Category: Pandemic

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Road Safety Visits Latin America to launch UN Global Road Safety Campaign  

    Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe

    The United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Road Safety, Jean Todt, will visit Mexico, Guatemala, Panama, Colombia and Brazil (23-27 June), to launch the UN global campaign #MakeASafetyStatement, in partnership with JCDecaux. During his visit, he will meet with key government officials, representatives of the international community, private and public sector leaders, and representatives of civil society to promote road safety initiatives and advocate for enhanced measures. 

    This mission aligns with the Global Plan for the Decade of Action for Road Safety 2021-2030, which aims to halve road fatalities by 2030. It follows the adoption of a new UN resolution on road safety at the 4th Global Ministerial Conference on Road Safety in Marrakech, Morocco, earlier this year (18-19February). 

    A Silent Pandemic

    Road traffic crashes claimed more than 145,000 lives across the Americas in 2021, according to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), representing 12% of global road fatalities that year. Road crashes remain the leading cause of death for children and young people aged 5 to 29 years old globally imposing a significant social and economic burden. According to the World Bank, the cost of road crashes represents between 3% and 6% of GDP in the region.   

    Across the Americas, deaths on the road have registered a 9.37% drop in the decade to 2021. The region’s progress is above the 5% global drop in deaths in the period but is nowhere near fast enough to meet the global goal of halving road deaths by 2030.  

    Latin America is one of the most urbanized regions in the world, making road safety a crucial component of city development strategies. This underscores the urgent need to rethink mobility and invest in road safety. 

    Solutions exist 

    The good news is that solutions exist. Strengthening law enforcement, investing in education and public transport, enhancing road infrastructure and vehicle safety, developing bicycle lanes and pedestrian pathways — especially around schools —and improving post-crash care are all part of a safe and efficient mobility system. Additionally, mobilizing political leadership is crucial to increase funding and action.  

    A 2019 report commissioned by Bloomberg Philanthropies revealed that more than 25,000 lives could be saved and over 170,000 serious injuries prevented by 2030 if United Nations (UN) vehicle safety regulations were applied by four key countries in the region—Argentina, Chile, Mexico and Brazil. 

    “Every year we lose 1.19 million lives on the world’s roads, this is equivalent to the entire population of cities like Monterrey (Mexico), Guatemala or Campinas (Brazil). This is madness, because we know how to stop this carnage. With this campaign we call for urgent action to ensure safe roads for all, everywhere on the continent,” said Jean Todt, UN Special Envoy for Road Safety.   

    Jean-Charles Decaux, Co-CEO of JCDecaux said: “At JCDecaux, we are committed to improving the quality of life for people wherever they live, work and travel, offering innovative, sustainable street furniture and services that meet cities and citizens’ expectations. This is the core of our mission and that is why we are proud to partner with the United Nations and Jean Todt, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Road Safety, to display this road safety campaign across our global media network. Following its successful rollout in over 50 countries since September 2023, the campaign’s launch in Latin America marks a key milestone, amplifying local road safety efforts and reinforcing public awareness. With our powerful and service-driven media, we are able to relay these vital prevention messages in high-impact locations, promote safe behaviour, and engage all our stakeholders around this major cause. The campaign’s positive tone, supported by international celebrities, helps inspire a new vision for public space: one that is safer, more inclusive, and more harmonious for all.” 

    #MakeASafetyStatement campaign  

    The global #MakeASafetyStatement campaign aims to promote road safety and create secure, inclusive, and sustainable streets worldwide. 

    Celebrities fronting the campaign in Latin America include football icon Ousmane Dembélé, F1 driver Charles Leclerc, tennis legend Novak Djokovic, singer and musician Kylie Minogue, motorcycle racer Marc Marquez, supermodel Naomi Campbell, and actors Patrick Dempsey and Michael Fassbender.  

    Thanks to the support of the International Olympic Committee, Latin American 2024 Olympic champions such as Juan-Manuel Celaya (Mexico, silver medal, diving), Adriana Ruano (Guatemala, gold medal, shooting women’s trap), Atheyna Bylon (Panama, silver medal, boxing), Angel Barajas (Colombia, silver medal, gymnastics), Rebecca Andrade (Brazil, gold medal, artistic gymnastics) have joined the initiative. 

    National focus 

    Mexico 

    In Mexico, 15 to 16,000 people die each year in road accidents.  This puts the fatality rate at 12.4 per 100,000 inhabitants, below the average for the Americas, and for countries such as the USA, Colombia or Brazil, but above Chile or Argentina.  The economic cost of road accidents is estimated at approximately 1.4% of GDP

    One third of all road deaths in Mexico are among pedestrians and motorcyclists, so protecting these vulnerable road users should be an urgent priority. It should be noted, however, that road crash statistics are very incomplete. 

    The National Law of Mobility and Road Safety of 2022 called for the adoption of the life-saving ‘safe systems’ approach that makes safety priority in all road-related policies and planning and is laid out in the Global Plan for the Decade of Action for Road Safety. An exemplary amendment to Mexico’s constitution underpinned the law, making ‘mobility under the conditions of safety, accessibility, efficiency, sustainability, quality, inclusion and equality,’ a universal right for all Mexicans.  

    Although the law mandated the use of certified helmets at the federal level, most Mexican states have not yet legislated mandatory use, resulting in low compliance rates. 

    Guatemala 

    Road crashes remain a significant public health issue in Guatemala, with some 2,352 deaths registered in 2024 on the country’s roads. This brings the death rate at 12.6 per 100,000 population, as per WHO estimates.  

    Motorcycles are involved in half of the crashes and riders represent some 60% of the victims.  Road crashes happen predominantly in urban areas and among vulnerable road users. 

    In the recent period, Guatemala has made some progress in addressing road safety, both through institutional strengthening and the improvement of monitoring systems, legislative response, and intersectoral coordination. 

    Guatemala is currently a party to only 1 of the 7 core UN Road Safety legals instruments and legislation on pedestrian protection and child restraint systems remains fragmented. Helmet use is mandatory, but technical standards are not fully aligned with international best practices (e.g., UN-certified helmet standards ECE 22.05). Enforcement also remains a key challenge.  

    Guatemala currently participates in a project of the UN Road Safety Fund (UN RSF) Safe School Zones, which supports infrastructure improvements and awareness campaigns to protect children around schools. 

    Panama 

    Panama achieved a 45% reduction in road fatalities between 2016 and 2021, from 440 to 243 deaths. Its rate of 7.3 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants is the fourth lowest on the continent.  

    However, it records a very high level of people with serious injuries after a crash, with about 21 cases per death.   

    Panama is currently implementing 2 projects under the UN Road Safety Fund: Safe School Zones, aimed at reducing child fatalities near schools, and Strengthening Road Safety Legislation, aiming at aligning national laws with global best practices. Two legislative improvements are currently under discussion, on pedestrian protection and child restraints. 

    Colombia 

    Some 8,146 people died on Colombia’s in 2022, a 24% increase compared to the average from 2017 to 2019, driven by the rise in the number of motorcycles (+ over 100%)  and cars (+58%) registered between 2010 and 2022Motorcyclists represented 60% of the victims, and pedestrians 21%. The death rate is at 16 per 100,000 population (WHO), for an economic toll estimated at some 3% of GDP. 

    In recent years, through ANSV (Agencia Nacional de Seguridad Vial), the government has worked with cities such as Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali to implement urban safety plans, including developing public transport (express buses and cable cars); upgrading pedestrian infrastructure; developing safer intersections and introducing speed control zones. 

    The new Road Safety strategy (2022-2031) adopted in 2022 officially adopted the Safe System approach. 

    Colombia implements three projects financed by the UNRS, focusing on: institutional strengthening and better crash data systems; Safe and Sustainable Urban Mobility Planning; and an Awareness Campaign for Road Safety and Behavior Change addressing National media and school-based outreach initiatives. 

    Brazil 

    In Brazil, the mortality rate is 15.7 per 100,000 inhabitants.  Pedestrians, cyclists, and motorcyclists—compose around 61% of all crash fatalities. The notable rise in motorcycle-related deaths observed over recent years calls for accrued efforts to enforce the use of proper helmets – aligned with UN regulations (e.g., ECE-22.05). 

    Road safety remains a key challenges with the economic toll of road crashes estimated at some 5% of GDP.  This is one powerful reason to rethink mobility and invest in road safety. 

    The adoption of the National Road Safety Plan (2019–2028) , aiming for a 50% reduction in fatalities by 2028, marks a strong direction, and laws exist on helmet usage, child restraints, speed, drink & drug driving, mobile phone ban, etc. However, enforcement gaps remain—especially in speed and seatbelt compliance among rear passengers.   

    Mandatory inspections of vehicles exist, but several modern safety requirements (ABS, Electronic Stability Control, pedestrian protection, etc.) have not yet been made mandatory.   

    The UN RSF Project Improving Crash Prevention on Federal Highways in Brazil develops an interoperable system for road data collection and analysis, enabling effective countermeasures. 

    Photo credit: JCDecaux

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: War-Torn Central America in the 1980s Comes to Life in New Historical Memoir

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    Some six decades ago, when Scott Wallace’s parents gifted him a Polaroid Swinger camera and leather-bound diary as a child, the seeds of journalism were planted.

    No one knew back then that Wallace, now an associate professor in the UConn journalism department, would go on to become an award-winning writer, television producer, and photojournalist who’s reported from places including the front lines of war-torn Central America, jungles of South America, and post-Soviet Russia.

    Similarly, no one could have foreseen the foreign policy decisions made by the U.S. during the Vietnam War, from around the same time Wallace opened that gift of a camera and journal, would have an influence on some of today’s most divisive issues.

    That’s the thread woven through Wallace’s new historical memoir, “Central America in the Crosshairs of War: On the Road from Vietnam to Iraq,” which has won Gold in the Foreward INDIES Awards in the category of political and social sciences, along with a Gold IPPY from the Independent Book Publishers Association as best history book (oversized/coffee table).

    He maintains the U.S. government’s decisions, denials, and deceit during Vietnam inevitably led to disasters in Iraq and Afghanistan many decades later, coming through the conflicts, civil wars, and revolutions in Central America in the 1980s.

    “Our country would be less polarized,” he says of what would have happened if the U.S. behaved differently in places like El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala during those years.

    “We would be dealing with a diminished immigration crisis if we had encouraged democracy in Central America and redirected the resources that we gave them for training armies and waging war,” he says. “If we instead used those same resources to build up their economies, there would have been far fewer reasons for them to leave. They’d still be there. We seriously contributed to the tearing apart of the social fabric there, and I think a lot of the people who’ve come here in the last 40 years never would have left their homes.”

    Wallace sat with UConn Today recently to talk about how he got started as a journalist, his unique perspective as a firsthand witness to war, and his advice to others who want to report from the front lines.

    Why have you decided to share your story now?

     
    I was in the middle of a project in Brazil involving the struggles of Indigenous peoples in the Amazon and their efforts to defend their territories and the rainforest from predatory logging and other forms of what passes for development down there. Then, the pandemic hit, and I realized I had to move in another direction if I was to work on a monograph during that time. Even after the pandemic passed, it was near-impossible to gain entry to Indigenous communities. Even into 2021 and 2022, it was still too difficult to get into the territories where I’d been conducting my research. Part of the reason I chose the Central America project was to pivot away from Brazil, at least until it was possible to return to those sensitive Indigenous territories. Secondly, there was a lot I’d been wanting to say for a long time about my experiences as a young journalist in Central America and the abiding relevance of so many issues that have come to the fore today, including immigration and the crisis at the border. Very few people understand how much the issue of immigration from Central America has been driven by our policies from 40 years ago, when we were actively involved in supporting and fueling the military conflicts that were going on down there. It drove a lot of the immigration into the U.S. and made the conditions in those countries so difficult that people left en masse. It’s a story of unintended consequences. The third impetus for the project was the very rich trove of images I’d taken while covering those conflicts, most of which had not previously been published, along with detailed notes and compelling stories that have withstood the test of time. Those experiences formed the foundation of my career and what I’ve ended up doing as a journalist over the last 40 years.

    What’s one of your ‘I-can’t-believe-I did-that’ experiences from the front lines?

    We managed to get ourselves into this rural area of El Salvador in the rebel stronghold of Chalatenango Department, where there had been allegations of a massacre perpetrated by the army that the United States was arming and supporting. We managed to bluff our way past a series of roadblocks, got into rebel-controlled territory, and then got permission from the guerrillas to undertake a journey on foot down into the scene of this atrocity.  After most of the day walking, we came upon a dilapidated footbridge stretching across this yawning chasm with a rushing river beneath us. The bridge was such a wreck that, out in the middle, the boards were sagging vertically to the surface of the water, and the wires on one side were basically useless. You had to pick your way across, hand over hand, with your feet on the tops of the boards. The water below was rushing at such a furious speed that the rebels advised us not to look down as we crossed because the rush of the water would make us dizzy, and we’d lose our balance and fall. Had we known what we were getting into, I’m not sure we would have gone there. But by then, we were already so far into the journey there was no going back. When we got to the scene, a horrific stench came from a good way off. It looked like a scene from a plane crash, with clothing and belongings strewn across the brush and hanging from the trees and bodies lying on the ground. It was horrific. I did my best to piece together what had happened from interviews with survivors and what we could see on the ground.

    Something like that must stick with you.

     
    I think you develop a little bit of a thick skin, and you just have to move through it. You’re there to find out what happened, and your own personal feelings are kind of secondary.

    Sandinista Popular Army soldiers forcibly remove peasants to create a free-fire zone to battle Contra rebels in El Ventarrón, Nicaragua, in 1985. (Photo courtesy of Scott Wallace)

    How did you get your start as a journalist?

     
    I was thirsty for adventure and for finding out about the bigger world. I took a year off from college as an undergraduate, and, with advice from some students who were a little older than me and who had done something similar, I lined up a volunteer position in the Peruvian jungle. I went first to Mexico, studied intensive Spanish for the summer, then traveled overland through Central America, down the spine of the Andes, and out into the jungle, where I worked as a literacy instructor in an Indigenous community. During that year I discovered something new about myself. I didn’t know Spanish at all before I left, and through the process of having to put myself out there, I kind of developed a new persona as I interacted with Latin Americans and mastered the language and the culture. I loved the music, the people, and the literature. I returned to college after that, doubled up on Spanish classes, and learned how to write it and read it. I also became fascinated with what was going on in Latin America in the news. I was already a few years out of college when it dawned on me that maybe I could make a career as a journalist covering events in Latin America, since I loved writing, taking pictures, and travel. I decided to go back to school to get a master’s in journalism with the objective of going to Central America when I graduated. By this time, the early 1980s, Central America was in turmoil. The Sandinistas had taken power in Nicaragua, a civil war had erupted in El Salvador, and the Reagan Administration vowed to ‘draw the line’ against what it perceived to be communist aggression in Central America. The region was a tinderbox that seemed poised to become a new Vietnam. I knew that no news organization would send a new graduate straight into a big story. I would have to go as a freelancer, so I decided to learn as many skills as I could, because as a freelancer I knew I would have to have as many skills as possible to earn a living: write news stories, take photographs for my stories, sell my photographs to other news outlets. I also got a tip that doing radio for one of the networks was a really good way to establish yourself and bring in a steady stream of work. Just as I was about to graduate, one of my professors, who had previously been a CBS Radio correspondent, introduced me to network executives when they came to campus, and one thing led to another. They didn’t have anyone in El Salvador at that time, so I was able to land a gig as their freelance ‘stringer’ there.

    What would your advice be for a journalism student or working journalist who’s hungry to do this kind of work today?

     
    It takes a certain kind of person. You have to be passionate about the world, curious about the way the world works. You need to be an avid reader of literature as well as nonfiction, be up on current events, and follow the news closely. In all the writing classes that I teach, I require my students to accompany their stories with images, because everyone should know how to take decent pictures and how to do solid interviews. They should learn how to shoot video and record audio. Of course, now you must have a social media presence and put your stuff out there. It’s also very important to make contacts. Ply your professors or the people you meet, go to places where you’re going to meet the professionals you admire. Follow them on Instagram. See who’s excelling at the kind of work you’re interested in and reach out to them. You also should build a portfolio of writing, images, and multimedia. Persistence and patience are also important.

    Compared to historians and others who’ve studied Central America and the conflicts there, do you think you have a unique perspective seeing it all firsthand?

     
    It’s definitely a unique perspective, but sometimes I’m a little bit daunted by the intellectual capabilities and rigor of my colleagues in other departments at the University. I think my strength lies in bringing personal experiences and storytelling acumen to the narrative. In June, I was asked to do a presentation at a seminar of academics on genocide and its relationship to ‘ecocide’ – the criminal destruction of the environment – based on my work covering Indigenous struggles in jungles of the Amazon. I was pleasantly surprised by the positive reception to my presentation, in which I showed my photographs and told stories of people whose lives are impacted and threatened by deforestation, land grabbing, and the violent destruction of habitats and biodiversity. It was a way of bringing abstract concepts down to ground level. I’m not the only one who does that. All my colleagues in the journalism department similarly bring that kind of ground-truthing and storytelling to the subjects they report on.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: What people really want from their GP – it’s simpler than you might think

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen Atherton, Professor of Primary Care Research, University of Southampton

    Stephen Barnes/Shutterstock.com

    Booking a GP appointment is a routine task, yet for many people it’s a source of frustration. Long waits, confusing systems and impersonal processes have become all too familiar. While much attention has been paid to how difficult it is to get an appointment, less research has asked a more fundamental question: what do patients actually want from their general practice?

    To answer this, my colleagues and I reviewed 33 studies that were a mixture of study designs, and focused on patients’ expectations and preferences regarding access to their GP in England and Scotland.

    What people wanted was not complicated or cutting edge. People were looking for connection; a friendly receptionist and good communication from the practice about how they could expect to make an appointment. And they wanted a general practice in their own neighbourhood with clean, calm waiting rooms. So far, so simple.


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    People wanted booking systems that were simple and user-friendly, without long automated phone menus (“press one for reception”). Preferences varied. Some patients valued the option to book appointments in person at the reception desk, while others preferred the convenience of online booking.

    Regardless of how they booked, patients wanted shorter waiting times or, at least, clear information about when they could expect an appointment or a callback.

    Ideally, general practice would be open on Saturdays and Sundays for those who cannot attend during the week.

    Remote consultations – by phone, video or email – have become more common since the pandemic, and many patients found them helpful. For those with caring responsibilities or mobility issues, they offered a convenient way to access care without needing to leave home.

    However, remote appointments weren’t suitable for everyone. Some patients lacked privacy at work, while others – particularly those with hearing impairments – found telephone consultations difficult or impossible to use.

    What patients consistently wanted was choice, particularly when it came to remote consultations. While in-person appointments were seen as the gold standard, many recognised that telephone or video consultations could be useful in certain situations. Preferences varied widely, which made the ability to choose the type of consultation especially important.

    Patients also wanted choice over who they saw, especially for non-urgent issues or when managing ongoing health conditions.

    In today’s general practice, care is often delivered by a range of professionals, including nurses, pharmacists and physiotherapists. While many patients were open to seeing different healthcare professionals, older adults and people from minority ethnic backgrounds were more likely to prefer seeing a GP.

    Overall, patients wanted the option to choose a GP over another healthcare professional – or at least be involved in that decision.

    Satisfaction at all-time low

    Unsurprisingly, what patients want from general practice varies, reflecting different lifestyles, needs and circumstances. But what was equally clear is that many people are not able to get what they want from the appointment system.

    According to a recent British Social Attitudes survey, patient satisfaction with general practice is at an all-time low, with just below one in three people reporting that they are very or quite satisfied with GP services.

    Some elements of the UK government’s recently announced ten-year plan for the NHS in England may address some of these concerns, but it remains far from certain. The emphasis on the NHS app as a “doctor in your pocket” does not align with what many patients are asking for: genuine choice over whether they access care online or in person.




    Read more:
    NHS ten-year plan for England: what’s in it and what’s needed to make it work


    Not everyone wants a doctor in their pocket.
    NHS/Shutterstock.com

    The proposal to open neighbourhood health centres on weekends could benefit those who need more flexible access. However, simply increasing the number of appointments misses the point: patients want more than just availability. They want care that is accessible, personalised and responsive to their individual needs.

    The evidence is clear and the solutions simple, yet patient satisfaction remains at an all-time low. The government must stop assuming technology is the answer and start listening to what patients are actually telling them. The cost of ignoring their voices is a healthcare system that serves no one well.

    Helen Atherton receives funding from the National Institute for Health Research and the Research Council of Norway.

    ref. What people really want from their GP – it’s simpler than you might think – https://theconversation.com/what-people-really-want-from-their-gp-its-simpler-than-you-might-think-260520

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Christine Lagarde, Philip R Lane: ECB press conference in Sintra – introductory statement

    Source: Bank for International Settlements

    Good afternoon, ECB Chief Economist Philip Lane and I welcome you to this press conference, on the occasion of the conclusion of the 2025 assessment of our monetary policy strategy.

    The Governing Council recently agreed on an updated monetary policy strategy statement. You can find this statement on our website, together with an explanatory overview note and the two occasional papers presenting the underlying analyses.

    I will start by putting this strategy assessment into the broader context. Philip Lane will then go through the updated strategy statement and explain what has changed and why, as well as what has remained unchanged.

    Following the strategy review we carried out in 2020-21, the Governing Council committed to “assess periodically the appropriateness of its monetary policy strategy, with the next assessment expected in 2025”. Such regular assessments ensure that our framework, toolkit and approach remain fit for purpose in a changing world.

    And the world has changed significantly over the last four years. Some of the issues we were most concerned about back in 2021 – including inflation being too low for too long – have taken a rather different turn.

    Not only did we see inflation surge, but some fundamental structural features of our economy and the inflation environment are changing: geopolitics, digitalisation, the increasing use of artificial intelligence, demographics, the threat to environmental sustainability and the evolution of the international financial system.

    All of those suggest that the environment in which we operate will remain highly uncertain and potentially more volatile. This will make it more challenging to conduct our monetary policy and fulfil our mandate to keep prices stable.

    During the strategy assessment, we asked: what do these changes mean for the way we assess the economy, conduct our policy, use our toolkit, take our decisions and communicate them? In seeking to answer this question, our mindset was forward-looking.

    On the whole, we concluded that our monetary policy strategy remains well suited to addressing the challenges that lie ahead.

    But our strategy also needs to be updated and adjusted in certain areas, so that the ECB can remain fit for purpose in the years to come. The next assessment is expected in 2030.

    With our updated strategy statement, we are taking a comprehensive perspective on the challenges facing our monetary policy, so that the ECB can remain an anchor of stability in this more uncertain world.

    This is our core message to the euro area citizens we serve: the new environment gives many reasons to worry, but one thing they do not need to worry about is our commitment to price stability.

    The ECB is committed to its mandate and will keep itself and its tools updated to be able to respond to new challenges.

    Let me conclude by thanking, on behalf of the Governing Council, all the colleagues across the Eurosystem who have contributed to this assessment in a great team effort.

    I now hand over to our Chief Economist Philip Lane and, following his remarks, we will be ready to take your questions.

    * * *

    Philip R. Lane: I’m going to focus on the 12 paragraphs of The ECB’s monetary policy strategy statement. What’s important is that behind these paragraphs is a lot of work. The base layer is the two occasional papers. I’m sure you’ve already read the 400 pages in those two occasional papers. There’s a lot of rich new analysis of many dimensions in those two occasional papers. Then we have the overview note, which the Governing Council worked on collectively and which basically provides the elaboration behind these 12 paragraphs. And I would say that in these 12 paragraphs, in this review, we essentially tried to review the economic assessment: where are we and where are we likely to be? That was one of the two work streams. That essentially primarily shows up in paragraph 1.

    So paragraph 1, you might say, is one paragraph, but it’s a very important paragraph because it essentially outlines the challenges that we may face. We had a similar paragraph last time, but last time the focus was essentially on a lot of factors that can give rise to a low-inflation world and a low interest rate world. Whereas the assessment this time of the Eurosystem staff behind this is that when we look where we are now in the structural changes facing the world economy, we have geopolitics, and a lot of this is in the direction of rolling back globalisation. Last time we were looking at globalisation as a force which did contribute to low inflation before the pandemic. There are many dimensions to geopolitics, but we are of course already living it and this is something we do think is going to shape the next five years. We already mentioned digitalisation the last time, but this time we’re calling that as a separate and important element: artificial intelligence. Because, of course, I think for a long time it has been understood that the world economy automates and digitalises. That’s been around for a while. That’s mature. What’s not mature and where there’s really a wide range of possibilities is: what does it mean as the business sector and the public sector incorporate artificial intelligence? I think we had already called out demography and the threat to environmental sustainability, and I think we’re very correct to have done so five years ago. We’ve seen a lot on these fronts in these five years. Let me remind you: without immigration, the European labour force would be shrinking. So demography is not just a future trend, it’s a year-by-year reality for us. And then this week, last week, this year, last year, all the time we see the impact of weather shocks and the impact of the green transition. By the way, investment in Europe in recent years would have been a lot lower without the green transition. It’s the one solid driver of investment for many sectors at the moment. We call out all of these elements, but what’s critical for our conclusion for monetary policy is that it creates uncertainty, it creates volatility, and we think what we may be faced with is larger deviations from our 2% target in both directions. So we have this two-sided risk assessment. And as I go through these paragraphs, essentially once we’ve identified this economic assessment, the natural question to ask is: how do we manage it? How does monetary policy manage this two-sided risk? And essentially in what follows, we will turn to the monetary policy implications. But the other thing to note about paragraph 1 is that there is a new sentence. That’s the final sentence. It is that we don’t live in a bubble. We don’t say monetary policy is the only game in town. And we do highlight here that a more resilient financial architecture – supported by progress on the savings and investments union, the completion of banking union and the introduction of a digital euro – would also support the effectiveness of monetary policy in this evolving environment. So, in other words, all of these structural changes are much more easily handled if we have a more resilient euro, European and euro-denominated financial system. And I think that’s also important and maybe helps you to understand why we as Board members, and more generally the Governing Council, spend a lot of time talking about these wider issues. It’s not a distraction from monetary policy. It’s an important underpinning for monetary policy.

    Paragraph 2 is unchanged because paragraph 2 is setting the legal context. We have a mandate given by the Treaty, and so to make the strategy statement self-contained, it’s a reminder to you of the legal and Treaty constraints we live under. And that essentially remains the same as last time.

    The third paragraph, because remember in the European Treaty there’s not a super detailed definition of price stability, so it’s important and this is something that evolved over the years: that in terms of measurement, we’re focused on the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP). And again, this is stable from last time. Last time we highlighted that we did think a reform of the HICP to include owner-occupied housing would be desirable. We continue to hold that view. But in the end it’s for the European Statistical System to make progress on that. So what we say is that in the meantime we do take into account inflation measures that include estimates of the cost of owner-occupied housing. So, in other words, we create supplementary indicators. These are not official data, but we do take a look. And these would be relevant in scenarios where house prices were rising far more quickly or far more slowly than the overall inflation rate. By the way, this has not been particularly the issue in recent years. It would not have made a big difference in recent years, but of course in principle we could be in a situation in the future where it made a difference.

    Paragraph 4 is again largely stable from last time. It’s explaining why we target 2%, not zero, and that’s a fairly mature topic: why you want to have a safety margin. We do, and I think correctly this time, in the final sentence of paragraph 4 include intersectoral adjustment. In the last five years we’ve seen this massive change between goods prices and services prices. And actually it turns out that that’s a very important consideration. It’s a lot easier to handle an under 2% inflation target than if you’re trying to hit zero. Essentially if you’re trying to hit zero and the price of energy compared with goods rose, implicitly you need to drive down the price of goods. And we know for many reasons that deflation, even at the sectoral level, is difficult. So having a 2% target is reinforced by including intersectoral adjustment in that list. So, paragraph 4 says you need a safety margin.

    Paragraph 5 says 2% is the best way to maintain price stability and that our commitment is symmetric. So what this symmetry means is that we consider negative and positive deviations from the target as equally undesirable. The last sentence, I think, has been critical in these years: having a clear target. You may have heard us all many times say 2%. It’s not somewhere in the region of 2%. It’s 2%. And having that clarity is very important for anchoring expectations, so I think it turned out that that choice we made to be precise about what our orientation is in the medium term is very important.

    Let me turn to a paragraph where I think there has been an important change, a sensible change – something that you might say sounds so sensible, why are you talking about it? But it’s worth highlighting the update. Last time, in 2021, we felt we needed to point out that the symmetry of the target doesn’t mean that how we set monetary policy looks identical whether we’re above the target or below the target. And so we pointed out that if we have a lower bound issue, we need to be appropriately forceful or persistent. What have we learnt from these five years? That remains true for below-target inflation, but actually it’s equally true for above-target inflation. And what we actually did was we had a phase of being forceful. So from July 2022 to September 2023, we hiked a lot. And then we went into a persistent phase. So from September 2023 to June 2024, we had 4%. The overview note goes into more detail about why you need the blend of forceful and persistent. But when we reviewed this, peers said these were important concepts in relation to the lower bound, but they’re equally appropriate concepts in relation to being above target. It’s not, of course, in relation to blips. What we talk about here is in response to large, sustained deviations. So you have to first of all make the call. What we see in front of us is something that’s materially away from 2% and that would remain away from 2% unless we responded. And this is why we say “appropriately forceful or persistent”, because what exactly is appropriate depends on whether you are dealing with an upside shock, a downside shock and a wider set of issues. So that, I think, is important. Let me come back to this issue that we have a symmetric commitment and we’re two-sided, but the headache is different on both sides. On the downside, the lower bound is the main headache. On the upside – and this reflects so much of the last number of years and reflects a lot of the work in the occasional papers – is possible non-linearities in price and wage-setting. What we learnt is that once inflation starts to build, it can take off and it can accelerate. You can get this non-linear dynamic. And that’s why you need to be forceful on the upside. That’s not really true for downside shocks. They tend not to accelerate, but downside shocks tend to get embedded because your ability to respond on monetary policy is different.

    Going back to this point that it’s not about smoothing out every deviation from 2% and it’s large, sustained deviations: this is very much in the spirit of the medium-term orientation. And that’s paragraph 7. So paragraph 7 is stable. We already had a medium-term orientation, I think, throughout the whole history of the ECB. And I think that’s been very wise. Our commitment, in line with the opening remarks from the President, is that people should be able to count on our commitment to price stability. If we see a deviation, we will bring it back to 2%. And that’s our medium-term orientation. There’s one enrichment here, which I think makes sense. People often ask: how long is the medium term? And I think a very important discipline on that is in the final sentence now: “subject to maintaining anchored inflation expectations”. That really defines the medium term. As you know, in recent years we mapped that into “we will make sure inflation returns to target in a timely manner”. You need to impose some discipline on yourself as opposed to saying the medium term is always just over the projection horizon. The medium term means not so long that the anchoring of expectations is put at risk. So again, I think that’s always been true, but it’s better to be explicit about it. And maybe now, as journalists, if you ask Governing Council members in the future how long the medium term is, the medium term is how long it takes without putting into question the anchoring of expectations.

    Paragraph 8 is our toolbox paragraph. We already said in 2021 that our primary instrument is the set of ECB policy rates. I do wonder, for those of you who were involved in looking at the ECB in 2021, how many of you fully believed that as we moved away from the lower bound, we would stop quantitative easing (QE) and we would stop forward guidance? But that was in our strategy and that’s what we did. These are tools that make sense at the lower bound. They are not tools from a stance point of view that have the same role away from the lower bound. So one basic message is: already in 2021 we told you a lot about how the toolbox works, but we did obviously come back and look at this. It’s an important topic. Let me highlight a couple of revisions here, or amplifications. One is that I think we are more articulate now about when these tools come into play. One is to steer the monetary policy stance when the rates are close to the lower bound. That’s what we said last time. That’s definitely a big category. But the second category is “or to preserve the smooth functioning of monetary policy transmission”. March 2020 is one example. When the world’s financial market was hit by the pandemic shock, central banks in general did a lot of asset purchasing, refinancing operations and other elements to stabilise the transmission of monetary policy. So again, what I would say is either it’s because we’re near the lower bound or there’s some big drama causing an interruption to the transmission of monetary policy. But otherwise these instruments remain in the toolbox. They’re available, but they’re not used on a continuous basis. And so we list out these tools just as a reminder. Longer-term refinancing and asset purchases: those two would possibly be used either way. For the stance or for smoothing the transmission of policy. Whereas of course negative rates and forward guidance are more particular to the lower bound. So there is a differentiation within that category. We also said last time that we will respond flexibly to new challenges as they arise and we can consider new instruments. And of course we told you that we considered new instruments and we actually did it, because we did introduce the Transmission Protection Instrument in 2022. And then the last sentence is important because this is where a lot of the discussion in the last year has been. It is to look back at these this set of instruments and on a forward basis say, in the future, if we ever came to these situations, how would we use these instruments? So we say in this important sentence: the choice of which one we use or which combination we use, the design – because on day zero, we usually have a press release or a legal act saying here’s the design of our instrument – and the implementation. So in other words, month by month, how we adjust it and how we bring it to an end in terms of exit. All of these, number one, will enable an agile response to new shocks. So let’s not get locked into rigid programmes that would inhibit our ability to respond to new shocks. They will reflect the intended purpose. So there can be differences between a stance-orientated intervention and a transmission-smoothing-type intervention. And then, of course, all of these will be subject to a comprehensive proportionality assessment. So in considering the choice of tools, the design and the implementation, we need the checklist of whether this is proportional to the challenge we face. So that’s, as I say, the toolbox.

    Then paragraph 9 is explaining how we make decisions. A lot of this is similar to last time. Last time we basically had to tell you that we’ve decided, rather than having a two-pillar strategy where we have an economic pillar and a monetary pillar, we make an integrated assessment. And in that integrated assessment, for example, we take into account macro-financial linkages, financial stability and so on. So a lot of that remains, but maybe you might find this new sentence interesting. The second sentence is that in how we make decisions, we take into account not only the most likely path for inflation in the economy, i.e. in a projection for the baseline, we don’t just look at the baseline, but also the surrounding risks and uncertainty. How do we do that? Including through the appropriate use of scenario and sensitivity analysis. This is something we have done forever, but it’s probably true that it’s not always visible in how we communicate. And also internally, of course, the science of how you should do scenarios and the science of how you should make sure your decisions are robust is always evolving. So we do want to make this clear. And in fairness for you and for others watching us, you can say “I think I understand this decision in the context of the baseline, but I have a natural question: is it also robust to the risk assessment of the ECB?” And I think that will be a step forward in the conversation about monetary policy. By the way, this is already reflected, importantly, because, as you may have noticed, what we’ve said in the last couple of years is that we make our decisions not only based on the inflation outlook, but also in relation to underlying inflation and the strength of monetary transmission. Because those two dimensions capture a lot of risk. Underlying inflation captured a lot of risk when we were bringing inflation down from 10% to 2%. The strength of monetary transmission captured a lot of risk as we moved interest rates, first of all, steeply upwards and then as we’ve been reversing. So the logic behind the three-pronged reaction function that we’ve been using reflects these principles.

    Paragraph 10 reaffirms, and I think everything we’ve learnt from the last four years validates the assessment that, in terms of price stability, climate change has profound implications in terms of the structure of the economy, the rise and fall of particular sectors, the cycle, including through the impact of weather shocks, and also in terms of how the financial system is adjusting. This is also a policy priority for the European Union and a global challenge. So we are committed to ensuring the Eurosystem fully takes into account, in line with the EU’s goals and objectives, the implications of climate change and nature degradation for monetary policy and central banking. We added – because we’ve already added it elsewhere – “and nature degradation” because essentially it’s the same headache. And in terms of our economic analysis, you’ve also seen it in our publications. The same underlying failure to incorporate the global public good of a sustainable environment permeates that.

    Paragraph 11 reaffirms that clear communication is centre stage of our policymaking. We want effective communication at all levels. And this is why we think the layered and visualised approach to monetary policy communication is essential. Also, we want to adapt in this rapidly changing communication landscape. There’s more on that in the overview note. And, as you know, the ECB has been rolling out new types of communication, including Espresso Economics on YouTube in recent times.

    And then maybe in line with the idea that it’s good housekeeping to have a regular calendar-based commitment, the next assessment of the appropriateness of the strategy will be in 2030.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Christine Lagarde, Philip R Lane: ECB press conference in Sintra – introductory statement

    Source: Bank for International Settlements

    Good afternoon, ECB Chief Economist Philip Lane and I welcome you to this press conference, on the occasion of the conclusion of the 2025 assessment of our monetary policy strategy.

    The Governing Council recently agreed on an updated monetary policy strategy statement. You can find this statement on our website, together with an explanatory overview note and the two occasional papers presenting the underlying analyses.

    I will start by putting this strategy assessment into the broader context. Philip Lane will then go through the updated strategy statement and explain what has changed and why, as well as what has remained unchanged.

    Following the strategy review we carried out in 2020-21, the Governing Council committed to “assess periodically the appropriateness of its monetary policy strategy, with the next assessment expected in 2025”. Such regular assessments ensure that our framework, toolkit and approach remain fit for purpose in a changing world.

    And the world has changed significantly over the last four years. Some of the issues we were most concerned about back in 2021 – including inflation being too low for too long – have taken a rather different turn.

    Not only did we see inflation surge, but some fundamental structural features of our economy and the inflation environment are changing: geopolitics, digitalisation, the increasing use of artificial intelligence, demographics, the threat to environmental sustainability and the evolution of the international financial system.

    All of those suggest that the environment in which we operate will remain highly uncertain and potentially more volatile. This will make it more challenging to conduct our monetary policy and fulfil our mandate to keep prices stable.

    During the strategy assessment, we asked: what do these changes mean for the way we assess the economy, conduct our policy, use our toolkit, take our decisions and communicate them? In seeking to answer this question, our mindset was forward-looking.

    On the whole, we concluded that our monetary policy strategy remains well suited to addressing the challenges that lie ahead.

    But our strategy also needs to be updated and adjusted in certain areas, so that the ECB can remain fit for purpose in the years to come. The next assessment is expected in 2030.

    With our updated strategy statement, we are taking a comprehensive perspective on the challenges facing our monetary policy, so that the ECB can remain an anchor of stability in this more uncertain world.

    This is our core message to the euro area citizens we serve: the new environment gives many reasons to worry, but one thing they do not need to worry about is our commitment to price stability.

    The ECB is committed to its mandate and will keep itself and its tools updated to be able to respond to new challenges.

    Let me conclude by thanking, on behalf of the Governing Council, all the colleagues across the Eurosystem who have contributed to this assessment in a great team effort.

    I now hand over to our Chief Economist Philip Lane and, following his remarks, we will be ready to take your questions.

    * * *

    Philip R. Lane: I’m going to focus on the 12 paragraphs of The ECB’s monetary policy strategy statement. What’s important is that behind these paragraphs is a lot of work. The base layer is the two occasional papers. I’m sure you’ve already read the 400 pages in those two occasional papers. There’s a lot of rich new analysis of many dimensions in those two occasional papers. Then we have the overview note, which the Governing Council worked on collectively and which basically provides the elaboration behind these 12 paragraphs. And I would say that in these 12 paragraphs, in this review, we essentially tried to review the economic assessment: where are we and where are we likely to be? That was one of the two work streams. That essentially primarily shows up in paragraph 1.

    So paragraph 1, you might say, is one paragraph, but it’s a very important paragraph because it essentially outlines the challenges that we may face. We had a similar paragraph last time, but last time the focus was essentially on a lot of factors that can give rise to a low-inflation world and a low interest rate world. Whereas the assessment this time of the Eurosystem staff behind this is that when we look where we are now in the structural changes facing the world economy, we have geopolitics, and a lot of this is in the direction of rolling back globalisation. Last time we were looking at globalisation as a force which did contribute to low inflation before the pandemic. There are many dimensions to geopolitics, but we are of course already living it and this is something we do think is going to shape the next five years. We already mentioned digitalisation the last time, but this time we’re calling that as a separate and important element: artificial intelligence. Because, of course, I think for a long time it has been understood that the world economy automates and digitalises. That’s been around for a while. That’s mature. What’s not mature and where there’s really a wide range of possibilities is: what does it mean as the business sector and the public sector incorporate artificial intelligence? I think we had already called out demography and the threat to environmental sustainability, and I think we’re very correct to have done so five years ago. We’ve seen a lot on these fronts in these five years. Let me remind you: without immigration, the European labour force would be shrinking. So demography is not just a future trend, it’s a year-by-year reality for us. And then this week, last week, this year, last year, all the time we see the impact of weather shocks and the impact of the green transition. By the way, investment in Europe in recent years would have been a lot lower without the green transition. It’s the one solid driver of investment for many sectors at the moment. We call out all of these elements, but what’s critical for our conclusion for monetary policy is that it creates uncertainty, it creates volatility, and we think what we may be faced with is larger deviations from our 2% target in both directions. So we have this two-sided risk assessment. And as I go through these paragraphs, essentially once we’ve identified this economic assessment, the natural question to ask is: how do we manage it? How does monetary policy manage this two-sided risk? And essentially in what follows, we will turn to the monetary policy implications. But the other thing to note about paragraph 1 is that there is a new sentence. That’s the final sentence. It is that we don’t live in a bubble. We don’t say monetary policy is the only game in town. And we do highlight here that a more resilient financial architecture – supported by progress on the savings and investments union, the completion of banking union and the introduction of a digital euro – would also support the effectiveness of monetary policy in this evolving environment. So, in other words, all of these structural changes are much more easily handled if we have a more resilient euro, European and euro-denominated financial system. And I think that’s also important and maybe helps you to understand why we as Board members, and more generally the Governing Council, spend a lot of time talking about these wider issues. It’s not a distraction from monetary policy. It’s an important underpinning for monetary policy.

    Paragraph 2 is unchanged because paragraph 2 is setting the legal context. We have a mandate given by the Treaty, and so to make the strategy statement self-contained, it’s a reminder to you of the legal and Treaty constraints we live under. And that essentially remains the same as last time.

    The third paragraph, because remember in the European Treaty there’s not a super detailed definition of price stability, so it’s important and this is something that evolved over the years: that in terms of measurement, we’re focused on the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP). And again, this is stable from last time. Last time we highlighted that we did think a reform of the HICP to include owner-occupied housing would be desirable. We continue to hold that view. But in the end it’s for the European Statistical System to make progress on that. So what we say is that in the meantime we do take into account inflation measures that include estimates of the cost of owner-occupied housing. So, in other words, we create supplementary indicators. These are not official data, but we do take a look. And these would be relevant in scenarios where house prices were rising far more quickly or far more slowly than the overall inflation rate. By the way, this has not been particularly the issue in recent years. It would not have made a big difference in recent years, but of course in principle we could be in a situation in the future where it made a difference.

    Paragraph 4 is again largely stable from last time. It’s explaining why we target 2%, not zero, and that’s a fairly mature topic: why you want to have a safety margin. We do, and I think correctly this time, in the final sentence of paragraph 4 include intersectoral adjustment. In the last five years we’ve seen this massive change between goods prices and services prices. And actually it turns out that that’s a very important consideration. It’s a lot easier to handle an under 2% inflation target than if you’re trying to hit zero. Essentially if you’re trying to hit zero and the price of energy compared with goods rose, implicitly you need to drive down the price of goods. And we know for many reasons that deflation, even at the sectoral level, is difficult. So having a 2% target is reinforced by including intersectoral adjustment in that list. So, paragraph 4 says you need a safety margin.

    Paragraph 5 says 2% is the best way to maintain price stability and that our commitment is symmetric. So what this symmetry means is that we consider negative and positive deviations from the target as equally undesirable. The last sentence, I think, has been critical in these years: having a clear target. You may have heard us all many times say 2%. It’s not somewhere in the region of 2%. It’s 2%. And having that clarity is very important for anchoring expectations, so I think it turned out that that choice we made to be precise about what our orientation is in the medium term is very important.

    Let me turn to a paragraph where I think there has been an important change, a sensible change – something that you might say sounds so sensible, why are you talking about it? But it’s worth highlighting the update. Last time, in 2021, we felt we needed to point out that the symmetry of the target doesn’t mean that how we set monetary policy looks identical whether we’re above the target or below the target. And so we pointed out that if we have a lower bound issue, we need to be appropriately forceful or persistent. What have we learnt from these five years? That remains true for below-target inflation, but actually it’s equally true for above-target inflation. And what we actually did was we had a phase of being forceful. So from July 2022 to September 2023, we hiked a lot. And then we went into a persistent phase. So from September 2023 to June 2024, we had 4%. The overview note goes into more detail about why you need the blend of forceful and persistent. But when we reviewed this, peers said these were important concepts in relation to the lower bound, but they’re equally appropriate concepts in relation to being above target. It’s not, of course, in relation to blips. What we talk about here is in response to large, sustained deviations. So you have to first of all make the call. What we see in front of us is something that’s materially away from 2% and that would remain away from 2% unless we responded. And this is why we say “appropriately forceful or persistent”, because what exactly is appropriate depends on whether you are dealing with an upside shock, a downside shock and a wider set of issues. So that, I think, is important. Let me come back to this issue that we have a symmetric commitment and we’re two-sided, but the headache is different on both sides. On the downside, the lower bound is the main headache. On the upside – and this reflects so much of the last number of years and reflects a lot of the work in the occasional papers – is possible non-linearities in price and wage-setting. What we learnt is that once inflation starts to build, it can take off and it can accelerate. You can get this non-linear dynamic. And that’s why you need to be forceful on the upside. That’s not really true for downside shocks. They tend not to accelerate, but downside shocks tend to get embedded because your ability to respond on monetary policy is different.

    Going back to this point that it’s not about smoothing out every deviation from 2% and it’s large, sustained deviations: this is very much in the spirit of the medium-term orientation. And that’s paragraph 7. So paragraph 7 is stable. We already had a medium-term orientation, I think, throughout the whole history of the ECB. And I think that’s been very wise. Our commitment, in line with the opening remarks from the President, is that people should be able to count on our commitment to price stability. If we see a deviation, we will bring it back to 2%. And that’s our medium-term orientation. There’s one enrichment here, which I think makes sense. People often ask: how long is the medium term? And I think a very important discipline on that is in the final sentence now: “subject to maintaining anchored inflation expectations”. That really defines the medium term. As you know, in recent years we mapped that into “we will make sure inflation returns to target in a timely manner”. You need to impose some discipline on yourself as opposed to saying the medium term is always just over the projection horizon. The medium term means not so long that the anchoring of expectations is put at risk. So again, I think that’s always been true, but it’s better to be explicit about it. And maybe now, as journalists, if you ask Governing Council members in the future how long the medium term is, the medium term is how long it takes without putting into question the anchoring of expectations.

    Paragraph 8 is our toolbox paragraph. We already said in 2021 that our primary instrument is the set of ECB policy rates. I do wonder, for those of you who were involved in looking at the ECB in 2021, how many of you fully believed that as we moved away from the lower bound, we would stop quantitative easing (QE) and we would stop forward guidance? But that was in our strategy and that’s what we did. These are tools that make sense at the lower bound. They are not tools from a stance point of view that have the same role away from the lower bound. So one basic message is: already in 2021 we told you a lot about how the toolbox works, but we did obviously come back and look at this. It’s an important topic. Let me highlight a couple of revisions here, or amplifications. One is that I think we are more articulate now about when these tools come into play. One is to steer the monetary policy stance when the rates are close to the lower bound. That’s what we said last time. That’s definitely a big category. But the second category is “or to preserve the smooth functioning of monetary policy transmission”. March 2020 is one example. When the world’s financial market was hit by the pandemic shock, central banks in general did a lot of asset purchasing, refinancing operations and other elements to stabilise the transmission of monetary policy. So again, what I would say is either it’s because we’re near the lower bound or there’s some big drama causing an interruption to the transmission of monetary policy. But otherwise these instruments remain in the toolbox. They’re available, but they’re not used on a continuous basis. And so we list out these tools just as a reminder. Longer-term refinancing and asset purchases: those two would possibly be used either way. For the stance or for smoothing the transmission of policy. Whereas of course negative rates and forward guidance are more particular to the lower bound. So there is a differentiation within that category. We also said last time that we will respond flexibly to new challenges as they arise and we can consider new instruments. And of course we told you that we considered new instruments and we actually did it, because we did introduce the Transmission Protection Instrument in 2022. And then the last sentence is important because this is where a lot of the discussion in the last year has been. It is to look back at these this set of instruments and on a forward basis say, in the future, if we ever came to these situations, how would we use these instruments? So we say in this important sentence: the choice of which one we use or which combination we use, the design – because on day zero, we usually have a press release or a legal act saying here’s the design of our instrument – and the implementation. So in other words, month by month, how we adjust it and how we bring it to an end in terms of exit. All of these, number one, will enable an agile response to new shocks. So let’s not get locked into rigid programmes that would inhibit our ability to respond to new shocks. They will reflect the intended purpose. So there can be differences between a stance-orientated intervention and a transmission-smoothing-type intervention. And then, of course, all of these will be subject to a comprehensive proportionality assessment. So in considering the choice of tools, the design and the implementation, we need the checklist of whether this is proportional to the challenge we face. So that’s, as I say, the toolbox.

    Then paragraph 9 is explaining how we make decisions. A lot of this is similar to last time. Last time we basically had to tell you that we’ve decided, rather than having a two-pillar strategy where we have an economic pillar and a monetary pillar, we make an integrated assessment. And in that integrated assessment, for example, we take into account macro-financial linkages, financial stability and so on. So a lot of that remains, but maybe you might find this new sentence interesting. The second sentence is that in how we make decisions, we take into account not only the most likely path for inflation in the economy, i.e. in a projection for the baseline, we don’t just look at the baseline, but also the surrounding risks and uncertainty. How do we do that? Including through the appropriate use of scenario and sensitivity analysis. This is something we have done forever, but it’s probably true that it’s not always visible in how we communicate. And also internally, of course, the science of how you should do scenarios and the science of how you should make sure your decisions are robust is always evolving. So we do want to make this clear. And in fairness for you and for others watching us, you can say “I think I understand this decision in the context of the baseline, but I have a natural question: is it also robust to the risk assessment of the ECB?” And I think that will be a step forward in the conversation about monetary policy. By the way, this is already reflected, importantly, because, as you may have noticed, what we’ve said in the last couple of years is that we make our decisions not only based on the inflation outlook, but also in relation to underlying inflation and the strength of monetary transmission. Because those two dimensions capture a lot of risk. Underlying inflation captured a lot of risk when we were bringing inflation down from 10% to 2%. The strength of monetary transmission captured a lot of risk as we moved interest rates, first of all, steeply upwards and then as we’ve been reversing. So the logic behind the three-pronged reaction function that we’ve been using reflects these principles.

    Paragraph 10 reaffirms, and I think everything we’ve learnt from the last four years validates the assessment that, in terms of price stability, climate change has profound implications in terms of the structure of the economy, the rise and fall of particular sectors, the cycle, including through the impact of weather shocks, and also in terms of how the financial system is adjusting. This is also a policy priority for the European Union and a global challenge. So we are committed to ensuring the Eurosystem fully takes into account, in line with the EU’s goals and objectives, the implications of climate change and nature degradation for monetary policy and central banking. We added – because we’ve already added it elsewhere – “and nature degradation” because essentially it’s the same headache. And in terms of our economic analysis, you’ve also seen it in our publications. The same underlying failure to incorporate the global public good of a sustainable environment permeates that.

    Paragraph 11 reaffirms that clear communication is centre stage of our policymaking. We want effective communication at all levels. And this is why we think the layered and visualised approach to monetary policy communication is essential. Also, we want to adapt in this rapidly changing communication landscape. There’s more on that in the overview note. And, as you know, the ECB has been rolling out new types of communication, including Espresso Economics on YouTube in recent times.

    And then maybe in line with the idea that it’s good housekeeping to have a regular calendar-based commitment, the next assessment of the appropriateness of the strategy will be in 2030.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Christine Lagarde, Philip R Lane: ECB press conference in Sintra – introductory statement

    Source: Bank for International Settlements

    Good afternoon, ECB Chief Economist Philip Lane and I welcome you to this press conference, on the occasion of the conclusion of the 2025 assessment of our monetary policy strategy.

    The Governing Council recently agreed on an updated monetary policy strategy statement. You can find this statement on our website, together with an explanatory overview note and the two occasional papers presenting the underlying analyses.

    I will start by putting this strategy assessment into the broader context. Philip Lane will then go through the updated strategy statement and explain what has changed and why, as well as what has remained unchanged.

    Following the strategy review we carried out in 2020-21, the Governing Council committed to “assess periodically the appropriateness of its monetary policy strategy, with the next assessment expected in 2025”. Such regular assessments ensure that our framework, toolkit and approach remain fit for purpose in a changing world.

    And the world has changed significantly over the last four years. Some of the issues we were most concerned about back in 2021 – including inflation being too low for too long – have taken a rather different turn.

    Not only did we see inflation surge, but some fundamental structural features of our economy and the inflation environment are changing: geopolitics, digitalisation, the increasing use of artificial intelligence, demographics, the threat to environmental sustainability and the evolution of the international financial system.

    All of those suggest that the environment in which we operate will remain highly uncertain and potentially more volatile. This will make it more challenging to conduct our monetary policy and fulfil our mandate to keep prices stable.

    During the strategy assessment, we asked: what do these changes mean for the way we assess the economy, conduct our policy, use our toolkit, take our decisions and communicate them? In seeking to answer this question, our mindset was forward-looking.

    On the whole, we concluded that our monetary policy strategy remains well suited to addressing the challenges that lie ahead.

    But our strategy also needs to be updated and adjusted in certain areas, so that the ECB can remain fit for purpose in the years to come. The next assessment is expected in 2030.

    With our updated strategy statement, we are taking a comprehensive perspective on the challenges facing our monetary policy, so that the ECB can remain an anchor of stability in this more uncertain world.

    This is our core message to the euro area citizens we serve: the new environment gives many reasons to worry, but one thing they do not need to worry about is our commitment to price stability.

    The ECB is committed to its mandate and will keep itself and its tools updated to be able to respond to new challenges.

    Let me conclude by thanking, on behalf of the Governing Council, all the colleagues across the Eurosystem who have contributed to this assessment in a great team effort.

    I now hand over to our Chief Economist Philip Lane and, following his remarks, we will be ready to take your questions.

    * * *

    Philip R. Lane: I’m going to focus on the 12 paragraphs of The ECB’s monetary policy strategy statement. What’s important is that behind these paragraphs is a lot of work. The base layer is the two occasional papers. I’m sure you’ve already read the 400 pages in those two occasional papers. There’s a lot of rich new analysis of many dimensions in those two occasional papers. Then we have the overview note, which the Governing Council worked on collectively and which basically provides the elaboration behind these 12 paragraphs. And I would say that in these 12 paragraphs, in this review, we essentially tried to review the economic assessment: where are we and where are we likely to be? That was one of the two work streams. That essentially primarily shows up in paragraph 1.

    So paragraph 1, you might say, is one paragraph, but it’s a very important paragraph because it essentially outlines the challenges that we may face. We had a similar paragraph last time, but last time the focus was essentially on a lot of factors that can give rise to a low-inflation world and a low interest rate world. Whereas the assessment this time of the Eurosystem staff behind this is that when we look where we are now in the structural changes facing the world economy, we have geopolitics, and a lot of this is in the direction of rolling back globalisation. Last time we were looking at globalisation as a force which did contribute to low inflation before the pandemic. There are many dimensions to geopolitics, but we are of course already living it and this is something we do think is going to shape the next five years. We already mentioned digitalisation the last time, but this time we’re calling that as a separate and important element: artificial intelligence. Because, of course, I think for a long time it has been understood that the world economy automates and digitalises. That’s been around for a while. That’s mature. What’s not mature and where there’s really a wide range of possibilities is: what does it mean as the business sector and the public sector incorporate artificial intelligence? I think we had already called out demography and the threat to environmental sustainability, and I think we’re very correct to have done so five years ago. We’ve seen a lot on these fronts in these five years. Let me remind you: without immigration, the European labour force would be shrinking. So demography is not just a future trend, it’s a year-by-year reality for us. And then this week, last week, this year, last year, all the time we see the impact of weather shocks and the impact of the green transition. By the way, investment in Europe in recent years would have been a lot lower without the green transition. It’s the one solid driver of investment for many sectors at the moment. We call out all of these elements, but what’s critical for our conclusion for monetary policy is that it creates uncertainty, it creates volatility, and we think what we may be faced with is larger deviations from our 2% target in both directions. So we have this two-sided risk assessment. And as I go through these paragraphs, essentially once we’ve identified this economic assessment, the natural question to ask is: how do we manage it? How does monetary policy manage this two-sided risk? And essentially in what follows, we will turn to the monetary policy implications. But the other thing to note about paragraph 1 is that there is a new sentence. That’s the final sentence. It is that we don’t live in a bubble. We don’t say monetary policy is the only game in town. And we do highlight here that a more resilient financial architecture – supported by progress on the savings and investments union, the completion of banking union and the introduction of a digital euro – would also support the effectiveness of monetary policy in this evolving environment. So, in other words, all of these structural changes are much more easily handled if we have a more resilient euro, European and euro-denominated financial system. And I think that’s also important and maybe helps you to understand why we as Board members, and more generally the Governing Council, spend a lot of time talking about these wider issues. It’s not a distraction from monetary policy. It’s an important underpinning for monetary policy.

    Paragraph 2 is unchanged because paragraph 2 is setting the legal context. We have a mandate given by the Treaty, and so to make the strategy statement self-contained, it’s a reminder to you of the legal and Treaty constraints we live under. And that essentially remains the same as last time.

    The third paragraph, because remember in the European Treaty there’s not a super detailed definition of price stability, so it’s important and this is something that evolved over the years: that in terms of measurement, we’re focused on the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP). And again, this is stable from last time. Last time we highlighted that we did think a reform of the HICP to include owner-occupied housing would be desirable. We continue to hold that view. But in the end it’s for the European Statistical System to make progress on that. So what we say is that in the meantime we do take into account inflation measures that include estimates of the cost of owner-occupied housing. So, in other words, we create supplementary indicators. These are not official data, but we do take a look. And these would be relevant in scenarios where house prices were rising far more quickly or far more slowly than the overall inflation rate. By the way, this has not been particularly the issue in recent years. It would not have made a big difference in recent years, but of course in principle we could be in a situation in the future where it made a difference.

    Paragraph 4 is again largely stable from last time. It’s explaining why we target 2%, not zero, and that’s a fairly mature topic: why you want to have a safety margin. We do, and I think correctly this time, in the final sentence of paragraph 4 include intersectoral adjustment. In the last five years we’ve seen this massive change between goods prices and services prices. And actually it turns out that that’s a very important consideration. It’s a lot easier to handle an under 2% inflation target than if you’re trying to hit zero. Essentially if you’re trying to hit zero and the price of energy compared with goods rose, implicitly you need to drive down the price of goods. And we know for many reasons that deflation, even at the sectoral level, is difficult. So having a 2% target is reinforced by including intersectoral adjustment in that list. So, paragraph 4 says you need a safety margin.

    Paragraph 5 says 2% is the best way to maintain price stability and that our commitment is symmetric. So what this symmetry means is that we consider negative and positive deviations from the target as equally undesirable. The last sentence, I think, has been critical in these years: having a clear target. You may have heard us all many times say 2%. It’s not somewhere in the region of 2%. It’s 2%. And having that clarity is very important for anchoring expectations, so I think it turned out that that choice we made to be precise about what our orientation is in the medium term is very important.

    Let me turn to a paragraph where I think there has been an important change, a sensible change – something that you might say sounds so sensible, why are you talking about it? But it’s worth highlighting the update. Last time, in 2021, we felt we needed to point out that the symmetry of the target doesn’t mean that how we set monetary policy looks identical whether we’re above the target or below the target. And so we pointed out that if we have a lower bound issue, we need to be appropriately forceful or persistent. What have we learnt from these five years? That remains true for below-target inflation, but actually it’s equally true for above-target inflation. And what we actually did was we had a phase of being forceful. So from July 2022 to September 2023, we hiked a lot. And then we went into a persistent phase. So from September 2023 to June 2024, we had 4%. The overview note goes into more detail about why you need the blend of forceful and persistent. But when we reviewed this, peers said these were important concepts in relation to the lower bound, but they’re equally appropriate concepts in relation to being above target. It’s not, of course, in relation to blips. What we talk about here is in response to large, sustained deviations. So you have to first of all make the call. What we see in front of us is something that’s materially away from 2% and that would remain away from 2% unless we responded. And this is why we say “appropriately forceful or persistent”, because what exactly is appropriate depends on whether you are dealing with an upside shock, a downside shock and a wider set of issues. So that, I think, is important. Let me come back to this issue that we have a symmetric commitment and we’re two-sided, but the headache is different on both sides. On the downside, the lower bound is the main headache. On the upside – and this reflects so much of the last number of years and reflects a lot of the work in the occasional papers – is possible non-linearities in price and wage-setting. What we learnt is that once inflation starts to build, it can take off and it can accelerate. You can get this non-linear dynamic. And that’s why you need to be forceful on the upside. That’s not really true for downside shocks. They tend not to accelerate, but downside shocks tend to get embedded because your ability to respond on monetary policy is different.

    Going back to this point that it’s not about smoothing out every deviation from 2% and it’s large, sustained deviations: this is very much in the spirit of the medium-term orientation. And that’s paragraph 7. So paragraph 7 is stable. We already had a medium-term orientation, I think, throughout the whole history of the ECB. And I think that’s been very wise. Our commitment, in line with the opening remarks from the President, is that people should be able to count on our commitment to price stability. If we see a deviation, we will bring it back to 2%. And that’s our medium-term orientation. There’s one enrichment here, which I think makes sense. People often ask: how long is the medium term? And I think a very important discipline on that is in the final sentence now: “subject to maintaining anchored inflation expectations”. That really defines the medium term. As you know, in recent years we mapped that into “we will make sure inflation returns to target in a timely manner”. You need to impose some discipline on yourself as opposed to saying the medium term is always just over the projection horizon. The medium term means not so long that the anchoring of expectations is put at risk. So again, I think that’s always been true, but it’s better to be explicit about it. And maybe now, as journalists, if you ask Governing Council members in the future how long the medium term is, the medium term is how long it takes without putting into question the anchoring of expectations.

    Paragraph 8 is our toolbox paragraph. We already said in 2021 that our primary instrument is the set of ECB policy rates. I do wonder, for those of you who were involved in looking at the ECB in 2021, how many of you fully believed that as we moved away from the lower bound, we would stop quantitative easing (QE) and we would stop forward guidance? But that was in our strategy and that’s what we did. These are tools that make sense at the lower bound. They are not tools from a stance point of view that have the same role away from the lower bound. So one basic message is: already in 2021 we told you a lot about how the toolbox works, but we did obviously come back and look at this. It’s an important topic. Let me highlight a couple of revisions here, or amplifications. One is that I think we are more articulate now about when these tools come into play. One is to steer the monetary policy stance when the rates are close to the lower bound. That’s what we said last time. That’s definitely a big category. But the second category is “or to preserve the smooth functioning of monetary policy transmission”. March 2020 is one example. When the world’s financial market was hit by the pandemic shock, central banks in general did a lot of asset purchasing, refinancing operations and other elements to stabilise the transmission of monetary policy. So again, what I would say is either it’s because we’re near the lower bound or there’s some big drama causing an interruption to the transmission of monetary policy. But otherwise these instruments remain in the toolbox. They’re available, but they’re not used on a continuous basis. And so we list out these tools just as a reminder. Longer-term refinancing and asset purchases: those two would possibly be used either way. For the stance or for smoothing the transmission of policy. Whereas of course negative rates and forward guidance are more particular to the lower bound. So there is a differentiation within that category. We also said last time that we will respond flexibly to new challenges as they arise and we can consider new instruments. And of course we told you that we considered new instruments and we actually did it, because we did introduce the Transmission Protection Instrument in 2022. And then the last sentence is important because this is where a lot of the discussion in the last year has been. It is to look back at these this set of instruments and on a forward basis say, in the future, if we ever came to these situations, how would we use these instruments? So we say in this important sentence: the choice of which one we use or which combination we use, the design – because on day zero, we usually have a press release or a legal act saying here’s the design of our instrument – and the implementation. So in other words, month by month, how we adjust it and how we bring it to an end in terms of exit. All of these, number one, will enable an agile response to new shocks. So let’s not get locked into rigid programmes that would inhibit our ability to respond to new shocks. They will reflect the intended purpose. So there can be differences between a stance-orientated intervention and a transmission-smoothing-type intervention. And then, of course, all of these will be subject to a comprehensive proportionality assessment. So in considering the choice of tools, the design and the implementation, we need the checklist of whether this is proportional to the challenge we face. So that’s, as I say, the toolbox.

    Then paragraph 9 is explaining how we make decisions. A lot of this is similar to last time. Last time we basically had to tell you that we’ve decided, rather than having a two-pillar strategy where we have an economic pillar and a monetary pillar, we make an integrated assessment. And in that integrated assessment, for example, we take into account macro-financial linkages, financial stability and so on. So a lot of that remains, but maybe you might find this new sentence interesting. The second sentence is that in how we make decisions, we take into account not only the most likely path for inflation in the economy, i.e. in a projection for the baseline, we don’t just look at the baseline, but also the surrounding risks and uncertainty. How do we do that? Including through the appropriate use of scenario and sensitivity analysis. This is something we have done forever, but it’s probably true that it’s not always visible in how we communicate. And also internally, of course, the science of how you should do scenarios and the science of how you should make sure your decisions are robust is always evolving. So we do want to make this clear. And in fairness for you and for others watching us, you can say “I think I understand this decision in the context of the baseline, but I have a natural question: is it also robust to the risk assessment of the ECB?” And I think that will be a step forward in the conversation about monetary policy. By the way, this is already reflected, importantly, because, as you may have noticed, what we’ve said in the last couple of years is that we make our decisions not only based on the inflation outlook, but also in relation to underlying inflation and the strength of monetary transmission. Because those two dimensions capture a lot of risk. Underlying inflation captured a lot of risk when we were bringing inflation down from 10% to 2%. The strength of monetary transmission captured a lot of risk as we moved interest rates, first of all, steeply upwards and then as we’ve been reversing. So the logic behind the three-pronged reaction function that we’ve been using reflects these principles.

    Paragraph 10 reaffirms, and I think everything we’ve learnt from the last four years validates the assessment that, in terms of price stability, climate change has profound implications in terms of the structure of the economy, the rise and fall of particular sectors, the cycle, including through the impact of weather shocks, and also in terms of how the financial system is adjusting. This is also a policy priority for the European Union and a global challenge. So we are committed to ensuring the Eurosystem fully takes into account, in line with the EU’s goals and objectives, the implications of climate change and nature degradation for monetary policy and central banking. We added – because we’ve already added it elsewhere – “and nature degradation” because essentially it’s the same headache. And in terms of our economic analysis, you’ve also seen it in our publications. The same underlying failure to incorporate the global public good of a sustainable environment permeates that.

    Paragraph 11 reaffirms that clear communication is centre stage of our policymaking. We want effective communication at all levels. And this is why we think the layered and visualised approach to monetary policy communication is essential. Also, we want to adapt in this rapidly changing communication landscape. There’s more on that in the overview note. And, as you know, the ECB has been rolling out new types of communication, including Espresso Economics on YouTube in recent times.

    And then maybe in line with the idea that it’s good housekeeping to have a regular calendar-based commitment, the next assessment of the appropriateness of the strategy will be in 2030.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Egypt launches the first field epidemiology training programme in vector control in the Middle East and North Africa

    Source: APO


    .

    The WHO Country Office in Egypt supported the Ministry of Health and Population in launching the Middle East and North Africa’s first field epidemiology training programme (FETP) focused on vector control. Supported by the Pandemic Fund, it aims to strengthen national capacity in detecting, preventing and responding to vector-borne diseases.

    The training involved 32 participants, mainly agricultural engineers from the human and animal sectors. It is designed to build workforce capacity to manage and respond to vector-borne disease outbreaks by strengthening and fostering multisectoral collaboration and communication across the human, animal and environmental health sectors using the One Health approach.

    The training combines short classroom-based modules with extended field placements. Over 6 months, participants attend 3 workshops, each followed by field assignments to reinforce practical skills. The programme allocates 20% of training time to classroom instruction and 80% to hands-on fieldwork across different governorates.

    Egypt FETP comprises competency-based, mentored training that helps public health professionals enhance their field epidemiology knowledge, skills and competencies. Established in 1993, it has trained and graduated 385 epidemiologists. FETP operates at basic, intermediate and advanced levels.

    WHO Egypt has continued to provide technical support to Egypt’s FETP, including updating training materials, mentoring participants, reviewing reports, abstracts and manuscripts and offering logistical support such as organizing workshops and other fieldwork activities.

    Successful implementation of the training will enhance Egypt’s capacity for prevention, preparedness, detection and response to outbreaks, contributing to the safeguarding of public health and health system resilience.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of World Health Organization – Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Russia: “HSE stands out for its academic reputation, international environment and approach to teaching”

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: State University “Higher School of Economics” –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    © Higher School of Economics

    This year Center for the preparation of foreign students HSE University is turning 10 years old. Applicants from other countries take a year-long course here to prepare for admission to Russian universities. HSE teachers help future students gain the knowledge and skills necessary to successfully master a higher education program in Russia.

    Many graduates of the center choose to enroll in the Higher School of Economics, and some later become its employees.

    As part of the annual course, the center’s students can study Russian, get to know Russian culture and traditions better, and attend seminars on thematic subjects: mathematics, physics, computer science, literature, history, social studies, and others. Upon completion of the program, the center’s graduates have the opportunity to receive a discount on tuition fees at the National Research University Higher School of Economics.

    Graduates of the Center for the Preparation of Foreign Students told Vyshka.Glavnoe about their decision to come to Russia and study at the Higher School of Economics.

    Nemanja Stepanov, graduate of the Master’s programInternational Relations: European and Asian Studies» HSE, analyst Center for Mediterranean Studies HSE

    Why am I here?

    — I came from Serbia, from Belgrade, because I wanted to study international relations, especially relations between Serbia and Russia, as well as Russian policy in South-Eastern Europe. Historical relations between our countries have been good, the people of Serbia perceive Russia as the most reliable ally and consider Russians a brotherly people, but they do not fully understand the specifics of Russia and Russian policy. That is why I came here to study this area.

    About preparation for admission

    — A professor from Serbia recommended HSE to me, and I applied. Before entering the first year of the master’s program, I had to learn Russian, because the program was in Russian, so I arrived a year earlier and entered the Center for the Preparation of Foreign Students. At first, we studied only Russian, then they began to distribute us according to the specialties that we planned to study in the future.

    I can’t say it was difficult to learn the language, but it was intense. Serbian is a Slavic language, so it was easier for me than for others whose native language is not in this group. But sometimes it was a problem: for example, the same word can mean different things in Serbian and Russian.

    About studying at HSE

    — After my master’s degree, I entered postgraduate studies, so I am now in my second year of postgraduate studies. I began collaborating with the Center for Mediterranean Studies on various projects from my first year of master’s studies. At the moment, I am working under the supervision of Ekaterina Gennadyevna Entina, who was my academic supervisor in my master’s degree and is now in postgraduate studies. For me, HSE is an opportunity to work in a field that interests me, with good people.

    Sachin Malhotra, a student of the Master’s programData Science» HSE, Head of the Commission HSE Student Council for work with foreign students

    About moving to Russia and HSE

    — I am from India, from the city of Agra, famous for its Taj Mahal. I chose Russia and HSE because I was looking for a quality education in Data Science. HSE has a strong academic reputation, an international environment, and a modern approach to teaching. I also wanted to experience another culture and challenge myself by learning a new language and being in an unfamiliar environment.

    About the Center for the Preparation of Foreign Students

    — I decided to take a preparatory year at HSE to gain at least a level of Russian that would be sufficient for everyday communication. This is critical for any international student, especially since many people outside of the university do not speak English. As part of the program, I studied Russian, both grammar and conversation, as well as mathematics and history. This gave me the opportunity to build a solid foundation in the language that I used not only in the classroom but also in everyday life. The program also gave me the chance to meet students from different countries, some of whom became my close friends.

    About the Russian language

    — I have been studying Russian for two years now — one year as part of the preparatory year and one year as a Master’s student. At first, it was quite difficult. Russian itself is a challenge, and the academic standards at HSE are very high, which also pushed me to improve the language. But in the end, this environment contributed to my growth not only in the language, but also in my academic performance in general. It made me more confident and prepared for university life in Russia.

    After the preparatory year

    — Afterwards, I enrolled in the Master’s program in Data Science at HSE. The academic experience was intense. The program is well-structured, combining theoretical knowledge with practical skills in machine learning, programming, and statistical analysis. The teachers are highly qualified, and the international environment facilitates collaboration and exchange of experience with like-minded people. Although sometimes challenging, this experience significantly deepened my understanding of data science and prepared me for future professional challenges.

    Nevena Boskovic, graduate of the Master’s programInternational Relations: European and Asian Studies» HSE University

    About admission to HSE and studies

    — I am from Belgrade, Serbia. I moved to Moscow in January 2021. I made this decision thanks to the Russian House in Belgrade. I had an idea to study Russian, and when I visited the Russian House, I learned about the possibility of receiving a scholarship from the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. I was interested in the International Relations program, and the Russian House staff suggested that I enroll in Faculty of World Economy and World Politics at the HSE.

    I thought that studying would be very difficult and it would be hard to adapt. But it turned out that HSE has magical teachers who have a lot of knowledge and from whom I took a lot for myself. I would especially like to mention the wonderful teacher Dmitry Vyacheslavovich Suslov and my scientific supervisor Ekaterina Gennadyevna Entina: they encouraged me during the writing and defense of my master’s thesis.

    About adaptation

    — It is important for every foreign student to adapt and understand the language in a foreign country. The Center for the Preparation of Foreign Students helped me a lot, and I easily learned the basics of Russian. In addition, I studied Russian culture, literature, and history. All this is important to understand another nation.

    About the Russian language

    — For the first six months, I studied it online from Serbia (there was a pandemic at the time), and then I moved to Moscow and continued studying it. I can say that I managed to learn the language in a year. Of course, it was much easier for me because Russians and Serbs are Slavic peoples, we have many similar words.

    I wanted to learn the language well, and so I chose a program in Russian at the faculty: lectures, presentations, exams, and the master’s thesis itself were in Russian. I believe that I succeeded in all this thanks to a good language teacher and a good program at the Center for the Preparation of Foreign Students.

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: The German economy: navigating cyclical fluctuations and boosting long-term growth | Eesti Pank Public Lecture

    Source: Deutsche Bundesbank in English

    Check against delivery.

    1 Introduction
    Thank you, Governor Müller, for your kind introduction and for the invitation. It is a great pleasure and honour for me to speak here today. I truly appreciate the warm hospitality of Eesti Pank. Since my arrival, I have spent an exciting weekend enjoying several concerts, a trip to the Estonian wilderness, and a walking tour of your beautiful Old Town. 
    Ladies and gentlemen, Estonia and Germany are connected in surprising ways. For example, the esteemed Estonian economist Ragnar Nurkse, in whose honour this lecture series is being held, attended Tallinna Toomkool. The school was also formerly known as the Domschule zu Reval, and its lessons were held in German.
    Estonia and Germany have also shared a similar economic fate in recent years: Both countries’ economies have largely stagnated since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. 
    Today, I want to share my thoughts on how the German economy reached its current state and how it could recover. I will structure my remarks around three key questions.
    First, what is the current state of the German economy, and what are the main drivers shaping the economic outlook?
    Second, what national structural reforms could help put the German economy back on a growth trajectory? 
    And third, how can we work together to improve the European policy framework to better support growth and security across the European Union?
    2 German economy: current state and outlook
    2.1 Current state of the economy
    Let’s begin by examining the current state of the German economy. In 2024, Germany’s annual real GDP was only 0.4 % higher than in 2019. Similarly, Estonia’s economy remained largely stagnant at its 2019 level. There are several reasons for this sobering growth experience in Germany. For one thing, the economy has been significantly impacted by recent crises. 
    As one of the most globally interconnected economies, Germany experienced supply chain disruptions during the COVID-19 pandemic more acutely than many other nations. Moreover, Germany’s heavy reliance on Russian natural gas made it particularly vulnerable to the sharp rise in energy prices.
    Simultaneously, German industry has been experiencing a gradual loss in competitiveness in international markets. This decline is partly due to the increasing strength of global competitors, especially from China. It had already taken root well before the onset of the pandemic. 
    In addition to these external challenges, there are also various, persistent internal obstacles to growth, which I will discuss in more detail shortly. Overall, potential output growth stands at a modest 0.4 %, and without significant policy changes, it is likely to remain at this low level.
    2.2 Economic outlook
    Against the background of these structural challenges, what are the short-term prospects of the German economy?
    In the first quarter of this year, the German economy grew by 0.4 %, rebounding from a slight contraction at the end of last year. This growth was stronger than anticipated, partly because concerns about rising tariffs resulted in shipments being frontloaded. However, the underlying economic momentum remains weak.
    The Bundesbank’s June 2025 forecast indicates that the German economy is expected to more or less stagnate this year. Factoring in the stronger-than-expected first-quarter growth figures, a slight annual increase appears possible. However, this would still represent three consecutive years of minimal growth.
    Our forecast aligns with recent predictions from the IMF and the European Commission, both of which project zero growth for 2025. The OECD is slightly more optimistic, projecting a growth rate of 0.4 %. Looking ahead, we see promising signs of recovery.
    In 2026, the Bundesbank projects that the German economy will grow by 0.7 %. And in 2027, growth could reach 1.2 %. Compared to last December’s forecast, the outlook for 2025 has thus been revised downward, while the forecast for 2027 has improved. The forecast is influenced by two opposing factors.
    On one hand, the tariff hikes and heightened uncertainty are estimated to reduce the German economy’s growth by approximately three-quarters of a percentage point. This impact is primarily expected to affect growth in 2025 and 2026.
    The baseline forecast assumes that the additional tariffs of at least 10 % imposed on all US trading partners since April will remain in place. Additionally, it accounts for the tariffs on steel and aluminium as well as on cars and car parts. Finally, the forecast factors in a significant increase in uncertainty, in particular with regard to trade policy.
    On the other hand, from 2026 onwards, the growth-dampening effects of tariffs are counterbalanced by positive growth impulses from German fiscal policy.
    Significant leeway for increased debt has been established, and deficits are expected to rise. Amongst other things, this leeway will be used to finance additional defence and infrastructure spending. Our experts estimate that this extra spending could boost economic growth by a total of three-quarters of a percentage point by 2027.
    In our baseline forecast, the two opposing forces in effect broadly cancel each other out. However, our projections are accompanied by considerable uncertainty. Trade disputes, geopolitical tensions, and specifics of German economic and fiscal policy all present risks. 
    For instance, an escalation of the trade conflict could increase GDP losses to one-and-a-half percentage points by 2027. In this risk scenario, the US tariff hikes announced in early April, some of which are currently suspended, would take full effect. This would be followed by renewed strong financial market reactions and ongoing high uncertainty regarding US economic policy. It is also assumed that the EU would retaliate with tariffs on a similar scale.
    The situation remains fluid, with both escalation and resolution of these tensions being possible at any moment. Just to mention, in two days, on July 9th, the 90-day pause on US reciprocal tariffs will conclude. We will see what happens.
    In summary, the German economy faces significant headwinds in the short term. Nevertheless, there are grounds for cautious optimism as we look to the future. 
    Before discussing policy measures to boost growth in Germany, let me take a moment to digress. In observing the public debate in Germany, it appears that the war in Ukraine still feels far removed for many people. 
    This contrasts sharply with the situation in Estonia, where a direct neighbour has become an immediate threat. Considering Estonia’s history and recurrent struggle for independence, one could say: “once more”.
    My impression is that the new German government understands the gravity of the situation. And I am confident that it will take the necessary steps to enhance European security.
    3 National policy measures to boost growth
    Ladies and gentlemen, A politically strong Europe must be built on a solid economic foundation. And as we have seen, Germany has significant room for improvement in this regard. So, how can Germany enhance its growth potential? 
    A few months ago, I presented a comprehensive set of measures during a speech in Berlin.[1] Let me summarise the key takeaways for you. I see three key areas where policymakers can enhance Germany’s growth potential.
    3.1 Increasing labour supply
    The first area that needs to be addressed urgently is labour supply. As the baby boomers from the 1960s retire, the number of working individuals is declining, which diminishes our growth potential. Accordingly, policymakers must explore every avenue to increase labour supply in Germany.
    One crucial option lies in increasing the working hours of part-time employees, especially women. While the employment rate of women in Germany is slightly above the European average, their weekly working hours are significantly lower. 
    This discrepancy partly stems from disincentives in the tax and social security systems that discourage longer working hours. Moreover, the lack of an adequate supply of childcare and elderly care facilities limits part-time workers’ ability to increase their hours. Improving these facilities can pave the way for longer working hours, thereby boosting our national labour supply.
    Another key component is labour market-oriented migration. Currently, bureaucratic hurdles and slow visa processes are hindering the effective integration of workers from non-EU countries. This represents one of several areas where Germany’s backlog in digitalising public services is hampering growth. Simplifying recognition procedures for academic qualifications and creating a centralised, digital point of contact for immigrants and their families can facilitate smoother transitions. 
    It is also vital to ensure that skilled workers remain in Germany over the long term. Currently, within two years of entering the labour market, more than 30 % of immigrants from other EU countries leave again.[2] Enhancing language courses and granting residency rights for workers’ family members can provide greater stability and integration.
    Additionally, we need to improve work incentives for recipients of the civic allowance. Research shows that the recent abolition of sanctions has significantly decreased the transition of recipients into the labour market.[3] Reinstating previous rules on grace periods, protected assets, and reporting obligations can help these individuals in their transition back to regular employment.
    Finally, we must harness the substantial potential of older individuals for additional, often highly qualified labour.[4] Germany faces a unique challenge, as the ratio of retirees to working-age individuals is expected to worsen significantly over the next 15 years compared to the OECD average. 
    To mitigate the increasing ratio of working to retirement years, it seems advisable to link the earliest possible retirement age, and subsequently the retirement age after 2031, to life expectancy. The year 2031 is significant, as by that time, the regular retirement age will have been increased to 67.
    Estonia serves as a role model in this context, as it will start linking retirement age to average life expectancy in 2027.[5] Germany would be wise to follow Estonia’s example. 
    Furthermore, it is time to reconsider the rule that permits early retirement without deductions for individuals who have worked for 45 years. 
    These measures would not only alleviate labour shortages and support economic growth, but also ease the financial pressure on pension systems.
    3.2 Efficiently transforming the energy sector
    The second area that needs to be addressed is the transformation of the energy sector. Germany aims to achieve carbon neutrality by 2045. As a member of the European Union, Estonia, too, is expected to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050 under the European Climate Law.
    This monumental task will necessitate significant investments in several key sectors. To ensure the energy transition is as efficient as possible, Germany needs to adopt a comprehensive and cohesive strategy.
    A key element of this strategy is implementing an effective carbon pricing system across all sectors and regions. Currently, carbon prices differ across sectors. However, only a standardised carbon price will ensure that savings are made in the most cost-effective areas. Therefore, it is crucial for Germany to advocate for consistent carbon pricing within the EU and other economic regions.
    Simultaneously, it is highly advisable to abolish climate-damaging subsidies. These subsidies undermine the economic incentives of carbon pricing by promoting fossil fuel consumption.
    Another essential component is establishing a reliable and coherent framework for the energy transition. Given the long planning horizons and substantial investments needed, a clear policy direction is essential. The government needs to clarify how domestic renewable energy sources and energy imports will interact, considering potential supply bottlenecks, particularly during the winter months. 
    Moreover, policymakers should create economic incentives to better align electricity supply and demand within Germany. Flexible electricity tariffs and innovative approaches such as bidirectional charging for electric vehicles can help achieve this. 
    3.3 Reviving business dynamism
    The third area in which Germany has significant room for improvement is business dynamism. Specifically, improved conditions for start-ups and business investment are critical for guiding the German economy back onto a stronger growth path.
    What needs to be done?
    To begin with, Germany should reduce excessive bureaucratic burdens. Entrepreneurs often express frustration with increasing bureaucracy and regulation.[6] The National Regulatory Control Council (Normenkontrollrat) has identified several promising avenues in this context. Moreover, implementing EU rules as sparingly and efficiently as possible can significantly reduce compliance burdens. We should avoid “gold plating”, which refers to adding extra layers of regulation at the national level. 
    Rather, the focus should be on facilitating start-ups and enhancing innovative capacity. Over one-half of company founders in Germany view bureaucratic hurdles and delays as problematic.[7] Creating a “one-stop shop” for aspiring entrepreneurs to manage all typical tasks related to starting a business can unleash greater business dynamism. Innovative start-ups should be embraced, benefiting from a large domestic market and suitable funding opportunities. 
    Lastly, simplifying and expediting administrative processes is essential for reviving business dynamism. Faster planning and approval procedures can help modernise infrastructure more quickly. Moreover, digitalisation, automation, and standardisation can all streamline administrative processes. 
    In this context, Estonia and Germany differ significantly. According to the World Bank, Estonia ranks among the most conducive countries for starting businesses in the EU – namely on position 14, while Germany ranks much lower – namely on position 125.[8]
    The 2025 Spring Report from the German Council of Economic Experts provides a detailed comparison of what it takes to start a company in both countries.[9] The differences are striking. 
    Estonia’s approach to founding a company exemplifies efficiency, featuring a fully digital, centralised system that enables entrepreneurs to complete the process quickly and with minimal bureaucracy.
    The entire procedure can be completed online through a one-stop shop for administrative services known as the “e-Business Register”. It employs a standardised template and allows users to apply for a VAT number at the same time. The costs of starting a company in Estonia are relatively low. Moreover, authorities process applications within five working days, or within one day if the expedited option is selected. 
    This efficient, fully digital system positions Estonia as a leader in facilitating entrepreneurship. 
    By contrast, Germany’s process is more fragmented, necessitating interaction with multiple authorities and requiring significantly more time and effort.
    Founders must consult several institutions, including notaries, the local court, the trade office, the tax office, and the Federal Employment Agency if they plan to hire employees. Additionally, the costs of starting a company in Germany are considerably higher. Moreover, it takes an average of 35 days, which is considerably longer.
    This is certainly another area where I believe Germany should follow Estonia’s lead.
    4 The European dimension
    Implementing rigorous structural reforms at the national level is essential for boosting Germany’s growth potential. However, for certain issues, we need to find solutions and make progress at the European level.
    4.1 Addressing geoeconomic and geopolitical challenges
    One aspect of this is developing a unified European response to the geoeconomic and geopolitical threats we face today. Europe is currently being confronted with an erratic and confrontational US trade policy. 
    So far, the European Commission has made every effort to de-escalate the situation. Simultaneously, however, the Commission is prepared to retaliate. I believe this is a reasonable approach. 
    Overall, Europe should remain committed to a rule-based international trade order and pursue free trade agreements with like-minded countries and regions. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s recent proposal to enhance cooperation between the EU and members of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) represents a welcome and appropriate step in that direction.
    Regarding geopolitics, Europe must assume greater responsibility for its own defence. In this context, it is crucial to enhance European coordination, including with non-EU countries such as Norway and the United Kingdom, in military strategy, deployment, personnel build-up, procurement, and production capacities. This coordination will incur minimal fiscal costs and may even save money through increased synergies. 
    The EU Commission’s “Readiness 2030” initiative aims to create space for additional national defence spending within the Stability and Growth Pact. I consider such temporary additional leeway for defence expenditure to be reasonable. It will enable European countries to act swiftly and adapt gradually to permanently higher defence spending.
    Lastly, Europe should enhance its autonomy in the payments sector. Currently, Europe remains largely dependent on non-European payment providers. We still lack a digital payment solution that functions across the entire euro area and operates on European infrastructure. 
    Introducing a digital euro in both retail and wholesale variants could be a cornerstone for true autonomy in payments. I would encourage legislators to push forward with the digital euro project accordingly.
    4.2 Boosting European integration
    The second dimension we must focus on is fostering European integration.
    The European Single Market has been a cornerstone of prosperity to date, allowing goods to flow freely across borders while fostering competition, innovation, and economic growth. However, significant barriers still exist when it comes to services. Cross-border trade in services is still far less developed than in goods, partly due to national regulations that restrict professional services such as legal advice, architecture, and engineering. While some regulations are justified, many are not, resulting in inefficiencies and lost opportunities.
    The digital revolution presents a unique opportunity to overcome these obstacles. Digital platforms, virtual collaboration, and online services are revolutionising how businesses operate and interact. To fully harness this potential, we need to simplify regulations, reduce administrative burdens, and establish a truly unified digital marketplace. For example, the centralised EU digital portal for public services established by the European Commission is a welcome step towards facilitating cross-border employment for professionals. This serves as a mechanism to give citizens easier access to services in other Member States. 
    By eliminating unjustified obstacles, we can unlock the full potential of the Single Market, enhance competitiveness, and ensure that Europe remains a global leader in innovation. 
    Energy is another area where deeper European integration can yield significant benefits. Europe’s energy markets are still fragmented, with infrastructure bottlenecks and national boundaries restricting the efficient flow of electricity. 
    A more integrated European electricity market would enable us to better align supply and demand across borders, reduce reliance on costly reserve power plants, and accelerate the transition to renewable energy. To achieve this, we need to invest in cross-border infrastructure, modernise our grids, and eliminate regulatory obstacles that impede energy trade. By collaborating, we can not only achieve our climate goals but also enhance Europe’s energy security and competitiveness in a rapidly evolving global landscape. 
    Last but not least, we must deepen the integration of European financial markets. The European Savings and Investments Union can help mobilise the necessary financing for additional investments, such as, for instance, for the green transition and the enhancement of defence capabilities.
    Three key elements are at play here.
    First, the European Savings and Investments Union can help diversify funding sources. Enhancing access to equity, market-based debt financing and venture capital will enable the financing of a broader range of investments.
    Second, the European Savings and Investments Union will facilitate cross-border investments by harmonising regulations and breaking down barriers. This would ease the formation of pan-European companies, enabling them to harness cost-lowering economies of scale.
    This point echoes Ragnar Nurske’s “balanced growth theory”. Tailored to the situation of high-income economies, one could paraphrase him in the following way: The limited size of the domestic market can constitute an obstacle to the application of capital by firms or industries, thus posing an obstacle to economic growth generally.[10]
    Third, the European Savings and Investments Union will make Europe more appealing to external investors. This would increase both the quantity of available financing and reduce its cost. 
    Recent policy actions by the US administration have led international investors to start questioning the US dollar’s safe haven status and to reassess the relative attractiveness of Europe as an investment location compared to the US. Boosting growth in the EU and making it an attractive investment destination presents an opportunity for Europe.
    5 Concluding remarks
    Ladies and gentlemen, Allow me to briefly summarise and share a few concluding thoughts.
    I began my speech by noting that economic growth has been weak in both Germany and Estonia over the past few years. In Germany’s case, the economy is currently navigating a combination of cyclical fluctuations and structural challenges. 
    This is a pivotal moment – a time for reflection, decisive action, and bold leadership. I am optimistic that the new German government will address the structural issues with determination and help its economy to become one of Europe’s growth engines. 
    In light of today’s geopolitical and geoeconomic uncertainties, Europe’s role is more crucial than ever. Let us seize this opportunity to deepen European integration and emerge stronger together. 
    If we take the right actions, I am confident that our two economies will soon share two key outcomes once again: vibrant economic growth and enduring security.
    For now, I eagerly anticipate our discussion here and my ongoing conversations with Governor Müller. I look forward to exchanging ideas and the opportunity to learn from each other. Thank you for your attention.
    Foot notes:

    Nagel, J. (2025), Economic policy measures to boost growth in Germany, speech held at the Berlin School of Economics, Humboldt University of Berlin.
     See Hammer, L. and M. Hertweck (2022), EU enlargement and (temporary) migration: Effects on labour market outcomes in Germany, Deutsche Bundesbank Discussion Paper No 02/2022.
    See Weber, E. (2024), The Dovish Turnaround: Germany’s Social Benefit Reform and Job Findings, IAB-Discussion Paper 07/2024.
    For a comprehensive analysis of retirement timing in Germany, see Deutsche Bundesbank (2025), Early, standard, late: when insurees retire and how pension benefit reductions and increases could be determined, June Monthly Report.
    See Republic of Estonia Social Insurance Board (2025), Retirement age | Sotsiaalkindlustusamet
    See Metzger, G. (2024), Start-up activity lacks macro-economic impetus – self-employed people are becoming more important as multipliers, KfW Entrepreneurship Monitor 2024, KfW Research.
    See World Bank Group (2025), Rankings.
    See German Council of Economic Experts (2025), Between hope and fear: Economic weakness and opportunities of the fiscal package, bureaucratic obstacles and structural change, Spring Report 2025, Chapter 3, Section 10.
    See Nurkse, R. (1961), Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Countries, New York: Oxford University Press, p. 163. The original citation is: “The limited size of the domestic market in a low income country can thus constitute an obstacle to the application of capital by any individual firm or industry working for the market. In this sense the small domestic market is an obstacle to development generally”.

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Shell second quarter 2025 update note

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    The following is an update to the second quarter 2025 outlook and gives an overview of our current expectations for the second quarter. Outlooks presented may vary from the actual second quarter 2025 results and are subject to finalisation of those results, which are scheduled to be published on July 31, 2025. Unless otherwise indicated, all outlook statements exclude identified items. 

    See appendix for the definition of the non-GAAP measure used and the most comparable GAAP measure.

       Integrated Gas

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    Adjusted EBITDA:
    Production (kboe/d) 927 900 – 940  
    LNG liquefaction volumes (MT) 6.6 6.4 – 6.8  
    Underlying opex 1.0 1.0 – 1.2  
    Adjusted Earnings:
    Pre-tax depreciation 1.4 1.4 – 1.8  
    Taxation charge 0.8 0.3 – 0.6  
    Other Considerations:
    Trading & Optimisation is expected to be significantly lower than Q1’25.

     Upstream

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    Adjusted EBITDA:
    Production (kboe/d) 1,855 1,660 – 1,760 Reflects scheduled maintenance and the completed sale of SPDC in Nigeria.
    Underlying opex 2.2 1.9 – 2.5  
    Adjusted Earnings:
    Pre-tax depreciation 2.2 2.0 – 2.6  
    Taxation charge 2.6 1.6 – 2.4  
    Other Considerations:
    The share of profit / (loss) of joint ventures and associates in Q2’25 is expected to be ~$0.2 billion. Q2’25 exploration well write-offs are expected to be ~$0.2 billion.

     Marketing

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    Adjusted EBITDA:
    Sales volumes (kb/d) 2,674 2,600 – 3,000  
    Underlying opex 2.4 2.3 – 2.7  
    Adjusted Earnings:
    Pre-tax depreciation 0.6 0.5 – 0.7  
    Taxation charge 0.4 0.2 – 0.6  
    Other Considerations:
    Marketing adjusted earnings are expected to be higher than Q1’25.

      Chemicals and Products

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    Adjusted EBITDA:
    Indicative refining margin* $6.2/bbl $8.9/bbl  
    Indicative chemicals margin* $126/tonne $166/tonne The Chemicals sub-segment adjusted earnings are expected to be a loss.
    Refinery utilisation 85% 92% – 96%  
    Chemicals utilisation 81% 68% – 72% Chemicals utilisation impacted by unplanned maintenance at Monaca.
    Underlying opex 2.0 1.7 – 2.1  
    Adjusted Earnings:
    Pre-tax depreciation 0.9 0.8 – 1.0  
    Taxation charge / (credit) 0.1 (0.3) – 0.2  
    Other Considerations:
    Trading & Optimisation is expected to be significantly lower than Q1’25. The Chemicals & Products segment adjusted earnings is expected to be below break-even in Q2’25.

    *See appendix

     Renewables and Energy Solutions

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    Adjusted Earnings (0.4) – 0.2 Trading & Optimisation is expected to be lower than Q1’25.

    Corporate

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    Adjusted Earnings (0.5) (0.6) – (0.4)  

    Shell Group

    $ billions Q1’25 Q2’25 Outlook Comment
    CFFO:
    Tax paid 2.9 2.8 – 3.6  
    Derivative movements (1) – 3  
    Working capital (2.7) (1) – 4  
    Other Shell Group Considerations:
    – 

    Guidance

    The ‘Quarterly Databook’ contains guidance on Indicative Refining Margin, Indicative Chemicals Margin and full-year price and margin sensitivities.

    Consensus

    The company compiled consensus, managed by Vara Research, is expected to be published on July 23, 2025.

    Appendix

    Indicative Margins

    Chemicals & Products Q1’25 Q2’25 Updated Outlook
    Indicative refining margin $6.2/bbl $8.9/bbl
    Indicative chemicals margin $126/tonne $166/tonne

    The formulas for Indicative refining margin (IRM) and Indicative chemicals margin (ICM) have been updated following the completion of the Singapore divestment. Applying the previous formula for Q2’25 the IRM would have been: $7.5/bbl and the ICM $143/tonne. 

    Volume Data

    Operational Metrics Q1’25 Q2’25 QPR Outlook Q2’25 Updated Outlook
    Integrated Gas      
    Production (kboe/d) 927 890 – 950 900 – 940
    LNG liquefaction volumes (MT) 6.6 6.3 – 6.9 6.4 – 6.8
    Upstream      
    Production (kboe/d) 1,855 1,560 – 1,760 1,660 – 1,760
    Marketing      
    Sales volumes (kb/d) 2,674 2,600 – 3,100 2,600 – 3,000
    Chemicals & Products      
    Refinery utilisation 85% 87% – 95% 92% – 96%
    Chemicals utilisation 81% 74% – 82% 68% – 72%

    Underlying Opex

    Underlying operating expenses is a measure aimed at facilitating a comparative understanding of performance from period to period by removing the effects of identified items, which, either individually or collectively, can cause volatility, in some cases driven by external factors. For further details see the 1st Quarter 2025 unaudited results.

    $ billions Q1’25 Q1’25 Adjusted Q2’25 Updated Outlook
    Production and manufacturing expenses 5.5    
    Selling, distribution and administrative expenses 2.8    
    Research and development 0.2    
    Operating Expenses (Opex) 8.6 8.6  
    Less: Identified Items   0.1  
    Underlying Opex   8.5  
        of which:      
        Integrated Gas 1.0 1.0 1.0 – 1.2
        Upstream 2.2 2.2 1.9 – 2.5
        Marketing 2.4 2.4 2.3 – 2.7
        Chemicals and Products 2.1 2.0 1.7 – 2.1
        Renewables and Energy Solutions 0.7 0.7  

    Depreciation, depletion and amortisation

    $ billions Q1’25 Q1’25 Adjusted Q2’25 Updated Outlook
    Depreciation, Depletion & Amortisation 5.4 5.4  
    Less: Identified Items   0.3  
    Pre-tax depreciation (as Adjusted)   5.1  
        of which:      
        Integrated Gas 1.4 1.4 1.4 – 1.8
        Upstream 2.2 2.2 2.0 – 2.6
        Marketing 0.5 0.6 0.5 – 0.7
        Chemicals and Products 1.1 0.9 0.8 – 1.0
        Renewables and Energy Solutions 0.1 0.1  

    Taxation Charge

    $ billions Q1’25 Q1’25 Adjusted Q2’25 Updated Outlook
    Taxation Charge 4.1 4.1  
    Less: Identified Items and Cost of supplies adjustment   0.3  
    Taxation Charge (as Adjusted)   3.8  
        of which:      
        Integrated Gas 0.8 0.8 0.3 – 0.6
        Upstream 3.0 2.6 1.6 – 2.4
        Marketing 0.4 0.4 0.2 – 0.6
        Chemicals and Products 0.1 (0.3) – 0.2
        Renewables and Energy Solutions 0.1  

    Adjusted Earnings

    The “Adjusted Earnings” measure aims to facilitate a comparative understanding of Shell’s financial performance from period to period by removing the effects of oil price changes on inventory carrying amounts and removing the effects of identified items. These items are in some cases driven by external factors and may, either individually or collectively, hinder the comparative understanding of Shell’s financial results from period to period. This measure excludes earnings attributable to non-controlling interest. For further details see the 1st Quarter 2025 unaudited results.

    $ billions Q1’25 Q1’25 Adjusted Q2’25 Updated Outlook
    Income/(loss) attributable to Shell plc shareholders 4.8 4.8  
    Add: Current cost of supplies adjustment attributable to Shell plc shareholders    
    Less: Identified items attributable to Shell plc shareholders   (0.8)  
    Adjusted Earnings   5.6  
        of which:      
        Renewables and Energy Solutions (0.2) (0.4) – 0.2
        Corporate (0.5) (0.5) (0.6) – (0.4)

    Enquiries

    Media International: +44 (0) 207 934 5550

    Media U.S. and Canada: Contact form

    Cautionary Note

    The companies in which Shell plc directly and indirectly owns investments are separate legal entities. In this announcement “Shell”, “Shell Group” and “Group” are sometimes used for convenience to reference Shell plc and its subsidiaries in general. Likewise, the words “we”, “us” and “our” are also used to refer to Shell plc and its subsidiaries in general or to those who work for them. These terms are also used where no useful purpose is served by identifying the particular entity or entities. ‘‘Subsidiaries’’, “Shell subsidiaries” and “Shell companies” as used in this announcement refer to entities over which Shell plc either directly or indirectly has control. The terms “joint venture”, “joint operations”, “joint arrangements”, and “associates” may also be used to refer to a commercial arrangement in which Shell has a direct or indirect ownership interest with one or more parties.  The term “Shell interest” is used for convenience to indicate the direct and/or indirect ownership interest held by Shell in an entity or unincorporated joint arrangement, after exclusion of all third-party interest.

    The numbers presented in this announcement may not sum precisely to the totals provided and percentages may not precisely reflect the absolute figures due to rounding.

    Forward-Looking statements
    This announcement contains forward-looking statements (within the meaning of the U.S. Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995) concerning the financial condition, results of operations and businesses of Shell. All statements other than statements of historical fact are, or may be deemed to be, forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are statements of future expectations that are based on management’s current expectations and assumptions and involve known and unknown risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results, performance or events to differ materially from those expressed or implied in these statements. Forward-looking statements include, among other things, statements concerning the potential exposure of Shell to market risks and statements expressing management’s expectations, beliefs, estimates, forecasts, projections and assumptions. These forward-looking statements are identified by their use of terms and phrases such as “aim”; “ambition”; ‘‘anticipate’’; “aspire”; “aspiration”; ‘‘believe’’; “commit”; “commitment”; ‘‘could’’; “desire”; ‘‘estimate’’; ‘‘expect’’; ‘‘goals’’; ‘‘intend’’; ‘‘may’’; “milestones”; ‘‘objectives’’; ‘‘outlook’’; ‘‘plan’’; ‘‘probably’’; ‘‘project’’; ‘‘risks’’; “schedule”; ‘‘seek’’; ‘‘should’’; ‘‘target’’; “vision”; ‘‘will’’; “would” and similar terms and phrases. There are a number of factors that could affect the future operations of Shell and could cause those results to differ materially from those expressed in the forward-looking statements included in this announcement, including (without limitation): (a) price fluctuations in crude oil and natural gas; (b) changes in demand for Shell’s products; (c) currency fluctuations; (d) drilling and production results; (e) reserves estimates; (f) loss of market share and industry competition; (g) environmental and physical risks, including climate change; (h) risks associated with the identification of suitable potential acquisition properties and targets, and successful negotiation and completion of such transactions; (i) the risk of doing business in developing countries and countries subject to international sanctions; (j) legislative, judicial, fiscal and regulatory developments including tariffs and regulatory measures addressing climate change; (k) economic and financial market conditions in various countries and regions; (l) political risks, including the risks of expropriation and renegotiation of the terms of contracts with governmental entities, delays or advancements in the approval of projects and delays in the reimbursement for shared costs; (m) risks associated with the impact of pandemics, regional conflicts, such as the Russia-Ukraine war and the conflict in the Middle East, and a significant cyber security, data privacy or IT incident; (n) the pace of the energy transition; and (o) changes in trading conditions. No assurance is provided that future dividend payments will match or exceed previous dividend payments. All forward-looking statements contained in this announcement are expressly qualified in their entirety by the cautionary statements contained or referred to in this section. Readers should not place undue reliance on forward-looking statements. Additional risk factors that may affect future results are contained in Shell plc’s Form 20-F and amendment thereto for the year ended December 31, 2024 (available at www.shell.com/investors/news-and-filings/sec-filings.html and www.sec.gov). These risk factors also expressly qualify all forward-looking statements contained in this announcement and should be considered by the reader. Each forward-looking statement speaks only as of the date of this announcement, July 7, 2025. Neither Shell plc nor any of its subsidiaries undertake any obligation to publicly update or revise any forward-looking statement as a result of new information, future events or other information. In light of these risks, results could differ materially from those stated, implied or inferred from the forward-looking statements contained in this announcement.

    Shell’s net carbon intensity
    Also, in this announcement we may refer to Shell’s “net carbon intensity” (NCI), which includes Shell’s carbon emissions from the production of our energy products, our suppliers’ carbon emissions in supplying energy for that production and our customers’ carbon emissions associated with their use of the energy products we sell. Shell’s NCI also includes the emissions associated with the production and use of energy products produced by others which Shell purchases for resale. Shell only controls its own emissions. The use of the terms Shell’s “net carbon intensity” or NCI is for convenience only and not intended to suggest these emissions are those of Shell plc or its subsidiaries.

    Shell’s net-zero emissions target
    Shell’s operating plan and outlook are forecasted for a three-year period and ten-year period, respectively, and are updated every year. They reflect the current economic environment and what we can reasonably expect to see over the next three and ten years. Accordingly, the outlook reflects our Scope 1, Scope 2 and NCI targets over the next ten years.  However, Shell’s operating plan and outlook cannot reflect our 2050 net-zero emissions target, as this target is outside our planning period. Such future operating plans and outlooks could include changes to our portfolio, efficiency improvements and the use of carbon capture and storage and carbon credits. In the future, as society moves towards net-zero emissions, we expect Shell’s operating plans and outlooks to reflect this movement. However, if society is not net zero in 2050, as of today, there would be significant risk that Shell may not meet this target.

    Forward-Looking Non-GAAP measures

    This announcement may contain certain forward-looking non-GAAP measures such as Adjusted Earnings, Adjusted EBITDA, Cash flow from operating activities excluding working capital movements, Cash capital expenditure, Net debt and Underlying operating expense.

    Adjusted Earnings and Adjusted EBITDA are measures used to evaluate Shell’s performance in the period and over time.
    The “Adjusted Earnings” and Adjusted EBITDA are measures which aim to facilitate a comparative understanding of Shell’s financial performance from period to period by removing the effects of oil price changes on inventory carrying amounts and removing the effects of identified items.
    Adjusted Earnings is defined as income/(loss) attributable to shareholders adjusted for the current cost of supplies and excluding identified items. “Adjusted EBITDA (CCS basis)” is defined as “Income/(loss) for the period” adjusted for current cost of supplies; identified items; tax charge/(credit); depreciation, amortisation and depletion; exploration well write-offs and net interest expense. All items include the non-controlling interest component.
    Cash flow from operating activities excluding working capital movements is a measure used by Shell to analyse its operating cash generation over time excluding the timing effects of changes in inventories and operating receivables and payables from period to period. Working capital movements are defined as the sum of the following items in the Consolidated Statement of Cash Flows: (i) (increase)/decrease in inventories, (ii) (increase)/decrease in current receivables, and (iii) increase/(decrease) in current payables. Cash capital expenditure is the sum of the following lines from the Consolidated Statement of Cash flows: Capital expenditure, Investments in joint ventures and associates and Investments in equity securities. Net debt is defined as the sum of current and non-current debt, less cash and cash equivalents, adjusted for the fair value of derivative financial instruments used to hedge foreign exchange and interest rate risks relating to debt, and associated collateral balances. Underlying operating expenses is a measure of Shell’s cost management performance and aimed at facilitating a comparative understanding of performance from period to period by removing the effects of identified items, which, either individually or collectively, can cause volatility, in some cases driven by external factors. Underlying operating expenses comprises the following items from the Consolidated statement of Income: production and manufacturing expenses; selling, distribution and administrative expenses; and research and development expenses and removes the effects of identified items such as redundancy and restructuring charges or reversals, provisions or reversals and others.

    We are unable to provide a reconciliation of these forward-looking non-GAAP measures to the most comparable GAAP financial measures because certain information needed to reconcile those non-GAAP measures to the most comparable GAAP financial measures is dependent on future events some of which are outside the control of Shell, such as oil and gas prices, interest rates and exchange rates. Moreover, estimating such GAAP measures with the required precision necessary to provide a meaningful reconciliation is extremely difficult and could not be accomplished without unreasonable effort. Non-GAAP measures in respect of future periods which cannot be reconciled to the most comparable GAAP financial measure are calculated in a manner which is consistent with the accounting policies applied in Shell plc’s consolidated financial statements.
    The contents of websites referred to in this announcement do not form part of this announcement.

    We may have used certain terms, such as resources, in this announcement that the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) strictly prohibits us from including in our filings with the SEC.  Investors are urged to consider closely the disclosure in our Form 20-F, File No 1-32575, available on the SEC website www.sec.gov.

    LEI number of Shell plc: 21380068P1DRHMJ8KU70

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Rural hospitals will be hit hard by Trump’s signature spending package

    Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Lauren S. Hughes, State Policy Director, Farley Health Policy Center; Associate Professor of Family Medicine, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

    Health policy experts predict that cuts to Medicaid will push more rural hospitals to close. sneakpeekpic via iStock / Getty Images Plus

    The public health provisions in the massive spending package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, will reduce Medicaid spending by more than US$1 trillion over a decade and result in an estimated 11.8 million people losing health insurance coverage.

    As researchers studying rural health and health policy, we anticipate that these reductions in Medicaid spending, along with changes to the Affordable Care Act, will disproportionately affect the 66 million people living in rural America – nearly 1 in 5 Americans.

    People who live in rural areas are more likely to have health insurance through Medicaid and are at greater risk of losing that coverage. We expect that the changes brought about by this new law will lead to a rise in unpaid care that hospitals will have to provide. As a result, small, local hospitals will have to make tough decisions that include changing or eliminating services, laying off staff and delaying the purchase of new equipment. Many rural hospitals will have to reduce their services or possibly close their doors altogether.

    Hits to rural health

    The budget legislation’s biggest effect on rural America comes from changes to the Medicaid program, which represent the largest federal rollback of health insurance coverage in the U.S. to date.

    First, the legislation changes how states can finance their share of the Medicaid program by restricting where funds states use to support their Medicaid programs can come from. This bill limits how states can tax and charge fees to hospitals, managed care organizations and other health care providers, and how they can use such taxes and fees in the future to pay higher rates to providers under Medicaid. These limitations will reduce payments to rural hospitals that depend upon Medicaid to keep their doors open.

    Rural hospitals play a crucial role in health care access.

    Second, by 2027, states must institute work requirements that demand most Medicaid enrollees work 80 hours per month or be in school at least half time. Arkansas’ brief experiment with work requirements in 2018 demonstrates that rather than boost employment, the policy increases bureaucracy, hindering access to health care benefits for eligible people. States will also now be required to verify Medicaid eligibility every six months versus annually. That change also increases the risk people will lose coverage due to extra red tape.

    The Congressional Budget Office estimates that work requirements instituted through this legislative package will result in nearly 5 million people losing Medicaid coverage. This will decrease the number of paying patients at rural hospitals and increase the unpaid care hospitals must provide, further damaging their ability to stay open.

    Additionally, the bill changes how people qualify for the premium tax credits within the Affordable Care Act Marketplace. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that this change, along with other changes to the ACA such as fewer and shorter enrollment periods and additional requirements for documenting income, will reduce the number of people insured through the ACA Marketplace by about 3 million by 2034. Premium tax credits were expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, helping millions of Americans obtain coverage who previously struggled to do so. This bill lets these expanded tax credits expire, which with may result in an additional 4.2 million people becoming uninsured.

    An insufficient stop-gap

    Senators from both sides of the aisle have voiced concerns about the legislative package’s potential effects on the financial stability of rural hospitals and frontier hospitals, which are facilities located in remote areas with fewer than six people per square mile. As a result, the Senate voted to set aside $50 billion over the next five years for a newly created Rural Health Transformation Program.

    These funds are to be allocated in two ways. Half will be directly distributed equally to states that submit an application that includes a rural health transformation plan detailing how rural hospitals will improve the delivery and quality of health care. The remainder will be distributed to states in varying amounts through a process that is currently unknown.

    While additional funding to support rural health facilities is welcome, how it is distributed and how much is available will be critical. Estimates suggest that rural areas will see a reduction of $155 billion in federal spending over 10 years, with much of that concentrated in 12 states that expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act and have large proportions of rural residents.

    That means $50 billion is not enough to offset cuts to Medicaid and other programs that will reduce funds flowing to rural health facilities.

    Americans living in rural areas are more likely to be insured through Medicaid than their urban counterparts.
    Halfpoint Images/Moment via Getty Images

    Accelerating hospital closures

    Rural and frontier hospitals have long faced hardship because of their aging infrastructure, older and sicker patient populations, geographic isolation and greater financial and regulatory burdens. Since 2010, 153 rural hospitals have closed their doors permanently or ceased providing inpatient services. This trend is particularly acute in states that have chosen not to expand Medicaid via the Affordable Care Act, many of which have larger percentages of their residents living in rural areas.

    According to an analysis by University of North Carolina researchers, as of June 2025 338 hospitals are at risk of reducing vital services, such as skilled nursing facilities; converting to an alternative type of health care facility, such as a rural emergency hospital; or closing altogether.

    Maternity care is especially at risk.

    Currently more than half of rural hospitals no longer deliver babies. Rural facilities serve fewer patients than those in more densely populated areas. They also have high fixed costs, and because they serve a high percentage of Medicaid patients, they rely on payments from Medicaid, which tends to pay lower rates than commercial insurance. Because of these pressures, these units will continue to close, forcing women to travel farther to give birth, to deliver before going full term and to deliver outside of traditional hospital settings.

    And because hospitals in rural areas serve relatively small populations, they lack negotiating power to obtain fair and adequate payment from private health insurers and affordable equipment and supplies from medical companies. Recruiting and retaining needed physicians and other health care workers is expensive, and acquiring capital to renovate, expand or build new facilities is increasingly out of reach.

    Finally, given that rural residents are more likely to have Medicaid than their urban counterparts, the legislation’s cuts to Medicaid will disproportionately reduce the rate at which rural providers and health facilities are paid by Medicaid for services they offer. With many rural hospitals already teetering on closure, this will place already financially fragile hospitals on an accelerated path toward demise.

    Far-reaching effects

    Rural hospitals are not just sources of local health care. They are also vital economic engines.

    Hospital closures result in the loss of local access to health care, causing residents to choose between traveling longer distances to see a doctor or forgoing the services they need.

    But hospitals in these regions are also major employers that often pay some of the highest wages in their communities. Their closure can drive a decline in the local tax base, limiting funding available for services such as roads and public schools and making it more difficult to attract and retain businesses that small towns depend on. Declines in rural health care undermine local economies.

    Furthermore, the country as a whole relies on rural America for the production of food, fuel and other natural resources. In our view, further weakening rural hospitals may affect not just local economies but the health of the whole U.S. economy.

    Lauren S. Hughes has received funding for rural health projects from the Sunflower Foundation, The Colorado Health Foundation, the University of Colorado School of Medicine Rural Program Office, the Caring for Colorado Foundation, and the Zoma Foundation. She currently serves as chair of the Rural Health Redesign Center Organization Board of Directors and is a member of the Rural Primary Care Advisory Council with the Weitzman Institute.

    Kevin J. Bennett receives funding from the National Institutes of Health, the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, the Health Resources and Services Administration and the state of South Carolina. He is currently on the Board of Trustees of the National Rural Health Association as immediate past president.

    ref. Rural hospitals will be hit hard by Trump’s signature spending package – https://theconversation.com/rural-hospitals-will-be-hit-hard-by-trumps-signature-spending-package-260164

    MIL OSI

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • India has never faced fuel shortage, says Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Sunday said India has never faced a shortage of petroleum products, even during the Covid pandemic or global conflicts, crediting the government’s foresight for ensuring uninterrupted supplies.

    “Whether it was the period of the global Covid pandemic or geopolitical tensions, there has never been a shortage of petroleum products in India. This has been possible due to the foresight of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” Puri said.

    Referring to the recent tensions in the Middle East, including the Israeli attack on Iran that disrupted shipping and threatened closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Puri said India has gradually reduced its dependence on the critical passage.

    “Under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, we have diversified our supplies in recent years, and a large share of our imports no longer passes through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

    India meets about 85 per cent of its crude oil needs through imports. A spike in global oil prices directly raises its import bill and fuels inflation, impacting economic growth. To cushion this, India has expanded its oil sources, ramping up imports from Russia and the US, and building strategic reserves.

    The minister said India now has 23 operational refineries with a combined capacity of 257 million metric tonnes per annum. He also highlighted the setting up of strategic petroleum reserves to ensure supply security during disruptions.

    The country’s storage capacity includes 2.25 million metric tonnes at Pudur, 1.33 MMT at Visakhapatnam, and 1.5 MMT at Mangalore.

    Puri also pointed to the government’s push for green fuels, noting that India has met its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending with petrol six years ahead of schedule. E20 petrol is now available at outlets of Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum across the country.

    “This achievement not only cuts carbon emissions but also saves huge amounts of money. We have saved over Rs 1 lakh crore domestically and Rs 1.5 lakh crore in foreign exchange by reducing our import bill, and this money has gone to our farmers,” he said.

    — IANS

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: ‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food

    Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Tracy Roof, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond

    People shop for food in Brooklyn in 2023 at a store that makes sure that its customers know it accepts SNAP benefits, also known as food stamps and EBT.
    Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    The legislative package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, has several provisions that will shrink the safety net, including the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, long known as food stamps. SNAP spending will decline by an estimated US$186 billion through 2034 as a result of several changes Congress made to the program that today helps roughly 42 million people buy groceries – an almost 20% reduction.

    In my research on the history of food stamps, I’ve found that the program was meant to be widely available to most low-income people. The SNAP changes break that tradition in two ways.

    The Congressional Budget Office estimates that about 3 million people are likely to be dropped from the program and lose their benefits. This decline will occur in part because more people will face time limits if they don’t meet work requirements. Even those who meet the requirements may lose benefits because of difficulty submitting the necessary documents.

    And because states will soon have to take on more of the costs of the program, which totaled over $100 billion in 2024, they may eventually further restrict who gets help due to their own budgetary constraints.

    Summing up SNAP’s origins

    Inspired by the plight of unemployed coal miners whom John F. Kennedy met in Appalachia when he campaigned for the presidency in 1960, the early food stamps program was not limited to single parents with children, older people and people with disabilities, like many other safety net programs were at the time. It was supposed to help low-income people afford more and better food, regardless of their circumstances.

    In response to national attention in the late 1960s to widespread hunger and malnutrition in other areas of the country, such as among tenant farmers in the rural South, a limited food stamps program was expanded. It reached every part of the country by 1974.

    From the start, the states administered the program and covered some of its administrative costs and the federal government paid for the benefits in full. This arrangement encouraged states to enroll everyone who needed help without fearing the budgetary consequences.

    Who could qualify and how much help they could get were set by uniform national standards, so that even the residents of the poorest states would be able to afford a budget-conscious but nutritionally adequate diet.

    The federal government’s responsibility for the cost of benefits also allowed spending to automatically grow during economic downturns, when more people need assistance. These federal dollars helped families, retailers and local economies weather tough times.

    The changes to the SNAP program included in the legislative package that Congress approved by narrow margins and Trump signed into law, however, will make it harder for the program to serve its original goals.

    Restricting benefits

    Since the early 1970s, most so-called able-bodied adults who were not caring for a child or an adult with disabilities had to meet a work requirement to get food stamps. Welfare reform legislation in 1996 made that requirement stricter for such adults between the ages of 18 and 50 by imposing a three-month time limit if they didn’t log 20 hours or more of employment or another approved activity, such as verified volunteering.

    Budget legislation passed in 2023 expanded this rule to adults up to age 54. The 2025 law will further expand the time limit to adults up to age 64 and parents of children age 14 or over.

    States can currently get permission from the federal government to waive work requirements in areas with insufficient jobs or unemployment above the national average. This flexibility to waive work requirements will now be significantly limited and available only where at least 1 in 10 workers are unemployed.

    Concerned senators secured an exemption from the work requirements for most Native Americans and Native Alaskans, who are more likely to live in areas with limited job opportunities.

    A 2023 budget deal exempted veterans, the homeless and young adults exiting the foster care system from work requirements because they can experience special challenges getting jobs. The 2025 law does not exempt them.

    The new changes to SNAP policies will also deny benefits to many immigrants with authorization to be in the U.S., such as people granted political asylum or official refugee status. Immigrants without authorization to reside in the U.S. will continue to be ineligible for SNAP benefits.

    Tracking ‘error rates’

    Critics of food stamps have long argued that states lack incentives to carefully administer the program because the federal government is on the hook for the cost of benefits.

    In the 1970s, as the number of Americans on the food stamp rolls soared, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the program, developed a system for assessing if states were accurately determining whether applicants were eligible for benefits and how much they could get.

    A state’s “payment error rate” estimates the share of benefits paid out that were more or less than an applicant was actually eligible for. The error rate was not then and is not today a measure of fraud. Typically, it just indicates the share of families who get a higher – or lower – amount of benefits than they are eligible for because of mistakes or confusion on the part of the applicant or the case worker who handles the application.

    Congress tried to penalize states with error rates over 5% in the 1980s but ultimately suspended the effort under state pressure. After years of political wrangling, the USDA started to consistently enforce financial penalties on states with high error rates in the mid-1990s.

    States responded by increasing their red tape. For example, they asked applicants to submit more documentation and made them go through more bureaucratic hoops, like having more frequent in-person interviews, to get – and continue receiving – SNAP benefits.

    These demands hit low-wage workers hardest because their applications were more prone to mistakes. Low-income workers often don’t have consistent work hours and their pay can vary from week to week and month to month. The number of families getting benefits fell steeply.

    The USDA tried to reverse this decline by offering states options to simplify the process for applying for and continuing to get SNAP benefits over the course of the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Enrollment grew steadily.

    Penalizing high rates

    Since 2008, states with error rates over 6% have had to develop a detailed plan to lower them.

    Despite this requirement, the national average error rate jumped from 7.4% before the pandemic, to a record high of 11.7% in 2023. Rates rose as states struggled with a surge of people applying for benefits, a shortage of staff in state welfare agencies and procedural changes.

    Republican leaders in Congress have responded to that increase by calling for more accountability.

    Making states pay more

    The big legislative package will increase states’ expenses in two ways.

    It will reduce the federal government’s responsibility for half of the cost of administering the program to 25% beginning in the 2027 fiscal year.

    And some states will have to pay a share of benefit costs for the first time in the program’s history, depending on their payment error rates. Beginning in the 2028 fiscal year, states with an error rate between 6-8% would be responsible for 5% of the cost of benefits. Those with an error rate between 8-10% would have to pay 10%, and states with an error rate over 10% would have to pay 15%. The federal government would continue to pay all benefits in states with error rates below 6%.

    Republicans argue the changes will give states more “skin in the game” and ensure better administration of the program.

    While the national payment error rate fell from 11.68% in the 2023 fiscal year to 10.93% a year later, 42 states still had rates in excess of 6% in 2024. Twenty states plus the District of Columbia had rates of 10% or higher.

    At nearly 25%, Alaska has the highest payment error rate in the country. But Alaska won’t be in trouble right away. To ease passage in the Senate, where the vote of Sen. Lisa Murkowski, an Alaska Republican, was in doubt, a provision was added to the bill allowing several states with the highest error rates to avoid cost sharing for up to two years after it begins.

    Democrats argue this may encourage states to actually increase their error rates in the short term.

    The effect of the new law on the amount of help an eligible household gets is expected to be limited.

    About 600,000 individuals and families will lose an average of $100 a month in benefits because of a change in the way utility costs are treated. The law also prevents future administrations from increasing benefits beyond the cost of living, as the Biden Administration did.

    States cannot cut benefits below the national standards set in federal law.

    But the shift of costs to financially strapped states will force them to make tough choices. They will either have to cut back spending on other programs, increase taxes, discourage people from getting SNAP benefits or drop the program altogether.

    The changes will, in the end, make it even harder for Americans who can’t afford the bare necessities to get enough nutritious food to feed their families.

    Tracy Roof does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food – https://theconversation.com/big-legislative-package-shifts-more-of-snaps-costs-to-states-saving-federal-dollars-but-causing-fewer-americans-to-get-help-paying-for-food-260166

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: ‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food

    Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Tracy Roof, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond

    People shop for food in Brooklyn in 2023 at a store that makes sure that its customers know it accepts SNAP benefits, also known as food stamps and EBT.
    Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    The legislative package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, has several provisions that will shrink the safety net, including the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, long known as food stamps. SNAP spending will decline by an estimated US$186 billion through 2034 as a result of several changes Congress made to the program that today helps roughly 42 million people buy groceries – an almost 20% reduction.

    In my research on the history of food stamps, I’ve found that the program was meant to be widely available to most low-income people. The SNAP changes break that tradition in two ways.

    The Congressional Budget Office estimates that about 3 million people are likely to be dropped from the program and lose their benefits. This decline will occur in part because more people will face time limits if they don’t meet work requirements. Even those who meet the requirements may lose benefits because of difficulty submitting the necessary documents.

    And because states will soon have to take on more of the costs of the program, which totaled over $100 billion in 2024, they may eventually further restrict who gets help due to their own budgetary constraints.

    Summing up SNAP’s origins

    Inspired by the plight of unemployed coal miners whom John F. Kennedy met in Appalachia when he campaigned for the presidency in 1960, the early food stamps program was not limited to single parents with children, older people and people with disabilities, like many other safety net programs were at the time. It was supposed to help low-income people afford more and better food, regardless of their circumstances.

    In response to national attention in the late 1960s to widespread hunger and malnutrition in other areas of the country, such as among tenant farmers in the rural South, a limited food stamps program was expanded. It reached every part of the country by 1974.

    From the start, the states administered the program and covered some of its administrative costs and the federal government paid for the benefits in full. This arrangement encouraged states to enroll everyone who needed help without fearing the budgetary consequences.

    Who could qualify and how much help they could get were set by uniform national standards, so that even the residents of the poorest states would be able to afford a budget-conscious but nutritionally adequate diet.

    The federal government’s responsibility for the cost of benefits also allowed spending to automatically grow during economic downturns, when more people need assistance. These federal dollars helped families, retailers and local economies weather tough times.

    The changes to the SNAP program included in the legislative package that Congress approved by narrow margins and Trump signed into law, however, will make it harder for the program to serve its original goals.

    Restricting benefits

    Since the early 1970s, most so-called able-bodied adults who were not caring for a child or an adult with disabilities had to meet a work requirement to get food stamps. Welfare reform legislation in 1996 made that requirement stricter for such adults between the ages of 18 and 50 by imposing a three-month time limit if they didn’t log 20 hours or more of employment or another approved activity, such as verified volunteering.

    Budget legislation passed in 2023 expanded this rule to adults up to age 54. The 2025 law will further expand the time limit to adults up to age 64 and parents of children age 14 or over.

    States can currently get permission from the federal government to waive work requirements in areas with insufficient jobs or unemployment above the national average. This flexibility to waive work requirements will now be significantly limited and available only where at least 1 in 10 workers are unemployed.

    Concerned senators secured an exemption from the work requirements for most Native Americans and Native Alaskans, who are more likely to live in areas with limited job opportunities.

    A 2023 budget deal exempted veterans, the homeless and young adults exiting the foster care system from work requirements because they can experience special challenges getting jobs. The 2025 law does not exempt them.

    The new changes to SNAP policies will also deny benefits to many immigrants with authorization to be in the U.S., such as people granted political asylum or official refugee status. Immigrants without authorization to reside in the U.S. will continue to be ineligible for SNAP benefits.

    Tracking ‘error rates’

    Critics of food stamps have long argued that states lack incentives to carefully administer the program because the federal government is on the hook for the cost of benefits.

    In the 1970s, as the number of Americans on the food stamp rolls soared, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the program, developed a system for assessing if states were accurately determining whether applicants were eligible for benefits and how much they could get.

    A state’s “payment error rate” estimates the share of benefits paid out that were more or less than an applicant was actually eligible for. The error rate was not then and is not today a measure of fraud. Typically, it just indicates the share of families who get a higher – or lower – amount of benefits than they are eligible for because of mistakes or confusion on the part of the applicant or the case worker who handles the application.

    Congress tried to penalize states with error rates over 5% in the 1980s but ultimately suspended the effort under state pressure. After years of political wrangling, the USDA started to consistently enforce financial penalties on states with high error rates in the mid-1990s.

    States responded by increasing their red tape. For example, they asked applicants to submit more documentation and made them go through more bureaucratic hoops, like having more frequent in-person interviews, to get – and continue receiving – SNAP benefits.

    These demands hit low-wage workers hardest because their applications were more prone to mistakes. Low-income workers often don’t have consistent work hours and their pay can vary from week to week and month to month. The number of families getting benefits fell steeply.

    The USDA tried to reverse this decline by offering states options to simplify the process for applying for and continuing to get SNAP benefits over the course of the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Enrollment grew steadily.

    Penalizing high rates

    Since 2008, states with error rates over 6% have had to develop a detailed plan to lower them.

    Despite this requirement, the national average error rate jumped from 7.4% before the pandemic, to a record high of 11.7% in 2023. Rates rose as states struggled with a surge of people applying for benefits, a shortage of staff in state welfare agencies and procedural changes.

    Republican leaders in Congress have responded to that increase by calling for more accountability.

    Making states pay more

    The big legislative package will increase states’ expenses in two ways.

    It will reduce the federal government’s responsibility for half of the cost of administering the program to 25% beginning in the 2027 fiscal year.

    And some states will have to pay a share of benefit costs for the first time in the program’s history, depending on their payment error rates. Beginning in the 2028 fiscal year, states with an error rate between 6-8% would be responsible for 5% of the cost of benefits. Those with an error rate between 8-10% would have to pay 10%, and states with an error rate over 10% would have to pay 15%. The federal government would continue to pay all benefits in states with error rates below 6%.

    Republicans argue the changes will give states more “skin in the game” and ensure better administration of the program.

    While the national payment error rate fell from 11.68% in the 2023 fiscal year to 10.93% a year later, 42 states still had rates in excess of 6% in 2024. Twenty states plus the District of Columbia had rates of 10% or higher.

    At nearly 25%, Alaska has the highest payment error rate in the country. But Alaska won’t be in trouble right away. To ease passage in the Senate, where the vote of Sen. Lisa Murkowski, an Alaska Republican, was in doubt, a provision was added to the bill allowing several states with the highest error rates to avoid cost sharing for up to two years after it begins.

    Democrats argue this may encourage states to actually increase their error rates in the short term.

    The effect of the new law on the amount of help an eligible household gets is expected to be limited.

    About 600,000 individuals and families will lose an average of $100 a month in benefits because of a change in the way utility costs are treated. The law also prevents future administrations from increasing benefits beyond the cost of living, as the Biden Administration did.

    States cannot cut benefits below the national standards set in federal law.

    But the shift of costs to financially strapped states will force them to make tough choices. They will either have to cut back spending on other programs, increase taxes, discourage people from getting SNAP benefits or drop the program altogether.

    The changes will, in the end, make it even harder for Americans who can’t afford the bare necessities to get enough nutritious food to feed their families.

    Tracy Roof does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food – https://theconversation.com/big-legislative-package-shifts-more-of-snaps-costs-to-states-saving-federal-dollars-but-causing-fewer-americans-to-get-help-paying-for-food-260166

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: ‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food

    Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Tracy Roof, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond

    People shop for food in Brooklyn in 2023 at a store that makes sure that its customers know it accepts SNAP benefits, also known as food stamps and EBT.
    Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    The legislative package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, has several provisions that will shrink the safety net, including the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, long known as food stamps. SNAP spending will decline by an estimated US$186 billion through 2034 as a result of several changes Congress made to the program that today helps roughly 42 million people buy groceries – an almost 20% reduction.

    In my research on the history of food stamps, I’ve found that the program was meant to be widely available to most low-income people. The SNAP changes break that tradition in two ways.

    The Congressional Budget Office estimates that about 3 million people are likely to be dropped from the program and lose their benefits. This decline will occur in part because more people will face time limits if they don’t meet work requirements. Even those who meet the requirements may lose benefits because of difficulty submitting the necessary documents.

    And because states will soon have to take on more of the costs of the program, which totaled over $100 billion in 2024, they may eventually further restrict who gets help due to their own budgetary constraints.

    Summing up SNAP’s origins

    Inspired by the plight of unemployed coal miners whom John F. Kennedy met in Appalachia when he campaigned for the presidency in 1960, the early food stamps program was not limited to single parents with children, older people and people with disabilities, like many other safety net programs were at the time. It was supposed to help low-income people afford more and better food, regardless of their circumstances.

    In response to national attention in the late 1960s to widespread hunger and malnutrition in other areas of the country, such as among tenant farmers in the rural South, a limited food stamps program was expanded. It reached every part of the country by 1974.

    From the start, the states administered the program and covered some of its administrative costs and the federal government paid for the benefits in full. This arrangement encouraged states to enroll everyone who needed help without fearing the budgetary consequences.

    Who could qualify and how much help they could get were set by uniform national standards, so that even the residents of the poorest states would be able to afford a budget-conscious but nutritionally adequate diet.

    The federal government’s responsibility for the cost of benefits also allowed spending to automatically grow during economic downturns, when more people need assistance. These federal dollars helped families, retailers and local economies weather tough times.

    The changes to the SNAP program included in the legislative package that Congress approved by narrow margins and Trump signed into law, however, will make it harder for the program to serve its original goals.

    Restricting benefits

    Since the early 1970s, most so-called able-bodied adults who were not caring for a child or an adult with disabilities had to meet a work requirement to get food stamps. Welfare reform legislation in 1996 made that requirement stricter for such adults between the ages of 18 and 50 by imposing a three-month time limit if they didn’t log 20 hours or more of employment or another approved activity, such as verified volunteering.

    Budget legislation passed in 2023 expanded this rule to adults up to age 54. The 2025 law will further expand the time limit to adults up to age 64 and parents of children age 14 or over.

    States can currently get permission from the federal government to waive work requirements in areas with insufficient jobs or unemployment above the national average. This flexibility to waive work requirements will now be significantly limited and available only where at least 1 in 10 workers are unemployed.

    Concerned senators secured an exemption from the work requirements for most Native Americans and Native Alaskans, who are more likely to live in areas with limited job opportunities.

    A 2023 budget deal exempted veterans, the homeless and young adults exiting the foster care system from work requirements because they can experience special challenges getting jobs. The 2025 law does not exempt them.

    The new changes to SNAP policies will also deny benefits to many immigrants with authorization to be in the U.S., such as people granted political asylum or official refugee status. Immigrants without authorization to reside in the U.S. will continue to be ineligible for SNAP benefits.

    Tracking ‘error rates’

    Critics of food stamps have long argued that states lack incentives to carefully administer the program because the federal government is on the hook for the cost of benefits.

    In the 1970s, as the number of Americans on the food stamp rolls soared, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the program, developed a system for assessing if states were accurately determining whether applicants were eligible for benefits and how much they could get.

    A state’s “payment error rate” estimates the share of benefits paid out that were more or less than an applicant was actually eligible for. The error rate was not then and is not today a measure of fraud. Typically, it just indicates the share of families who get a higher – or lower – amount of benefits than they are eligible for because of mistakes or confusion on the part of the applicant or the case worker who handles the application.

    Congress tried to penalize states with error rates over 5% in the 1980s but ultimately suspended the effort under state pressure. After years of political wrangling, the USDA started to consistently enforce financial penalties on states with high error rates in the mid-1990s.

    States responded by increasing their red tape. For example, they asked applicants to submit more documentation and made them go through more bureaucratic hoops, like having more frequent in-person interviews, to get – and continue receiving – SNAP benefits.

    These demands hit low-wage workers hardest because their applications were more prone to mistakes. Low-income workers often don’t have consistent work hours and their pay can vary from week to week and month to month. The number of families getting benefits fell steeply.

    The USDA tried to reverse this decline by offering states options to simplify the process for applying for and continuing to get SNAP benefits over the course of the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Enrollment grew steadily.

    Penalizing high rates

    Since 2008, states with error rates over 6% have had to develop a detailed plan to lower them.

    Despite this requirement, the national average error rate jumped from 7.4% before the pandemic, to a record high of 11.7% in 2023. Rates rose as states struggled with a surge of people applying for benefits, a shortage of staff in state welfare agencies and procedural changes.

    Republican leaders in Congress have responded to that increase by calling for more accountability.

    Making states pay more

    The big legislative package will increase states’ expenses in two ways.

    It will reduce the federal government’s responsibility for half of the cost of administering the program to 25% beginning in the 2027 fiscal year.

    And some states will have to pay a share of benefit costs for the first time in the program’s history, depending on their payment error rates. Beginning in the 2028 fiscal year, states with an error rate between 6-8% would be responsible for 5% of the cost of benefits. Those with an error rate between 8-10% would have to pay 10%, and states with an error rate over 10% would have to pay 15%. The federal government would continue to pay all benefits in states with error rates below 6%.

    Republicans argue the changes will give states more “skin in the game” and ensure better administration of the program.

    While the national payment error rate fell from 11.68% in the 2023 fiscal year to 10.93% a year later, 42 states still had rates in excess of 6% in 2024. Twenty states plus the District of Columbia had rates of 10% or higher.

    At nearly 25%, Alaska has the highest payment error rate in the country. But Alaska won’t be in trouble right away. To ease passage in the Senate, where the vote of Sen. Lisa Murkowski, an Alaska Republican, was in doubt, a provision was added to the bill allowing several states with the highest error rates to avoid cost sharing for up to two years after it begins.

    Democrats argue this may encourage states to actually increase their error rates in the short term.

    The effect of the new law on the amount of help an eligible household gets is expected to be limited.

    About 600,000 individuals and families will lose an average of $100 a month in benefits because of a change in the way utility costs are treated. The law also prevents future administrations from increasing benefits beyond the cost of living, as the Biden Administration did.

    States cannot cut benefits below the national standards set in federal law.

    But the shift of costs to financially strapped states will force them to make tough choices. They will either have to cut back spending on other programs, increase taxes, discourage people from getting SNAP benefits or drop the program altogether.

    The changes will, in the end, make it even harder for Americans who can’t afford the bare necessities to get enough nutritious food to feed their families.

    Tracy Roof does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food – https://theconversation.com/big-legislative-package-shifts-more-of-snaps-costs-to-states-saving-federal-dollars-but-causing-fewer-americans-to-get-help-paying-for-food-260166

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI USA: Remarks as prepared for delivery by Kim Anderson, NEA Executive Director, to the 104th Representative Assembly

    Source: US National Education Union

    Hello, NEA!

    To our 3 million members…

    7 thousand delegates…

    Board of Directors…

    Executive Committee…

    and our amazing NEA and affiliate staff… thank you for all you do each day to fight for the kids and families and communities we are so lucky to serve.

    I also want to give special recognition to my colleagues in our state affiliates: our state affiliate executive directors.

    Day in and day out you lead and manage with dedication and devotion to this organization.

    As executive directors, we partner with leaders elected by NEA members to advance a glorious mission, vision, and set of core values.

    And I must say that at the national level, we have a tireless leader of our extraordinary union… a fearless champion for students, educators, and the just and equitable public education system on which our nation’s future depends… President Becky Pringle.

    Delegates, you heard President Pringle the other day lay out many of the challenges we face in our country — a perilous moment for our democracy.  A crossroads between democracy and authoritarianism.

    You heard from Dr. Cowen about the throughline connecting those who are funding efforts to dismantle public education run with the same crowd trying to dismantle democracy.

    And you had the distinct honor of hearing from our dear friend and colleague, the General Secretary of Education International, about the anti-democratic challenges that our educator siblings face around the world.

    Delegates, I want to talk very tactically and clinically about the methodology being used.

    Because in order to Educate, Communicate, Litigate, Organize, Mobilize, Legislate and Elect, we have to understand the strategy we are up against.

    Our opponents have built their strategy on four C’s:

    Chaos

    Raise your hands if this sounds familiar:

    How many people find it nearly impossible to keep up with the onslaught of 166 Executive Orders (EO’s) signed to date and the resulting lawsuits that pop up in our news feeds almost daily?

    How many people have adopted a strategy to ration your news intake in order to protect your mental health?

    Yep. Project 2025 told us this Administration would flood the zone with countless rollbacks of policies designed to make us safer, healthier, more prosperous, and more free as a People.

    They want to spread the pro-democracy coalition wide and thin, dividing us up into narrow factions assuming we will fight only to protect the interests closest to us…spreading us too wide and too thin to mount a collective defense.

    Chaos theory is designed to weaken opposition to the regime in power.

    Control

    How many of you have been told to stop teaching what you know to be true?

    How many of you have had to take books off your shelves… or faced other forms of censorship?  

    In an effort to comply with the Administration’s Executive Order related to diversity, equity and inclusion, there were 381 books removed from the U.S. Naval Academy library, including Maya Angelou’s “I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings” and many other books reflecting the beautiful mosaic of authors in America.

    They removed books that studied the KKK and the history of lynching in America, and yet they left ON the shelf “Mein Kampf” by Adolph Hitler.

    Imagine that!

    This Administration has threatened to withhold federal funding from institutions that do not comply with its attempt to obliterate the free marketplace of ideas.

    They know that the mere threat alone will lead to people self-censoring — even before there is any edict requiring it.

    We’ve seen the mad rush in higher education institutions and corporations across the country to scrub the aspirational words of diversity, equity, and inclusion from their websites, and policies, and shutter programs that create safe spaces for freedom of thought and expression.

    This form of retaliatory control is designed to stifle dissent — a right so important, it was the first one enshrined in our Bill of Rights. As my daughter said to me last night, dissent is patriotic.

    Cruelty

    How many of you are working with students who fear their parents will be snatched off the street?

    How many of you have students who don’t have enough to eat at home?

    Well delegates, this big, bad, disgusting bill that passed the House two days ago, POURS more money into ICE and strips money out of food assistance programs.

    Ripping children away from their parents, letting kids go hungry…this is BEYOND cruel.

    It is immoral.

    This use of cruelty is designed to make us all afraid.

    Afraid for our lives.

    Afraid for our families.

    Afraid for our jobs if we speak up.

    It’s designed to make us bow down.

    To comply.

    To submit.

    This nation was conceived in liberty, and freedom is supposed to be our birthright.

    We didn’t want kings in 1776, and we damn sure don’t want kings now.

    Chaos. Control. Cruelty.

    The sum of that formula is corruption.

    To line billionaires’ pockets with tax breaks on the backs of everyone else.

    Do you know that 50 of the S&P 500 companies in the U.S. paid $0 in income tax last year?

    Guess which company was at the top of that list?

    Tesla.

    Despite reporting a $15 billion profit in 2023, Tesla took a $5 billion tax credit!

    It’s reported that between Tesla, Starlink and X, Musk’s companies are making $38 billion in government contracts, subsidies, or tax credits.

    Meaning that WE’RE paying Elon, rather than Elon contributing to the common good.

    And he’s not alone.

    This big, bad, horrible, no good bill that just passed the House two days ago gives over $1 trillion of our tax dollars — the tax dollars of hard-working, everyday Americans — to the wealthiest among us.

    Over 12 million people will lose their healthcare over the life of this bill.

    And Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos….and yes, the Trump organization will all get even richer.

    So the people who bankrolled the last Presidential campaign are getting quite a return on their investment, while everyone else is less healthy, less safe, and less able to see the American Dream as their probability.

    We wake up to policies like this and a social media machine that gaslights Americans every day.

    They want us to believe that immigrants or poor Americans are to blame for the economic rules that have allowed companies like Tesla to pay ZERO income tax.

    And by the way, I hold both major political parties responsible for the decades of economic rules that have diminished the number of people who have a voice in their workplace through belonging to a union.

    Every human being elected has the responsibility of governing on behalf of all of us.

    It means doing the greatest good for the greatest number of people possible.

    And it damn sure means solving more problems than you create!

    So delegates, yesterday’s celebration of Independence Day took on different meaning for me.

    As I do every year, on July 4th, I spend some time reading portions of our founding documents. So yesterday, I focused on this:

    “We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America.”

    The first words of the U.S. Constitution.

    The roadmap for how we as Americans are to govern ourselves, not be ruled by someone else.

    We know the work of democracy is hard.

    It’s messy and uneven and really never ever complete. The work of democracy is like the work of justice….

    To paraphrase Executive Committee Member Mark Jewell, “we are never arriving, always becoming.”

    From the 13th Amendment ending slavery to 19th amendment granting voting rights to women….

    From Social Security to IDEA.…

    From Pell Grants to the Affordable Care Act…

    From Title I to the Higher Education Act….

    It has always taken ordinary people to bend the arc of history toward justice….

    And part of becoming a more perfect union is opening the doors of opportunity wider, not slamming them closed.

    So what’s it going to take, delegates, to rescue democracy and public education?

    Yes, it will take those seven verbs, delegates, that President Pringle outlined the other day:

    Educate. Communicate. Litigate. Organize. Mobilize. Legislate.

    And Elect pro-public education, pro-democracy champions.

    I would submit to you, delegates, that the most potent contribution NEA could make to the effort is through organizing and mobilizing millions of Americans to resist….to say NO….to say our democracy belongs to us!

    But it’s critical that we learn from other countries around the world, and what we know is that an organized, sustained resistance is the key.

    Delegates, Harvard Professor Erica Chenoweth has studied examples around the world of what it takes to topple authoritarian rule.

    Her research shows that when 3.5 percent of a nation’s population stands together in sustained nonviolent resistance, the probability of toppling authoritarianism goes way up.

    In the United States, that’s roughly 12 million people… and NEA — we are 3 million strong.

    If each of us could activate just one person, we’d have nearly 6 million people.

    And if each of those mobilized just one more, we’d be 12 million allies in the fight.

    NEA, this is the biggest movement moment since the Civil War.

    I’m personally so inspired by all of you: the millions of members and thousands of delegates who call this union home.

    I’m also inspired by my friends and family members.

    Earlier this year, during the Hands Off protest in Washington D.C., I met up with a few of them who had come down from New England.

    We were all together on the National Mall, holding up our handmade signs, and one of my family members was there celebrating her 80th birthday.

    She said, “Kim, I was here during the March on Washington. I was here to protest the Vietnam War. I was here fighting for women’s rights. I can’t think of anywhere else that I am supposed to be today.”

    We talked about the masked men who are indiscriminately grabbing people off of American streets to be sent to God knows where – without due process, without warrants, without question.

    We talked about the gravity of the moment that we are in, and she said to me, “I’ve lived my life. If they have to take someone, they should take me.”

    Someone in my family was literally willing to put it all on the line for the values we believe in.

    My family and I talked to many seasoned members of the protest community that day.

    So many of them were of the same mind.

    They were extraordinary.

    They were brave.

    They were willing to stand ten toes down on their values.

    And even as my family member’s words made my eyes fill with tears, they also filled my heart with resolve.

    But one thing’s for sure: We cannot save anyone or anything by keeping quiet and hoping it all goes away.

    In the face of injustice, as the great civil rights leader Audre Lorde said, “Our silence won’t protect us.”

    And Lorde is right.

    This administration only takes notice when we are united and loud… when we are brave enough to step up and step forward, and say, “Not on our watch.”

    So it matters that people in communities nationwide — teachers, parents, librarians, public education advocates — are staging walk-ins…and resisting book bans… and creating safe zones for children at school.

    And it matters that the NEA, our union, is at the vanguard.

    But I do need to acknowledge: Being brave can feel scary — especially when your job is at stake.

    And, even more, if you feel like you are standing all alone.

    So delegates I want you to remember:

    You are never alone.

    This union has your back.

    And when it comes to courage, every small act makes a difference.

    Maybe it’s comforting a terrified student who fears their parents will get ripped away from them.

    Maybe it’s planning a joyful event for your colleagues — celebrating a special occasion or simply because you made it through another day together.

    These acts of resilience –  of love – can be the spark that lights a fire… giving someone else the energy… inspiration… and confidence to act as well.

    Organize. Mobilize.

    Delegates, our assignment is clear:

    Twelve million Americans must choose each day to engage in big and small acts of resistance and noncooperation with an Administration that has no intention of recognizing ANY of our constitutional rights.

    Sometimes acts of resistance can be singular, but they have an incredible ripple effect.

    Like our union sibling Idaho sixth-grade history teacher Sarah Inama.

    When Sarah’s school district told her to take down a classroom sign that said “Everyone is welcome here,” Sarah refused.

    And in her words, “It was so simple to me. Either everyone is welcome here or not.”

    Sarah’s defiance — and the solidarity from our Idaho affiliate — helped shine a spotlight on the threats and intimidation our students, schools, and educators face today.

    Stories like this will mobilize even more people to our cause… and help us drive momentum not only to resist but, yes, to BUILD.

    Because, in a time when the rules are being flouted… when longstanding norms are being shattered… we have a chance to remake systems that are more just, more inclusive, and more sustainable.

    Our union itself can be a model of what that future can hold.

    A place where people from all walks of life can come together and work together in support of the common good.

    And let me say it loud and clear:

    Everyone is welcome here!

    And we NEED everyone engaged!

    Already this year, organizing, mobilizing, and collective action has led to meaningful legislative wins — wins that make life better for students and the educators who serve them.

    • In Alaska, lawmakers significantly and permanently boosted funding for state education.
    • In Mississippi, greater funding includes increases in educators’ health insurance premiums and retirement pay.
    • The Texas legislature passed a record school funding bill with the largest teacher pay increase in state history.

    But we know we must push for more.

    And just as important as what we’ve helped push through is what we’ve blocked.

    • Our efforts in Montana, the Dakotas, and New Hampshire helped ensure bad bills on issues such as vouchers, funding caps, and open enrollment never made it out of committee.
    • Montana also joined Indiana in successfully contesting and, in some cases, defeating anti-union and anti-collective bargaining bills.
    • In Tennessee, when a bill was introduced that would have allowed public schools to deny enrollment to immigrant students, we helped make sure it died before the end of the legislative session.
    • And in Utah, when the legislature passed a bill rolling back collective bargaining rights for Utah education employees, UEA, USEA, and NEA marshalled a huge labor coalition effort to collect 324,000 signatures in 31 days to place a measure on the ballot to repeal the legislature’s attack on our bargaining rights.

    NEA, our collective action is bringing real results.

    And we will not yield in our defense of education, freedom, and democracy.

    We will not yield in our support of diversity, equity, and inclusion.

    And guess what?

    The harder we fight, the stronger our union grows.

    Despite relentless assaults on our affiliates across the country, we are going to finish this year with net membership growth for the first time since the pandemic!

    Delegates, I want to assure you that for years NEA has been steadily increasing its support of year-round organizing in our affiliates.

    We now have 2,194 member organizers that we support through our year-round organizing program, lifted up by talented staff.

    We’ve expanded our Growth and Strength Program, which has helped affiliates hire and deploy 167 full-time staff organizers across the country.

    And we created a Campaign Lab for local affiliates to learn how to develop organizing campaigns to win the schools our students and educators deserve.

    We’ve expanded grants for locals engaged in not only bargaining for the common good but achieving labor-management collaboration systems in the places where there are trusting, productive relationships between our members, administrators, and school board members.

    NEA has increased its support for affiliates who are organizing recognition and first contract campaigns, yielding new units in Colorado, New York, New Mexico, and Kansas.

    • In North Carolina (a non-bargaining state), Asheville City Association of Educators became the first local in North Carolina to reach majority status!
    • And the Durham Association of Educators launched a campaign for Meet and Confer authority and in the process won a school budget that was over 2.5 times larger than any budget request in memory….AND they tripled their membership.
    • In Texas, the San Antonio Alliance won the biggest compensation package in 25 years.
    • In Arizona, the Tucson Education Association won 12 weeks of paid parental leave — the first of its kind in the state!
    • In California, members in Sacramento fought to create Community Schools steering committees at the district and site levels and won 10% across the board compensation increases.
    • In San Francisco, UESF won an 84% raise for their lowest paid classified workers, Community Schools CBA language.
    • And the great United Teachers of Los Angeles won the second largest pay increase ever almost 23% over three years. They achieved a reduction in standardized testing and stood in solidarity with their SEIU colleagues on a 3-day ULP strike.

    When We Fight…….

    And we don’t just Fight Back, we Fight Forward!

    Delegates, our mission statement declares that “Our work is fundamental to the nation.”

    America needs our strength.

    America needs our resilience.

    America needs our vision and power to create something new… something beautiful… 

    A public education system that welcomes and prepares every student and a democracy that delivers for everyone!

    Let’s Go NEA!  Let’s Go!

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congestion Pricing Succeeding in Reducing Traffic

    Source: US State of New York

    overnor Kathy Hochul and the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) today announced that in its first six months, New York City’s congestion pricing program has succeeded in reducing traffic and raising revenues to fund transit improvements across the region, while economic activity in New York City has flourished. Activated at 12:00 am on January 5th, the nation’s first urban congestion pricing program reduces gridlock in Manhattan’s Congestion Relief Zone (CRZ) below 60th Street by charging motorists to enter the zone. Revenue from congestion pricing is on track to reach the forecasted $500 million in 2025, allowing the MTA to advance $15 billion in critical capital improvements to mass transit on its subway, bus, Long Island Rail Road, and Metro-North Railroad systems.

    “Six months in, it’s clear: congestion pricing has been a huge success, making life in New York better,” Governor Hochul said. “In New York, we dare to do big things, and this program represents just that – traffic is down throughout the region, business is booming, transit ridership is up, and we are making historic upgrades to our transit system. We’ve also fended off five months of unlawful attempts from the federal government to unwind this successful program and will keep fighting – and winning – in the courts. The cameras are staying on.”

    New York State and the MTA have successfully fought off repeated legal challenges to congestion pricing and have stood up to block the unlawful attempts of the United States Department of Transportation (USDOT) and the Trump Administration to terminate the program. In May, a preliminary injunction was issued in the case of Metropolitan Transportation Authority v. Duffy, keeping congestion pricing in effect pending further court proceedings and enjoining the federal government from taking retaliatory measures in response.

    MTA Chair and CEO Janno Lieber said, “Congestion relief is a massive success and validation of the initiative keeps pouring in. The program is achieving all of its goals in terms of traffic reduction, increased travel speeds, safety, noise reduction and more. And not only is Congestion Relief delivering all the projected benefits – and more – it’s also proving that New York State government can effectively execute major, ambitious initiatives that improve the quality of life in ways New Yorkers notice and appreciate.”

    MTA Construction & Development President Jamie Torres-Springer said, “In addition to all of the benefits New Yorkers are already feeling on our streets, Congestion Relief is delivering accessibility at 25 subway and railroad stations, modern subway signals for AC and BDFM riders, new subway and rail cars, and countless other essential projects for our public transit system. The new MTA is hard at work advancing these projects better, faster, and cheaper.”

    Since the congestion pricing program took effect on Jan. 5, it has delivered a wide array of benefits according to data from the MTA and other reports and studies from business groups and other data sources.

    Congestion pricing is reducing traffic and improving quality of life

    In just six months, congestion pricing has succeeded in reducing traffic, speeding up the flow of traffic, and reducing delays – not just in the Congestion Relief Zone but throughout the region. The number of vehicles entering the zone is down by 11% since congestion pricing started. Every day, 67,000 fewer vehicles enter the zone, and since the program started, more than 10 million fewer vehicles have entered the zone compared to last year.

    According to a report from the Regional Plan Association and Waze, traffic delays are down in the Congestion Relief Zone by 25% and across the metropolitan region by 9%. Delays are also down by 10% in the Bronx and 14% in parts of Bergen County, NJ. Time lost to traffic jams is down 12%, giving seven minutes for every hour spent in traffic in 2024 back to commuters’ lives. Travel times on river crossings have decreased by 6% to as much as 42% in 2025 compared to 2024. In the Holland Tunnel, rush hour delays are down by 65% since congestion pricing began. In the Lincoln Tunnel, MTA express buses are traveling almost 24% faster than in 2024. Roads and highways approaching the Congestion Relief Zone, including Flatbush Ave in Brooklyn and the Long Island Expressway, are also moving faster than last year.

    Reduced gridlock has improved quality of life in New York City. Crashes in the Congestion Relief Zone are down 14%. Traffic injuries are down by 15% in the zone, and the safety benefits are being felt citywide. Just this week, the New York City Department of Transportation released data showing that pedestrian fatalities on New York City streets are at historic lows, matching levels last seen in 2018.

    Additionally, air quality has improved and noise pollution has reduced since the program was launched. Honking and vehicle noise complaints to 311 are down by 45% in 2025. A new report from the City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene released on July 2 showed steady or decreasing levels of fine particle air pollution (or PM2.5) at most sites, both inside and outside the Congestion Relief Zone.

    Transit service and ridership are on the rise

    Transit ridership across all modes has increased from January-May 2025 when compared to the same period last year. All MTA modes of public transportation have had post-pandemic record high ridership in the first half of 2025.

    • Subway: +7%
    • Bus: +12%
    • LIRR: +8%
    • Metro-North: +6%
    • Access-A-Ride: +21%

    Transit service has steadily improved in 2025 to near record levels. In May, subway On-Time Performance was 85.2%, the best non-pandemic month in recorded history. Long Island Rail Road and Metro-North On-Time Performance have consistently been at or near 97% and 98% respectively in 2025. Buses are moving faster thanks to congestion pricing. Bus speeds have increased by an average of 3.2% within the CRZ, with some routes increasing by as much as 25%.

    Governor Hochul and the MTA have also made historic investments to improve bus service. Service was increased on eight key Express Bus routes in March and on 14 high-ridership local bus routes on June 29th. The MTA also launched the first phase of the Queens Bus Network Redesign on June 29th, bringing more frequent and direct service with better connections to 800,000 Queens bus riders. Phase 2 will launch on August 31.

    Economic activity in New York City is up

    Gridlock is bad for the economy. According to a report from the Partnership for New York City before congestion pricing was launched, businesses and individuals were wasting hundreds of hours sitting in traffic, costing the economy $20 billion per year. Congestion pricing is a locally developed solution to a generational challenge. 

    Already, the benefits of congestion pricing are improving New York City’s economy. Commuters are saving as much as 21 minutes each way. Time savings help businesses make deliveries and save costs. The annual value of these time savings could be as high as $1.3 billion. In May, business district pedestrian activity within the Congestion Relief Zone increased by 8.4% compared to May 2024. This growth is much faster than for business districts outside of the zone, which saw an increase of 2.7%.

    Business is booming in the Congestion Relief Zone in 2025. Broadway just posted its biggest season ever with $1.9 billion in ticket sales; retail sales are on track to be up $900 million in 2025 compared to 2024; Hotel occupancy was 87% in April 2025 compared to 85% in April 2024; Commercial office leasing in 2025 Q1 is up 11% compared to 2024 Q4 and up 80% since 2024 Q1. At the same time, New York City now has the most jobs in its history – nearing 4.86 million in April 2025. That represents 1.6% growth over April 2024, outpacing the national average of 1.1%.

    The MTA is investing in transit improvements funded by congestion pricing

    By enabling the MTA to issue $15 billion in bonds to fund projects in its 2020-2024 Capital Plan, congestion pricing is powering improvements across the MTA network. Improvement projects funded by congestion pricing include:

    • 435 additional R211 subway cars – including 80 additional open-gangway cars
    • 44 new, more reliable dual-mode locomotives for the Long Island Rail Road
    • 300 new M9A cars for Metro-North and the Long Island Rail-Road
    • Communications Based Train Control (CBTC) signal upgrades on the A and C lines between Downtown Brooklyn and Ozone Park, allowing for more frequent and reliable service
    • Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) upgrades at 23 subway stations, including new elevators, reconstructed platforms, and other improvements

    Additionally, funding from congestion pricing allows the MTA to move forward with the tunneling contract for Phase 2 of the Second Avenue Subway, which will be awarded in the second half of 2025.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congestion Pricing Succeeding in Reducing Traffic

    Source: US State of New York

    overnor Kathy Hochul and the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) today announced that in its first six months, New York City’s congestion pricing program has succeeded in reducing traffic and raising revenues to fund transit improvements across the region, while economic activity in New York City has flourished. Activated at 12:00 am on January 5th, the nation’s first urban congestion pricing program reduces gridlock in Manhattan’s Congestion Relief Zone (CRZ) below 60th Street by charging motorists to enter the zone. Revenue from congestion pricing is on track to reach the forecasted $500 million in 2025, allowing the MTA to advance $15 billion in critical capital improvements to mass transit on its subway, bus, Long Island Rail Road, and Metro-North Railroad systems.

    “Six months in, it’s clear: congestion pricing has been a huge success, making life in New York better,” Governor Hochul said. “In New York, we dare to do big things, and this program represents just that – traffic is down throughout the region, business is booming, transit ridership is up, and we are making historic upgrades to our transit system. We’ve also fended off five months of unlawful attempts from the federal government to unwind this successful program and will keep fighting – and winning – in the courts. The cameras are staying on.”

    New York State and the MTA have successfully fought off repeated legal challenges to congestion pricing and have stood up to block the unlawful attempts of the United States Department of Transportation (USDOT) and the Trump Administration to terminate the program. In May, a preliminary injunction was issued in the case of Metropolitan Transportation Authority v. Duffy, keeping congestion pricing in effect pending further court proceedings and enjoining the federal government from taking retaliatory measures in response.

    MTA Chair and CEO Janno Lieber said, “Congestion relief is a massive success and validation of the initiative keeps pouring in. The program is achieving all of its goals in terms of traffic reduction, increased travel speeds, safety, noise reduction and more. And not only is Congestion Relief delivering all the projected benefits – and more – it’s also proving that New York State government can effectively execute major, ambitious initiatives that improve the quality of life in ways New Yorkers notice and appreciate.”

    MTA Construction & Development President Jamie Torres-Springer said, “In addition to all of the benefits New Yorkers are already feeling on our streets, Congestion Relief is delivering accessibility at 25 subway and railroad stations, modern subway signals for AC and BDFM riders, new subway and rail cars, and countless other essential projects for our public transit system. The new MTA is hard at work advancing these projects better, faster, and cheaper.”

    Since the congestion pricing program took effect on Jan. 5, it has delivered a wide array of benefits according to data from the MTA and other reports and studies from business groups and other data sources.

    Congestion pricing is reducing traffic and improving quality of life

    In just six months, congestion pricing has succeeded in reducing traffic, speeding up the flow of traffic, and reducing delays – not just in the Congestion Relief Zone but throughout the region. The number of vehicles entering the zone is down by 11% since congestion pricing started. Every day, 67,000 fewer vehicles enter the zone, and since the program started, more than 10 million fewer vehicles have entered the zone compared to last year.

    According to a report from the Regional Plan Association and Waze, traffic delays are down in the Congestion Relief Zone by 25% and across the metropolitan region by 9%. Delays are also down by 10% in the Bronx and 14% in parts of Bergen County, NJ. Time lost to traffic jams is down 12%, giving seven minutes for every hour spent in traffic in 2024 back to commuters’ lives. Travel times on river crossings have decreased by 6% to as much as 42% in 2025 compared to 2024. In the Holland Tunnel, rush hour delays are down by 65% since congestion pricing began. In the Lincoln Tunnel, MTA express buses are traveling almost 24% faster than in 2024. Roads and highways approaching the Congestion Relief Zone, including Flatbush Ave in Brooklyn and the Long Island Expressway, are also moving faster than last year.

    Reduced gridlock has improved quality of life in New York City. Crashes in the Congestion Relief Zone are down 14%. Traffic injuries are down by 15% in the zone, and the safety benefits are being felt citywide. Just this week, the New York City Department of Transportation released data showing that pedestrian fatalities on New York City streets are at historic lows, matching levels last seen in 2018.

    Additionally, air quality has improved and noise pollution has reduced since the program was launched. Honking and vehicle noise complaints to 311 are down by 45% in 2025. A new report from the City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene released on July 2 showed steady or decreasing levels of fine particle air pollution (or PM2.5) at most sites, both inside and outside the Congestion Relief Zone.

    Transit service and ridership are on the rise

    Transit ridership across all modes has increased from January-May 2025 when compared to the same period last year. All MTA modes of public transportation have had post-pandemic record high ridership in the first half of 2025.

    • Subway: +7%
    • Bus: +12%
    • LIRR: +8%
    • Metro-North: +6%
    • Access-A-Ride: +21%

    Transit service has steadily improved in 2025 to near record levels. In May, subway On-Time Performance was 85.2%, the best non-pandemic month in recorded history. Long Island Rail Road and Metro-North On-Time Performance have consistently been at or near 97% and 98% respectively in 2025. Buses are moving faster thanks to congestion pricing. Bus speeds have increased by an average of 3.2% within the CRZ, with some routes increasing by as much as 25%.

    Governor Hochul and the MTA have also made historic investments to improve bus service. Service was increased on eight key Express Bus routes in March and on 14 high-ridership local bus routes on June 29th. The MTA also launched the first phase of the Queens Bus Network Redesign on June 29th, bringing more frequent and direct service with better connections to 800,000 Queens bus riders. Phase 2 will launch on August 31.

    Economic activity in New York City is up

    Gridlock is bad for the economy. According to a report from the Partnership for New York City before congestion pricing was launched, businesses and individuals were wasting hundreds of hours sitting in traffic, costing the economy $20 billion per year. Congestion pricing is a locally developed solution to a generational challenge. 

    Already, the benefits of congestion pricing are improving New York City’s economy. Commuters are saving as much as 21 minutes each way. Time savings help businesses make deliveries and save costs. The annual value of these time savings could be as high as $1.3 billion. In May, business district pedestrian activity within the Congestion Relief Zone increased by 8.4% compared to May 2024. This growth is much faster than for business districts outside of the zone, which saw an increase of 2.7%.

    Business is booming in the Congestion Relief Zone in 2025. Broadway just posted its biggest season ever with $1.9 billion in ticket sales; retail sales are on track to be up $900 million in 2025 compared to 2024; Hotel occupancy was 87% in April 2025 compared to 85% in April 2024; Commercial office leasing in 2025 Q1 is up 11% compared to 2024 Q4 and up 80% since 2024 Q1. At the same time, New York City now has the most jobs in its history – nearing 4.86 million in April 2025. That represents 1.6% growth over April 2024, outpacing the national average of 1.1%.

    The MTA is investing in transit improvements funded by congestion pricing

    By enabling the MTA to issue $15 billion in bonds to fund projects in its 2020-2024 Capital Plan, congestion pricing is powering improvements across the MTA network. Improvement projects funded by congestion pricing include:

    • 435 additional R211 subway cars – including 80 additional open-gangway cars
    • 44 new, more reliable dual-mode locomotives for the Long Island Rail Road
    • 300 new M9A cars for Metro-North and the Long Island Rail-Road
    • Communications Based Train Control (CBTC) signal upgrades on the A and C lines between Downtown Brooklyn and Ozone Park, allowing for more frequent and reliable service
    • Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) upgrades at 23 subway stations, including new elevators, reconstructed platforms, and other improvements

    Additionally, funding from congestion pricing allows the MTA to move forward with the tunneling contract for Phase 2 of the Second Avenue Subway, which will be awarded in the second half of 2025.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • Prime Minister Narendra Modi: The Global Statesman of Our Times

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Since the Second World War, almost eight decades ago, no leader had captivated the global imagination until the late 2010s.

    The majority of the Cold War years were lost to the political turmoil that plagued the nations in the West. In the Soviet Union, the leaders were infamous for weakening the once grand empire. Even the American Presidents could not escape the curse of time, and eventually, the world entered the 20th century with crises that hinted at imminent conflicts.

    Back home in India, the political leadership was largely contained within one party, and further, within one family.

    Not choosing to align with a bloc, India went for the non-aligned movement, and in hindsight, we were everywhere, and yet, nowhere. When Chief Minister Narendra Modi was elevated to the higher office in Delhi in 2014, a nation of more than 120 Crore people was not only looking at a new leadership framework to guide the nation, but also a new perspective to take India’s message to the world.

    In Narendra Modi, the country saw the resolve of a national leader and the vision of a global statesman.

    The last eleven years have been of global turmoil. The 2010s witnessed the incapacity of several Western nations, including the United States of America, to shake off the economic horrors of the Great Recession of 2008.

    Just when the nations were getting their economic trajectory back on track, the pandemic, the most gruesome in a century, hit the world in 2020. This was followed by the global supply chain crisis in 2020-21, the Russia-Ukraine War in 2022, and the Middle East tensions in 2023. In the decade PM Modi has governed India, the world has been in a constant state of chaos.

    In this constant state of chaos, the political leadership across countries has been impacted as well. America saw the exit of a Democratic President in 2016, only to witness the return of another leader from the same party in 2020.

    Across Europe, governments found their mandates dented post-pandemic, if not snatched altogether. Even China, which began the 2010s with geopolitical heft, was marred in its economic challenges by early 2020s, and while the leadership remains, resistance against the Communist Party is attaining a point of inevitability.

    It is in this decade PM Modi cemented his position globally. While the combination of welfare programs, strong economic growth, prudent fiscal management, infrastructure push, and rapid digitalisation ushered the nation ahead under his leadership, the last decade was also of diplomacy with a difference.

    India, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, was no longer a mute spectator nor a submissive commentator. India’s assertion was visible in the early months of the Narendra Modi Government. Diplomacy had several facets, from rescue operations to humanitarian aids, from enhancing economic relations to collaborating on modern technologies.

    In 2022, PM Modi’s stellar move to balance national economic interests with geopolitical intricacies resulted in India increasing its share of oil imports from Russia. Eventually, even the Europeans had to follow India’s cue. Post-2023 and the October attack on Israel, India’s global stance on the Middle East was consistent with the sensitivities of the region.

    PM Modi’s diplomatic approach has been about prioritising the relationship before the returns, and that is what explains the constant push in African countries, and even some South American countries. Many countries that were earlier ignored under the previous governments are now active partners.

    Interestingly, the Modi Doctrine has also been about evolving with time. Eleven years is a long time, and countries do diverge on several issues. Case in question is Turkey. While the nation responded to India’s humanitarian aid with drones to Pakistan, PM Modi was quick to send them a direct reminder during his visit to Cyprus.

    Modi’s diplomacy has several shades, and several countries have embraced it as well, which explains the number of honours for the Prime Minister. Earlier today, PM Modi has been conferred with Ghana’s highest state honor, the Officer of the Order of the Star of Ghana, marking a significant milestone in his global recognition. This award is part of an impressive collection of 24 international honors celebrated by 140 crore Indians, symbolizing India’s relentless rise on the world stage.

    The accolades span a wide range of nations, including Cyprus’s Grand Cross of the Order of Makarios III, Sri Lanka’s Mitra Vibhushana, Mauritius’ Grand Commander of the Order of the Star & Key of the Indian Ocean, Kuwait’s Order of Mubarak Al Kabeer, Guyana’s Order of Excellence, Barbados’ Order of Freedom, Nigeria’s Grand Commander of the Order, and Dominica’s Dominica Award of Honour.

    Additional distinctions come from Russia’s Order of St. Andrew the Apostle, Greece’s Grand Cross of the Order of Honour, France’s Grand Cross of the Legion, Egypt’s Order of the Nile, Republic of Palau’s Ebakl Award, Papua New Guinea’s Order of Logohu, Fiji’s Companion of the Order of Fiji, and Bhutan’s Order of the Druk Gyalpo.

    The list of honors continues with the US Government’s Legion of Merit, Bahrain’s King Hamad Order of the Renaissance, Maldives’ Order of the Distinguished Rule of Nishan Izzuddin, United Arab Emirates’ Order of Zayed Award, Palestine’s Grand Collar of the State of Palestine Award, Afghanistan’s State Order of Ghazi Amir Amanullah Khan, and Saudi Arabia’s Order of King Abdulaziz.

    PM Narendra Modi will be conferred with Trinidad and Tobago’s highest civilian honour, The Order of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, his 25th sovereign honour.

    PM Modi is a global statesman of our times. Since Franklin D. Roosevelt, no leader has been so instrumental to a world that is rapidly changing. Eleven years in office, and only half done in all probability, the Prime Minister has a lot to offer to the world in terms of global leadership. He’s India’s strongest voice, sincerest messenger, and the most stupendous testament to a nation that is rediscovering its civilizational place in the world.

    (Tushar Gupta is a Delhi-based journalist and a political commentator)

  • India’s healthcare system accessible, affordable and innovative: Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla on Saturday underlined India’s growing stature as a global hub for pharmaceuticals and medical research, while reaffirming that the country’s healthcare system remains qualitative, accessible and affordable.

    Speaking at the inauguration of the 7th Annual International Conference of the Innovative Physicians Forum — IPF MEDICON 2025 — in New Delhi, Birla said India’s medical infrastructure and service delivery have significantly improved, making healthcare more inclusive and patient-centric.

    “India has enhanced the quality of healthcare while ensuring it remains within the reach of every citizen,” Birla said, highlighting the role of digital health technologies, expanded outreach, and affordable treatment options in building a robust and equitable healthcare ecosystem.

    Addressing medical professionals and delegates from Nepal, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, and the UK, the Speaker praised Indian doctors for embracing innovation and advanced technologies, even as developed countries face growing health challenges. “The reputation and quality of Indian doctors have earned recognition worldwide,” he said.

    Birla noted that despite limited resources, the dedication and sacrifice of doctors, paramedical staff and healthcare workers enabled India to effectively manage the COVID-19 pandemic — a testament, he said, to the credibility of India’s healthcare system.

    Emphasising India’s emergence as a centre for drug manufacturing, vaccine production and biomedical research, the Lok Sabha Speaker said the country’s skilled scientists, strong research infrastructure, and commitment to innovation are driving advancements that serve both domestic and global health needs.

    He added that the government is prioritising research, innovation and free medical treatment for the underprivileged through initiatives such as Ayushman Bharat, further strengthening India’s role in shaping the future of global health.

    Calling innovation and research the “need of the hour”, Birla urged institutions, scientists, and policymakers to collaborate and harness rapid scientific and technological advancements to tackle emerging health challenges and improve patient care. “Fostering a culture of innovation and investing in medical research are essential for developing new treatments, enhancing disease prevention, and strengthening the healthcare ecosystem,” he said.

    Speaking about the conference, Birla said it is more than an event — “it is a global platform for human service.” He expressed hope that discussions would address artificial intelligence, digital tools, robotics, and other modern medical technologies to help create a more efficient and human-centred healthcare system.

    Kamaljeet Sehrawat, MP, was also present at the conference alongside international medical representatives.

  • India’s healthcare system accessible, affordable and innovative: Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla on Saturday underlined India’s growing stature as a global hub for pharmaceuticals and medical research, while reaffirming that the country’s healthcare system remains qualitative, accessible and affordable.

    Speaking at the inauguration of the 7th Annual International Conference of the Innovative Physicians Forum — IPF MEDICON 2025 — in New Delhi, Birla said India’s medical infrastructure and service delivery have significantly improved, making healthcare more inclusive and patient-centric.

    “India has enhanced the quality of healthcare while ensuring it remains within the reach of every citizen,” Birla said, highlighting the role of digital health technologies, expanded outreach, and affordable treatment options in building a robust and equitable healthcare ecosystem.

    Addressing medical professionals and delegates from Nepal, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, and the UK, the Speaker praised Indian doctors for embracing innovation and advanced technologies, even as developed countries face growing health challenges. “The reputation and quality of Indian doctors have earned recognition worldwide,” he said.

    Birla noted that despite limited resources, the dedication and sacrifice of doctors, paramedical staff and healthcare workers enabled India to effectively manage the COVID-19 pandemic — a testament, he said, to the credibility of India’s healthcare system.

    Emphasising India’s emergence as a centre for drug manufacturing, vaccine production and biomedical research, the Lok Sabha Speaker said the country’s skilled scientists, strong research infrastructure, and commitment to innovation are driving advancements that serve both domestic and global health needs.

    He added that the government is prioritising research, innovation and free medical treatment for the underprivileged through initiatives such as Ayushman Bharat, further strengthening India’s role in shaping the future of global health.

    Calling innovation and research the “need of the hour”, Birla urged institutions, scientists, and policymakers to collaborate and harness rapid scientific and technological advancements to tackle emerging health challenges and improve patient care. “Fostering a culture of innovation and investing in medical research are essential for developing new treatments, enhancing disease prevention, and strengthening the healthcare ecosystem,” he said.

    Speaking about the conference, Birla said it is more than an event — “it is a global platform for human service.” He expressed hope that discussions would address artificial intelligence, digital tools, robotics, and other modern medical technologies to help create a more efficient and human-centred healthcare system.

    Kamaljeet Sehrawat, MP, was also present at the conference alongside international medical representatives.

  • MIL-OSI Africa: United States (U.S.) Government Supports Regional Emergency Management Strengthening

    Source: APO


    .

    Today the first cohort of the Regional Public Health Emergency Management Training graduated in Abuja.  The intermediate level training was hosted by the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (U.S. CDC) in collaboration with the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention.

    Seventeen public health emergency operations center staff members from countries across the region (Nigeria, Benin, Ghana, Sierra Leone, The Gambia, Liberia, and Mali) participated in the two-week training.  They learned and strengthened the skills needed to effectively operate incident management systems for outbreak preparedness and response.  As a result, the region is now better equipped to prepare for and respond to epidemics and pandemics.

    In her remarks at the graduation ceremony, the U.S. CDC Division of Global Health Protection Acting Program Director Asmau Aminu-Alhaji thanked the graduates for their dedication to public health both at home and across the region and highlighted the importance of public health collaboration and communication across borders.

    The Public Health Emergency Management Professional Certification Program is part of the U.S. Government’s support for global health Security in Nigeria and globally. It provides emergency operations staff and other public health experts with specialized training in public health emergency management, operations, and other critical preparedness and response skills.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of U.S. Embassy and Consulate in Nigeria.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Resettlement changed her life. Now she’s fighting for others to have the same chance

    Source: United Nations MIL OSI

    Today, she’s a qualified refugee and human rights lawyer in New Zealand – but on Tuesday she recalled the ordeal of becoming displaced aged 14 and described the harrowing limbo that followed.

    Invisible and alone

    “I grew up invisible to the world,” she said of her life in Afghanistan. “Without rights, opportunities, or safety.”

    That all changed in 2018, when her family was offered resettlement in New Zealand – a decision she said gave her back dignity, hope, and a future.

    Today, she advocates for others as a legal professional and helps shape global resettlement policy as an advisor to the Core Group on Resettlement and Complementary Pathways (CRCP) which is supported by UN refugee agency, UNHCR.

    Ms. Changezi’s powerful testimony set the tone for the release of the agency’s Projected Global Resettlement Needs 2026 report.

    Syrians on the move

    UNHCR estimates that 2.5 million refugees will require resettlement next year, a decrease from the 2.9 million estimated for 2025.

    While this marks a shift – mainly due to changed conditions in Syria that are allowing for some voluntary returns – the figure remains historically high.

    The largest groups in need include Afghans, Syrians, South Sudanese, Sudanese, Rohingya and Congolese refugees. Major countries of asylum like Iran, Türkiye, Pakistan, Ethiopia and Uganda continue to host large refugee populations, with many individuals facing urgent needs that resettlement can address.

    Resettlement offers not only protection, but also a pathway to dignity and inclusion,” said UNHCR spokesperson Shabia Mantoo. “It is a demonstration of meaningful international solidarity,” she added.

    Worrisome decline

    Yet the message from UNHCR was also one of concern. Resettlement quotas for 2025 are expected to fall to their lowest level in two decades — below even the disruptions seen during the coronavirus“>COVID-19 pandemic. This decline threatens to undo progress and places vulnerable refugees at greater risk.

    In that context, Ms. Changezi’s story became more than a personal account – it was a rallying call. “Resettlement is more than a humanitarian act,” she told journalists. “It is a strategic investment in our shared future.”

    Contributing to host societies

    Ms. Changezi emphasized that refugees are not defined by their vulnerability. Across the globe, resettled refugees are rebuilding communities, launching businesses, and strengthening social and economic systems in their new homes. “We offer solutions. We drive innovation,” she insisted.

    UNHCR is urging states to not only maintain their existing resettlement programmes but to expand them – swiftly and ambitiously. It is also calling for more flexible and responsive systems that can meet the needs of refugees across different regions and contexts.

    Despite the challenges, over 116,000 refugees were resettled through UNHCR-supported programmes last year.

    The international target for 2026 is to resettle 120,000 individuals – a goal UNHCR says is well within reach if states act decisively.

    Ms. Changezi insists that the promise of resettlement is not an abstract concept. “Multiply my story across millions,” she said. “The long-term impact is extraordinary – not just for refugees, but for the societies that embrace them.”

    MIL OSI United Nations News