Effect of exchange rate changes on cash and cash equivalents     3,687       (934 )
                     
    Net decrease in cash and cash equivalents     (8,969 )     (4,395 )
    Cash and cash equivalents – beginning of period     68,253       89,371  
    Cash and cash equivalents – end of period   $ 59,284     $ 84,976  
                     
                     
    Supplementary information:                
    Cash paid during the period for:                
    Income taxes, net of refunds received   $ 11,422     $ 8,277  
    Interest payments   $ 8,188     $ 1,985  
    ROU assets obtained in exchange for lease obligations   $ 1,502     $ 4,239  
     
    (1) The supplementary information included in this press release for 2025 is preliminary and subject to change prior to the filing of our upcoming Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
    Bel Fuse Inc.
    Supplementary Information(1)
    Product Group Highlights
    (dollars in thousands, unaudited)
     
        Sales     Gross Margin  
        Q2-25     Q2-24     % Change     Q2-25     Q2-24     Basis Point Change  
    Power Solutions and Protection   $ 86,799     $ 58,551       48.2 %     41.9 %     45.7 %     (380 )
    Connectivity Solutions     59,202       57,822       2.4 %     39.2 %     38.9 %     30  
    Magnetic Solutions     22,298       16,832       32.5 %     28.7 %     26.4 %     230  
    Total   $ 168,299     $ 133,205       26.3 %     38.7 %     40.1 %     (140 )
        Sales     Gross Margin  
        YTD June 2025     YTD June 2024     % Change     YTD June 2025     YTD June 2024     Basis Point Change  
    Power Solutions and Protection   $ 169,853       118,798       43.0 %     42.2 %     44.8 %     (260 )
    Connectivity Solutions     109,932       112,107       -1.9 %     38.6 %     37.6 %     100  
    Magnetic Solutions     40,752       30,390       34.1 %     26.9 %     21.8 %     510  
    Total   $ 320,537     $ 261,295       22.7 %     38.7 %     38.8 %     (10 )
     
    (1) The supplementary information included in this press release for 2025 is preliminary and subject to change prior to the filing of our upcoming Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
    Bel Fuse Inc.
    Supplementary Information(1)
    Reconciliation of GAAP Net Earnings to Non-GAAP Operating Income and Adjusted EBITDA(2)(3)
    (in thousands, unaudited)
     
        Three Months Ended     Six Months Ended  
        June 30,     June 30,  
        2025     2024     2025     2024  
                                     
    GAAP Net earnings   $ 26,793     $ 18,806     $ 45,115     $ 34,680  
    Provision for income taxes     6,906       4,077       12,369       8,555  
    Other income/expense, net     (7,568 )     471       (10,207 )     (1,346 )
    Interest income     (264 )     (1,146 )     (539 )     (2,261 )
    Interest expense     3,993       415       8,145       849  
    GAAP Operating Income   $ 29,860     $ 22,623     $ 54,883     $ 40,477  
    Restructuring charges     280       638       (2,653 )     703  
    Amortization of inventory step-up     799             1,757        
    Gain on sale of property     (4,075 )           (4,075 )      
    Stock-based compensation     1,721       971       2,900       1,775  
    Non-GAAP Operating Income   $ 28,585     $ 24,232     $ 52,812     $ 42,955  
    Depreciation and amortization     6,600       3,439       13,284       7,123  
    Adjusted EBITDA   $ 35,185     $ 27,671     $ 66,096     $ 50,078  
    % of net sales     20.9 %     20.8 %     20.6 %     19.2 %
                                     
    (1) The supplementary information included in this press release for 2025 is preliminary and subject to change prior to the filing of our upcoming Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
    (2) In this press release and supplemental information, we have included Non-GAAP financial measures, including Non-GAAP net earnings attributable to Bel shareholders, Non-GAAP EPS, Non-GAAP Operating Income and Adjusted EBITDA. We present results adjusted to exclude the effects of certain specified items and their related tax impact that would otherwise be included under GAAP, to aid in comparisons with other periods. We believe that these non-GAAP measures of financial results provide useful information to management and investors regarding certain financial and business trends relating to our financial condition and results of operations. We use these non-GAAP measures to compare the Company’s performance to that of prior periods for trend analysis and for budgeting and planning purposes. We also believe that the use of these non-GAAP financial measures provides an additional tool for investors to use in evaluating ongoing operating results and trends and in comparing the Company’s financial measures with other similarly situated companies in our industry, many of which present similar non-GAAP financial measures to investors. We also use non-GAAP measures in determining incentive compensation. See the section above captioned “Non-GAAP Financial Measures” for additional information.
    (3) In the fourth quarter of 2024, we modified our presentation of Non-GAAP financial measures, including revising our definitions of Adjusted EBITDA and Non-GAAP EPS, to additionally exclude from these Non-GAAP measures (i) stock-based compensation, (ii) amortization of intangibles (which primarily relates to the amortization of finite-lived customer relationships and technology associated with the Company’s historical acquisitions, including those associated with the recent acquisition of Enercon), and (iii) unrealized foreign currency exchange (gains) losses. We believe this change enhances investor insight into our operational performance. We have applied this modified definition of Adjusted EBITDA and Non-GAAP EPS to all periods presented.
    Bel Fuse Inc.
    Supplementary Information(1)
    Reconciliation of GAAP Measures to Non-GAAP Measures(2)(4)
    (in thousands, except per share data) (unaudited)
     
    The following tables detail the impact that certain unusual or special items had on the Company’s net earnings per common Class A and Class B basic and diluted shares (“EPS”) and the line items in which these items were included on the consolidated statements of operations.
     
        Three Months Ended June 30, 2025     Three Months Ended June 30, 2024  
    Reconciling Items   Earnings before taxes     Provision for income taxes     Net Earnings Attributable to Bel Fuse Shareholders     Class A EPS(3)     Class B EPS(3)     Earnings before taxes     Provision for income taxes     Net Earnings Attributable to Bel Fuse Shareholders     Class A EPS(3)     Class B EPS(3)  
                                                                                     
    GAAP measures   $ 33,699     $ 6,906     $ 26,861     $ 2.03     $ 2.14     $ 22,883     $ 4,077     $ 18,806     $ 1.43     $ 1.50  
    Restructuring charges     280       48       232       0.02       0.02       638       153       485       0.04       0.04  
    Redemption value adjustment on redeemable NCI                 (890 )     (0.07 )     (0.07 )                              
    Amortization of inventory step-up     799       184       615       0.05       0.05                                
    Gain on sale of property     (4,075 )     (937 )     (3,138 )     (0.24 )     (0.25 )                              
    Stock-based compensation     1,721       354       1,367       0.10       0.11       972       200       772       0.06       0.06  
    Amortization of intangibles     3,697       647       3,050       0.23       0.24       1,148       239       909       0.07       0.07  
    Unrealized foreign currency exchange (gains) losses     (9,250 )     (2,127 )     (7,123 )     (0.54 )     (0.57 )     370       80       290       0.02       0.02  
    Non-GAAP measures   $ 26,871     $ 5,075     $ 20,974     $ 1.58     $ 1.67     $ 26,011     $ 4,749     $ 21,262     $ 1.61     $ 1.70  
        Six Months Ended June 30, 2025     Six Months Ended June 30, 2024  
    Reconciling Items   Earnings before taxes     Provision for income taxes     Net Earnings Attributable to Bel Fuse Shareholders     Class A EPS(3)     Class B EPS(3)     Earnings before taxes     Provision for income taxes     Net Earnings Attributable to Bel Fuse Shareholders     Class A EPS(3)     Class B EPS(3)  
                                                                                     
    GAAP measures   $ 57,484     $ 12,369     $ 44,735     $ 3.39     $ 3.58     $ 43,235     $ 8,555     $ 34,680     $ 2.61     $ 2.76  
    Restructuring charges     (2,653 )     (323 )     (2,330 )     (0.18 )     (0.19 )     703       163       540       0.04       0.04  
    Redemption value adjustment on redeemable NCI                 (1,280 )     (0.10 )     (0.10 )                              
    Amortization of inventory step-up     1,757       404       1,353       0.10       0.11                                
    Gain on sale of property     (4,075 )     (937 )     (3,138 )     (0.24 )     (0.25 )                              
    Stock-based compensation     2,900       597       2,303       0.18       0.18       1,776       366       1,410       0.11       0.11  
    Amortization of intangibles     7,383       1,295       6,088       0.46       0.49       2,542       503       2,039       0.15       0.16  
    Unrealized foreign currency exchange (gains) losses     (12,913 )     (2,995 )     (9,918 )     (0.75 )     (0.79 )     (529 )     (127 )     (402 )     (0.03 )     (0.03 )
    Non-GAAP measures   $ 49,883     $ 10,410     $ 37,813     $ 2.86     $ 3.02     $ 47,727     $ 9,460     $ 38,267     $ 2.89     $ 3.04  
     
    (1) The supplementary information included in this press release for 2025 is preliminary and subject to change prior to the filing of our upcoming Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
    (2) In this press release and supplemental information, we have included Non-GAAP financial measures, including Non-GAAP net earnings attributable to Bel shareholders, Non-GAAP EPS, Non-GAAP Operating Income and Adjusted EBITDA. We present results adjusted to exclude the effects of certain specified items and their related tax impact that would otherwise be included under GAAP, to aid in comparisons with other periods. We believe that these non-GAAP measures of financial results provide useful information to management and investors regarding certain financial and business trends relating to our financial condition and results of operations. We use these non-GAAP measures to compare the Company’s performance to that of prior periods for trend analysis and for budgeting and planning purposes. We also believe that the use of these non-GAAP financial measures provides an additional tool for investors to use in evaluating ongoing operating results and trends and in comparing the Company’s financial measures with other similarly situated companies in our industry, many of which present similar non-GAAP financial measures to investors. We also use non-GAAP measures in determining incentive compensation. See the section above captioned “Non-GAAP Financial Measures” for additional information.
    (3) Individual amounts of earnings per share may not agree to the total due to rounding.
    (4) In the fourth quarter of 2024, we modified our presentation of Non-GAAP financial measures, including revising our definitions of Adjusted EBITDA and Non-GAAP EPS, to additionally exclude from these Non-GAAP measures (i) stock-based compensation, (ii) amortization of intangibles (which primarily relates to the amortization of finite-lived customer relationships and technology associated with the Company’s historical acquisitions, including those associated with the recent acquisition of Enercon), and (iii) unrealized foreign currency exchange (gains) losses. We believe this change enhances investor insight into our operational performance. We have applied this modified definition of Adjusted EBITDA and Non-GAAP EPS to all periods presented.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Türkiye’s use of pre-accession assistance (IPA) funds to finance espionage operations – Production of biometric passports – E-002880/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002880/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Nikolas Farantouris (The Left)

    Reliable and substantiated international reports[1] reveal that a large part of the EU’s IPA funds to Türkiye have been channelled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Government into funding espionage operations across Europe. The Turkish Ministries of the Interior and Foreign Affairs are alleged to have used hundreds of millions of euro to gather intelligence against Member States. The issue is further complicated by the fact that Türkiye is becoming a major producer of biometric passports and is already printing passports on behalf of Hungary and France,[2] while cooperation with the new Al-Jolani regime in Syria has also recently been announced.[3]

    In light of the above:

    • 1.What measures does the Commission intend to put in place to monitor the funds received by Türkiye in the framework of pre-accession assistance?
    • 2.Does the Commission intend to request the return of any funds not used for the purposes for which they were granted to Türkiye?
    • 3.Does the Commission intend to take measures to protect the biometric data of European citizens from non-EU countries such as Türkiye, which are involved in the collection and processing of such sensitive data?

    Submitted: 15.7.2025

    • [1] https://nordicmonitor.com/2025/06/eus-aid-to-turkey-diverted-to-spying-operations-in-europe-by-erdogan-government/
    • [2] https://www.biometricupdate.com/202209/turkey-to-print-hungarian-french-biometric-passports
    • [3] https://www.biometricupdate.com/202501/new-syrian-leadership-asks-turkey-to-supply-identity-cards-passports
    Last updated: 24 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Irish initiative to boycott trade with Israel and its violation of EU trade competence – E-002928/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002928/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Bert-Jan Ruissen (ECR)

    In recent months, Ireland has revived the so-called Occupied Territories Bill[1], which aims to restrict or fully prohibit the importation to Ireland of any goods produced in Israeli settlements, including those in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. However, according to Article 3(1)(e) and Article 207 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), only the EU institutions may adopt trade restrictions or embargoes. Individual Member States are therefore not allowed to impose unilateral trade restrictions. Moreover, previous Commission statements[2] on an earlier version of the bill mentioned how it would be in breach of EU trade rules.

    • 1.Is the Commission aware of the renewed debate on the Occupied Territories Bill in the Houses of the Oireachtas (the Irish Parliament)?
    • 2.Does the Commission consider these developments compatible with EU trade competence under Article 207 TFEU, and if not, in what way do they constitute a breach?
    • 3.Will the Commission take legal action against Ireland if the adoption of this law breaches EU trade rules, and what form might such actions take?

    Submitted: 16.7.2025

    • [1] Leahy, P. ‘Foreign affairs committee begins discussions on contentious Occupied Territories Bill’, Irish Times, 1 July 2025, https://www.irishtimes.com/politics/2025/07/01/foreign-affairs-committee-begins-discussions-on-contentious-occupied-territories-bill/.
    • [2] European Parliament, ‘Answer given by Vice-President Mogherini on behalf of the European Commission [to Written Question P-000081-2019]’, 14 February 2019, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/P-8-2019-000081-ASW_EN.html.
    Last updated: 24 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Missions – FISC mission to Nicosia (Cyprus) – 16-09-2025 – Subcommittee on Tax Matters

    Source: European Parliament

    FISC Mission to Nicosia (Cyprus) © Image used under the license from Adobe Stock

    Members of the FISC Subcommittee will travel to Nicosia (Cyprus) from 15 to 17 September 2025. The delegation, led by the Chair, Mr Pasquale Tridico, will meet with representatives of key institutions, such as the Ministry of Finance, the Tax Department and the Standing Committee on Financial and Budgetary Affairs of the House of Representatives, as well as stakeholders from the private sector, trade unions, experts and civil society.

    The discussions will focus on topical international tax issues and challenges, such as the implementation of the OECD’s two-pillar tax reform, the implementation of key EU laws in the area of taxation, including on exchange of tax information and anti-tax abuse measures, the simplification of tax systems and improving competitiveness through tax measures, tax incentives, and energy taxation.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Columbia’s $200M deal with Trump administration sets a precedent for other universities to bend to the government’s will

    Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Brendan Cantwell, Associate Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education, Michigan State University

    Students at Columbia University in New York City on April 14, 2025. Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images

    Columbia University agreed on July 23, 2025, to pay a US$200 million fine to the federal government and to settle allegations that it did not create a safe environment for Jewish students during Palestinian rights protests in 2024.

    The deal will restore the vast majority of the $400 million in federal grants and contracts that Columbia was previously awarded, before the administration withdrew the funding in March 2025.

    It marks the first financial and political agreement a university has reached with the Trump administration in its push for more control over higher education – and stands to have significant ripple effects for how other universities and colleges carry out their basic operations.

    Amy Lieberman, the education editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with Brendan Cantwell, a scholar of higher education at Michigan State University, to understand what’s exactly in this agreement – and the lasting precedent it may set on government intervention in higher education.

    Palestinian rights demonstrators march through Columbia University on Oct. 7, 2024, marking one year of the war between Hamas and Israel.
    Kena Betancur/AFP via Getty Images

    What’s in the deal Columbia made with the Trump administration?

    The agreement requires Columbia to make a $200 million payment to the federal government. Columbia will also pay $21 million to settle investigations brought by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

    Columbia will need to keep detailed statistics about student applicants – including their race and ethnicity, grades and SAT scores – as well as information about faculty and staff hiring decisions. Columbia will then have to share this data with the federal government.

    In exchange, the federal government will release most of the $400 million in frozen grant money previously awarded to Columbia and allow faculty at the university to compete for future federal grants.

    How does this deal address antisemitism?

    The Trump administration has cited antisemitism against students and faculty on campuses to justify its broad incursion into the business of universities around the country.

    Antisemitism is a real and legitimate concern in U.S. society and higher education, including at Columbia.

    But the federal complaint the administration made against Columbia was not actually about antisemitism. The administration made a formal accusation of antisemitism at Columbia in May of this year but suspended grants to the university in March. The federal government had initially acknowledged that cutting federal research grants did nothing to address the climate for Jewish students on campus, for example.

    When the federal government investigates civil rights violations, it usually conducts site visits and does very thorough investigations. We never saw such a government report about antisemitism at Columbia or other universities.

    The settlement that Columbia has entered into with the administration also doesn’t do much about antisemitism.

    The agreement includes Columbia redefining antisemitism with a broader definition that is also used by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The definition now includes “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews” – a description that is also used by the U.S. State Department and several European governments but some critics say conflates antisemitism with anti-Zionism.

    Instead, the agreement primarily has to do with faculty hiring and admissions decisions. The federal government alleges that Columbia is discriminating against white and Asian applicants, and that this will allow the government to ensure that everybody who is admitted is considered only on the basis of merit.

    The administration could argue that changing hiring practices to get faculty who are less hostile to Jewish students could change the campus climate, but the agreement doesn’t really identify ways in which the university contributed to or ignored antisemitic conduct.

    Is this a new issue?

    There has been a long-running issue that conservatives and members of the Trump administration – dating back to his first term – have with higher education. The Trump administration and other conservatives have said for years that higher education is too liberal.

    The protests were the flash point that put Columbia in the administration’s crosshairs, as well as claims that Columbia was creating a hostile environment for Jewish students.

    The administration’s complaints aren’t limited to Columbia. Harvard is in a protracted conflict with the administration, and the administration has launched investigations into dozens of other schools around the country. These universities are butting heads with the administration over the same grievance that higher education is too liberal. There are also specific claims about antisemitism on university campuses and the privileges given to nonwhite students in admissions or campus life.

    While the administration has a common set of complaints about a range of universities, there is a mix of schools that the administration is taking issue with. Some of them, such as Harvard, are very high profile. The Department of Justice forced out the president at the University of Virginia in January 2025 on the grounds that he had not done enough to root out diversity, equity and inclusion programs at the public university. The University of Virginia may have been a target for the administration because a Republican governor appointed most members of its governance board and agreed with Trump’s complaints.

    How could this change the makeup of Columbia’s student population?

    The Supreme Court ruled in 2023 that Harvard’s affirmative action program, which considered race in admissions, violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. This effectively ended race-based affirmative action for all U.S. colleges and universities.

    Now, with the Columbia deal, the government could say that it would expect to see a proportion of students who are white increase and students who are Black and Latino to decrease at Columbia. That’s a legal approach that America First Legal, a conservative legal advocacy group founded by Stephen Miller, a Trump administration official, has already tried.

    Back in February 2025, America First Legal alleged in a federal lawsuit that the University of California, Los Angeles, was using illegal admissions criteria, because of the number of Black and Latino students that were admitted by the school. That lawsuit is ongoing.

    Claire Shipman, Columbia University’s acting president, speaks during the school’s May 2025 commencement ceremony.
    Jeenah Moon/Pool/AFP via Getty Images

    What does this agreement mean for US higher education as a whole?

    It is an enormous, unprecedented shift in how the federal government works with higher education. Since the McCarthy era in the 1940s and ’50s, when professors were blacklisted and fired because of their alleged communism, Americans have not seen the federal government interrogate education.

    The federal government does have a role in securing people’s civil rights, including in the context of higher education, but this is very, very different from how the federal government has done civil rights investigations and entered into agreements with universities in the past.

    This agreement is very broad and gives the federal government oversight of things that have long been under universities’ control, such as whom they hire to teach and which students they admit.

    The federal government is now saying it has the right to look over universities’ shoulders and guide them in this work that has long been considered independent. And the government is willing to be extremely coercive to get universities to comply.

    What signal does this agreement send to other universities?

    This agreement sets a precedent for the government to direct colleges and universities to comply with its political agenda. This violates the long tradition of academic independence that had helped to make the U.S. higher education system the envy of the world.

    Columbia can afford paying $200 million to the federal government. Most universities can’t afford to pay $200 million.

    And most campuses cannot survive without federal resources, whether that comes in the form of student financial aid or research grants. This agreement sets a standard for other universities that, if they don’t immediately do what the federal government wants them to do, the government could impose penalties that are so high it could end their ability to operate.

    Brendan Cantwell is a Professor in the Department of Educational Administration at Michigan State University.

    ref. Columbia’s $200M deal with Trump administration sets a precedent for other universities to bend to the government’s will – https://theconversation.com/columbias-200m-deal-with-trump-administration-sets-a-precedent-for-other-universities-to-bend-to-the-governments-will-261902

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: The United Kingdom welcomes the efforts of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to strengthen its role in conflict prevention: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Speech

    The United Kingdom welcomes the efforts of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to strengthen its role in conflict prevention: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Statement by Ambassador Barbara Woodward, UK Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council open debate on maintaining international peace and security.

    I welcome the opportunity today to discuss the OIC’s important cooperation with the UN on the resolution of conflicts and securing lasting peace and prosperity.

    I will make three points, President.

    First, the United Kingdom welcomes the efforts of the OIC to strengthen its role in conflict prevention, confidence-building, peacekeeping and mediation.

    In particular, we thank OIC members for their invaluable commitment of troops to UN Peacekeeping Operations.

    Effective cooperation and sharing of information between the UN and the OIC is important for developing coherent strategies for conflict prevention to support national prevention efforts.

    Second, the United Kingdom values the role of the OIC and its Member States as a key partner in our shared fight against terrorism and violent extremism. 

    This requires a multi-dimensional approach with the support of all relevant UN agencies, regional organisations, governments and civil society partners. 

    We encourage the UN and the OIC to maintain close coordination to ensure the protection of human rights while countering terrorism. 

    Third, the United Kingdom welcomes its broadening and deepening relationship with the OIC and its members, including this week hosting the OIC’s International Academy of Jurisprudence to strengthen collaboration on key issues and interfaith dialogue.

    We value this collaboration not least because inclusive governance and respect for human rights are fundamental underpinnings of peace and prosperity. And the United Kingdom firmly believes the right to freedom of religion or belief has a crucial role to play in this regard.

    Religious intolerance and persecution fuel instability, impeding both conflict prevention and resolution, as we sadly see in a number of the conflicts on this Council’s agenda.

    That is why the United Kingdom was proud to co-pen Security Council resolution 2686 with the United Arab Emirates in 2023. This was the first time a Security Council resolution had directly addressed the persecution of religious minorities in conflict settings. We remain committed to the full implementation of resolution 2686.

    In conclusion, President, when freedom of religion or belief is respected for all, and interreligious dialogue is promoted, we can build trust and understanding between communities, helping to secure sustainable peace.

    Thank you, President.

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM statement on Gaza: 24 July 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    PM statement on Gaza: 24 July 2025

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s statement on Gaza.

    The suffering and starvation unfolding in Gaza is unspeakable and indefensible. While the situation has been grave for some time, it has reached new depths and continues to worsen. We are witnessing a humanitarian catastrophe.

    I will hold an emergency call with E3 partners tomorrow, where we will discuss what we can do urgently to stop the killing and get people the food they desperately need while pulling together all the steps necessary to build a lasting peace. We all agree on the pressing need for Israel to change course and allow the aid that is desperately needed to enter Gaza without delay.

    It is hard to see a hopeful future in such dark times. But I must reiterate my call for all sides to engage in good faith, and at pace, to bring about an immediate ceasefire and for Hamas to unconditionally release all hostages. We strongly support the efforts of the US, Qatar and Egypt to secure this. 

    We are clear that statehood is the inalienable right of the Palestinian people. A ceasefire will put us on a path to the recognition of a Palestinian state and a two-state solution which guarantees peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis.

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Gaza and Ukraine are both waiting for action

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    For the past few weeks the headlines about Gaza have focused on the hundreds of people who have been killed while queueing for food. The aid distribution system put in place in May, backed by the US and Israel and run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, has proved to be chaotic and allegedly resulted in violence, with both Israel Defense Forces personnel and armed Palestinian gangs blamed for killing about 1,000 people in the two months the new system has been operating.

    Now the headlines are focusing on the growing number of people dying of starvation.

    Harrowing reports from the Gaza Strip report almost daily on the children dying of malnutrition in hospitals and clinics that simply don’t have the food to keep them alive. Writing in the Guardian this week, a British volunteer surgeon working in one of Gaza’s hospitals, Nick Maynard, described patients who “deteriorate and die, not from their injuries, but because they are too malnourished to survive surgery”.

    The UK and 27 other countries this week has condemned the “drip feeding of aid and the inhumane killing of civilians” who are trying to get food and water. And yet, writes Simon Mabon, still the world’s leaders look on: “Most are apparently content to condemn – but little action has been taken.”

    Mabon, a professor of international relations at Lancaster University, quotes the latest report from the IPC, which monitors food security in conflict situations. It estimates that 500,000 people in Gaza are considered to be facing “catastrophe”, while a further 1.1 million fall into the “emergency” risk category. Both categories anticipate a steadily rising death rate among civilians in Gaza.

    So how can Israel’s allies apply pressure on Benjamin Netanyahu’s government to bring an end to the violence and allow Palestinian civilians access to the food, water and medical supplies they so desperately need?

    Mabon canvasses a range of options. First of all, countries that have yet to recognise the state of Palestine can do so. It’s nonsense, Madon believes, to talk of a two-state solution – as the UK government does – when you haven’t actually recognised the second state in the equation.

    Then they could stop selling arms to Israel. Many countries already have. But the US still issues export licenses for some weapons that are sold to Israel.

    There are a plethora of other things world leaders could do to pressure Israel. Mabon recommends having a look at what the world did to isolate South Africa during the apartheid years, measures which eventually helped bring about meaningful change there.




    Read more:
    Gaza is starving – how Israel’s allies can go beyond words and take meaningful action


    As for Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister is reported to be considering an early election. In previous months this looked like a move freighted with jeopardy. An election loss brought on by a disenchanted electorate, heartbroken at the hostage situation and exhausted by the conflict, would probably mean having to face the charges of corruption which have hung over him for more than five years.

    But recent polls have suggested a bump in popularity following his 12-day campaign against Iran. Netanyahu is nothing if not a clever political manipulator. But Brian Brivati, a professor of contemporary history and human rights at Kingston University, believes that to have a chance of winning, the prime minister will need to fight a campaign on three narratives of his government’s success: securing the release of the hostages, defeating Hamas and delivering regional security. “It is a tall order,” Brivati concludes.




    Read more:
    Israel: Netanyahu considering early election but can he convince people he’s winning the war?


    Anyone following the situation in Gaza over the past 18 months will have encountered Francesca Albanese, the UN’s special rapporteur for Palestine’s occupied territories. For three years she has monitored the human rights situation in Gaza and the West Bank, delivering trenchant criticism of Israel’s conduct and those who, by their inaction – and sometimes contrivance – have enabled it.

    Earlier this months, the US government imposed sanctions on Albanese, because – as US secretary of state Marco Rubio insisted – she has engaged with the International Criminal Court (also subject to US sanctions) “in efforts to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute nationals of the United States or Israel”. Also she has written “threatening letters to dozens of entities worldwide, including major American companies”.

    Alvina Hoffman, an expert in diplomatic affairs and human rights at SOAS, University of London, explains what a special rapporteur does and why their work is so valuable in the defence of human rights.




    Read more:
    The US has sanctioned UN special rapporteur Francesca Albanese – here’s why she’s the wrong target


    Dispatches from Ukraine

    To Istanbul, where delegations from Russia and Ukraine met yesterday for their third round of face-to-face talks. All 40 minutes of them. There was another agreement of prisoner swaps and the two sides decided to set up some working groups to look into various political, military and humanitarian issues – but online rather in person.

    The brevity of the talks came as no surprise to Stefan Wolff. Wolff, an expert in international security at the University of Birmingham who has provided commentary for The Conversation throughout the conflict in Ukraine, points out that both sides remain wedded to their maximalist war aims. For Russia, this is for Ukraine to accept Russia’s annexation of Crimea and four provinces of eastern Ukraine, a ban on Ukraine’s membership of Nato and a much reduced military capacity. For Ukraine, it is getting their territory back and Russian acceptance of their national sovereignty, meaning it gets to determine for itself what alliances it seeks.

    Donald Trump has told Vladimir Putin that, if there’s no ceasefire in 50 days, he’ll apply harsh secondary sanctions on the countries buying Russian oil and that he plans to supply Ukraine with American weapons (via Nato’s European member states, that is). Wolff believes both sides will now play the waiting game. They will calculate their next move after September 2, when the 50 days run out, and when they know more about what the US president plans to do.




    Read more:
    Russia-Ukraine talks: both sides play for time and wait for Donald Trump’s 50 days to run out


    Volodymyr Zelensky, meanwhile, faces pressure from his own people. There have been days of protest at his decision to bring two formerly independent anti-corruption organisations under the direct control of the government. He argues that this was necessary to prevent Russian infiltration, while critics are saying that the Ukrainian president has launched a power grab designed to prevent independent investigation of alleged corruption against people close to him.

    Jenny Mathers says these protests, which involve people from all political shades, including people who have fought in the defence of Ukraine since 2022, some with visible injuries, represents a fracture of the “informal agreement between the government and society to show a united front to the world while the war continues”.

    Ukrainians protest after Zelensky signs law clamping down on anticorruption agencies.

    It’s not as if Zelensky is in clear and present danger of losing his job. His party holds a majority of seats in the Ukrainian parliament, so he governs without having to depend on coalition partners. And the country’s constitution prohibits the holding of elections in wartime – whatever Putin, who regularly insists that Zelensky is an illegitimate leader because he is governing past his term limit, might think. Plus his approval rating sits at 65%.

    Zelensky has been quick to soften his stance on this. Mathers says that political corruption is a very sore point in Ukraine, where there was decades of it until the Maidan protests of 2013-14 unseated the pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych. As she writes here, “the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ that rejected Yanukovych’s leadership and his policies was also a resounding demonstration of the strength of Ukraine’s civil society and its determination to hold its elected officials to account. Zelensky would be rash not to heed that.

    He also knows it’s important for him to present a squeaky clean image to his supporters in the west. So while the protests may not present an immediate threat to his own position, he knows that unless he acts to root out corruption in Ukraine, it’ll be a threat to the future of the country itself.




    Read more:
    Ukrainian protests: Zelensky faces biggest threat to his presidency since taking power


    But ethicist Marcel Vondermassen from the University of Tübingen believes another recent decision by the Ukrainian government is storing up trouble for the future. Ukraine has recently announced its decision to pull out of the Ottawa convention, the treaty that forbids the use of anti-personnel landmines.

    In doing so, he’s following the example of Finland, Poland, Lithuania and Estonia which have all also quite the treaty in recent months for fear of Russian aggression.

    But as Vondermassen points out, landmines don’t usually switch themselves off when a conflict ends and people are still being killed an maimed in former conflict zones around the world. Often it is farmers at work or children at play who are the victims. If other ways to protect countries from aggression aren’t pursued, as he puts it, in future decades we’ll still be “counting thousands of child casualties … from the landmines laid in the 2020s”.




    Read more:
    Ukraine joins other Russian neighbours in quitting landmines treaty: another deadly legacy in the making


    Thailand-Cambodia: centuries-old dispute flares again

    A dispute between the two south-east Asian countries that has been simmering since May flared into life yesterday when five Thai soldiers patrolling the border region were injured after stepping on a landmine – the second such incident in the past week. Both countries have sealed their border and there have been tit-for-tat ambassadorial expulsions.

    Cambodia fired rockets and artillery into Thailand, killing 12 civilians. Thailand in turn has launched airstrikes against Cambodia. Both countries are blaming the other for starting it.

    Petra Alderman, an expert in south-east Asian politics from London School of Economics and Political Science, traces the origins of this row, which go back to the colonial era in the 19th and early 20th centuries.




    Read more:
    Thailand and Cambodia’s escalating conflict has roots in century-old border dispute


    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.


    ref. Gaza and Ukraine are both waiting for action – https://theconversation.com/gaza-and-ukraine-are-both-waiting-for-action-261894

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: What caused Britain’s deadliest ‘small boat’ disaster, and how can another be avoided?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Travis Van Isacker, Senior Research Associate, School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol

    On a cold, wet November evening, Issa Mohamed Omar and more than 30 other men, women and children set off from their informal camp near the northern French port city of Dunkirk. They walked through the darkness in near-silence for around two hours, until they reached the beach from where they hoped to start a new and better life.

    As they arrived, five men were busy pumping up an inflatable dinghy and attaching an outboard engine. These people smugglers had charged each of their customers more than a thousand euros for a trip that costs someone with the right passport less than a hundred.

    The travellers were given life-vests, arranged into rows and counted. “There are 33 of you,” one of the smugglers said. For many on board, this was not their first attempt at reaching England.

    Most came from Iraqi Kurdistan, including Kazhal Ahmed Khidir Al-Jammoor from Erbil, who was travelling with her three children: Hadiya, Mubin and Hasti Rizghar Hussein, respectively aged 22, 16 and seven.

    A father and son from Egypt were shown how the engine worked and provided a GPS device and directions to Dover, around 35 miles (60km) to the west across the Channel. Mohamed Omar would later recall:

    The Egyptian man was put in charge of steering the boat by the smugglers. He was travelling with his son, who looked like he was in his late teens or maybe early 20s. I do not know how they came to be the driver and navigator.

    There were also at least three Ethiopian nationals – one of whom, father-of-two Fikiru Shiferaw from Addis Ababa, sent his wife Emebet at home in Ethiopia a final WhatsApp voice message:

    We have already boarded the boat. We are on the way. I will turn off my phone now. Goodnight, I will call you tomorrow morning.

    These were the last words she would ever receive from her husband.

    What happened to Fikiru Shiferaw and the other passengers on the night of November 23-24 2021 has been the subject of the UK’s Cranston Inquiry which, during March 2025, heard from 22 witnesses to the disaster, including officers involved in the UK’s search-and-rescue (SAR) response. Chaired by former High Court judge Sir Ross Cranston, the independent inquiry also heard from Mohamed Omar from Somalia – one of only two survivors – as well as family members of many of the dead and missing.

    These hearings not only shed light on the actions of UK Border Force and His Majesty’s Coastguard officers during the failed rescue operation – designated Incident Charlie – in the early hours of November 24, but the agencies’ approach to “small boat crossings” in general dating back to 2017.

    According to the testimonies, officers had been operating under extreme pressure in the months leading up to the disaster. Kevin Toy, master of the Border Force ship Valiant which was sent out to search for the missing dinghy that night, explained that in the run-up to the incident, “night after night” he could see his crew were “utterly exhausted” by the end of their shifts.

    The evidence shows the British government was aware of the growing risk that Border Force and HM Coastguard could be overwhelmed by the rising number of small boat crossings – and that people might die as a result. In May 2020, a document produced by the Department for Transport acknowledged that “SAR resources can be overwhelmed if current incident numbers persist”. At least three senior HM Coastguard officers identified the same risk in August 2021.

    Multiple communication failures have also been exposed by the inquiry – among British officers, with their opposite numbers in France, and between both countries’ emergency services and the increasingly desperate people aboard the sinking dinghy.

    Despite numerous distress calls and GPS coordinates being shared via WhatsApp, a rescue boat failed to reach the travellers in time. Amid the confusion, when their calls stopped, the coastguard assumed Charlie’s passengers had been picked up and were safe. In fact, they were perishing in the cold waters of the Channel over more than ten hours.


    The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


    As part of my research into the digital transformation of the UK-France border, I attended the inquiry and have studied the many statements, call transcripts, operational logs, emails and meeting minutes it has made public. Initially, I wanted to understand how the November 2021 disaster became a watershed moment in the UK government’s response to people trying to cross the Channel by small boat or dinghy, catalysing the transformation of the UK’s maritime border into the hyper-surveilled space it is today.

    But, after speaking to representatives for Mohamed Omar and the bereaved families as well as migrant rights organisations, larger questions have emerged. In particular, given the inquiry’s singular focus on this one catastrophic event in November 2021, those I spoke to are concerned that its recommendations will be unable to prevent further deaths from occurring in the Channel, which have risen dramatically over the last 18 months.

    How ‘small boat crossings’ began

    Since the UK and France began operating “juxtaposed” border controls in the early 1990s (meaning border checks occur before departure), asylum seekers trying to reach England have had to make irregular journeys across the Channel. Until 2018, these were typically aboard trains and ferries – after sneaking on to a lorry or through a French port’s perimeter security.

    At the time of the “Jungle” camp near Calais in 2015-16, media coverage of collective attempts by its residents to enter French ports spiked UK government investment in the border. Between 2014 and 2018, it gave its French counterpart at least £123 million to “strengthen the border and maintain juxtaposed controls”. These funds paid for French police to patrol the ports and border cities, regularly evict migrants’ living sites, and finance detention and relocation centres.

    As admitted by then-home secretary Sajid Javid in 2019, this increased security led people to find other ways across the Channel. Beginning in the winter of 2018, smugglers organised journeys in small, seaworthy vessels they had stolen from marinas along the French coast. These “small boats” continue to lend their name to this migration phenomenon – yet the unseaworthy inflatable dinghies used today, with no keel or rigid hull, are not worthy of the name.

    Even in the context of the usual sensationalism surrounding irregular migration to the UK, small boat journeys were met with an especially intense response, both politically and in the media.

    When 101 people crossed between Christmas and New Year in 2018, Javid declared it a major incident. Ever since, “stopping the boats” has been one of the UK government’s highest priorities. Despite small boat arrivals making up only 29% of UK asylum claimants in 2018-24, billions of pounds have been spent to try and control the route.

    Frosty relations and the ‘pushback’ plan

    As Channel crossings rose sharply over 2020-21, worsening relations between France and the UK due to Brexit complicated how the two governments worked together to respond. In his testimony, former clandestine Channel threat commander Dan O’Mahoney – appointed by Javid’s successor, Priti Patel, to “make small boat crossings unviable” – described relations between the two countries as already “very frosty” when he began in August 2020.

    After France’s then-interior minister, Gérald Darmanin, axed a plan for UK vessels to take rescued migrants back to Dunkirk, O’Mahoney was tasked by senior ministers to come up with an alternative. The resulting “pushback” plan, called Operation Sommen, involved Border Force officers on jet skis driving into migrant dinghies to turn them back as they crossed the border line into UK waters. When France learned of the plan, O’Mahoney recalled:

    They thought it went counter to their and our obligations around safety of life at sea … They objected to it very strongly, and it affected our already quite strained relationship with them further.

    Operation Sommen was abandoned in April 2022 before having ever been used in anger. However, preparations were said to have taken up “a very considerable amount of time and resource” at both the Home Office and the Maritime and Coastguard Agency – and had “a detrimental effect” on the UK’s overall SAR response to small boat crossings.

    At a meeting of senior officials in June 2021 to discuss Operation Sommen, ministers had made clear that the “numbers of people crossing [was] a political problem” – and that improving SAR capabilities did not “fit with [the] narrative of taking back control of borders”.

    Although senior HM Coastguard officers recognised “it is extremely difficult to locate small boats or communicate with those onboard”, the inquiry heard that officers did not recall receiving “any small boat training before November 2021”, other than in the procedure to allow Border Force to push them back to French waters.

    The head of Border Force’s Maritime Command, Stephen Whitton, told the inquiry he was under “a huge amount of pressure” to prevent small boat crossings, while also “providing the bulk of the support to search and rescue”. Despite carrying out 90% of all small boat rescues in the Channel and “regularly being overwhelmed”, Border Force Maritime Command received “no additional assets to manage the search and rescue response” before November 2021.

    ‘The pressure we were under’

    When the decision was taken for Border Force – a law enforcement rather than search-and-rescue organisation – to be the primary responders to small boat crossings in 2018, only around 100 people were crossing each month. Yet by the time of the disaster three years later, according to an internal Home Office document, the total for 2021 was “already more than 25,000”.

    At the inquiry, O’Mahoney stated: “As 2021 went on, it became much clearer that … frankly, we just needed more [rescue] boats.” Whitton admitted that before the disaster, Border Force, HM Coastguard, the Royal National Lifeboat Institution and other support organisations were all “on our knees in terms of the pressure we were under, and it was getting hugely challenging”.

    The evidence shows this pressure was acutely felt inside Dover’s Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre, which sits atop the port’s famous white cliffs offering a commanding view of the Channel. Inside, Coastguard officers coordinate SAR operations and control vessel traffic in the Dover Strait – one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes.

    On the night of November 23-24, three coastguard officers were on search-and-rescue duty: team leader Neal Gibson, maritime operations officer Stuart Downs, and a trainee – unnamed by the inquiry – who was officially only present as an observer.

    HM Coastguard’s Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre at Dover overlooking the Channel.
    Travis Van Isacker, CC BY-NC-SA

    Staffing appears to have been a longstanding issue at the Dover coastguard station where, according to divisional commander Mike Bill, there was “poor retention of staff” and “experience and competence weren’t the best”. Only the day before the disaster, during a migrant red days meeting – convened when, due to good weather, the probability of Channel crossers is considered “highly likely” – chief coastguard Peter Mizen had warned that only having two qualified officers at Dover on nights “isn’t enough”.

    Over recent months, as the station had become busier responding to small boat crossings and in the wake of an unsuccessful recruitment drive, staff were having to work flat-out throughout their shifts, and were being asked to come in on scheduled days off.

    On the night of November 23-24, owing to staff shortages, team leader Gibson told the inquiry he had to cover traffic control duties for three hours from 10.30pm. This meant he was away from the SAR desk at 00.41am, when a message arrived from the national rescue coordination centre along the coast in Fareham, stating that the Coastguard’s scheduled surveillance aeroplanes would not be flying over the Channel that night due to fog.

    The officers were told they would be “effectively blind” – and should not allow themselves “to be drawn into relaxing and expecting a normal migrant crossing night”. The message warned: “This has the potential to be very dangerous.”

    ‘Their boat – there’s nothing left’

    According to Mohamed Omar, the sea was calm when he and the other passengers departed the French beach around 9pm UK time. Giving his evidence to the Cranston Inquiry from Paris – he still cannot travel to the UK – a ship approached them around an hour into their voyage:

    They came up to us to see what we were doing, and shone a light on us. I remember seeing a French flag on the boat. It was a big boat and I am certain it was the French coastguard. I had heard from people I met in the camp in Dunkirk that this happened sometimes, and that the French boat would follow until you reached English waters.

    In fact, Mohamed Omar said, the French ship left the travellers again after about an hour. Shortly after this, the problems began.

    A French warship patrols the shore of Mardyck in northern France, close to where Charlie is thought to have departed.
    Travis Van Isacker, CC BY-NC-SA

    Around 1am, seawater began entering the dinghy. By now, it was in the vicinity of the Sandettie lightvessel, around 20 miles north-east of Dover. At first, passengers managed to bail out the 13°C water – but soon the flooding became uncontrollable. The dinghy’s inflatable tube began losing pressure, and a couple of the Kurdish men used air pumps to try to keep it inflated. Others tried to prevent panic spreading among the passengers.

    Many onboard began to make frantic calls for rescue. What were reported to be leaked transcripts of some of these calls were published by French newspaper Le Monde a year after the sinking. They showed the first distress call from the dinghy was received by the French coastguard at 12.48am. Speaking in English, the caller said there were 33 people on board a “broken” boat.

    According to Le Monde, three minutes later, another call was transferred to the French maritime rescue coordination centre at Cap Gris-Nez by an emergency operator who reported: “Apparently their boat – there’s nothing left.” Following procedure, the French coastguard officer asked the caller to send a GPS position by WhatsApp so she could “send a rescue boat as soon as possible”. At 1.05am UK time, the GPS position arrived.

    Rather than send a French boat, Le Monde reported that the officer phoned her counterparts in Dover to warn them a dinghy 0.6 nautical miles from the border line would soon be crossing into UK waters. On the other end of the line was the trainee officer, who was handling routine calls that night despite officially only being an observer.

    After the call finished, according to Downs’s evidence to the inquiry, the trainee mistakenly told him the dinghy was thought to be “in good condition” – information he recorded in the log for Incident Charlie. This miscommunication may have affected the urgency of the UK’s SAR response, preventing HM Coastguard and Border Force from appreciating the severe distress the “broken” dinghy was in.

    Just before 1am, the French coastguard had sent its migrant tracker spreadsheet, containing information on all small boat crossings that night, to HM Coastguard for the first time. It showed four migrant dinghies at sea – which Gris-Nez had been aware of “for many hours”, according to Gibson.

    The issue of the French coastguard appearing to withhold information about active small boat crossings had been raised by HM Coastguard’s clandestine operations liaison officer during a July 2021 review. And earlier that very evening, Gibson told one of his colleagues:

    Sometimes they just seem to keep it quiet. Like we’ll not get anything – then we’ll get a tracker at three in the morning with 15 incidents, and they go: ‘Mostly these are in your search-and-rescue region.’ Wonderful.

    At 1.20am, Downs phoned Border Force Maritime Command in Portsmouth to request a Border Force vessel search for the dinghy Charlie. He provided the GPS position received from his French counterpart and the number of people onboard – but also the incorrect information that “they think it’s in good condition”.

    Ten minutes later, the Valiant, Border Force’s 42-metre patrol ship stationed at Dover, was tasked to proceed towards the Sandettie lightvessel. At the same time, the first direct call to the Dover rescue coordination centre came in from Charlie. The distressed caller said they were “in the water” and that “everything [was] finished”.

    Around 15 minutes later, at 1.48am, Gibson took a call from 16-year-old Mubin Rizghar Hussein, who spoke good English. Despite the noise and commotion, he managed to provide Gibson with a WhatsApp number – in order to share their GPS position. The transcript of this call records voices shouting in the background: “It’s finished. Finished. Brother, it’s finished.”

    A ‘grave and imminent threat to life’

    Gibson told the inquiry that after his call with Rizghar Hussein, he had a “gut feeling that this doesn’t feel quite as usual”. By “usual” he meant what was, according to maritime operations officer Downs, a commonly held belief at the Dover coastguard station that with “nine out of ten”“ callers from small boats: “It would generally be overstated that the boat … was sinking, people were drowning … Whatever was going on would be overstated.”

    Acting on his gut feeling, at 2.27am Gibson took the unprecedented decision to broadcast a Mayday Relay – denoting a “grave and imminent threat to life”. By maritime law, this alert required other vessels to offer their assistance.

    Gibson told the inquiry he did this to get the French warship Flamant to respond. He could see on his radar screen that Flamant was closest to Charlie’s position and was the best vessel to rescue the people if the dinghy really was sinking.

    Why the Flamant did not respond is at the centre of an ongoing criminal investigation in France into two of the warship’s officers and five coastguards from Gris-Nez, for “non-assistance of persons in distress”. This investigation’s strict confidentiality obligation means the inquiry was unable to access any information from the French side about their operations that night.

    At 2.01 and again at 2.14am, HM Coastguard had received new GPS positions via WhatsApp showing the dinghy to be more than a mile inside UK waters.

    Valiant, having been tasked at 1.30am, only exited the port of Dover at 2.22am and would need at least another hour to reach the Sandettie. Despite this, no other vessel was sent to join the search. At 3.11am, when asked during a call by Border Force Maritime Command whether Charlie was “still a Mayday situation”, Gibson replied: “Well, they’ve told me it’s full of water.”

    With a total of four small boats being shown in the Channel that night by the French tracker spreadsheet, Gibson suggested there could be as many as 110 people on board these dinghies – beyond Valiant’s capacity for taking on survivors. Nevertheless, Border Force and HM Coastguard opted to “wait and see what the numbers are, and whether Valiant can deal with that … We don’t want to call any other assets out just yet.”

    In a call with Christopher Trubshaw, captain of the Coastguard rescue helicopter stationed at Lydd on the Kent coast, aviation tactical commander Dominic Golden explained that Border Force was “not prepared to bring in their crews who are pretty knackered” unless “we can convince them there are people in real danger”. He then asked Trubshaw to search the Channel for the small boats shown in the French tracker, as the surveillance aeroplanes had been unable to take off.

    In her closing submission to the inquiry, Sonali Naik, a legal representative of the survivors and bereaved families, highlighted Golden’s “dismissive attitude” towards Charlie’s distress when he gave Trubshaw the reason for the request, which included the following:

    As usual, the catalogue of phone calls is beginning to trickle in … You know, the classic ‘I am lost, I am sinking, my mother’s wheelchair is falling over the side’ etc. ‘Sharks with lasers surrounding boat’ and ‘we are all dying’ type of thing.

    Nevertheless, Golden asked the helicopter crew to pack a liferaft. “I can’t imagine we’re going to need it but … potentially you get to play with one of your new toys.”

    While Golden described his words as “unwise” or “flippant”, Naik said they were “more than that” – suggesting they revealed rescuers’ general perceptions of the occupants of small boats and the widely held scepticism towards their distress calls.

    ‘We are dying. Where is the boat?’

    With the water inside rising fast and their dinghy collapsing, Charlie’s increasingly desperate passengers kept trying to get rescuers to appreciate how dire their situation was.

    At 2.31am in the Dover rescue coordination centre, Gibson received a second call from Mubin Rizghar Hussein, who pleaded: “We are dying, where is the boat?”

    Gibson replied: “The boat is on its way but it has to get …” only to be interrupted by Rizghar Hussein saying: “We all die. We all die.”

    “I get that,” Gibson told the terrified teenager, “but unfortunately, you’re going to be patient and all stay together, because I can’t make the boat come any quicker.” He ended the call saying:

    You need to stop making calls because every time you make a call, we think there’s another boat out there – and we don’t want to accidentally go chasing for another boat when it’s actually your boat we’re looking for.

    Gibson broke down briefly when recounting this second call during his evidence to the inquiry, explaining:

    If you don’t understand what’s fully going on and you’re getting ‘we’re all going to die’, it’s quite a distressing situation to find yourself in, sitting at the end of a phone – effectively helpless. You know where they are, you want to get a boat to them, and you can’t.

    Call records also show that coastguards on both sides of the Channel passed responsibility for rescuing the sinking dinghy off to one another. According to Le Monde, during one call a passenger told the French coastguard officer he was “in the water” – to which she replied: “Yes, but you are in English waters.”

    The transcript of the last call before Charlie capsized, made at 3.12am, reveals that Downs asked “where are you?” 17 times – despite the caller being unable to answer anything beyond “English waters”. The maritime operations officer finished by instructing the caller to hang up and dial 999: “If it won’t connect on 999, then you’re probably still in French waters.”

    In her closing submission, Naik pointed to “discriminatory stereotypes and attitudes towards migrants on small boats which fatally affected the SAR response” for Charlie – as rescuers, in her words, “jumped to premature conclusions”. According to survivor Mohamed Omar:

    Because we have been seen as refugees … that’s the reason why I believe the rescue, they did not come at all. We feel like we were … treated like animals.

    Fatal assumptions

    At 3.27am, Border Force’s ship Valiant arrived at Charlie’s last recorded GPS position (from 2.14am) – but found nothing. Its master, Kevin Toy, decided to head north-easterly towards the Sandettie lightvessel, the way the tide was flowing.

    En route, Valiant spotted two other dinghies in the darkness using its night vision – one still making its way towards the English coast, the other stopped in the water. The stationary dinghy was in greater danger from the Channel’s shipping traffic, so Valiant went to it and began rescuing those onboard – radioing back that it had “engaged unlit migrant crafts stopped in the water” with approximately 40 people onboard.

    In the Dover rescue coordination centre, Gibson assumed this dinghy could be Charlie and gave Mubin Rizghar Hussein’s name and telephone number so Valiant’s crew could verify whether he was on board. At 4.16am, Gibson himself tried calling the WhatsApp number that Rizghar Hussein had shared, but the call failed.

    At 4.20am, Valiant completed its first rescue of the morning. Two more followed after the Coastguard helicopter spotted two other dinghies in the Sandettie area – but nobody in the water. A near-capacity Valiant then returned to Dover just after 8am with 98 survivors on board.

    None of the three rescued dinghies matched the description of Charlie. All were in good condition, differently coloured, and with disparate numbers of people onboard – yet the misplaced assumption Charlie had been rescued persisted amid the night’s murky information environment. Gibson stated that, while he had soon received additional information matching Valiant’s first rescue to a different dinghy, he was still “fairly certain Charlie had been picked up”.

    “Once Valiant had picked up these [three] boats,” he explained, “we no longer received calls from Charlie, and a call to a known phone number on Charlie failed.” As a result, neither Valiant nor the Coastguard helicopter were sent back out to continue searching for the stricken dinghy.

    In fact, Gibson’s call to Rizghar Hussein’s WhatsApp number did not fail because Charlie’s passengers had been rescued – nor because they had thrown their phones into the sea when Border Force arrived. Rather, it was because the dinghy had capsized and everyone had fallen into the Channel’s freezing waters.

    ‘No one came to our rescue’

    In harrowing evidence to the inquiry, Mohamed Omar explained how, as one side of the dinghy deflated, the passengers – “hysterical and crying” – panicked and moved to the opposite side. This shift in weight caused the dinghy to capsize:

    The screaming when the boat tipped and people fell in the water was deafening. I have never heard anything as desperate as this. I was not thinking about whether we were going to be rescued any more; it was all about how to stay alive.

    As the passengers were thrown into the water, the dinghy flipped on top of them. Mohamed Omar described having to swim out from underneath to catch a breath: “It was dark and I could not really see. It was extremely cold and the sea was rough.”

    As he surfaced, he saw Halima Mohammed Shikh, a mother of three also from Somalia and travelling alone, struggling as she couldn’t swim. She screamed his name for help, and he tried to get her back to what was left of the dinghy – but couldn’t. “I think she was one of the first people to drown,” he told the inquiry.

    Others managed to cling to the broken inflatable, hoping rescue was on its way – but “no one came to our rescue”. Pushed and pulled by the waves, some lost their grip and drifted away before dawn. Mohamed Omar recalled:

    All night, I was holding on to what remained of the boat. In the morning, I could hear the people were screaming and everything. It’s something I cannot forget in my mind.

    By the time the sun finally rose at 7.26am, he estimated that no more than 15 people were left clinging to the broken dinghy – adrift on the tide in a busy shipping lane:

    I do not recall speaking with anyone in the water. Those who were alive were half-dead. There was nothing we could do any more. I could see bodies floating all around us in the water. I presume most people were either already dead or were unconscious.

    Shortly afterwards, Mohamed Omar said he let go of the dinghy and began to swim, thinking to himself: “I am going to die [but] I don’t want to die here. At least if I die whilst swimming, I won’t feel it.”

    He swam towards a boat he could see in the distance and, as he got closer, began to wave his life jacket for attention. A French woman, out fishing with her family, saw him and jumped in the water to save him.

    As he finished telling his story, Mohamed Omar told the inquiry: “I’m a voice for those people who passed away.”

    Bodies are found

    Around 1pm on the afternoon of November 24, 12 hours after the first distress calls from Charlie, a French commercial fishing vessel began finding bodies in the sea nine miles north-west of Calais. But as the news came in, no one at HM Coastguard or Border Force appears to have made the connection with Incident Charlie.

    Days later, when the accounts of Mohamed Omar’s fellow survivor, Mohammed Shekha Ahmad from Iraqi Kurdistan, and a relative of two of the deceased emerged, the Home Office refuted their claims that the dinghy had sunk in UK waters as “completely untrue”.

    However, five days after the disaster, Gibson contacted the small boats tactical commander to share his concerns that the reported deaths could be from Charlie. He had read a news article in which “the survivor states a male called Mubin called the emergency services, which could possibly be the ‘Moomin’ [sic] I spoke to”.

    On December 1, clandestine Channel threat commander O’Mahoney responded to a question from the UK’s Joint Committee on Human Rights, as to whether the migrants whose bodies had been found in French waters had made distress calls to the UK authorities. O’Mahoney told the committee:

    We are looking into that. To manage your expectation, though, it may never be possible to say with absolute accuracy whether that boat was in UK waters [and] I cannot tell you with any certainty that the people on that particular boat called the UK authorities.

    Thanks largely to their grieving families tireless pursuit of the truth, however, it is now possible to say definitively that Charlie had been in UK waters – and that a number of its passengers spoke to HM Coastguard officers.

    It was only after these families raised concerns that the disaster had involved the UK authorities that the Department for Transport commissioned a safety investigation into the incident in January 2022. A lawyer for the bereaved families suggested to me that without the threat of legal action, the Department for Transport “would likely not have done anything” – despite this being Britain’s worst maritime disaster for decades. Meanwhile, according to inquiry evidence, the Home Office is understood not to have conducted an internal review or investigation into its role in the disaster.

    After a frustrating two years of waiting for the survivors and bereaved families, the Marine Accidents Investigations Branch published its report – which both confirmed most of their accounts and substantiated their criticisms of the SAR response.

    Soon afterwards, the Cranston Inquiry was announced. Despite no bodies having been recovered in UK waters, it has been run almost like an inquest. In his final report – to be published by the end of 2025 – Sir Ross Cranston has promised to “consider what lessons can be learned and, if appropriate, make recommendations to reduce the risk of a similar event occurring”.

    A ‘crucial and unique opportunity’

    HM Coastguard and Border Force officers have repeatedly told the inquiry how the UK’s approach to small boat search-and-rescue has changed since the November 2021 disaster. More officers have been hired, Border Force has contracted additional boats to conduct rescues, information sharing has improved, and cooperation with French colleagues is better. Today, there are significantly more rescue ships on both sides of the Channel which can intervene faster when dinghies come to be in distress, and have undoubtedly saved many lives.

    There has also been massive investment in drones, aeroplanes and powerful shore-based cameras to reduce the risk that HM Coastguard loses “maritime domain awareness” again if some of its surveillance aircraft are unable to fly. New technology automatically translates coastguard officers’ messages into different languages and extracts live GPS locations and images from travellers’ mobile devices.

    Such investments make it unlikely that another dinghy could be lost in the middle of the Channel after its passengers call for help, in the way Charlie so catastrophically was.


    Data from the Refugee Council’s Deaths in the Channel: What Needs to Change.

    Nevertheless, people continue dying while attempting to cross the Channel – with 2024 having been by far the deadliest year yet. At least 69 people lost their lives, according to the Refugee Council. So far in 2025, 24 people are documented as dead or missing at the UK-France border by Calais Migrant Solidarity, amid a record number of attempted crossings for the first half of the year.

    These people are not dying in “mass casualty incidents” such as Charlie, which attract headlines, but instead one or two at a time as “increasingly overcrowded dinghies” break apart, and people fall into the sea or are crushed inside them.

    Some migrants’ rights NGOs have suggested the UK’s “stop the boats” policies, and European efforts to disrupt the supply chain of dinghies and other equipment used in crossings, has driven such deadly overcrowding.

    And with the French government having promised to change its rules of engagement to intercept dinghies once at sea, amid reports of French police wading into the surf to slash dinghies with knives, the NGOs fear Channel migrants are facing ever greater dangers.

    Video: Le Monde.

    But it is also unlikely that the circumstances surrounding more recent deaths in the Channel will ever be investigated as thoroughly as Incident Charlie, if at all. Lawyers for the bereaved families have therefore been keen to highlight the Cranston Inquiry’s “crucial and unique opportunity” not only to look back and offer answers about one of Britain’s worst maritime disasters in recent decades – but to look forwards and “prevent the further loss of life at sea”.

    The survivors, families and migrants’ rights organisations who contributed their evidence thus hope the inquiry’s recommendations go beyond purely operational and administrative improvements to search-and-rescue, to address the fundamental role that UK, France and European border policies play in why more people are dying in the Channel, despite the improvements to search-and-rescue strategies and resources.

    Above all, they ask why only some people are able to travel to the UK in comfort and safety while others must make the journey in precarious, overcrowded inflatable dinghies – and thus entrust their lives to the search-and-rescue services whose success can never be guaranteed. As Halima Mohammed Shikh’s cousin, Ali Areef, told the inquiry:

    It makes me feel sick to think about crossing the Channel in a ferry where others including a member of my family lost their lives because there was no other way to cross. I will never take a ferry across the Channel again.


    For you: more from our Insights series:

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    Travis Van Isacker gratefully acknowledges the support of the Economic and Social Research Council
    (UK) (Grant Ref: ES/W002639/1).

    ref. What caused Britain’s deadliest ‘small boat’ disaster, and how can another be avoided? – https://theconversation.com/what-caused-britains-deadliest-small-boat-disaster-and-how-can-another-be-avoided-260830

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Why it matters who owns a newspaper

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Steven Barnett, Professor of Communications, University of Westminster

    Steve Travelguide/Shutterstock

    The House of Lords this week approved government legislation that will allow foreign states to hold up to a 15% stake in British newspaper publishers.

    This vote clears the way for the American investment company Redbird to take control of the troubled Telegraph newspaper group following two years of uncertainty. An integral element of that bid is a 15% stake by the sovereign investment fund IMI which is owned by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the vice-president of the United Arab Emirates.

    The heated Lords debate raised fundamental questions about who should own newspapers, and the link between ownership and editorial content. On one side were those who argued that Britain’s newspapers faced an “existential threat” without outside investment. On the other were those who warned against the potential influence of a foreign power on one of the UK’s longest standing publishers.

    Media mergers and acquisitions are often contentious. But given the parlous state of the newspaper industry, they are likely to become more frequent.

    A very different kind of newspaper deal was completed last December, when news website Tortoise Media bought The Observer. Tortoise, which was founded in 2018 by former Times editor and BBC director of news James Harding, startled analysts and journalists alike by taking over a newspaper first published in 1791.

    The deal prompted strong opposition from some Observer and Guardian journalists. But from a business perspective, the deal suited both sides.

    The Scott Trust, owners of the Observer since 1993, never seemed wholly committed to the Observer. (There was, for example, no dedicated Observer website). Tortoise, meanwhile, was keen to exploit the brand values of an established print product. It saw the Observer as a suitable vehicle for its approach of news analysis and explanation rather than breaking stories.

    The media world has also been fixated on the succession story of the Murdoch family and its implications for his UK newspapers. The Sun, News of the World (until its closure in 2011), the Times and Sunday Times have been the bedrock of Rupert Murdoch’s economic and political power in the UK for decades.

    In December, he lost the battle to give his eldest son Lachlan exclusive control of his media empire.

    Speculation has grown as to whether any of Rupert’s progeny will want to continue the family’s print tradition after his death. His empire has suffered repeated financial and reputational hits since the phone hacking scandal. It is perfectly feasible that, once he goes, all the Murdoch press interests will be up for sale.

    These various battles beg the question: why does it matter who owns a newspaper? In short, it matters because ownership, to a large extent, determines content.

    Who owns the news?

    From the very beginning of printed news, proprietors have exercised control over their title’s political direction and journalistic values. Prewar Britain saw Lord Beaverbrook famously exploiting his Express newspapers to campaign for free trade within the British empire.

    Meanwhile, fellow newspaper baron Lord Rothermere turned his Mail newspapers into propaganda sheets for Oswald Mosley’s blackshirts, and cheerleaders for Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during the 1930s.

    The Rothermere family’s continued ownership of the Mail has guaranteed a consistent anti-immigration, anti-Europe rightwing worldview to the present day. How this consistent framing has been transmitted through the Mail’s editors has been well documented by journalist Adrian Addison.

    Murdoch’s UK newspaper empire has also pursued his personal free market, anti-EU political vision. He has used his papers to attack the publicly funded BBC and the regulator Ofcom. Murdoch has, however, been slightly more flexible in adjusting his papers’ party political allegiance (guaranteeing a succession of prime ministerial genuflections from Margaret Thatcher through to Keir Starmer).

    At the other end of the political spectrum, the Scott Trust – owners of the Guardian – was conceived by the son of C.P. Scott as a vehicle for sustaining his father’s liberal mission for the paper. It has a policy of no editorial interference, apart from continuing the paper’s editorial policy on “the same lines and in the same spirit as heretofore”. Editors are therefore enjoined to focus on the kind of progressive news agenda championed by Scott.

    The trust model allows a level of freedom from traditional commercial oversight. Editors can pursue the Guardian’s well-established liberal tradition without worrying about shareholders driven by short-term profit maximisation, or an individual owner with a specific ideological agenda. This partly explains the hostility of Observer journalists to the Tortoise takeover.

    Why it matters

    The Lords debate focused on the risks of foreign state investment in British newspapers. But all commercial ownership models – and all owners – have their problems. Whether it be greedy shareholders, a power-hungry narcissist, an ideologically-driven family or a foreign state seeking influence in the UK, commercial models all involve editorial compromises.

    One approach to the problems raised by commercial ownership is an insistence, through legislation, on a plurality of owners. But this is increasingly difficult in an industry whose traditional advertising-funded business model is under severe pressure. This context is precisely why the Telegraph’s new owner was desperate to access IMI funds.

    Upmarket publications such as the Financial Times and the Times can monetise subscriptions, but paywalls discourage easy access and diminish journalistic reach. Subscriptions are also a much less attractive proposition for tabloids whose readers are less willing to pay.

    Another approach is to diversify ownership models. Non-profit and charitable publishers, such as OpenDemocracy or the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, can leverage donations and are less vulnerable to the whims of corporate owners or powerful individuals. But this model is much less developed in the UK than the US.

    I and colleagues have argued elsewhere that there are strong arguments for making charitable journalism easier. These models can enhance journalistic freedom, but they also come with potential downsides that need to be acknowledged.

    All these options presuppose, of course, that newspapers and their online sites still have sufficient relevance and reach for us to continue to worry about ownership at all – a topic for another article.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Steven Barnett is on the management and editorial boards of the British Journalism Review. He is a member of the British Broadcasting Challenge which campaigns for Public Service Broadcasting. He is on the Advisory Board of the Charitable Journalism Project which campaigns for public interest journalism and on the board of Hacked Off which campaigns for a free and accountable press.

    ref. Why it matters who owns a newspaper – https://theconversation.com/why-it-matters-who-owns-a-newspaper-257785

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: UN forum affirms stronger commitment to achieve sustainable development

    Source: United Nations 2

    At the end of the conference, Member States adopted a Ministerial Declaration by a vote of 154-2-2, with the United States and Israel voting against the document and Paraguay and Iran abstaining.  

    “We strongly reaffirm our commitment to effectively implement the 2030 Agenda [which]… remains our overarching roadmap for achieving sustainable development and overcoming the multiple crises we face,” the declaration said.  

    15 years of HLPF

    The HLPF has happened on an annual basis since 2010 and is convened by the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) to discuss the progress, or lack thereof, on the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which were adopted in 2015 as part of the 2030 Agenda and aspire to create a more equitable and inclusive world.

    This year, the forum focused on five of these goals: good health and wellbeing, gender equality, decent work and economic growth, life below water and partnerships.

    Negotiations regarding the ministerial document were led by representatives from Czechia and St. Vincent and the Grenadines, who highlighted the significance of the proceedings.  

    “This year’s deliberations have held particular significance. Ten years after the adoption of the 2030 Agenda, a range of interlinked and persistent challenges continues to jeopardise the full realisation of the SDGs,” said Jakub Kulhánek, permanent representative of Czechia and one of the two lead facilitators of the declaration.  

    The clock is ticking

    In the ministerial declaration, Member States said that time is running out to achieve the SDGs, which remain severely off track.  

    According to the Secretary-General’s report on the Goals, which was released on the first day of the HLPF, only 18 per cent of the SDGs are on track to be achieved by 2030, with over half making progress that is too slow.  

    While the ministerial declaration addressed each of the five SDGs in the spotlight at the forum, Member States particularly emphasised the role of poverty in impeding sustainable development and the worsening climate crisis that is threatening all aspects of the development agenda.  

    The declaration called both of these issues some of the “greatest global challenges” that the world faces.

    In keeping with SDG 16, which underlines the role that institutions like governments must play in promoting peace, Member States also affirmed that strong governance and partnership is essential to realising peace as a prerequisite for development.

    “We recognise that sustainable development cannot be realised without peace and security, and peace and security will be at risk without sustainable development,” it stated.

    Plan of Action

    In the midst of challenges to multilateralism, Member States said that the declaration was an affirmation of the UN’s commitment to multilateralism, which is celebrating its 80th anniversary this year.

    “At a time when serious doubts about the future of multilateralism persist, your steadfast commitment has been both reassuring and inspiring,” said Mr. Kulhánek.

    Member States, in the declaration, affirmed a commitment to urgently working towards the SDGs in order to achieve a better world.  

    “We will act with urgency to realise its vision as a plan of action for people, planet, prosperity, peace and partnership, leaving no one behind.” 

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Global collaboration grows to address crises in Gaza, Sudan, Afghanistan

    Source: United Nations 2

    Briefing the Security Council on Thursday, Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, said the OIC remains an “indispensable” partner in efforts to promote peace, uphold international law and deliver durable political solutions in a range of crisis contexts.

    Headquartered in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, the OIC has 57 member states and five observers, representing significant political, economic cultural and religious constituency.

    Its voice carries considerable weight in some of the world’s conflict-affected situations,” Mr. Khiari said.

    The UN values this partnership, not only as a matter of institutional cooperation, but as an essential component of our efforts to promote durable peace, inclusive governance and respect for international and human rights law.

    He emphasized that the cooperation aligns with Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, which encourages partnerships with regional organizations in maintaining peace and security, and with the Pact for the Future – adopted by Member States last September to revitalize multilateralism and tackle global challenges through collective action.

    Helping resolve crises

    Mr. Khiari outlined joint UN-OIC work in Gaza, including the recent endorsement by the bloc and the League of Arab States of a recovery and reconstruction plan, as well as collaboration on the question of Jerusalem through an annual conference held in Dakar, Senegal.

    In Sudan, where over two years of war have brought devastating humanitarian consequences, he welcomed the OIC’s backing for international mediation, including support for the UN Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy, Ramtane Lamamra.

    Turning to Afghanistan, Mr. Khiari praised the OIC’s role in the UN-led “Doha Process,” noting its continued engagement with the Taliban de facto authorities and advocacy for the rights of Afghan women and girls – an area where the OIC’s moral and religious standing carries particular influence.

    On Myanmar, the OIC remains an essential voice in global efforts to ensure a safe, dignified and voluntary return of the Rohingya to Rakhine state. He noted sustained coordination between the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy and the OIC in pushing for accountability and citizenship rights.

    UN Photo/Manuel Elías

    A wideview of the Security Council as ASG Khaled Khiari briefs members about cooperation between the UN and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

    Cooperation on global issues

    Assistant Secretary-General Khiari also highlighted the growing collaboration between the two organizations on elections, including training on observation and women’s political participation. A new staff exchange programme is also helping to strengthen institutional ties.

    He acknowledged the OIC’s leadership in countering Islamophobia and all forms of religious intolerance, an area where the UN has stepped up efforts, including through the appointment of a Special Envoy.

    Counter-terrorism cooperation has also advanced, following a March 2024 memorandum of understanding. Joint initiatives include technical support, parliamentary engagement, and rights-based prevention strategies.

    “As we move forward with the implementation of the Pact for the Future,” Mr. Khiari concluded, “the UN-OIC partnership will remain critical to defusing tensions, advancing sustainable peace, and reinforcing multilateral norms and principles.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: ‘Famine silently begins to unfold’ in Gaza, UNRWA chief says

    Source: United Nations 2

    Philippe Lazzarini, Commissioner-General for the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA) said that is what one of its workers told him on Thursday morning.  

    This sobering comment comes amidst increasingly severe malnutrition for children and adults throughout the Gaza Strip.  

    “When child malnutrition surges, coping mechanisms fail, access to food and care disappears, famine silently begins to unfold,” Mr. Lazzarini said in a tweet.   

    Bombs are not the only thing that kills

    Gaza has faced relentless bombardment for almost three years, but Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director-General of the World Health Organization (WHO) said at a briefing on Wednesday that it is not just the bombs which are killing Palestinians.  

    Starvation is “another killer.”

    Reportedly, at least 100 people have died from hunger, and WHO has documented at least 21 cases of children under the age of five dying from malnutrition.  

    Additionally, Mr. Lazzarini said one in five children in Gaza City are malnourished, a number that is increasing every day that unhindered humanitarian aid is denied. He said that these children urgently need treatment, but supplies remain low.  

    Between early March and mid-May — 80 consecutive days — no aid was allowed into the Gaza Strip, pushing the population to the brink of famine. While minimal aid has since entered, Tedros emphasised that it is not enough.  

    “Food deliveries have resumed intermittently but remain far below what is needed for the survival of the population,” he said. 

    A boy in Gaza waits for food.

    Safe havens are no longer safe

    Tedros reported that between 27 May and 21 July, over 1,000 people in Gaza have been killed while trying to access food.  

    Many of these have died in or around sites operated by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), an American-run and Israeli-backed aid distribution organization which the UN has repeatedly said violates well-established principles of international humanitarian law.

    “Parents tell us their children cry themselves to sleep from hunger. Food distribution sites have become places of violence,” Tedros said.  

    In addition to risking their lives when seeking out desperately needed humanitarian assistance, hospitals — which have been systematically targeted according to UNFPA — are no longer safe havens.  

    “Hospitals, which are supposed to be safe havens, have regularly been attacked, and many are no longer functioning,” Tedros said.  

    He recalled that on Monday, a WHO staff residence, a humanitarian site, was attacked with male personnel being stripped and interrogated, women and children forced to flee on foot in the midst of violence, and one WHO staff member detained.  

    “Despite this, WHO and other UN agencies are staying in Gaza. Our commitment is firm. UN agencies must be protected while operating in conflict zones,”  Tedros said.  

    An UNRWA school turned shelter in Al Bureij, Gaza, lies in ruins following a missile attack in May 2025.

    Frontline workers face hunger

    In addition to the Palestinians in Gaza who are “emaciated, weak and at high risk of dying,” aid workers are also feeling the effects of sustained lack of supplies.  

    Most UNRWA workers are surviving on a meagre bowl of lentils each day, Mr. Lazzarini said, leading many of them to faint from hunger at work.  

    “When caretakers cannot find enough to eat, the entire humanitarian system is collapsing,” he said.  

    Some parents are too hungry to care for their children, and even those who do reach clinics for treatment are often too tired to follow the advice provided.  

    Mr. Lazzarini noted that UNRWA alone has 6,000 trucks of desperately needed food and medical supplies in Jordan and Egypt. He called for this, and other aid, to be immediately let through.

    “Families are no longer coping, they are breaking down, unable to survive. Their existence is threatened,” he said.  “Allow humanitarian partners to bring unrestricted and uninterrupted humanitarian assistance to Gaza.” 

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Anna Ochigbo Appointed Creative Director of Affluenz Magazine

    Source: APO

    Affluenz Magazine (www.TheAffluenz.com) has announced the appointment of Anna Ochigbo as its new Creative Director, marking a significant step in the evolution of the globally recognized publication as it deepens its editorial presence and expands its influence across luxury, leadership, and culture.

    Ochigbo, who also serves as Executive Director at Dotmount Communications, the Washington DC based parent company of Affluenz, brings to the role a distinguished background in media strategy, creative leadership, and brand development. Her appointment follows the successful release of the magazine’s July and August 2025 issue, which pays tribute to the legacy of the founding father of the United Arab Emirates, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, while profiling some of Africa’s most influential cultural and business leaders.

    In her new role, Ochigbo will direct the magazine’s overall visual and editorial identity. Her responsibilities include curating covers, guiding cross platform storytelling, and ensuring each edition reflects Affluenz’s core mission of showcasing global excellence, innovation, and influence.

    Adedotun Olaoluwa, Founder and Executive Publisher of Affluenz Magazine, described her appointment as both timely and transformative.

    Anna possesses a rare creative intuition and an unmatched ability to craft visual narratives that resonate globally. Her leadership comes at a crucial moment as we reimagine Affluenz for a more interconnected, sophisticated, and culturally dynamic audience, Olaoluwa said.

    Beyond her achievements in luxury publishing, Ochigbo played a central role in coordinating Dotmount Communications’ flagship event, the Middle East Investors Expo held in 2024, which convened investors, policymakers, and innovators from across the Middle East and Africa. Under her leadership, the event received global media attention and positioned Dotmount as a trusted platform for strategic investment communications.

    Ochigbo is also deeply committed to humanitarian work. She plays a leading role in supporting the Hoplites African Aid Foundation (HAAF), a vibrant nonprofit organization dedicated to uplifting communities across Africa through a multifaceted approach that goes beyond traditional health interventions. Originally established in April 2021 as the Hoplites Sickle Cell Foundation, HAAF has since evolved into a broader movement championing sustainable healthcare access, inclusive education, and community development for underserved populations.

    Her portfolio extends to international campaigns in culture, philanthropy, and executive branding, where she has earned recognition for fusing luxury aesthetics with meaningful, high impact content.

    In a statement following her appointment, Ochigbo shared her excitement about shaping the creative future of the magazine.

    Affluenz is more than a magazine. It is a celebration of legacy, innovation, and global identity. I am honored to lead its creative direction at a time when storytelling must be both beautiful and bold. We will not just reflect excellence, we will help define it, she said.

    Her first issue as Creative Director is now on sale, featuring a curated selection of in depth profiles, essays, and visual stories that highlight global influence across business, diplomacy, culture, and philanthropy.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of The Affluenz (formerly Pleasures Magazine).

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI USA: Lummis, Fitzgerald Introduce STUDENT Act to Reform National Education Association’s Federal Charter

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Wyoming Cynthia Lummis

    Washington, D.C. –  Senator Cynthia Lummis (R-WY), along with Representative Scott Fitzgerald (R-WI), today introduced the STUDENT Act, legislation that would impose necessary limitations and conditions on the National Education Association’s (NEA) federal charter to bring it in line with other federally chartered organizations and redirect it toward its original purpose of supporting teachers in America. 

    The NEA, which received its federal charter through an act of Congress, has strayed far from its original educational mission. Despite claiming to be “non-partisan,” the nation’s largest union has repeatedly supported divisive political causes through endorsements and financial contributions that harm students’ education and undermine parental rights. Earlier this month, the NEA members voted to cut ties with the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) over its support for Israel. 

    “The NEA has exploited its federal charter to advance a radical political agenda that puts ideology before education,” said Sen. Lummis. “Wyoming parents and teachers deserve better than a union that prioritizes woke politics over student achievement. The resolution passed at the NEA Representative Assembly to cut ties with the Anti-Defamation League because of its support for Israel is abhorrent and does nothing to stem the rising tide of antisemitic incidents we’ve witnessed nationwide. Federal charters should be reserved for organizations that serve patriotic, charitable, historical, or educational purposes – not for unions that push divisive and antisemitic ideologies.”

    “The NEA long ago transformed from an educational association into a political machine, pushing a progressive agenda that puts activists ahead of students’ needs,” said Congressman Scott Fitzgerald. “The STUDENT Act reins in NEA’s federal charter, restores accountability, and demands a return to its original purpose: educating, not indoctrinating, American children.”

    “The National Education Association has failed to respect its duties as a federally chartered organization or as a steward of children’s education,” said Sen. Ricketts.  “Rather than promote educational outcomes, they promote a radical agenda that supports illegal immigration and teaches harmful gender ideology.  It is time for Congress to restore oversight of the entity it created and make sure young Americans receive the education they deserve.”

    “Rep. Fitzgerald and Sen. Lummis should be commended for their leadership in introducing the STUDENT Act, which would address some of the NEA’s most concerning conduct and make it more accountable to the public and even its own members,” said Freedom Foundation CEO Aaron Withe. “The Freedom Foundation is proud to stand with these courageous lawmakers in the fight to restore sanity to public education.”

    “The Endowment for Middle East Truth, EMET, is proud to endorse the STUDENT Act,” said Sarah Stern, President of the Endowment for Middle East Truth (EMET). “We solidly stand behind the ADL’s fight against the rising tide of antisemitism, which has skyrocketed in our country since October 7, 2023, as well as their position on Israel. We are appalled by the National Education Association’s blatant refusal to entertain the ADL’s professional, fair and balanced point of view, and that they have chosen to take a position that effectively condones Hamas’ atrocities against the Jewish people. It’s unfortunate that the NEA no longer works to fulfil its core mission of advancing an American bias-free education and has instead dedicated itself to political indoctrination and prejudice.”

    In addition to Senators Lummis and Ricketts, U.S. Senators Ted Cruz (R-TX), Jim Risch (R-ID), and Tim Sheehy (R-MT) are original cosponsors. 

    Background: 

    A 2023 Freedom Foundation report revealed that the NEA’s federal charter is unusually brief compared to other Title 36 federally-chartered organizations, allowing the union to operate with minimal oversight while enjoying taxpayer-funded benefits. 

    Key Provisions of the STUDENT Act:

    • Bans promotion of antisemitic beliefs, including harmful stereotypes about Jewish people, Holocaust denial or minimization, and hatred based on Jewish identity or connection to Israel
    • Prohibits the union from promoting or requiring adherence to critical race theory concepts.
    • Prohibits the NEA from engaging in electoral politics and lobbying, a restriction included in 60 percent of federal charters;
    • Eliminates the NEA’s exemption from Washington, D.C. property taxes 
    • Requires explicit member consent for all dues and fees 
    • Mandates comprehensive record-keeping and document accountability 
    • Directs all assets to the Department of Treasury if the NEA dissolves 
    • Prohibits discrimination and hiring quotas 
    • Prevents the NEA and its affiliates from calling strikes or work stoppages 
    • Requires all NEA officers to be U.S. citizens 
    • Establishes transparent governance standards 

    So far, the STUDENT Act has been endorsed by the following state and national organizations:

    • Alabama Policy Institute 
    • American for Fair Treatment 
    • Beacon Impact 
    • Buckeye Institute 
    • California Policy Center 
    • Center for the American Experiment 
    • Commonwealth Foundation 
    • Competitive Enterprise Institute 
    • Consumer Action for a Strong Economy 
    • Defense of Freedom Institute 
    • Endowment for Middle East Truth 
    • Foundation for Government Accountability 
    • Freedom Foundation 
    • Goldwater Institute 
    • Heartland Impact 
    • Heartland Institute 
    • Idaho Freedom Foundation 
    • Illinois Policy Institute 
    • Independent Women’s Voice 
    • Institute for Reforming Government Action Fund 
    • Institute for the American Worker 
    • John Locke Foundation 
    • Kansas Policy Institute 
    • Mackinac Center for Public Policy 
    • National Right to Work Committee 
    • Nevada Policy 
    • Palmetto Promise Institute 
    • Parents Defending Education Action 
    • Rio Grande Foundation 
    • Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy 
    • Upper Midwest Law Center 
    • Yankee Institute 
    • Young America’s Foundation 

    Read the full bill text here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Qatar Reaffirms Its Rejection of Using Food, Starvation of Civilians as Weapon of War

    Source: Government of Qatar

    New York, July 24

    The State of Qatar has reiterated its rejection of the use of food and the starvation of civilians as a weapon of war, calling on the international community to compel Israel to allow the safe, sustained, and unobstructed entry of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip, to be distributed by international humanitarian organizations.

    This came in a statement delivered by HE Permanent Representative of the State of Qatar to the United Nations Sheikha Alya Ahmed bin Saif Al-Thani during the UN Security Council quarterly open debate on The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question‌ (MEPQ), held at UN Headquarters in New York.

    Her Excellency emphasized that the humanitarian situation in Gaza is beyond description, amid widespread famine, the collapse of infrastructure and the healthcare system, the spread of disease, and a death toll surpassing 58,000, including nearly 18,000 children.

    She affirmed the State of Qatar strong condemnation of Israel ongoing attacks on civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, schools, and residential areas, stressing that the forced displacement of Palestinians in any form constitutes a blatant violation of international humanitarian law.

    Her Excellency also stated that Qatar has made sincere efforts, in coordination with Egypt and the United States, to reach a permanent ceasefire in Gaza. She noted that past diplomatic efforts had yielded tangible results through previously reached agreements, and that current mediation efforts are ongoing to bridge the gap between the parties and secure an urgent agreement.

    She further condemned the statements made by Israel Minister of Justice regarding the annexation of the West Bank, describing them as a continuation of illegal settlement policies and a flagrant violation of international law and UN Security Council Resolution 2334. She also denounced the approval of new settlement construction and the attacks carried out by settlers as part of an ongoing series of crimes against the unarmed Palestinian population. She called for urgent international action to protect civilians and to ensure accountability for those responsible.

    Her Excellency conveyed Qatar condemnation of attempts by the Israeli occupation to alter the religious and historical status of holy sites, including the storming of Al-Aqsa Mosque by Israeli officials and settlers, the closure of the Jerusalem Fund, and the transfer of authority over Al Ibrahimi Mosque to a Jewish religious council.

    She said Qatar warned of the risks of regional spillover due to the conflict and condemned Israel attacks on Syria, reaffirming its support for the Syrian Arab Republic sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, and the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people for stability and development.

    She also reaffirmed the State of Qatar’s principled and unwavering support for Lebanon, its unity and territorial integrity, and called for the withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from all Lebanese territory, urging all parties to uphold the ceasefire agreement.

    Her Excellency expressed the State of Qatar welcome of the upcoming United Nations High-Level International Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution to be co-chaired next week by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the French Republic. Qatar hopes the conference will yield tangible results and clear international commitments, serving as a foundational step toward full UN membership for the State of Palestine.

    Her Excellency concluded by reaffirming Qatar principled and consistent stance in support of a just and sustainable solution to the Palestinian issue, based on international legitimacy and ensuring the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, foremost among them, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state along the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. She stressed that Qatar will spare no effort in facilitating and supporting efforts toward achieving this goal. 

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI: Volta Finance Limited – Net Asset Value(s) as at 30 June 2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Volta Finance Limited (VTA / VTAS)
    June 2025 monthly report

    NOT FOR RELEASE, DISTRIBUTION, OR PUBLICATION, IN WHOLE OR PART, IN OR INTO THE UNITED STATES

    Guernsey, July 24, 2025

    AXA IM has published the Volta Finance Limited (the “Company” or “Volta Finance” or “Volta”) monthly report for June 2025. The full report is attached to this release and will be available on Volta’s website shortly (www.voltafinance.com).

    Performance and Portfolio Activity

    Dear Investors,

    In June, Volta Finance achieved a net performance of +0.4% bringing the cumulative performance from August 2024 to date to +11.2%. Both the CLO Debt and CLO Equity assets of the Volta Finance portfolio delivered positive returns, in the context of a positive momentum across credit markets after the volatility induced by tariffs.

    June marked a return to a “risk on” environment, with strong gains in U.S. equity markets amid significant weakening of the US Dollar. This shift was fuelled by easing trade tensions and moderating inflation. Despite inflation levels being close to target, the Fed decided to keep interest rates unchanged at 4.25%-4.50% during their June meeting while elaborating on the unpredictable effects of Trump’s tariffs. In Europe, sentiment was mixed, with major indices ending the month flat. The ECB cut rates by 25 basis points while Christine Lagarde signalled a likely pause in future rate cuts. This easing comes as the eurozone inflation has returned to the central bank’s target of 2%.

    However, significant uncertainties still loom as we enter summer. Only a handful of countries reached agreements with their U.S. counterparts and the approaching deadline could trigger further disruptions notably in supply chains. The sudden escalation of the Iran/Israel situation, culminating in the U.S. bombings of Iranian nuclear facilities, also raised concerns regarding the stability of the region and added disruptions to oil supplies. This led to a spike in crude oil prices and increased interest in traditional safe-haven assets although they retraced by the end of the month due to a temporary resolution of the conflict.

    Credit markets shrugged those worries off and hedged close to the tightest levels experienced over the last year. For instance, the European High Yield index (Xover) settled at 283bps (from 300bps), close to the 280bps resistance level. On the Loan side, Euro Loans closed roughly unchanged at 97.70px (Morningstar European Leveraged Loan Index) while US Loans closed c. 40c up at 97.00px. Primary CLO levels moved sideways across all rated tranches, providing stability and the right environment for CLO formation. In terms of performance, US High Yield returned +1.9% over the month while Euro Loans were up +0.13% and US Loans +0.80%.

    The median CCC assets exposure in CLO portfolios remained stable at 4.5% in the US, slightly above the exposure of European CLOs to CCCs (4.1%). Loan maturity walls continued to transition towards 2030 and beyond, with the next significant refinancing deadlines in 2028 and 2031 in the US, while loan recoveries remained significantly higher than bonds at approximately 62% vs 48%.

    In terms of activity, the month was particularly busy as we faced some CLO debt redemptions (€4.8m) and actively replaced risk to maintain overall risk exposure unchanged. We purchased BB (600bps context), single-B (up to 900bps) and Equity risk from both the Primary and Secondary markets. Cash stood at 11% at the end of the month. Volta Finance’s cashflow generation was slightly up at €28.3m equivalent in interests and coupons over the last six months, representing close to 21% of June’s NAV on an annualized basis.

    Over the month, Volta’s CLO Equity tranches returned +1.6%** while CLO Debt tranches returned +1.0% performance**. The EUR/USD move to 1.18 had an impact on our long dollar exposure in terms of performance (0.4%).

    As of end of June 2025, Volta’s NAV was €273.0m, i.e. €7.46 per share.

    *It should be noted that approximately 0.14% of Volta’s GAV comprises investments for which the relevant NAVs as at the month-end date are normally available only after Volta’s NAV has already been published. Volta’s policy is to publish its NAV on as timely a basis as possible to provide shareholders with Volta’s appropriately up-to-date NAV information. Consequently, such investments are valued using the most recently available NAV for each fund or quoted price for such subordinated notes. The most recently available fund NAV or quoted price was 0.07% as at 30 May 2025, 0.07% as at 31 March 2025.

    ** “performances” of asset classes are calculated as the Dietz-performance of the assets in each bucket, taking into account the Mark-to-Market of the assets at period ends, payments received from the assets over the period, and ignoring changes in cross-currency rates. Nevertheless, some residual currency effects could impact the aggregate value of the portfolio when aggregating each bucket.

    CONTACTS

    For the Investment Manager
    AXA Investment Managers Paris
    François Touati
    francois.touati@axa-im.com        
    +33 (0) 1 44 45 80 22

    Olivier Pons
    Olivier.pons@axa-im.com
    +33 (0) 1 44 45 87 30        

    Company Secretary and Administrator
    BNP Paribas S.A, Guernsey Branch
    guernsey.bp2s.volta.cosec@bnpparibas.com 
    +44 (0) 1481 750 853

    Corporate Broker
    Cavendish Securities plc
    Andrew Worne
    Daniel Balabanoff
    +44 (0) 20 7397 8900

    *****
    ABOUT VOLTA FINANCE LIMITED

    Volta Finance Limited is incorporated in Guernsey under The Companies (Guernsey) Law, 2008 (as amended) and listed on Euronext Amsterdam and the London Stock Exchange’s Main Market for listed securities. Volta’s home member state for the purposes of the EU Transparency Directive is the Netherlands. As such, Volta is subject to regulation and supervision by the AFM, being the regulator for financial markets in the Netherlands.

    Volta’s Investment objectives are to preserve its capital across the credit cycle and to provide a stable stream of income to its Shareholders through dividends that it expects to distribute on a quarterly basis. The Company currently seeks to achieve its investment objectives by pursuing exposure predominantly to CLO’s and similar asset classes. A more diversified investment strategy across structured finance assets may be pursued opportunistically. The Company has appointed AXA Investment Managers Paris an investment management company with a division specialised in structured credit, for the investment management of all its assets.

    *****

    ABOUT AXA INVESTMENT MANAGERS
    AXA Investment Managers (AXA IM) is a multi-expert asset management company within the BNP Group, a global leader in financial protection and wealth management. AXA IM is one of the largest European-based asset managers with 2,800 professionals and €859 billion in assets under management as of the end of June 2024.  

    *****

    This press release is published by AXA Investment Managers Paris (“AXA IM”), in its capacity as alternative investment fund manager (within the meaning of Directive 2011/61/EU, the “AIFM Directive”) of Volta Finance Limited (the “Volta Finance”) whose portfolio is managed by AXA IM.

    This press release is for information only and does not constitute an invitation or inducement to acquire shares in Volta Finance. Its circulation may be prohibited in certain jurisdictions and no recipient may circulate copies of this document in breach of such limitations or restrictions. This document is not an offer for sale of the securities referred to herein in the United States or to persons who are “U.S. persons” for purposes of Regulation S under the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), or otherwise in circumstances where such offer would be restricted by applicable law. Such securities may not be sold in the United States absent registration or an exemption from registration from the Securities Act. Volta Finance does not intend to register any portion of the offer of such securities in the United States or to conduct a public offering of such securities in the United States.

    *****

    This communication is only being distributed to and is only directed at (i) persons who are outside the United Kingdom or (ii) investment professionals falling within Article 19(5) of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (Financial Promotion) Order 2005 (the “Order”) or (iii) high net worth companies, and other persons to whom it may lawfully be communicated, falling within Article 49(2)(a) to (d) of the Order (all such persons together being referred to as “relevant persons”). The securities referred to herein are only available to, and any invitation, offer or agreement to subscribe, purchase or otherwise acquire such securities will be engaged in only with, relevant persons. Any person who is not a relevant person should not act or rely on this document or any of its contents. Past performance cannot be relied on as a guide to future performance.

    *****
    This press release contains statements that are, or may deemed to be, “forward-looking statements”. These forward-looking statements can be identified by the use of forward-looking terminology, including the terms “believes”, “anticipated”, “expects”, “intends”, “is/are expected”, “may”, “will” or “should”. They include the statements regarding the level of the dividend, the current market context and its impact on the long-term return of Volta Finance’s investments. By their nature, forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties and readers are cautioned that any such forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance. Volta Finance’s actual results, portfolio composition and performance may differ materially from the impression created by the forward-looking statements. AXA IM does not undertake any obligation to publicly update or revise forward-looking statements.

    Any target information is based on certain assumptions as to future events which may not prove to be realised. Due to the uncertainty surrounding these future events, the targets are not intended to be and should not be regarded as profits or earnings or any other type of forecasts. There can be no assurance that any of these targets will be achieved. In addition, no assurance can be given that the investment objective will be achieved.

    The figures provided that relate to past months or years and past performance cannot be relied on as a guide to future performance or construed as a reliable indicator as to future performance. Throughout this review, the citation of specific trades or strategies is intended to illustrate some of the investment methodologies and philosophies of Volta Finance, as implemented by AXA IM. The historical success or AXA IM’s belief in the future success, of any of these trades or strategies is not indicative of, and has no bearing on, future results.

    The valuation of financial assets can vary significantly from the prices that the AXA IM could obtain if it sought to liquidate the positions on behalf of the Volta Finance due to market conditions and general economic environment. Such valuations do not constitute a fairness or similar opinion and should not be regarded as such.

    Editor: AXA INVESTMENT MANAGERS PARIS, a company incorporated under the laws of France, having its registered office located at Tour Majunga, 6, Place de la Pyramide – 92800 Puteaux. AXA IMP is authorized by the Autorité des Marchés Financiers under registration number GP92008 as an alternative investment fund manager within the meaning of the AIFM Directive.

    *****

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Volta Finance Limited – Net Asset Value(s) as at 30 June 2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Volta Finance Limited (VTA / VTAS)
    June 2025 monthly report

    NOT FOR RELEASE, DISTRIBUTION, OR PUBLICATION, IN WHOLE OR PART, IN OR INTO THE UNITED STATES

    Guernsey, July 24, 2025

    AXA IM has published the Volta Finance Limited (the “Company” or “Volta Finance” or “Volta”) monthly report for June 2025. The full report is attached to this release and will be available on Volta’s website shortly (www.voltafinance.com).

    Performance and Portfolio Activity

    Dear Investors,

    In June, Volta Finance achieved a net performance of +0.4% bringing the cumulative performance from August 2024 to date to +11.2%. Both the CLO Debt and CLO Equity assets of the Volta Finance portfolio delivered positive returns, in the context of a positive momentum across credit markets after the volatility induced by tariffs.

    June marked a return to a “risk on” environment, with strong gains in U.S. equity markets amid significant weakening of the US Dollar. This shift was fuelled by easing trade tensions and moderating inflation. Despite inflation levels being close to target, the Fed decided to keep interest rates unchanged at 4.25%-4.50% during their June meeting while elaborating on the unpredictable effects of Trump’s tariffs. In Europe, sentiment was mixed, with major indices ending the month flat. The ECB cut rates by 25 basis points while Christine Lagarde signalled a likely pause in future rate cuts. This easing comes as the eurozone inflation has returned to the central bank’s target of 2%.

    However, significant uncertainties still loom as we enter summer. Only a handful of countries reached agreements with their U.S. counterparts and the approaching deadline could trigger further disruptions notably in supply chains. The sudden escalation of the Iran/Israel situation, culminating in the U.S. bombings of Iranian nuclear facilities, also raised concerns regarding the stability of the region and added disruptions to oil supplies. This led to a spike in crude oil prices and increased interest in traditional safe-haven assets although they retraced by the end of the month due to a temporary resolution of the conflict.

    Credit markets shrugged those worries off and hedged close to the tightest levels experienced over the last year. For instance, the European High Yield index (Xover) settled at 283bps (from 300bps), close to the 280bps resistance level. On the Loan side, Euro Loans closed roughly unchanged at 97.70px (Morningstar European Leveraged Loan Index) while US Loans closed c. 40c up at 97.00px. Primary CLO levels moved sideways across all rated tranches, providing stability and the right environment for CLO formation. In terms of performance, US High Yield returned +1.9% over the month while Euro Loans were up +0.13% and US Loans +0.80%.

    The median CCC assets exposure in CLO portfolios remained stable at 4.5% in the US, slightly above the exposure of European CLOs to CCCs (4.1%). Loan maturity walls continued to transition towards 2030 and beyond, with the next significant refinancing deadlines in 2028 and 2031 in the US, while loan recoveries remained significantly higher than bonds at approximately 62% vs 48%.

    In terms of activity, the month was particularly busy as we faced some CLO debt redemptions (€4.8m) and actively replaced risk to maintain overall risk exposure unchanged. We purchased BB (600bps context), single-B (up to 900bps) and Equity risk from both the Primary and Secondary markets. Cash stood at 11% at the end of the month. Volta Finance’s cashflow generation was slightly up at €28.3m equivalent in interests and coupons over the last six months, representing close to 21% of June’s NAV on an annualized basis.

    Over the month, Volta’s CLO Equity tranches returned +1.6%** while CLO Debt tranches returned +1.0% performance**. The EUR/USD move to 1.18 had an impact on our long dollar exposure in terms of performance (0.4%).

    As of end of June 2025, Volta’s NAV was €273.0m, i.e. €7.46 per share.

    *It should be noted that approximately 0.14% of Volta’s GAV comprises investments for which the relevant NAVs as at the month-end date are normally available only after Volta’s NAV has already been published. Volta’s policy is to publish its NAV on as timely a basis as possible to provide shareholders with Volta’s appropriately up-to-date NAV information. Consequently, such investments are valued using the most recently available NAV for each fund or quoted price for such subordinated notes. The most recently available fund NAV or quoted price was 0.07% as at 30 May 2025, 0.07% as at 31 March 2025.

    ** “performances” of asset classes are calculated as the Dietz-performance of the assets in each bucket, taking into account the Mark-to-Market of the assets at period ends, payments received from the assets over the period, and ignoring changes in cross-currency rates. Nevertheless, some residual currency effects could impact the aggregate value of the portfolio when aggregating each bucket.

    CONTACTS

    For the Investment Manager
    AXA Investment Managers Paris
    François Touati
    francois.touati@axa-im.com        
    +33 (0) 1 44 45 80 22

    Olivier Pons
    Olivier.pons@axa-im.com
    +33 (0) 1 44 45 87 30        

    Company Secretary and Administrator
    BNP Paribas S.A, Guernsey Branch
    guernsey.bp2s.volta.cosec@bnpparibas.com 
    +44 (0) 1481 750 853

    Corporate Broker
    Cavendish Securities plc
    Andrew Worne
    Daniel Balabanoff
    +44 (0) 20 7397 8900

    *****
    ABOUT VOLTA FINANCE LIMITED

    Volta Finance Limited is incorporated in Guernsey under The Companies (Guernsey) Law, 2008 (as amended) and listed on Euronext Amsterdam and the London Stock Exchange’s Main Market for listed securities. Volta’s home member state for the purposes of the EU Transparency Directive is the Netherlands. As such, Volta is subject to regulation and supervision by the AFM, being the regulator for financial markets in the Netherlands.

    Volta’s Investment objectives are to preserve its capital across the credit cycle and to provide a stable stream of income to its Shareholders through dividends that it expects to distribute on a quarterly basis. The Company currently seeks to achieve its investment objectives by pursuing exposure predominantly to CLO’s and similar asset classes. A more diversified investment strategy across structured finance assets may be pursued opportunistically. The Company has appointed AXA Investment Managers Paris an investment management company with a division specialised in structured credit, for the investment management of all its assets.

    *****

    ABOUT AXA INVESTMENT MANAGERS
    AXA Investment Managers (AXA IM) is a multi-expert asset management company within the BNP Group, a global leader in financial protection and wealth management. AXA IM is one of the largest European-based asset managers with 2,800 professionals and €859 billion in assets under management as of the end of June 2024.  

    *****

    This press release is published by AXA Investment Managers Paris (“AXA IM”), in its capacity as alternative investment fund manager (within the meaning of Directive 2011/61/EU, the “AIFM Directive”) of Volta Finance Limited (the “Volta Finance”) whose portfolio is managed by AXA IM.

    This press release is for information only and does not constitute an invitation or inducement to acquire shares in Volta Finance. Its circulation may be prohibited in certain jurisdictions and no recipient may circulate copies of this document in breach of such limitations or restrictions. This document is not an offer for sale of the securities referred to herein in the United States or to persons who are “U.S. persons” for purposes of Regulation S under the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), or otherwise in circumstances where such offer would be restricted by applicable law. Such securities may not be sold in the United States absent registration or an exemption from registration from the Securities Act. Volta Finance does not intend to register any portion of the offer of such securities in the United States or to conduct a public offering of such securities in the United States.

    *****

    This communication is only being distributed to and is only directed at (i) persons who are outside the United Kingdom or (ii) investment professionals falling within Article 19(5) of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (Financial Promotion) Order 2005 (the “Order”) or (iii) high net worth companies, and other persons to whom it may lawfully be communicated, falling within Article 49(2)(a) to (d) of the Order (all such persons together being referred to as “relevant persons”). The securities referred to herein are only available to, and any invitation, offer or agreement to subscribe, purchase or otherwise acquire such securities will be engaged in only with, relevant persons. Any person who is not a relevant person should not act or rely on this document or any of its contents. Past performance cannot be relied on as a guide to future performance.

    *****
    This press release contains statements that are, or may deemed to be, “forward-looking statements”. These forward-looking statements can be identified by the use of forward-looking terminology, including the terms “believes”, “anticipated”, “expects”, “intends”, “is/are expected”, “may”, “will” or “should”. They include the statements regarding the level of the dividend, the current market context and its impact on the long-term return of Volta Finance’s investments. By their nature, forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties and readers are cautioned that any such forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance. Volta Finance’s actual results, portfolio composition and performance may differ materially from the impression created by the forward-looking statements. AXA IM does not undertake any obligation to publicly update or revise forward-looking statements.

    Any target information is based on certain assumptions as to future events which may not prove to be realised. Due to the uncertainty surrounding these future events, the targets are not intended to be and should not be regarded as profits or earnings or any other type of forecasts. There can be no assurance that any of these targets will be achieved. In addition, no assurance can be given that the investment objective will be achieved.

    The figures provided that relate to past months or years and past performance cannot be relied on as a guide to future performance or construed as a reliable indicator as to future performance. Throughout this review, the citation of specific trades or strategies is intended to illustrate some of the investment methodologies and philosophies of Volta Finance, as implemented by AXA IM. The historical success or AXA IM’s belief in the future success, of any of these trades or strategies is not indicative of, and has no bearing on, future results.

    The valuation of financial assets can vary significantly from the prices that the AXA IM could obtain if it sought to liquidate the positions on behalf of the Volta Finance due to market conditions and general economic environment. Such valuations do not constitute a fairness or similar opinion and should not be regarded as such.

    Editor: AXA INVESTMENT MANAGERS PARIS, a company incorporated under the laws of France, having its registered office located at Tour Majunga, 6, Place de la Pyramide – 92800 Puteaux. AXA IMP is authorized by the Autorité des Marchés Financiers under registration number GP92008 as an alternative investment fund manager within the meaning of the AIFM Directive.

    *****

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: The CMA: Compensation for Investors Affected by Violations Committed in the Shares of “Watani Iron Steel Co.”

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    RIYADH, Saudi Arabia, July 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The Capital Market Authority (CMA) announces the completion of compensation for investors affected by the violations committed in the shares of Watani Iron Steel Co., which occurred before and after the company’s direct listing on the Parallel Market (Nomu). These violations were committed by five individuals convicted under the decision issued by the Appeal Committee for Resolution of Securities Disputes (ACRSD), published on the websites of the CMA and the GS-CRSD on April 4, 2024. The decision, resulting from the penal lawsuit filed by the Public Prosecution and referred by the Capital Market Authority, obligated them to pay SAR 41.4 million in illegal gains resulting from these violations.

    The compensations were deposited into the accounts of the affected investors through the Compensation Fund, which was established pursuant to a resolution of the CMA’s Board to compensate affected parties in accordance with the distribution plan approved by the CRSD. This facilitates the compensation process and ensures that entitlements are delivered to their rightful owners with minimal effort.

    Since the publication of the ACRSD’s decision, the CMA has worked on assessing the appropriateness of activating Article (59) of the Capital Market Law, which grants the CMA the power to organize compensation procedures for individuals affected by violations and to establish dedicated compensation funds sourced from illegally obtained gains. Compensation for affected individuals is carried out in accordance with a distribution plan approved by the Committee. This led to the establishment of this fund to compensate eligible parties under a distribution plan approved by a decision of the CRSD, in line with the rules, procedures, and legal provisions to enhance the efficiency of these funds.

    The approved distribution plan was designed in proportion to the scale of the violations committed, the value of the illegal gains realized from those violations, and the extent of harm suffered by investors who traded the company’s shares during the violation period. Compensation amounts for some investors reached more than one million Saudi Riyals, representing the highest compensation approved by the CRSD. In this context, the CMA affirms that the distribution plan approved by the CRSD included all individuals proven to have suffered harm, based on the technical records. This does not preclude the right of any individual who believes they have been harmed but was not included in the distribution plan to file an individual claim with the CRSD to seek compensation.

    Compensation funds complement the mechanisms that facilitate compensating investors affected by violations committed in the capital market. They add to the available avenues for compensation, such as individual lawsuits and class actions. The CMA adopts a set of criteria to determine the appropriateness of establishing a compensation fund using illegal obtained gains from violators whenever the facts and circumstances of a case indicate the existence of actual harmed parties and when the CMA deems that creating such a fund would be more effective and practical than other available means of compensation for damages sustained by market participants as a result of violations of the Capital Market Law and its implementing regulations. The CMA clarified that it employs a range of analytical tools to reach a systematic assessment regarding the suitability of establishing a compensation fund based on final decisions issued by the CRSD. This assessment relies on several criteria that help determine the most suitable compensation mechanism, whether through direct compensation via these funds or through class actions to claim compensation. These criteria include aspects related to the execution and collection of illegally obtained gains, the nature and number of violations committed, their impact, and the extent to which the Committees can adopt and practically apply the principle of compensation to all affected parties in the case under review.

    The CMA affirms that, in the context of enhancing compensation opportunities, it has carefully studied global best practices applied in capital markets and adopted what aligns with the nature of the Saudi capital market. This contributes to improving the efficiency of compensation mechanisms, strengthening investor confidence in the market, and protecting their rights. These efforts form part of a broader package of strategic initiatives launched by the CMA to advance the development of a more sophisticated and competitive financial ecosystem.

    Capital Market Authority
    Communication & Investor Protection Division
    +966114906009
    +966557666932
    Media@cma.org.sa
    www.cma.org.sa

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: LECTRA: First half 2025: stable revenues and limited decline in EBITDA in a context of increased volatility in Q2

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    First half 2025: stable revenues and limited decline in EBITDA in a context of increased volatility in Q2

    • Revenues: 261.3 million euros (stable)*
    • EBITDA before non-recurring items: 40.4 million euros (-4%)*
    • Annual objectives are no more relevant, in the absence of visibility

    (*) At actual exchange rates

      April 1 – June 30 January 1 – June 30
      2025 2024 Variation 2025/2024   2025 2024 Variation 2025/2024
    (in millions of euros)     Actual exchange rates Like-for-like(1)       Actual exchange rates Like-for-like(1)
    Revenues 126.8 132.7 -4% -2%   261.3 262.3 0% -1%
    ARR (2)(3)   90.9 88.9 +2% +6%
    EBITDA before non-recurring items (3) 19.2 21.2 -9% -3%   40.4 42.2 -4% -4%
    EBITDA margin before non-recurring items 15.2% 15.9% -0.7 point -0.2 point   15.4% 16.1% -0.7 point -0.7 point
    Net income 5.3 4.4 20%   11.1 11.1 0%
    Consolidated Shareholders’ Equity (2)   343.8 374.4
    Net cash (+) / Net debt (-) (2)   -34.1 -20.6

    (1) At constant exchange rates and comparable scope
    (2) As of June 30, 2025 and December 31, 2024
    (3) The definition of performance indicators is included in the Financial report as of 30 June 2025

    Paris, July 24, 2025. Today, Lectra’s Board of Directors, chaired by Daniel Harari, reviewed the consolidated financial statements for the first half of 2025, which have been subject to a limited review by the Statutory Auditors.

    1. A PARADIGM SHIFT AT THE GLOBAL LEVEL

    The deterioration in the global economic situation since early March continued throughout the second quarter, extending to all geographical areas and all sectors of activity. The US tariff announcements on April 2 came as a shock that increased the uncertainty weighing on the business climate, particularly for the Group’s customers, who are highly exposed to international trade.

    While the direct impact of these measures is limited for Lectra, the indirect impacts, linked to the reactions of the customers concerned, together with the lack of visibility, have led to a pause in their investment decisions. The Group’s customers — brands and subcontractors alike — must adapt to this new economic situation, whether in terms of pricing policy, production, investment or future strategy, and are waiting for negotiations to be concluded before choosing their options.

    The 90-day suspension of reciprocal tariffs, announced on April 9 and due to end on July 9 was followed by further announcements. The frequent changes in the decisions of the US administration and the negotiations still underway have contributed to persistent uncertainty.

    The direct impacts of tariffs remain limited, and are under control

    European and Chinese exports to the United States account for less than 10% of Lectra’s sales. Starting in April, Lectra has taken several measures to deal with the new commercial situation: the Group has reflected the full impact of customs tariffs on price lists in the United States for equipment, consumables and parts and maintenance contracts. It also rerouted some shipments to Mexico to avoid customs formalities and removed several products from the Chinese and American catalogs.

    Indirect impacts are characterized by high customer wait-and-see position

    Lectra’s three strategic markets are highly exposed to tariffs.

    Particularly in the fashion and automotive sectors, the United States’ dependence on imports is very strong. Whatever the outcome of the negotiations, the need to diversify sources of supply and their countries of origin seems clear and will require additional production capacities and relocations.

    In the Group’s three strategic markets, the turbulence of the last few months represents medium- and long-term development opportunities for Lectra, irrespective of the tariff rates ultimately decided, and will necessarily lead to structural changes in the industrial landscape and supply chains.

         2.   Q2 2025

    The slowdown that affected the Americas and Automotive from mid-March onwards spread to all geographies and sectors. Indeed, the successive announcements, then the shock of “Liberation Day” on April 2, have led to a strong wait-and-see attitude from customers. New systems orders were accordingly 27% lower in the second quarter.

    Q2 2025 revenues were down 4% on an actual basis and 2% on a like-for-like basis, reflecting the continued slowdown that began in mid-March.

    EBITDA before non-recurring items (€19.2 million) declined 3%, resulting in a recurring EBITDA margin before non-recurring items of 15.2%, down 0.7 percentage point on an actual basis (0.2 percentage point like-for-like).

    Considering the amortization of intangible assets (€5.7 million), income from operations before non-recurring items was down 6% on a like-to-like basis, to €8.9 million. Net income reached €5.3 million, up 20% on an actual basis, driven by a reduction in tax expense. 

         3.   FIRST HALF 2025

    To facilitate analysis of the Group’s results, the financial statements are compared to those published in 2024 that consolidated Launchmetrics as of January 23 (“actual”) and, for the analysis of variations, to the 2024 Proforma statements that consolidate Launchmetrics as of January 1, expressed at 2024 exchange rates (like-for-like”). Proforma revenues and EBITDA increased by €2.5 million and €0.3 million respectively compared to the reported financial statements.

    H1 2025 revenues amounted to €261.3 million, down 1%. This breaks down into €69.3 million in non-recurring revenues, down 7%, and €192.0 million in recurring revenues (73% of revenues), up 2%, including €43.6 million in revenues from SaaS subscription contracts (17% of revenues, +13%).

    The ARR at June 30, 2025 was €90.9 million, up 6% on a like-for-like basis (+2% on an actual basis) compared to the level at the end of 2024, confirming the relevance of Lectra’s strategy.

    In a context of declining revenues, the gross margin reached €190.0 million, up 1%, and the gross margin rate stood at 72.7%, up 1 point, thanks to the favorable sales mix and strengthened cost control.

    EBITDA before non-recurring items reached €40.4 million, down 4%, with an EBITDA margin before non-recurring items of 15.4%, down 0.6 point.

    Income from operations before non-recurring items amounted to €19.2 million, down 9%.

    Net income, following a tax expense of 3.6 million euros, was stable at 11.1 million euros.

    Free cash flow before non-recurring items remained high in the first half of 2025 at € 33.0 million, reflecting good management of the working capital requirement, which was negative by €41.6 million, benefiting from lower receivables and a further reduction in inventories.

    As of June 30, 2025, the Group’s balance sheet remained very strong: shareholders’ equity stood at €343.8 million and net debt at €34.1 million after disbursement of the second tranche of Launchmetrics’ share capital (€20.5 million), the acquisition of Glengo Turkey (€1.7 million), and dividend payments (€15.2 million). Net debt consisted in financial debt of €94.6 million and cash of €60.6 million, reflecting the continued deleveraging of the company.

         4.   OUTLOOK

    In the Annual Financial Report 2024 published February 12, 2025, Lectra reiterated its long-term vision, as well as the objectives of its 2023-2025 strategic roadmap. The Group then underlined, in a deteriorating environment, its resilient nature, the quality of its fundamentals, and the pursuit of its strategy with a focus on the development of its SaaS business.

    Following the series of announcements on tariffs, the 2025 outlook had not been updated when the first quarter 2025 results were published on April 24, 2025.

    At the end of the second quarter, there were still no signs of significant improvement that would point to an upturn in activity. The economic and political context remains uncertain and continues to lead to a strong wait-and-see attitude on the part of the Group’s customers. In this context, the annual objectives announced by the Group in February 2025 are no more relevant.

    The Company remains attentive to the evolution of the situation and relies on its solid fundamentals, notably its low net debt and high free cash flow generation, to pursue its strategy.

    The 2024 Annual Financial Report, as well as the Management Discussion and Analysis of Financial Conditions and Results of Operations and the financial statements for H1 2025 are available on lectra.com. Q3 and the first nine months of 2025 earnings will be published on October 29, 2025 after market. 

    About Lectra

    At the forefront of innovation since its founding in 1973, Lectra provides industrial intelligence technology solutions—combining software in SaaS mode, cutting equipment, data, and associated services—to players in the fashion, automotive and furniture industries. With boldness and passion, Lectra accelerates the transformation and success of its customers in a world in perpetual motion thanks to the key technologies of Industry 4.0: AI, big data, cloud and the internet of things. 

    The Group is present in more than one hundred countries. It operates three production sites for its cutting equipment, located in France, China and the United States. Lectra’s 3,000 employees are driven by three core values: being open-minded thinkers, trusted partners and passionate innovators. They all share the same concern for social responsibility, which is one of the pillars of Lectra’s strategy to ensure its sustainable growth and that of its customers.

    Lectra reported revenues of €527 million in 2024, including €77 million coming from its SaaS offerings. The company is listed on Euronext, and is included in the CAC All Shares, CAC Technology, EN Tech Leaders and ENT PEA-PME 150 indices.

    For more information, visit ww.lectra.com

    Lectra – World Headquarters et siège social: 16–18, rue Chalgrin • 75016 Paris • France
    Tel. +33 (0)1 53 64 42 00 – lectra.com
    A French Société Anonyme with capital of € 37,966,274. RCS Paris B 300 702 305

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: The US has sanctioned UN special rapporteur Francesca Albanese – here’s why she’s the wrong target

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alvina Hoffmann, Lecturer in Diplomatic Studies, Department of Politics and International Studies, SOAS, University of London

    The United States has imposed sanctions against the UN’s special rapporteur in the Palestinian territories, Francesca Albanese. It’s an unprecedented situation. The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, cited as the reason her direct engagement with the International Criminal Court “in efforts to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute nationals of the United States or Israel”.

    The statement also described Albanese’s “threatening letters to dozens of entities worldwide, including major American companies” as an escalation of her strategies. The sanctions were framed as preventing “illegitimate ICC overreach and abuse of power” and as part of Trump’s Executive Order 14203 on imposing sanctions on the ICC.

    This raises the question: who are special rapporteurs and why would Albanese’s performance of her role elicit such a strong reaction from the US? Special rapporteurs are independent human rights experts, part of the UN Human Rights Council’s special procedures system established in 1979. There are 46 “thematic mandates” on issues such as extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and the environment, and 14 “country mandates”, including in Palestine.

    Experts on human rights from academia, advocacy, law and other relevant professional fields are appointed to fulfil a variety of tasks. These include undertaking country visits, sending communications to states about individual cases of human rights violations, developing international human rights standards, engaging in advocacy and providing technical cooperation based on their legal and thematic expertise.

    In 1967, 22 years after it was set up, the United Nations established institutional provisions for independent experts on human rights. This happened first in 1967 when it appointed an ad hoc working group of experts on apartheid and racial discrimination in southern Africa. In 1968 the same group of experts was appointed to investigate “Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories”. This is still in place today.

    Neither South Africa nor Israel allowed experts to enter their territories to inspect their human rights record at the time. But in 2003, nearly a decade after it first held democratic elections, South Africa issued a standing invitation to all thematic special procedures, meaning they committed themselves, at least in theory, to always accept requests to visit from rapporteurs.

    Attacks on individual rapporteurs

    Albanese, a specialist in international human rights law, is the eighth rapporteur since the creation of her mandate in 1993. She was appointed to this pro bono position in 2022 for three years, and her mandate was recently renewed for another period of three years.

    It was her most recent report from June 30 which led to her being sanctioned by the US. The report focused on the role of the corporate sector in “colonial endeavours and associated genocides” and named over 60 companies as “complicit”.

    A host of institutions and leading human rights figures have come to her defence. Agnes Callamard, a former special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings, now the secretary general of Amnesty international noted the “chilling effects for all special rapporteurs” of the US decision. Top UN human rights officials denounced this dangerous precedent and called for its reversal.

    In February 2024, the government of Israel declared Albanese persona non grata in response to her remark that “the victims of the October 7 massacre were not murdered because of their Jewishness, but in response to Israeli oppression”. As with the newly imposed sanctions, she called this step a distraction and called upon the world to keep their focus on Gaza.

    Diplomatic immunity

    Special rapporteurs are granted diplomatic immunity which, in theory, should enable them to speak up or write critical reports without the fear of reprisals. But in 1989 and 1999 the ICJ had to intervene with an advisory opinion on two cases when this status was jeopardised after the home countries of two special rapporteurs tried to restrict their freedom of speech. This involved Romanian national Dumitru Mazilu, tasked with writing a report on “Human rights and youth”, and Malaysian national Dato’ Param Cumaraswamy, special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers.

    Special rapporteurs wrote a collective letter denouncing the second case, when the Malaysian government filed several legal proceedings against Cumaraswamy. The body of experts called this “judicial harassment of a special rapporteur” and “a challenge to the status of the United Nations as a whole, its officials and its experts on mission”.

    Special rapporteurs occupy an ambiguous institutional position. They take their mandate from the Human Rights Council, but they act in their personal capacity, and hence are not considered to be UN officials. In practice, they need to balance relations carefully between the UN secretariat, civil society, state representatives and, at times, their own countries.

    The advisory opinions helped clarify that it was the secretary general, as the head of the United Nations, that entrusts them with the privileges of diplomatic immunity. The arrangement also leaves the door open for national courts to disagree with the secretary general. This enabled individual countries in some cases to exercise some form of control over their own nationals.

    The recent attack on Albanese adds to the broader budgetary crisis of the UN, as the Trump administration is withholding funds of about US$1.5 billion (£1.2 billion) in addition to other countries such as China, Russia and Saudi Arabia. These are serious challenges for the UN human rights and humanitarian aid programmes. As past cases of attacks against individual rapporteurs have shown, it is important for all rapporteurs to stand together as one body and defend the integrity of the system as a whole.

    Despite these attacks on her integrity and person, Albanese maintains faith in the human rights law instruments. As she stated during a public talk I attended at SOAS University of London in November 2024, we are yet to unlock the full potential of these instruments. This can only be done as a collective.

    Alvina Hoffmann has previously been funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (UKRI).

    ref. The US has sanctioned UN special rapporteur Francesca Albanese – here’s why she’s the wrong target – https://theconversation.com/the-us-has-sanctioned-un-special-rapporteur-francesca-albanese-heres-why-shes-the-wrong-target-261788

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Gaza is starving – how Israel’s allies can go beyond words and take meaningful action

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Simon Mabon, Professor of International Relations, Lancaster University

    In the past two months, more than 1,000 people seeking food have been killed, according to the UN Human Rights Office. While the figure has been disputed by Israel and the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation which was set up to distribute aid, 28 nations this week condemned the “horrifying” killing of Gazans trying to get food.

    As the Israel Defense Forces continues its assault in the city of Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, including an attack on the staff residence of the World Health Organization on July 21, UN bodies are warning that the besieged strip’s last lifelines are collapsing.

    Already around 60,000 Gazans have been killed and growing numbers are now dying from hunger and malnutrition, according to the Hamas-led Gaza Health Ministry. More than 90% of the private homes in Gaza have been damaged or destroyed.

    For all the talk of a ceasefire – one that is long overdue – there is little hope. Israeli military operations continue and Gazans must risk their lives in search of food and aid.


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    Malnutrition is rife. According to the IPC’s report in May – the international organisation that monitors food security – “goods indispensable for people’s survival are either depleted or expected to run out in the coming weeks” with nearly 500,000 people considered to be facing “catastrophe”, with a further 1.1 million in an “emergency” risk category.

    For the IPC, the catastrophe category is one of extreme food shortages, critical malnutrition leading to starvation and high death rates. The emergency category is one of severe food shortages, very high malnutrition and even death.

    Israeli officials continue to speak of moving Gazans into what has been termed a “humanitarian city” but what former Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert described as a “concentration camp”. In the same interview Olmert called decision to move Gazans into the camp as “ethnic cleansing”.

    All the while, the world’s leaders look on. Most are apparently content to condemn – but little action has been taken.

    The clamour for Israel’s allies to take a harder stance on its actions in Gaza is growing louder by the day. On July 23, a group of 38 former EU ambassadors published an open letter to EU heads of states and senior officials accusing Israel of taking “calculated steps towards ethnic cleansing” and calling out the EU’s failure to “respond meaningfully to these horrific events”.

    But what do actions look like? Pressure must be applied to the Netanyahu government. In the UK, both prime minister Keir Starmer and foreign minister David Lammy have been quick to stress that the UK has urged Israel to respect international law.

    They point to the sanctions the UK has imposed on Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, two rightwing ministers in Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition government, as a result of their repeated incitements of violence against Palestinians. While Lammy suggests that further sanctions could follow if Israel does not change its behaviour in Gaza and bring about an end to the suffering, the atrocities continue.

    Practical steps to pressure Israel

    Pressure is growing on the UK government to recognise Palestine as a state – something that I was told by a contact in the Labour government more than a year ago was on Labour’s agenda before October 7. Lammy insists the government is committed to a two-state solution, but this is not diplomatically viable given that the UK only recognises one state involved in these events.

    The state of Palestine is recognised as a sovereign entity by 147 other members of the UN. That’s 75% of all members.

    Other steps could be a full arms embargo, something that has long been called for but rejected by the UK government, which has banned some, but by no means all arms sales to Israel. A number of countries have properly banned arms sales to Israel since October 2023, including Italy, Spain, Canada, the Netherlands, Belgium and Japan.

    There are other more incendiary options. One would be for the UK and others to properly adhere to their obligations under international law.

    The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for the Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his defence minister, Yoav Gallant, in November 2024. There are 125 countries that have signed up to the ICC (the US isn’t one of them). They could arrest Netanyahu if he enters their countries.

    There are a range of other things that could be tried. A look at what the international community did to make South Africa a pariah during the later years of apartheid would be worthwhile.

    EU should use its diplomatic muscle

    As Israel’s biggest trading partner, the EU has the potential to wield considerable clout, so the question must be asked: why has so little been done, beyond mere words.

    In June, the EU found Israel to be in breach of its human rights commitments under the terms of the EU-Israel association agreement. Yet to date there have been as yet no moves to suspend trade.

    Kaja Kallas, the EU’s foreign policy chief declared that “all options remain on the table if Israel doesn’t deliver” on its pledges. These include full or partial suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, sanctions on members of government, military or settlers, trade measures, arms embargoes, or the suspension of academic cooperation – including the prestigious Horizon Europe Research and Innovation programme.

    Of course, getting all 27 member states to agree to such an approach is easier said than done. And national leaders will obviously have to consider that taking steps to put pressure with Israel could damage relations with the Trump administration in the US.

    But all the while, the situation on the ground is deteriorating, with the world watching while Gaza burns. The failure by Israel’s allies to take meaningful steps to pressure Israel to prevent the wanton killing and displacement is a stain on humanity.

    After the horrors of the second world war, Rwanda, Myanmar and Srebrenica, the world said “never again”. Without action, there’s a risk it will shrug its shoulders and say “never mind”.


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    Simon Mabon receives funding from Carnegie Corporation of New York and The Henry Luce Foundation.

    ref. Gaza is starving – how Israel’s allies can go beyond words and take meaningful action – https://theconversation.com/gaza-is-starving-how-israels-allies-can-go-beyond-words-and-take-meaningful-action-261783

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Fitzgerald and Senator Lummis Introduce Legislation to Reform the National Education Association Federal Charter

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Scott Fitzgerald (WI-05)

    WASHINGTON, DC – Congressman Scott Fitzgerald (WI-05) and Senator Cynthia Lummis (R-WY) introduced the Stopping Teachers Unions from Damaging Education Needs Today (STUDENT) Act to rein in the National Education Association (NEA) through its federal charter and rededicate the organization to the pursuit of increased student learning and quality education in schools across the United States.

    The STUDENT Act makes substantial and much needed limitations and conditions to the NEA charter, bringing it in line with other federally chartered organizations. The bill establishes the following charter changes and best practices:

    • Ensures the NEA is no longer exempt from paying D.C. property tax, a wholly unnecessary benefit for the largest union in America.
    • Keeps the NEA from engaging in discrimination or employing hiring quotas.
    • Requires all members to explicitly consent to paying dues and fees.
    • Prevents the corporation and its affiliates from calling for strikes or work stoppages.
    • Requires any NEA officer to be a U.S. citizen.
    • Makes the corporation keep track and account for all records, meeting notes, and other documents.
    • Sends all assets to the Department of the Treasury if the NEA ever dissolves.
    • Prohibits the union from encouraging or requiring members to adhere to any critical race theory concept.

    “The NEA long ago transformed from an educational association into a political machine, pushing a progressive agenda that puts activists ahead of students’ needs,” said Rep. Fitzgerald. “The STUDENT Act reins in NEA’s federal charter, restores accountability, and demands a return to its original purpose: educating, not indoctrinating, American children.”

    “The NEA has exploited its federal charter to advance a radical political agenda that puts ideology before education,” said Sen. Lummis. “Wyoming parents and teachers deserve better than a union that prioritizes woke politics over student achievement. The resolution passed at the NEA Representative Assembly to cut ties with the Anti-Defamation League because of its support for Israel is abhorrent and does nothing to stem the rising tide of antisemitic incidents we’ve witnessed nationwide. Federal charters should be reserved for organizations that serve patriotic, charitable, historical, or educational purposes – not for unions that push divisive and antisemitic ideologies.”

    “Rep. Fitzgerald and Sen. Lummis should be commended for their leadership in introducing the STUDENT Act, which would address some of the NEA’s most concerning conduct and make it more accountable to the public and even its own members,” said Freedom Foundation CEO Aaron Withe. “The Freedom Foundation is proud to stand with these courageous lawmakers in the fight to restore sanity to public education.”

    BACKGROUND: The NEA, a teachers’ union, was given a federal charter through an act of Congress in 1906. Congress has granted charters to organizations with a patriotic, charitable, historical, or educational purpose, which provides these organizations with prestige and, in some cases, indirect financial benefit. The NEA, the largest union in the United States, while supposedly “non-partisan,” has time and time again supported woke, liberal causes through their endorsements and other political contributions.

    A 2023 report by the Freedom Foundation found that because the NEA was incorporated in the District of Columbia prior to its grant of a federal charter, revoking such charter would neither strip it of its corporate existence, nor cause it to alter its operations. Reforming, rather than repealing, the NEA’s federal charter, will provide greater accountability to its members and rid the organization of its partisan slant.

    Read the bill text here.

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    MIL OSI USA News