Category: Pandemic

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Meeting of 5-6 March 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 5-6 March 2025

    3 April 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that, since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 29-30 January 2025, euro area and US markets had moved in opposite directions in a highly volatile political environment. In the euro area, markets had focused on the near-term macroeconomic backdrop, with incoming data in the euro area surprising on the upside. Lower energy prices responding in part to the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine, looser fiscal policy due to increased defence spending and a potential relaxation of Germany’s fiscal rules had supported investor sentiment. This contrasted with developments in the United States, where market participants’ assessment of the new US Administration’s policy decisions had turned more negative amid fears of tariffs driving prices up and dampening consumer and business sentiment.

    A puzzling feature of recent market developments had been the dichotomy between measures of policy uncertainty and financial market volatility. Global economic policy uncertainty had shot up in the final quarter of 2024 and had reached a new all-time high, surpassing the peak seen at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. By contrast, volatility in euro area and US equity markets had remained muted, despite having broadly traced dynamics in economic policy uncertainty over the past 15 years. Only more recently, with the prospect of tariffs becoming more concrete, had stock market volatility started to pick up from low levels.

    Risk sentiment in the euro area remained strong and close to all-time highs, outpacing the United States, which had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s January monetary policy meeting. This mirrored the divergence of macroeconomic developments. The Citigroup Economic Surprise Index for the euro area had turned positive in February 2025, reaching its highest level since April 2024. This was in contrast to developments in the United States, where economic surprises had been negative recently.

    The divergence in investor appetite was most evident in stock markets. The euro area stock market continued to outperform its US counterpart, posting the strongest year-to-date performance relative to the US index in almost a decade. Stock market developments were aligned with analysts’ earnings expectations, which had been raised for European firms since the start of 2025. Meanwhile, US earnings estimates had been revised down continuously for the past eleven weeks.

    Part of the recent outperformance of euro area equities stemmed from a catch-up in valuations given that euro area equities had performed less strongly than US stocks in 2024. Moreover, in spite of looming tariffs, the euro area equity market was benefiting from potential growth tailwinds, including a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, the greater prospect of a stable German government following the country’s parliamentary elections and the likelihood of increased defence spending in the euro area. The share prices of tariff-sensitive companies had been significantly underperforming their respective benchmarks in both currency areas, but tariff-sensitive stocks in the United States had fared substantially worse.

    Market pricing also indicated a growing divergence in inflation prospects between the euro area and the United States. In the euro area, the market’s view of a gradual disinflation towards the ECB’s 2% target remained intact. One-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead stood at around 2%, while the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate one year ahead continued to stand somewhat below 2%. However, inflation compensation had moved up across maturities on 5 March 2025. In the United States, one-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead had increased significantly, likely driven in part by bond traders pricing in the inflationary effects of tariffs on US consumer prices. Indicators of the balance of risks for inflation suggested that financial market participants continued to see inflation risks in the euro area as broadly balanced across maturities.

    Changing growth and inflation prospects had also been reflected in monetary policy expectations for the euro area. On the back of slightly lower inflation compensation due to lower energy prices, expectations for ECB monetary policy had edged down. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the current Governing Council monetary policy meeting, while markets saw a further rate cut at the following meeting as uncertain. Most recently, at the time of the meeting, rate investors no longer expected three more 25 basis point cuts in the deposit facility rate in 2025. Participants in the Survey of Monetary Analysts, finalised in the last week of February, had continued to expect a slightly faster easing cycle.

    Turning to euro area market interest rates, the rise in nominal ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rates since the 11-12 December 2024 Governing Council meeting had largely been driven by improving euro area macroeconomic data, while the impact of US factors had been small overall. Looking back, euro area ten-year nominal and real OIS rates had overall been remarkably stable since their massive repricing in 2022, when the ECB had embarked on the hiking cycle. A key driver of persistently higher long-term rates had been the market’s reassessment of the real short-term rate that was expected to prevail in the future. The expected real one-year forward rate four years ahead had surged in 2022 as investors adjusted their expectations away from a “low-for-long” interest rate environment, suggesting that higher real rates were expected to be the new normal.

    The strong risk sentiment had also been transmitted to euro area sovereign bond spreads relative to yields on German government bonds, which remained at contained levels. Relative to OIS rates, however, the spreads had increased since the January monetary policy meeting – this upward move intensified on 5 March with the expectation of a substantial increase in defence spending. One factor behind the gradual widening of asset swap spreads over the past two years had been the increasing net supply of government bonds, which had been smoothly absorbed in the market.

    Regarding the exchange rate, after a temporary depreciation the euro had appreciated slightly against the US dollar, going above the level seen at the time of the January meeting. While the repricing of expectations regarding ECB monetary policy relative to the United States had weighed on the euro, as had global risk sentiment, the euro had been supported by the relatively stronger euro area economic outlook.

    Ms Schnabel then considered the implications of recent market developments for overall financial conditions. Since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting, a broad-based and pronounced easing in financial conditions had been observed. This was driven primarily by higher equity prices and, to a lesser extent, by lower interest rates. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the yield curve implied that the euro area real yield curve remained well within neutral territory.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started his introduction by noting that, according to Eurostat’s flash release, headline inflation in the euro area had declined to 2.4% in February, from 2.5% in January. While energy inflation had fallen from 1.9% to 0.2% and services inflation had eased from 3.9% to 3.7%, food inflation had increased to 2.7%, from 2.3%, and non-energy industrial goods inflation had edged up from 0.5% to 0.6%.

    Most indicators of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. The Persistent and Common Component of Inflation had ticked down to 2.1% in January. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined by 0.2 percentage points to 4.0%. But it remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. Recent wage negotiations pointed to a continued moderation in labour cost pressures. For instance, negotiated wage growth had decreased to 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The wage tracker and an array of survey indicators also suggested a continued weakening of wage pressures in 2025.

    Inflation was expected to evolve along a slightly higher path in 2025 than had been expected in the Eurosystem staff’s December projections, owing to higher energy prices. At the same time, services inflation was expected to continue declining in early 2025 as the effects from lagged repricing faded, wage pressures receded and the impact of past monetary policy tightening continued to feed through. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations still stood at around 2%. Near-term market-based inflation compensation had declined across maturities, likely reflecting the most recent decline in energy prices, but longer-term inflation compensation had recently increased in response to emerging fiscal developments. Consumer inflation expectations had resumed their downward momentum in January.

    According to the March ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.3% in 2025, 1.9% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Compared with the December 2024 projections, inflation had been revised up by 0.2 percentage points for 2025, reflecting stronger energy price dynamics in the near term. At the same time, the projections were unchanged for 2026 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2027. For core inflation, staff projected a slowdown from an average of 2.2% in 2025 to 2.0% in 2026 and to 1.9% in 2027 as labour cost pressures eased further, the impact of past shocks faded and the past monetary policy tightening continued to weigh on prices. The core inflation projection was 0.1 percentage points lower for 2025 compared with the December projections round, as recent data releases had surprised on the downside, but they had been revised up by the same amount for 2026, reflecting the lagged indirect effects of the past depreciation of the euro as well as higher energy inflation in 2025.

    Geopolitical uncertainties loomed over the global growth outlook. The Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) for global composite output excluding the euro area had declined in January to 52.0, amid a broad-based slowdown in the services sector across key economies. The discussions between the United States and Russia over a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, as well as the de-escalation in the Middle East, had likely contributed to the recent decline in oil and gas prices on global commodity markets. Nevertheless, geopolitical tensions remained a major source of uncertainty. Euro area foreign demand growth was projected to moderate, declining from 3.4% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025 and then to 3.1% in 2026 and 2027. Downward revisions to the projections for global trade compared with the December 2024 projections reflected mostly the impact of tariffs on US imports from China.

    The euro had remained stable in nominal effective terms and had appreciated against the US dollar since the last monetary policy meeting. From the start of the easing cycle last summer, the euro had depreciated overall both against the US dollar and in nominal effective terms, albeit showing a lot of volatility in the high frequency data. Energy commodity prices had decreased following the January meeting, with oil prices down by 4.6% and gas prices down by 12%. However, energy markets had also seen a lot of volatility recently.

    Turning to activity in the euro area, GDP had grown modestly in the fourth quarter of 2024. Manufacturing was still a drag on growth, as industrial activity remained weak in the winter months and stood below its third-quarter level. At the same time, survey indicators for manufacturing had been improving and indicators for activity in the services sector were moderating, while remaining in expansionary territory. Although growth in domestic demand had slowed in the fourth quarter, it remained clearly positive. In contrast, exports had likely continued to contract in the fourth quarter. Survey data pointed to modest growth momentum in the first quarter of 2025. The composite output PMI had stood at 50.2 in February, unchanged from January and up from an average of 49.3 in the fourth quarter of 2024. The PMI for manufacturing output had risen to a nine-month high of 48.9, whereas the PMI for services business activity had been 50.6, remaining in expansionary territory but at its lowest level for a year. The more forward-looking composite PMI for new orders had edged down slightly in February owing to its services component. The European Commission’s Economic Sentiment Indicator had improved in January and February but remained well below its long-term average.

    The labour market remained robust. Employment had increased by 0.1 percentage points in the fourth quarter and the unemployment rate had stayed at its historical low of 6.2% in January. However, demand for labour had moderated, which was reflected in fewer job postings, fewer job-to-job transitions and declining quit intentions for wage or career reasons. Recent survey data suggested that employment growth had been subdued in the first two months of 2025.

    In terms of fiscal policy, a tightening of 0.9 percentage points of GDP had been achieved in 2024, mainly because of the reversal of inflation compensatory measures and subsidies. In the March projections a further slight tightening was foreseen for 2025, but this did not yet factor in the news received earlier in the week about the scaling-up of defence spending.

    Looking ahead, growth should be supported by higher incomes and lower borrowing costs. According to the staff projections, exports should also be boosted by rising global demand as long as trade tensions did not escalate further. But uncertainty had increased and was likely to weigh on investment and exports more than previously expected. Consequently, ECB staff had again revised down growth projections, by 0.2 percentage points to 0.9% for 2025 and by 0.2 percentage points to 1.2% for 2026, while keeping the projection for 2027 unchanged at 1.3%. Respondents to the Survey of Monetary Analysts expected growth of 0.8% in 2025, 0.2 percentage points lower than in January, but continued to expect growth of 1.1% in 2026 and 1.2% in 2027, unchanged from January.

    Market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the January meeting but had risen over recent days in response to the latest fiscal developments. The past interest rate cuts, together with anticipated future cuts, were making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households, and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, a headwind to the easing of financing conditions was coming from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remained subdued overall. The cost of new loans to firms had declined further by 12 basis points to 4.2% in January, about 1 percentage point below the October 2023 peak. By contrast, the cost of issuing market-based corporate debt had risen to 3.7%, 0.2 percentage points higher than in December. Mortgage rates were 14 basis points lower at 3.3% in January, around 80 basis points below their November 2023 peak. However, the average cost of bank credit measured on the outstanding stock of loans had declined substantially less than that of new loans to firms and only marginally for mortgages.

    Annual growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December. This had mainly reflected base effects, as the negative flow in January 2024 had dropped out of the annual calculation. Corporate debt issuance had increased in January in terms of the monthly flow, but the annual growth rate had remained broadly stable at 3.4%. Mortgage lending had continued its gradual rise, with an annual growth rate of 1.3% in January after 1.1% in December.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, the disinflation process remained well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff expected, and the latest projections closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Wage growth was moderating as expected. The recent interest rate cuts were making new borrowing less expensive and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, past interest rate hikes were still transmitting to the stock of credit and lending remained subdued overall. The economy faced continued headwinds, reflecting lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment, in part originating from high trade policy uncertainty as well as broader policy uncertainty. Rising real incomes and the gradually fading effects of past rate hikes continued to be the key drivers underpinning the expected pick-up in demand over time.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. In particular, the proposal to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was rooted in the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Moving the deposit facility rate from 2.75% to 2.50% would be a robust decision. In particular, holding at 2.75% could weaken the required recovery in consumption and investment and thereby risk undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. Furthermore, the new projections indicated that, if the baseline dynamics for inflation and economic growth continued to hold, further easing would be required to stabilise inflation at the medium-term target on a sustainable basis. Under this baseline, from a macroeconomic perspective, a variety of rate paths over the coming meetings could deliver the remaining degree of easing. This reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting approach, with no pre-commitment to any particular rate path. In the near term, it would allow the Governing Council to take into account all the incoming data between the current meeting and the meeting on 16-17 April, together with the latest waves of the ECB’s surveys, including the bank lending survey, the Corporate Telephone Survey, the Survey of Professional Forecasters and the Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Moreover, the Governing Council should pay special attention to the unfolding geopolitical risks and emerging fiscal developments in view of their implications for activity and inflation. In particular, compared with the rate paths consistent with the baseline projection, the appropriate rate path at future meetings would also reflect the evolution and/or materialisation of the upside and downside risks to inflation and economic momentum.

    As the Governing Council had advanced further in the process of lowering rates from their peak, the communication about the state of transmission in the monetary policy statement should evolve. Mr Lane proposed replacing the “level” assessment that “monetary policy remains restrictive” with the more “directional” statement that “our monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive”. In a similar vein, the Governing Council should replace the reference “financing conditions continue to be tight” with an acknowledgement that “a headwind to the easing of financing conditions comes from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remains subdued overall”.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    As regards the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Global activity at the end of 2024 had been marginally stronger than expected (possibly supported by firms frontloading imports of foreign inputs ahead of potential trade disruptions) and according to the March 2025 ECB staff projections global growth was expected to remain fairly solid overall, while moderating slightly over 2025-27. This moderation came mainly from expected lower growth rates for the United States and China, which were partially compensated for by upward revisions to the outlook for other economies. Euro area foreign demand was seen to evolve broadly in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Compared with the December 2024 Eurosystem staff projections, foreign demand was projected to be slightly weaker over 2025-27. This weakness was seen to stem mainly from lower US imports. Recent data in the United States had come in on the soft side. It was highlighted that the March 2025 projections only incorporated tariffs implemented at the time of the cut-off date (namely US tariffs of 10% on imports from China and corresponding retaliatory tariffs on US exports to China). By contrast, US tariffs that had been suspended or not yet formally announced at the time of the cut-off date were treated as risks to the baseline projections.

    Elevated and exceptional uncertainty was highlighted as a key theme for both the external environment and the euro area economy. Current uncertainties were seen as multidimensional (political, geopolitical, tariff-related and fiscal) and as comprising “radical” or “Knightian” elements, in other words a type of uncertainty that could not be quantified or captured well by standard tools and quantitative analysis. In particular, the unpredictable patterns of trade protectionism in the United States were currently having an impact on the outlook for the global economy and might also represent a more lasting regime change. It was also highlighted that, aside from specific, already enacted tariff measures, uncertainty surrounding possible additional measures was creating significant extra headwinds in the global economy.

    The impact of US tariffs on trading partners was seen to be clearly negative for activity while being more ambiguous for inflation. For the latter, an upside effect in the short term, partly driven by the exchange rate, might be broadly counterbalanced by downside pressures on prices from lower demand, especially over the medium term. It was underlined that it was challenging to determine, ex ante, the impact of protectionist measures, as this would depend crucially on how the measures were deployed and was likely to be state and scale-dependent, in particular varying with the duration of the protectionist measures and the extent of any retaliatory measures. More generally, a tariff could be seen as a tax on production and consumption, which also involved a wealth transfer from the private to the public sector. In this context, it was underlined that tariffs were generating welfare losses for all parties concerned.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members broadly agreed with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The overall narrative remained that the economy continued to grow, but in a modest way. Based on Eurostat’s flash release for the euro area (of 14 February) and available country data, year-on-year growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 appeared broadly in line with what had been expected. However, the composition was somewhat different, with more private and government consumption, less investment and deeply negative net exports. It was mentioned that recent surveys had been encouraging, pointing to a turnaround in the interest rate-sensitive manufacturing sector, with the euro area manufacturing PMI reaching its highest level in 24 months. While developments in services continued to be better than those in manufacturing, survey evidence suggested that momentum in the services sector could be slowing, although manufacturing might become less negative – a pattern of rotation also seen in surveys of the global economy. Elevated uncertainty was undoubtedly a factor holding back firms’ investment spending. Exports were also weak, particularly for capital goods.The labour market remained resilient, however. The unemployment rate in January (6.2%) was at a historical low for the euro area economy, once again better than expected, although the positive momentum in terms of the rate of employment growth appeared to be moderating.

    While the euro area economy was still expected to grow in the first quarter of the year, it was noted that incoming data were mixed. Current and forward-looking indicators were becoming less negative for the manufacturing sector but less positive for the services sector. Consumer confidence had ticked up in the first two months of 2025, albeit from low levels, while households’ unemployment expectations had also improved slightly. Regarding investment, there had been some improvement in housing investment indicators, with the housing output PMI having improved measurably, thus indicating a bottoming-out in the housing market, and although business investment indicators remained negative, they were somewhat less so. Looking ahead, economic growth should continue and strengthen over time, although once again more slowly than previously expected. Real wage developments and more affordable credit should support household spending. The outlook for investment and exports remained the most uncertain because it was clouded by trade policy and geopolitical uncertainties.

    Broad agreement was expressed with the latest ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Economic growth was expected to continue, albeit at a modest pace and somewhat slower than previously expected. It was noted, however, that the downward revision to economic growth in 2025 was driven in part by carry-over effects from a weak fourth quarter in 2024 (according to Eurostat’s flash release). Some concern was raised that the latest downward revisions to the current projections had come after a sequence of downward revisions. Moreover, other institutions’ forecasts appeared to be notably more pessimistic. While these successive downward revisions to the staff projections had been modest on an individual basis, cumulatively they were considered substantial. At the same time, it was highlighted that negative judgement had been applied to the March projections, notably on investment and net exports among the demand components. By contrast, there had been no significant change in the expected outlook for private consumption, which, supported by real wage growth, accumulated savings and lower interest rates, was expected to remain the main element underpinning growth in economic activity.

    While there were some downward revisions to expectations for government consumption, investment and exports, the outlook for each of these components was considered to be subject to heightened uncertainty. Regarding government consumption, recent discussions in the fiscal domain could mean that the slowdown in growth rates of government spending in 2025 assumed in the projections might not materialise after all. These new developments could pose risks to the projections, as they would have an impact on economic growth, inflation and possibly also potential growth, countering the structural weakness observed so far. At the same time, it was noted that a significant rise in the ten-year yields was already being observed, whereas the extra stimulus from military spending would likely materialise only further down the line. Overall, members considered that the broad narrative of a modestly growing euro area economy remained valid. Developments in US trade policies and elevated uncertainty were weighing on businesses and consumers in the euro area, and hence on the outlook for activity.

    Private consumption had underpinned euro area growth at the end of 2024. The ongoing increase in real wages, as well as low unemployment, the stabilisation in consumer confidence and saving rates that were still above pre-pandemic levels, provided confidence that a consumption-led recovery was still on track. But some concern was expressed over the extent to which private consumption could further contribute to a pick-up in growth. In this respect, it was argued that moderating real wage growth, which was expected to be lower in 2025 than in 2024, and weak consumer confidence were not promising for a further increase in private consumption. Concerning the behaviour of household savings, it was noted that saving rates were clearly higher than during the pre-pandemic period, although they were projected to decline gradually over the forecast horizon. However, the current heightened uncertainty and the increase in fiscal deficits could imply that higher household savings might persist, partly reflecting “Ricardian” effects (i.e. consumers prone to increase savings in anticipation of higher future taxes needed to service the extra debt). At the same time, it was noted that the modest decline in the saving rate was only one factor supporting the outlook for private consumption.

    Regarding investment, a distinction was made between housing and business investment. For housing, a slow recovery was forecast during the course of 2025 and beyond. This was based on the premise of lower interest rates and less negative confidence indicators, although some lag in housing investment might be expected owing to planning and permits. The business investment outlook was considered more uncertain. While industrial confidence was low, there had been some improvement in the past couple of months. However, it was noted that confidence among firms producing investment goods was falling and capacity utilisation in the sector was low and declining. It was argued that it was not the level of interest rates that was currently holding back business investment, but a high level of uncertainty about economic policies. In this context, concern was expressed that ongoing uncertainty could result in businesses further delaying investment, which, if cumulated over time, would weigh on the medium-term growth potential.

    The outlook for exports and the direct and indirect impact of tariff measures were a major concern. It was noted that, as a large exporter, particularly of capital goods, the euro area might feel the biggest impact of such measures. Reference was made to scenario calculations that suggested that there would be a significant negative impact on economic growth, particularly in 2025, if the tariffs on Mexico, Canada and the euro area currently being threatened were actually implemented. Regarding the specific impact on euro area exports, it was noted that, to understand the potential impact on both activity and prices, a granular level of analysis would be required, as sectors differed in terms of competition and pricing power. Which specific goods were targeted would also matter. Furthermore, while imports from the United States (as a percentage of euro area GDP) had increased over the past decade, those from the rest of the world (China, the rest of Asia and other EU countries) were larger and had increased by more.

    Members overall assessed that the labour market continued to be resilient and was developing broadly in line with previous expectations. The euro area unemployment rate remained at historically low levels and well below estimates of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment. The strength of the labour market was seen as attenuating the social cost of the relatively weak economy as well as supporting upside pressures on wages and prices. While there had been some slowdown in employment growth, this also had to be seen in the context of slowing labour force growth. Furthermore, the latest survey indicators suggested a broad stabilisation rather than any acceleration in the slowdown. Overall, the euro area labour market remained tight, with a negative unemployment gap.

    Against this background, members reiterated that fiscal and structural policies should make the economy more productive, competitive and resilient. It was noted that recent discussions at the national and EU levels raised the prospect of a major change in the fiscal stance, notably in the euro area’s largest economy but also across the European Union. In the baseline projections, which had been finalised before the recent discussions, a fiscal tightening over 2025-27 had been expected owing to a reversal of previous subsidies and termination of the Next Generation EU programme in 2027. Current proposals under discussion at the national and EU levels would represent a substantial change, particularly if additional measures beyond extra defence spending were required to achieve the necessary political buy-in. It was noted, however, that not all countries had sufficient fiscal space. Hence it was underlined that governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework and should prioritise essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment. It was also reiterated that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action and its proposals should be swiftly adopted.

    In light of exceptional uncertainty around trade policies and the fiscal outlook, it was noted that one potential impact of elevated uncertainty was that the baseline scenario was becoming less likely to materialise and risk factors might suddenly enter the baseline. Moreover, elevated uncertainty could become a persistent fact of life. It was also considered that the current uncertainty was of a different nature to that normally considered in the projection exercises and regular policymaking. In particular, uncertainty was not so much about how certain variables behaved within the model (or specific model parameters) but whether fundamental building blocks of the models themselves might have to be reconsidered (also given that new phenomena might fall entirely outside the realm of historical data or precedent). This was seen as a call for new approaches to capture uncertainty.

    Against this background, members assessed that even though some previous downside risks had already materialised, the risks to economic growth had increased and remained tilted to the downside. An escalation in trade tensions would lower euro area growth by dampening exports and weakening the global economy. Ongoing uncertainty about global trade policies could drag investment down. Geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. Growth could be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening lasted longer than expected. At the same time, growth could be higher if easier financing conditions and falling inflation allowed domestic consumption and investment to rebound faster. An increase in defence and infrastructure spending could also add to growth. For the near-term outlook, the ECB’s mechanical updates of growth expectations in the first half of 2025 suggested some downside risk. Beyond the near term, it was noted that the baseline projections only included tariffs (and retaliatory measures) already implemented but not those announced or threatened but not yet implemented. The materialisation of additional tariff measures would weigh on euro area exports and investment as well as add to the competitiveness challenges facing euro area businesses. At the same time, the potential fiscal impulse had not been included either.

    With regard to price developments, members largely agreed that the disinflation process was on track, with inflation continuing to develop broadly as staff had expected. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a delay. However, recent wage negotiations pointed to an ongoing moderation in labour cost pressures, with a lower contribution from profits partially buffering their impact on inflation and most indicators of underlying inflation pointing to a sustained return of inflation to target. Preliminary indicators for labour cost growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 suggested a further moderation, which gave some greater confidence that moderating wage growth would support the projected disinflation process.

    It was stressed that the annual growth of compensation per employee, which, based on available euro area data, had stood at 4.4% in the third quarter of 2024, should be seen as the most important and most comprehensive measure of wage developments. According to the projections, it was expected to decline substantially by the end of 2025, while available hard data on wage growth were still generally coming in above 4%, and indications from the ECB wage tracker were based only on a limited number of wage agreements for the latter part of 2025. The outlook for wages was seen as a key element for the disinflation path foreseen in the projections, and the sustainable return of inflation to target was still subject to considerable uncertainty. In this context, some concern was expressed that relatively tight labour markets might slow the rate of moderation and that weak labour productivity growth might push up the rate of increase in unit labour costs.

    With respect to the incoming data, members reiterated that hard data for the first quarter would be crucial for ascertaining further progress with disinflation, as foreseen in the staff projections. The differing developments among the main components of the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) were noted. Energy prices had increased but were volatile, and some of the increases had already been reversed most recently. Notwithstanding the increases in the annual rate of change in food prices, momentum in this salient component was down. Developments in the non-energy industrial goods component remained modest. Developments in services were the main focus of discussions. While some concerns were expressed that momentum in services appeared to have remained relatively elevated or had even edged up (when looking at three-month annualised growth rates), it was also argued that the overall tendency was clearly down. It was stressed that detailed hard data on services inflation over the coming months would be key and would reveal to what extent the projected substantial disinflation in services in the first half of 2025 was on track.

    Regarding the March inflation projections, members commended the improved forecasting performance in recent projection rounds. It was underlined that the 0.2 percentage point upward revision to headline inflation for 2025 primarily reflected stronger energy price dynamics compared with the December projections. Some concern was expressed that inflation was now only projected to reach 2% on a sustained basis in early 2026, rather than in the course of 2025 as expected previously. It was also noted that, although the baseline scenario had been broadly materialising, uncertainties had been increasing substantially in several respects. Furthermore, recent data releases had seen upside surprises in headline inflation. However, it was remarked that the latest upside revision to the headline inflation projections had been driven mainly by the volatile prices of crude oil and natural gas, with the decline in those prices since the cut-off date for the projections being large enough to undo much of the upward revision. In addition, it was underlined that the projections for HICP inflation excluding food and energy were largely unchanged, with staff projecting an average of 2.2% for 2025 and 2.0% for 2026. The argument was made that the recent revisions showed once again that it was misleading to mechanically relate lower growth to lower inflation, given the prevalence of supply-side shocks.

    With respect to inflation expectations, reference was made to the latest market-based inflation fixings, which were typically highly sensitive to the most recent energy commodity price developments. Beyond the short term, inflation fixings were lower than the staff projections. Attention was drawn to a sharp increase in the five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead following the latest expansionary fiscal policy announcements. However, it was argued that this measure remained consistent with genuine expectations broadly anchored around 2% if estimated risk premia were taken into account, and there had been a less substantial adjustment in nearer-term inflation compensation. Looking at other sources of evidence on expectations, collected before the fiscal announcements (as was the case for all survey evidence), panellists in the Survey of Monetary Analysts saw inflation close to 2%. Consumer inflation expectations from the ECB Consumer Expectations Survey were generally at higher levels, but they showed a small downtick for one-year ahead expectations. It was also highlighted that firms mentioned inflation in their earnings calls much less frequently, suggesting inflation was becoming less salient.

    Against this background, members saw a number of uncertainties surrounding the inflation outlook. Increasing friction in global trade was adding more uncertainty to the outlook for euro area inflation. A general escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, which would put upward pressure on inflation. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports as a result of higher tariffs and a re-routing of exports into the euro area from countries with overcapacity would put downward pressure on inflation. Geopolitical tensions created two-sided inflation risks as regards energy markets, consumer confidence and business investment. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected. Inflation could turn out higher if wages or profits increased by more than expected. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation through its effect on aggregate demand. But inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand by more than expected. The view was expressed that the prospect of significantly higher fiscal spending, together with a potentially significant increase in inflation in the event of a tariff scenario with retaliation, deserved particular consideration in future risk assessments. Moreover, the risks might be exacerbated by potential second-round effects and upside wage pressures in an environment where inflation had not yet returned to target and the labour market remained tight. In particular, it was argued that the boost to domestic demand from fiscal spending would make it easier for firms to pass through higher costs to consumers rather than absorb them in their profits, at a time when inflation expectations were more fragile and firms had learned to rapidly adapt the frequency of repricing in an environment of high uncertainty. It was argued that growth concerns were mainly structural in nature and that monetary policy was ineffective in resolving structural weaknesses.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the Governing Council’s January meeting, before surging in the days immediately preceding the March meeting. Long-term bond yields had risen significantly: for example, the yield on ten-year German government bonds had increased by about 30 basis points in a day – the highest one-day jump since the surge linked to German reunification in March 1990. These moves probably reflected a mix of expectations of higher average policy rates in the future and a rise in the term premium, and represented a tightening of financing conditions. The revised outlook for fiscal policy – associated in particular with the need to increase defence spending – and the resulting increase in aggregate demand were the main drivers of these developments and had also led to an appreciation of the euro.

    Looking back over a longer period, it was noted that broader financial conditions had already been easing substantially since late 2023 because of factors including monetary policy easing, the stock market rally and the recent depreciation of the euro until the past few days. In this respect, it was mentioned that, abstracting from the very latest developments, after the strong increase in long-term rates in 2022, yields had been more or less flat, albeit with some volatility. However, it was contended that the favourable impact on debt financing conditions of the decline in short-term rates had been partly offset by the recent significant increase in long-term rates. Moreover, debt financing conditions remained relatively tight compared with longer-term historical averages over the past ten to 15 years, which covered the low-interest period following the financial crisis. Wider financial markets appeared to have become more optimistic about Europe and less optimistic about the United States since the January meeting, although some doubt was raised as to whether that divergence was set to last.

    The ECB’s interest rate cuts were gradually contributing to an easing of financing conditions by making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 4.2% in January, from 4.4% in December. Over the same period the average interest rate on new mortgages had fallen to 3.3%, from 3.4%. At the same time, lending rates were proving slower to turn around in real terms, so there continued to be a headwind to the easing of financing conditions from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit. This meant that lending rates on the outstanding stock of loans had only declined marginally, especially for mortgages. The recent substantial increase in long-term yields could also have implications for lending conditions by affecting bank funding conditions and influencing the cost of loans linked to long-term yields. However, it was noted that it was no surprise that financing conditions for households and firms still appeared tight when compared with the period of negative interest rates, because longer-term fixed rate loans taken out during the low-interest rate period were being refinanced at higher interest rates. Financing conditions were in any case unlikely to return to where they had been prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and the inflation surge. Furthermore, the most recent bank lending survey pointed to neutral or even stimulative effects of the general level of interest rates on bank lending to firms and households. Overall, it was observed that financing conditions were at present broadly as expected in a cycle in which interest rates would have been cut by 150 basis points according to the proposal, having previously been increased by 450 basis points.

    As for lending volumes, loan growth was picking up, but lending remained subdued overall. Growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December, on the back of a moderate monthly flow of new loans. Growth in debt securities issued by firms had risen to 3.4% in annual terms. Mortgage lending had continued to rise gradually but remained muted overall, with an annual growth rate of 1.3%, up from 1.1% in December.

    Underlying momentum in bank lending remained strong, with the three-month and six-month annualised growth rates standing above the annual growth rate. At the same time, it was contended that the recent uptick in bank lending to firms mainly reflected a substitution from market-based financing in response to the higher cost of debt security financing, so that the overall increase in corporate borrowing had been limited. Furthermore, lending was increasing from quite low levels, and the stock of bank loans to firms relative to GDP remained lower than 25 years ago. Nonetheless, the growth of credit to firms was now roughly back to pre-pandemic levels and more than three times the average during the 2010s, while mortgage credit growth was only slightly below the average in that period. On the household side, it was noted that the demand for housing loans was very strong according to the bank lending survey, with the average increase in demand in the last two quarters of 2024 being the highest reported since the start of the survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of lower interest rates and suggested that mortgage lending would keep rising. However, consumer credit had not really improved over the past year.

    Strong bank balance sheets had been contributing to the recovery in credit, although it was observed that non-performing and “stage 2” loans – those loans associated with a significant increase in credit risk – were increasing. The credit dynamics that had been picking up also suggested that the decline in excess liquidity held by banks as reserves with the Eurosystem was not adversely affecting banks’ lending behaviour. This was to be expected since banks’ liquidity coverage ratios were high, and it was underlined that banks could in any case post a wide range of collateral to obtain liquidity from the ECB at any time.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members noted that inflation had continued to develop broadly as expected, with incoming data largely in line with the previous projections. Indeed, the central scenario had broadly materialised for several successive quarters, with relatively limited changes in the inflation projections. This was again the case in the March projections, which were closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Inflation expectations had remained well anchored despite the very high uncertainty, with most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continuing to stand at around 2%. This suggested that inflation remained on course to stabilise at the 2% inflation target in the medium term. Still, this continued to depend on the materialisation of the projected material decline in wage growth over the course of 2025 and on a swift and significant deceleration in services inflation in the coming months. And, while services inflation had declined in February, its momentum had yet to show conclusive signs of a stable downward trend.

    It was widely felt that the most important recent development was the significant increase in uncertainty surrounding the outlook for inflation, which could unfold in either direction. There were many unknowns, notably related to tariff developments and global geopolitical developments, and to the outlook for fiscal policies linked to increased defence and other spending. The latter had been reflected in the sharp moves in long-term yields and the euro exchange rate in the days preceding the meeting, while energy prices had rebounded. This meant that, while the baseline staff projection was still a reasonable anchor, a lower probability should be attached to that central scenario than in normal times. In this context, it was argued that such uncertainty was much more fundamental and important than the small revisions that had been embedded in the staff inflation projections. The slightly higher near-term profile for headline inflation in the staff projections was primarily due to volatile components such as energy prices and the exchange rate. Since the cut-off date for the projections, energy prices had partially reversed their earlier increases. With the economy now in the flat part of the disinflation process, small adjustments in the inflation path could lead to significant shifts in the precise timing of when the target would be reached. Overall, disinflation was seen to remain well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff had expected and the latest projections closedly aligned with the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, it was widely acknowledged that risks and uncertainty had clearly increased.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Core inflation was coming down and was projected to decline further as a result of a further easing in labour cost pressures and the continued downward pressure on prices from the past monetary policy tightening. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and prices of certain services were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. However, while the continuing strength of the labour market and the potentially large fiscal expansion could both add to future wage pressures, there were many signs that wage growth was moderating as expected, with lower profits partially buffering the impact on inflation.

    Regarding the transmission of monetary policy, recent credit dynamics showed that monetary policy transmission was working, with both the past tightening and recent interest rate cuts feeding through smoothly to market interest rates, financing conditions, including bank lending rates, and credit flows. Gradual and cautious rate cuts had contributed substantially to the progress made towards a sustainable return of inflation to target and ensured that inflation expectations remained anchored at 2%, while securing a soft landing of the economy. The ECB’s monetary policy had supported increased lending. Looking ahead, lags in policy transmission suggested that, overall, credit growth would probably continue to increase.

    The impact of financial conditions on the economy was discussed. In particular, it was argued that the level of interest rates and possible financing constraints – stemming from the availability of both internal and external funds – might be weighing on corporate investment. At the same time, it was argued that structural factors contributed to the weakness of investment, including high energy and labour costs, the regulatory environment and increased import competition, and high uncertainty, including on economic policy and the outlook for demand. These were seen as more important factors than the level of interest rates in explaining the weakness in investment. Consumption also remained weak and the household saving rate remained high, though this could also be linked to elevated uncertainty rather than to interest rates.

    On this basis, the view was expressed that it was no longer clear whether monetary policy continued to be restrictive. With the last rate hike having been 18 months previously, and the first cut nine months previously, it was suggested that the balance was increasingly shifting towards the transmission of rate cuts. In addition, although quantitative tightening was operating gradually and smoothly in the background, the stock of asset holdings was still compressing term premia and long-term rates, while the diminishing compression over time implied a tightening.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Looking ahead, the point was made that the likely shocks on the horizon, including from escalating trade tensions, and uncertainty more generally, risked significantly weighing on growth. It was argued that these factors could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. In addition, it was argued that the recent appreciation of the euro and the decline in energy prices since the cut-off date for the staff projections, together with the cooling labour market and well-anchored inflation expectations, mitigated concerns about the upward revision to the near-term inflation profile and upside risks to inflation more generally. From this perspective, it was argued that being prudent in the face of uncertainty did not necessarily equate to being gradual in adjusting the interest rate.

    By contrast, it was contended that high levels of uncertainty, including in relation to trade policies, fiscal policy developments and sticky services and domestic inflation, called for caution in policy-setting and especially in communication. Inflation was no longer foreseen to return to the 2% target in 2025 in the latest staff projections and the date had now been pushed out to the first quarter of 2026. Moreover, the latest revision to the projected path meant that inflation would by that time have remained above target for almost five years. This concern would be amplified should upside risks to inflation materialise and give rise to possible second-round effects. For example, a significant expansion of fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending would increase price pressures. This had the potential to derail the disinflation process and keep inflation higher for longer. Indeed, investors had immediately reacted to the announcements in the days preceding the meeting. This was reflected in an upward adjustment of the market interest rate curve, dialling back the number of expected rate cuts, and a sharp increase in five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead. The combination of US tariffs and retaliation measures could also pose upside risks to inflation, especially in the near term. Moreover, firms had also learned to raise their prices more quickly in response to new inflationary shocks.

    Against this background, a few members stressed that they could only support the proposal to reduce interest rates by a further 25 basis points if there was also a change in communication that avoided any indication of future cuts or of the future direction of travel, which was seen as akin to providing forward guidance. One member abstained, as the proposed communication did not drop any reference to the current monetary policy stance being restrictive.

    In this context, members discussed in more detail the extent to which monetary policy could still be described as restrictive following the proposed interest rate cut. While it was clear that, with each successive rate cut, monetary policy was becoming less restrictive and closer to most estimates of the natural or neutral rate of interest, different views were expressed in this regard.

    On the one hand, it was argued that it was no longer possible to be confident that monetary policy was restrictive. It was noted that, following the proposed further cut of 25 basis points, the level of the deposit facility rate would be roughly equal to the current level of inflation. Even after the increase in recent days, long-term yields remained very modest in real terms. Credit and equity risk premia continued to be fairly contained and the euro was not overvalued despite the recent appreciation. There were also many indications in lending markets that the degree of policy restriction had declined appreciably. Credit was responding to monetary policy broadly as expected, with the tightening effect of past rate hikes now gradually giving way to the easing effects of the subsequent rate cuts, which had been transmitting smoothly to market and bank lending rates. This shifting balance was likely to imply a continued move towards easier credit conditions and a further recovery in credit flows. In addition, subdued growth could not be taken as evidence that policy was restrictive, given that the current weakness was seen by firms as largely structural.

    In this vein, it was also noted that a deposit facility rate of 2.50% was within, or at least at around the upper bound of, the range of Eurosystem staff estimates for the natural or neutral interest rate, with reference to the recently published Economic Bulletin box, entitled “Natural rate estimates for the euro area: insights, uncertainties and shortcomings”. Using the full array of models and ignoring estimation uncertainty, this currently ranged from 1.75% to 2.75%. Notwithstanding important caveats and the uncertainties surrounding the estimates, it was contended that they still provided a guidepost for the degree of monetary policy restrictiveness. Moreover, while recognising the high model uncertainty, it was argued that both model-based and market-based measures suggested that one main driver of the notable increase in the neutral interest rate over the past three years had been the increased net supply of government bonds. In this context, it was suggested that the impending expansionary fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending – and the likely associated increase in the excess supply of bonds – would affect real interest rates and probably lead to a persistent and significant increase in the neutral interest rate. This implied that, for a given policy rate, monetary policy would be less restrictive.

    On the other hand, it was argued that monetary policy would still be in restrictive territory even after the proposed interest rate cut. Inflation was on a clear trajectory to return to the 2% medium-term target while the euro area growth outlook was very weak. Consumption and investment remained weak despite high employment and past wage increases, consumer confidence continued to be low and the household saving ratio remained at high levels. This suggested an economy in stagnation – a sign that monetary policy was still in restrictive territory. Expansionary fiscal policy also had the potential to increase asset swap spreads between sovereign bond and OIS markets. With a greater sovereign bond supply, that intermediation spread would probably widen, which would contribute to tighter financing conditions. In addition, it was underlined that the latest staff projections were conditional on a market curve that implied about three further rate cuts, indicating that a 2.50% deposit facility rate was above the level necessary to sustainably achieve the 2% target in the medium term. It was stressed, in this context, that the staff projections did not hinge on assumptions about the neutral interest rate.

    More generally, it was argued that, while the natural or neutral rate could be a useful concept when policy rates were very far away from it and there was a need to communicate the direction of travel, it was of little value for steering policy on a meeting-by-meeting basis. This was partly because its level was fundamentally unobservable, and so it was subject to significant model and parameter uncertainty, a wide range between minimum and maximum estimates, and changing estimates over time. The range of estimates around the midpoint and the uncertainty bands around each estimate underscored why it was important to avoid excessive focus on any particular value. Rather, it was better to simply consider what policy setting was appropriate at any given point in time to meet the medium-term inflation target in light of all factors and shocks affecting the economy, including structural elements. To the extent that consideration should be given to the natural or neutral interest rate, it was noted that the narrower range of the most reliable staff estimates, between 1.75% and 2.25%, indicated that monetary policy was still restrictive at a deposit facility rate of 2.50%. Overall, while there had been a measurable increase in the natural interest rate since the pandemic, it was argued that it was unlikely to have reached levels around 2.5%.

    Against this background, the proposal by Mr Lane to change the wording of the monetary policy statement by replacing “monetary policy remains restrictive” with “monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive” was widely seen as a reasonable compromise. On the one hand, it was acknowledged that, after a sustained sequence of rate reductions, the policy rate was undoubtedly less restrictive than at earlier stages in the current easing phase, but it had entered a range in which it was harder to determine the precise level of restrictiveness. In this regard, “meaningfully” was seen as an important qualifier, as monetary policy had already become less restrictive with the first rate cut in June 2024. On the other hand, while interest rates had already been cut substantially, the formulation did not rule out further cuts, even if the scale and timing of such cuts were difficult to determine ex ante.

    On the whole, it was considered important that the amended language should not be interpreted as sending a signal in either direction for the April meeting, with both a cut and a pause on the table, depending on incoming data. The proposed change in the communication was also seen as a natural progression from the previous change, implemented in December. This had removed the intention to remain “sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary” and shifted to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance, on a meeting-by-meeting basis, depending on incoming data. From this perspective there was no need to identify the neutral interest rate, particularly given that future policy might need to be above, at or below neutral, depending on the inflation and growth outlook.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. Its interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Uncertainty was particularly high and rising owing to increasing friction in global trade, geopolitical developments and the design of fiscal policies to support increased defence and other spending. This underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Monetary policy statement for the press conference of 6 March 2025

    Press release

    Monetary policy decisions

    Meeting of the ECB’s Governing Council, 5-6 March 2025

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna*
    • Mr Dolenc, Deputy Governor of Banka Slovenije
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks*
    • Mr Kažimír
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta*
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn
    • Mr Reinesch*
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus*
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch

    * Members not holding a voting right in March 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Mr Dombrovskis, Commissioner**
    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    ** In accordance with Article 284 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

    Accompanying persons

    • Mr Arpa
    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kyriacou
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Reedik
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šiaudinis
    • Mr Sleijpen
    • Mr Šošić
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki
    • Ms Žumer Šujica

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 22 May 2025.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Luis de Guindos: Financial stability in uncertain times

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Luis de Guindos, Vice-President of the ECB, at the International Federation of Accountants’ Chief Executives Forum

    Amsterdam, 3 April 2025

    Introduction

    It is a pleasure to be taking part in the International Federation of Accountants’ Chief Executives Forum today.[1] In line with the topic of the event, I will reflect on the risks and uncertainty that threaten financial stability and their implications for policymakers. I will be brief to allow enough time to take your questions.

    Conceptually, risk is associated with situations where the exact outcome is unknown but the possible outcomes can be identified and their probabilities can be estimated reasonably well.[2] For the ECB, financial stability is defined as a condition in which the financial system is capable of withstanding shocks and the unravelling of financial imbalances. So, when assessing financial stability, we evaluate the likelihood of shocks materialising and their potential impact. Uncertainty, by contrast, refers to scenarios where it is impossible to define and measure outcomes and probabilities, often owing to a lack of information. While risk is quantifiable, uncertainty can be proxied at best.

    The current environment

    Uncertainty in the macro-financial and credit environment is currently exceptionally high, in a world being reshaped by significant shifts in geopolitics, international cooperation, global trade policy, financial regulation and the role of crypto-assets. At the same time, the scale of the defence investment foreseen in the EU is unprecedented and adds another significant layer of uncertainty to the current environment.

    According to a news-based index[3], economic policy uncertainty in the euro area is currently more than three times the historical average.[4] Similarly, an index of trade policy uncertainty is more than eight times the historical average.[5] These levels are well above those seen during the pandemic.

    Amid all of this uncertainty, the ECB’s Governing Council decided to lower interest rates by another 25 basis points in March. The deposit facility rate is now at 2.5%, 150 basis points below its recent peak.

    The disinflation process is well on track, with inflation developing broadly as expected. Headline inflation decreased further from 2.3% in February to 2.2% in March. According to recent data and in line with our projections, wage growth is moderating, which is helping services inflation to gradually decline. Most measures of underlying inflation suggest that inflation will settle at around our 2% inflation target, on a sustained basis.

    But uncertainty surrounding the inflation outlook remains high, mainly on account of increasing friction in global trade. An escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, while much needed defence and infrastructure spending could raise inflation via aggregate demand. Geopolitical tensions could also lead to higher inflation owing to trade disruptions, rising commodity prices and energy costs. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports and lower growth resulting from the impact of higher tariffs or geopolitical tensions could pose a threat to the economy, depress demand and push inflation down.

    Weak economic growth remains a challenge for the euro area, even without any further shocks. ECB staff have again revised down their growth projections – to 0.9% for 2025, 1.2% for 2026 and 1.3% for 2026. The downward revisions reflect lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment. High uncertainty, both at home and abroad, is holding back investment, while competitiveness challenges are weighing on exports. Addressing these challenges in order to improve growth prospects is clearly more demanding in the current context of exceptionally high uncertainty about trade and economic policy.

    Challenges when analysing financial stability

    Our macroeconomic projections are not the only area where we face great difficulties navigating this environment of heightened uncertainty. Analysing financial stability also requires us to adjust our frameworks and use state-of-the-art tools to assess the financial system’s capacity to withstand shocks under these conditions.

    Analysing multiple scenarios is a powerful way to deal with situations of high uncertainty. It allows us to test the resilience of the financial system against various possible manifestations of financial stress. Shocks cannot be predicted, but drawing on a diverse array of indicators and a range of sensitivity analyses is essential for us to understand the nuances of the current uncertainty. It is also crucial that our various approaches include ways to measure sources of risk amplification and non-linearities. By combining hard data indicators with survey results and analyses based on micro data, we can achieve a more granular, diverse and timely understanding of the economic landscape. Such a comprehensive approach can enhance our ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges.

    The main risks to financial stability in the euro area

    In the current economic environment, we are observing marked vulnerabilities in financial stability. While banks remain in good shape, with sound solvency and liquidity indicators that are well above regulatory minimums, there are weaknesses in several other areas. First, elevated valuations and concentrated risks make financial markets susceptible to adverse corrections. Non-bank financial intermediaries have remained resilient to recent bouts of market volatility, but they are still quite heavily exposed to risky assets. Broader market shocks could cause sudden investment fund outflows or trigger margin calls on derivative exposures, unsettling markets and leading to abrupt price corrections. Second, sovereign indebtedness is a cause for concern at a time when defence spending is emerging as a priority in Europe, with different countries having very different amounts of fiscal space to respond. Despite the likely increase in debt servicing costs, public finances need to be managed in a growth-friendly way and ultimately be sustainable. Third, the corporate sector has demonstrated resilience but faces competitiveness challenges and is subject to emerging credit risk concerns, especially in the case of firms that are more exposed to the export sector and geopolitical risks.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, an extraordinarily high level of uncertainty around economic and trade policy has been acting as a drag on markets and the economy alike. Financial intermediaries need to adapt their risk management tools in the face of new vulnerabilities and scenarios at a time when it is no longer possible to measure likely outcomes and probabilities. This environment calls for heightened vigilance, which is why we are exploring unconventional sources of risk and vulnerability and using a broader range of tools, such as sensitivity and scenario analyses, to assess the resilience of the financial system.

    In terms of monetary policy, this uncertainty means we need to be extremely prudent when determining the appropriate stance. While most indicators point to inflation moving in the right direction, the environment of exceptional uncertainty requires us to stick even more closely to our data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach.

    The European Union is at a crossroads. Defence policy requires a significant overhaul and challenges relating to trade and economic competitiveness need to be addressed. In addition to ramping up defence spending, we need to deepen and strengthen our Economic and Monetary Union with a true single market for goods and services that shores up our structural economic growth prospects, supported by a complete banking union and capital markets union.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Belgium: Persistent failure to provide reception violates rights and dignity of people seeking asylum

    Source: Amnesty International –

    The Belgian authorities continue to deny reception to thousands of people seeking asylum, forcing them into homelessness, in violation of the country’s obligations under international, EU and Belgian law, Amnesty International said today.

    In a new report, ‘Unhoused and Unheard: How Belgium’s persistent failure to provide reception violates asylum seekers’ rights, Amnesty International documents how Belgium’s actions since October 2021 have impacted the lives, dignity and human rights of people seeking asylum. It reveals discrimination against racialized single men and how the authorities’ failure to abide by international obligations and follow court orders, sets a worrying precedent.

    Since 2021, when Belgium saw a rise in the number of asylum applications after the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic, the authorities have continuously failed to adapt the reception system to the demands of the new situation, including by increasing the number of available reception places. During this time, authorities have mostly denied reception to racialized single men seeking asylum. Currently, over 2,500 people are on the reception waiting list.

    To date, national and international courts have ordered the authorities in Belgium to provide reception more than 12,000 times. Belgium has consistently refused to fully comply with the judgments, despite these being final and legally binding.

    In 2025, Belgium’s new federal government boasted that it will adopt “the strictest migration policy possible”. Amnesty International fears that the plans of the new government risk further exacerbating the situation for people seeking asylum.

    “Belgium’s failure to provide reception is not due to a lack of resources but a lack of political will,” said Eva Davidova, spokesperson for Amnesty International Belgium.

    “The previous government had ample time to resolve the homelessness situation and failed to do so. The current government is more concerned with reducing the number of people who receive asylum rather than addressing the very real harm inflicted on people seeking asylum currently in the country. The scale and duration of Belgium’s persistent disregard for court orders raises questions as to how rights holders can have any hope of holding the Belgian government accountable, especially marginalized and racialized persons like those affected by this situation.”

    The report is based on research conducted by Amnesty International between October 2024 and January 2025, including interviews with people seeking asylum who experienced homelessness in Belgium between 2021 and 2024. Additional interviews were conducted with migration lawyers and representatives of civil society organizations.

    Poor living conditions and obstacles to accessing healthcare

    People seeking asylum who were denied accommodation often ended up homeless, living on the streets and in squats. They faced numerous barriers to accessing healthcare, leading to a further deterioration of their situation.

    Sayed, a young man from Afghanistan, spent months in the infamous Palais des droits’ squats, in Brussels, from October 2022 to January 2023. “In the beginning it was good enough, there were toilets and showers, and some people brought food in the afternoon. But slowly it was turned completely into a graveyard. Showers and toilets were broken, with the passage of time…Pee was coming up to the place where you were sleeping”.

    Ahmet and Baraa, both Palestinian men who fled Gaza, arrived in Belgium in September 2024. They lived in a squat which housed six or seven people per room. Ahmet described how the squat lacked hot water, mattresses, or blankets: “It was cold. […] You can be starving, and no one will know about it. No one will help you.” Both men experienced immense personal loss in Palestine. Ahmet stated, “I lost a lot of relatives and friends. My mother is severely wounded, my brothers and sister as well. I was thinking in their shoes: I just need to survive.”

    Civil society organizations and volunteers have shown admirable empathy and solidarity towards affected people, stepping in to provide emergency relief, but their resources are limited and they should not be expected to make up for the state’s failures.

    “People were feeling our pain, but not the authorities,” recalled Sayed.  

    Long term impacts of homelessness

    The lack of reception also profoundly impacts people’s future prospects in Belgium, limiting their access to the labour market or education. Interviewees highlighted that they are not allowed to work because they lack a fixed address.

    Baraa, a man from Gaza, voiced how he just wished for a “simple life, basic rights, a job, food in [my] stomach and just to live like a normal person. We had a life back in Gaza, but we just lacked the security and the safety there and that is why we left. That is why we came here: to find a safe place.”

    “This report should be a wake-up call for the Belgian government and the EU. Belgium is actively manufacturing a homelessness crisis which is bound to have a lasting adverse impact on people’s lives and dignity, while civil society is left to pick up the pieces. Without urgent intervention, this crisis will deepen, further violating asylum seekers’ rights and eroding both the country’s and the EU’s commitment to human rights,” Eva Davidova said.

    No more excuses, both Belgium and the EU must act

    Amnesty International urges the Belgian government to immediately provide sufficient reception places and ensure that all people seeking asylum are given adequate housing. They must ensure people have access to adequate healthcare services, including specialized psychological support, regardless of their housing situation. Belgian authorities must also activate the ‘dispersal plan’ outlined in domestic law and implement contingency plans to manage fluctuations in the number of asylum applications.

    In the meantime, the organization calls on the Belgian government to provide civil society organizations assisting asylum seekers with financial and logistical support to ensure they can continue their vital work making up for the state’s inaction.

    The European Commission should ensure that Belgium restores compliance with the Reception Conditions Directive, including by launching infringement procedures if necessary. The failure of Belgium to provide reception is not an isolated issue but a test of the EU’s commitment to upholding fundamental human rights.

    Background

    While Belgium’s persistent refusal to respect the human rights of people seeking asylum has been ongoing since 2021 and has been previously condemned by Amnesty International, this new publication underlines its human impact.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Government Legal Department Celebrates Ten Years of Excellence

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Government Legal Department Celebrates Ten Years of Excellence

    GLD celebrates ten years of providing outstanding legal service to help the government govern well, within the rule of law.

    • Government Legal Department marks a decade of an exceptional legal service that has transformed legal support to government in support of our core purpose of helping the government to govern well, within the rule of law
    • A modern, inclusive workplace based across the UK, GLD is the largest in-house legal firm in the country

    The Government Legal Department (GLD) marks its 10th anniversary on 1st April 2025 celebrating a decade of transforming legal service that has strengthened government operations and public service delivery across the United Kingdom.

    Established in 2015, GLD built on the success of the Treasury Solicitor’s Department by bringing together previously separate legal teams in a unified model, creating a modern and efficient legal services provider across government. The department has now grown to over 3000 employees as further departmental legal teams have joined, delivering better value for taxpayers and creating meaningful career opportunities for government lawyers.

    The department delivers consistent, high-quality legal support whether that is litigating on behalf of the government in court or through the development of policy and subsequent legislation. Implementing the priorities of the government of the day for fellow citizens up and down the country.  

    Over the past decade, GLD has continued to grow and develop its specialisms to meet the legal needs of government, for example seeking out the international trade skills needed in a post-Brexit UK, we have built a specialist employment law group and centralised our commercial expertise to ensure we continue to build the capability to deal with large-scale commercial contracts and disputes.

    The department also aims to lead the sector and improve access to the law, championing alternative routes into the legal profession. Whether that be through early talent, including the solicitor apprenticeship scheme and Summer Diversity Scheme, or our supportive approach to flexible working.

    Our flexible working policies offer carers, parents and those returning to the profession the ability to pick up their legal career at any point and at any level. We strive to build a workforce that represents the society we serve and encourage diversity of thought and leadership. Over the last 10 years this has resulted in 80% of the Executive team being women, as are over 60% of the department. 

    GLD has been central in enabling the government to respond to the biggest issues of our time, including:

    • Developing the Coronavirus Act 2020 which enabled the UK government to take swift action in response to the Covid-19 pandemic
    • Preparing the Withdrawal Agreement to enable the UK’s to withdraw from the European Union 
    • Delivering Free-Trade Agreements following the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union
    • Supporting the design and launch of the Homes for Ukraine Scheme, housing over 100,000 Ukrainians fleeing the war
    • Playing a central role in the UK’s legislative commitment to net zero greenhouse gas emissions
    • Advising the Department for Transport on the Space Industry Bill which prepared the way for the first commercial spaceflight from UK soil
    • Supporting the Employment Rights Bill which aims to abolish exploitative zero-hours contracts and legislate for other employment rights

    GLD’s Permanent Secretary and Treasury Solicitor, Susanna McGibbon KC (Hon), said:

    This anniversary marks a significant milestone in our journey. By bringing together diverse legal expertise into one organisation we’ve created a more responsive, efficient service for government.

    Our strapline, delivering much more than law, underlines the impact of our work on society. I am proud to lead an organisation committed to the highest standards of public service playing an important role across the legal profession generally.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Education Secretary keynote speech at Festival of Childhood

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    Education Secretary keynote speech at Festival of Childhood

    The Education Secretary’s keynote speech at the Children’s Commissioner’s Festival of Childhood event.

    Good morning, everyone. It’s really great to be here!

    Thank you, Tristram, for hosting us today. And Hughie, what a privilege it is to speak alongside you. Thank you so much for everything you said.

    Your bravery and determination, raising hundreds of thousands of pounds for Royal Manchester Children’s Hospital, all while going through that treatment yourself – you are such an inspiration.

    I’m so glad to hear about your full recovery too, and everything you’re doing to make children’s voices heard, and it’s great to see you here today continuing to lead and inspire with your journalism.

    I was interviewed back in September by your colleague Scarlett at Sky FYI – and she definitely put me through my paces! One of the toughest interviews I’ve ever had.

    And it was great to see her again at World Book Day last month.

    It’s lovely to look round this room and see so many familiar faces this morning. Rylie and Sofia – it was great to meet you at the Women in Westminster event last year.

    And Sofia – I’ve heard more and more about everything you’ve achieved, about leaving your home in Ukraine and coming to England.

    About joining school in year 11 and passing your GCSEs – despite English being your third language.

    What an amazing achievement!

    There are just so many inspiring young people here today.

    And I’d like to thank Dame Rachel for bringing together all the Youth Ambassadors. And all your amazing work making young voices heard.

    It’s their job, the job of the youth ambassadors, to make sure politicians like me listen to children and young people – and act to make their lives better.

    And that’s exactly right.

    Because as Secretary of State – children and young people are my priority.

    I want to see them, I want to see you, back at the forefront of national life, back at the centre of our national conversation.

    I want all children to have the opportunity to succeed.

    So we are on a mission as a government – to break down the barriers to opportunity for every child.

    And I mean it when I say that it has to be every child.

    Because all children deserve the chance to get on and succeed.

    It’s tempting to think that the path to opportunity begins on the first day of school.

    Nervous little girls and boys, lined up outside the school gates clinging on for dear life to their mums and dads.

    When stories of success are told, that’s often where we start.

    But that’s jumping ahead.

    Like expecting a tree to grow strong and tall without first putting down deep roots that are deep and lasting.

    Because opportunity starts early, it starts much earlier than that.

    I’d just like us to think of two babies, born in the same hospital on the same day.

    Think of all that happens before they reach those school gates a number of years later.

    One baby goes back to an anxious home.

    Her parents work hard – two, maybe even three jobs to make ends meet.

    There’s mould on the wall in their bedroom because the landlord won’t fix it – and now that’s where that baby has to sleep too.

    There’s never enough time in the day, never quite enough food in the fridge, no help from extended family.

    The council baby group her brothers went to now gone; nursery or childminders have been completely out of reach – too few spaces, too far to go, too expensive.

    So she stays at home, simply watching as her family struggle around her.

    Missing out on so much: playing with other children, sharing and taking turns, learning about her emotions, about those of others, about taking the first steps into learning.

    Now think of the other baby from the hospital. Her parents drive her back to a warm and stable home.

    Right from that first night, her needs are all that matter.

    Parents who read to her, talk to her.

    And whose first thought in the baby food aisle, isn’t can we afford it, isn’t where’s the money – it’s about buying her first coat.

    When her parents go back to work, she spends her mornings in a great nursery at the end of the road – the best early years teachers introduce her to letters and numbers, she begins to explore the world around her.

    There are afternoons in the park with grandma, bedtime stories with grandad.

    A whole network of support, with just one goal: giving her the very best start in life.

    Step by step, year by year, she grows and develops, and she leaps forward.

    So, on that first day of school, those two children, born in the same hospital, on the same day, they arrive wearing the same uniform, they might even stand together in the playground, and when the teacher asks that they walk into the classroom in pairs, they hold hands, bouncing inside towards the rest of their lives, with no idea how different their paths are likely to be.

    Because that’s where opportunity can be lost or found, those early forks in the road, where those gaps start to open up.

    And with each year that goes by, those gaps grow and grow. And closing them becomes harder and harder as the years pass.

    That’s why, when I speak to school leaders and university vice chancellors, they urge me to invest in the early years.

    And as we begin to see the generation of children born during the Covid pandemic arriving at school, many already far behind where they would normally be, the importance of early years is more clear-cut than ever.

    I’m in politics because I believe that every child deserves every opportunity to succeed.

    I’m here to make a difference in their lives.

    And because early years is where the biggest difference can be made, and it’s where my biggest priority lies.

    Giving every child the best start in life is my number one goal.

    That’s where I want to be judged, that’s where my legacy will lie.

    It’s not simply my priority.

    Children are central to the Prime Minister’s Plan for Change. It sets the target of a record share of children arriving at primary school ready to learn.

    Because we know that our success as a country begins in the earliest years of children’s lives.

    The Prime Minister gets it, I get it, and the Chancellor gets it too. That’s why, despite the toughest fiscal inheritance in a generation, she chose to invest over £8bn in early years – £2bn more than last year. 

    But we’re just getting started.

    This is the beginning of a wave of reform to lift up the life chances of all children, to give parents power and choice and freedom – and to put money back in their pockets too.

    And that means great childcare and early years education.

    There is a rich diversity of early education and childcare of all shapes and sizes right across the country that is already working hard to give children the best start in life.

    And I can’t thank them enough.

    But now is the time to go further.

    So yesterday I announced funding for 300 primary schools to expand their nurseries and set up new ones.

    Up to £150,000 each to convert unused classrooms into new nurseries for our children.

    6,000 new childcare places – most of them ready to go by September.

    It’s 300 steps on the road to 3,000 new and expanded school-based nurseries.

    An important part of how we’re delivering the childcare entitlements parents were promised.

    Giving them the power to choose the jobs and the hours that they want.

    Support for parents is so important too, saving them money as well.

    But, deep down, early education and childcare is all about children’s futures.

    And what an impact high-quality early education can have on their futures. Analysis shows that children who go to a higher-quality pre-school earn about £17,000 more over the course of their lives.

    Across 6,000 high-quality new places, it could mean a boost of over £100m in lifetime earnings.

    Now given the prize on offer, we’re still going further, to make the most of that precious time, when horizons still stretch out ahead.

    Because if those early chances are missed, they won’t come again. The lives of our children march on, so those early brushes with education are just so precious.

    That’s why we’re twinning the childcare rollout with the biggest ever uplift in the early years pupil premium for disadvantaged children.

    Because this is how we can narrow the attainment gap, and give every child, no matter their background, every opportunity to succeed.

    Children are there to learn. And the adults in the room are at heart early educators.

    So we’re fully funding initial teacher training for early years teachers and supporting them to become early years experts too.

    And we’re doubling our Maths Champions programme – to reach 800 early years classrooms.

    A really big step change.

    Helping children to feel comfortable with numbers from their youngest years, building numeracy skills early, so that by the time they reach school, maths is already a familiar friend.

    But I said before that we’re just getting started – and I meant it.

    So later this year, I’ll launch a new strategy to revitalise early years education.

    Rooted in creating positive early childhood experiences for all of our children.

    Our new nurseries in primary schools will create a positive journey of learning for all children.

    Children, beginning in nursery at 2 or 3 years old – then moving along the corridor at 4 or 5 to start primary school.

    The same faces, the same friends, the same buildings.

    Parents can build relationships with teachers, teachers can spot issues early, and when children reach school, they already feel at home in the classroom.

    And so we’re backing parents too – supporting them with joined up family services as they guide their children through those early years.

    That’s where the journey starts, with those positive, supportive early experiences.

    And that must continue through school.

    Because this is a government that puts children first.

    I want all children to love learning.

    But I should say right now exactly what I mean when I say that.

    It’s building knowledge, growing skills, reaching into a variety of topics.

    High and rising standards, exams that can capture our progress.

    I want to grow a love of learning with deep roots, that is lasting, that shapes lives.

    The type that sustains join, that builds confidence, that fosters resilience, that doesn’t come from doing what feels easy.

    Putting children first isn’t soft. It’s not a sugar-rush, ice-cream-for-dinner approach to schooling.

    It requires exposing children to a wide range of ideas.

    So that they can find what inspires them.

    It requires supporting children to persist with subjects that might feel hard, when they don’t immediately like what is in front of them, to keep going when it’s hard, not to give up at the first sign of struggle.

    So that they can discover for themselves the quiet satisfaction, the happy resilience that comes from the pursuit of learning.

    That’s how we wake children up to their own power. It’s how we plant within them a sense of purpose as they leave school and move into the wider world.

    And it’s how we raise a generation of children who can think critically and act thoughtfully. A generation ready not just for work but ready for the rest of their lives too.

    Confident, creative, kind.

    At home in our country and in the world.

    And that matters more now than ever before.

    At a time when uncertainty is rising, and trust is falling, a time when disinformation can slip quietly into the pockets of our children, and young boys can fall under the spell of toxic role models online, men who preach misogyny, who cook up resentment, who feed on hatred.

    And sadly so much of that flows through smartphones.

    They have no place in the classroom, they’re disruptive, distracting, they’re bad for behaviour.

    So we’re backing schools to rid our classrooms, corridors and playgrounds of phones.

    It’s clear the behaviour of boys, their influences, and the young men they become, is a defining issue of our time.

    That’s why this week the Prime Minister convened a roundtable on rethinking adolescent safety – to listen to the experiences of children today and to prevent young boys being dragged into misogyny and hatred.

    We need to raise a generation of boys with the strength to reject that hatred – curiosity, compassion, kindness, resilience, hope, and respect.

    But hard skills as well as soft skills.

    Because to reject disinformation, children need critical thinking skills, maths too, a proper understanding of science, history, geography, economics.

    To think analytically, children need that foundation in English – to explore different points of view, to weigh up the arguments, to consider the facts, and to come down on the side of reason.

    And above all, to become active, engaged, curious about the world – children need knowledge and skills.

    And through our review of the relationships, sex and health education curriculum we will ensure young people learn about healthy relationships, boundaries and consent right from the start.

    With toxic online influences on the rise, our boys need strong, positive male role models to look up to. At home, of course, but also at school too.

    Schools can’t solve these problems alone, and responsibility does start at home with parents.

    But only one in four of the teachers in our schools are men.

    Just one in seven in nursery and primary school.

    One in 33 in early years.

    And since 2010 the number of teachers in our schools has increased by 28,000 – but just 533 of those are men.

    That is extraordinary – over the last 15 years, for every 50 women who’ve taken up teaching – they’ve been joined at the front of our classrooms by just one man.

    Now I want more male teachers – teaching, guiding, leading the boys in our classrooms.

    But in truth I want more teachers across the board as well.

    Because if today we’re here to talk about positive early childhood experiences, about the role of education in creating and sustaining joy and confidence, about the routes for giving children a sense of purpose, about setting children up for success, then it is all about our teachers. 

    Great teachers, inspiring teachers, teachers who believe in the power of their pupils.

    That’s why we’re working to recruit 6,500 more expert teachers across our schools and colleges.

    More teachers in shortage subjects, keeping the great teachers that we already have, restoring teaching as the profession of choice for our very best graduates.

    Now a couple of weeks ago I visited Cardinal Heenan School in Liverpool.

    And the first thing I did was sit down for a chat with an amazing group of students, the same age as many of you here today.

    And they were so excited to tell me all the things they wanted to do when they left school.

    I could see them light up; I could feel their joy.

    That’s the joy of learning.

    Now up on the walls of that school were pictures of all the ex-pupils who had gone on to do amazing things.

    One of them was Steven Gerrard.

    But there was another ex-pupil who wasn’t up on the wall. And I met him outside at the end of the day as he was helping all the students on their way home. 

    He was Mr Backhouse, now the school’s assistant headteacher.

    He said he’d been given every opportunity to succeed at that school. So he became a teacher to pass that on to the next generation of kids in his community.

    He understood the power of his job – it’s about unleashing the power in all of our children.

    That’s why my job is the best job in government – because I get to work with and empower you, the young people here today and across the country.

    From those earliest years, those babies leaving hospital, the nurseries, the childcare, through school, and then on into college, university and beyond.

    It’s my job, it’s the job of childminders, teachers, support staff, lecturers and leaders, together with your parents and carers, to shape your journey, to guide you on, to spur you, to give you every opportunity to succeed. That is what you deserve.

    But it’s your job to rise to the challenge, to give it your all and to grab those opportunities with both hands.

    Looking around this room, looking at all of your faces, I have no doubt you’re up to the task.

    I think our future is in very safe hands.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: BLOG: “What I’m seeing terrifies me” Councillor’s Powerful Plea Spurs Action on Ketamine Crisis

    Source: City of Liverpool

    Liverpool City Council has passed a motion highlighting the growing dangers of ketamine use among young people.

    Brought forward by Councillor Lynnie Hinnigan and seconded by Councillor Harry Doyle, the motion reflects the Council’s commitment to protecting community health and wellbeing. At the meeting, Councillor Lynnie Hinnigan gave a powerful and heartfelt speech, calling for urgent action.

    Liverpool has always been a city of resilience and strength, but we must now face a growing threat to our kids, a threat at pandemic levels.

    Ketamine described as the heroin of the 80’s, I fear it’s much worse, and what I’m seeing terrifies me.

    Ketamine, once considered a niche party drug, has now become dangerously mainstream. Liverpool, like many cities across the UK, has seen a worrying rise in ketamine use, particularly among teenagers and young adults.

    Reports from local health services and youth workers suggest that this drug is more accessible than ever before, and one young person told me, it’s hard you just can’t escape it, it’s everywhere. It is cheap, easy to get hold of, and often mixed with other substances, making it even more unpredictable.

    When I was young, we clubbed together for a bottle of Woodpecker cider, when my daughter was 15 it had moved on to Glen’s vodka, now kids as young as 12 are pooling their pocket money to buy a drug that kills.

    The physical and mental health risks of ketamine are severe. Unlike some other drugs, ketamine doesn’t just cause addiction it causes irreversible damage. Frequent use leads to severe bladder problems, including a condition called ‘ketamine bladder syndrome,’ which can result in lifelong incontinence and, in extreme cases, the need for surgery in the form, quite often, a stoma bag for life.

    Mental health services in our city are also reporting an increase in young people experiencing anxiety, depression, and dissociation due to ketamine use. This is a catch-22 drug, because after a short period, once hooked, it’s not the buzz that makes young people keep taking it, it’s the only thing that can effectively manage the intense pain.

    But this isn’t just about individual health. The rise of ketamine use is affecting our entire community. Schools are struggling with students who are disengaged and suffering from the cognitive effects of the drug.

    Families are being torn apart as parents struggle to cope with children whose personalities are changing due to prolonged use. And our local emergency services, already under immense pressure are dealing with more ketamine-related incidents, from overdoses to violent outbursts caused by intoxication.

    Social media has also played a dangerous role in glamorising ketamine use. Platforms like TikTok and Snapchat are filled with videos of young people ‘k-holing’, a terrifying state of dissociation and paralysis that some now see as entertainment. This online culture is normalising drug use and making it seem like a harmless joke when it’s a direct route to addiction, long-term harm and, in some cases, death.

    Last week I attended, with work colleagues, the first ever ketamine addiction support session facilitated by the Lifeboat Project in North Liverpool, and it broke my heart. The participants, some in recovery, some still using, shared their stories, the pain and fear for their futures. How a 20-year-old beautiful young woman admitted to a room of strangers how she had to wear adult pull-ups, didn’t want to die, and was going to leave the session and reuse as she couldn’t cope with the pain.

    As a Council, we have a duty to act. We need stronger public health education programmes in schools to warn young people about the dangers of ketamine before they even consider trying it. We need to educate parents, so they know the signs to look out for. We need increased funding for youth services to help those already affected.

    And we must work closely with Merseyside Police to crack down on the dealers who are pushing this drug onto our streets.

    The government need urgently to reclassify this drug to Class A, introducing harsher penalties for those dealing to our kids.

    Liverpool is a city that cares for its own. We cannot allow ketamine to steal the futures of our young people. The time for action is now. I urge this council to prioritise this issue, to invest in education and support services, and to send a clear message that ketamine has no place in our city.

    Thank you.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Costa, Kaine, Padilla, Gray Introduce Legislation to Build Medical Schools and Curb Physician Shortage in Underserved Areas

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Jim Costa Representing 16th District of California

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Representatives Jim Costa (CA-21) and Adam Gray (CA-13), alongside Senators Tim Kaine (D-VA) and Alex Padilla (D-CA) introduced the Expanding Medical Education Act, legislation that would authorize federal grants to establish medical schools in underserved regions like California’s San Joaquin Valley.”The shortage of doctors in the San Joaquin Valley and across rural America has been a serious issue for far too long, and we must continue to address it,” said Congressman Costa. “My legislation will help build a medical school in the Valley and strengthen our healthcare system. Training and retaining local doctors are key to tackling this crisis and ensuring people access to quality healthcare.”“Communities of color and Virginians in rural and underserved areas have long faced serious challenges in accessing health care and finding providers that look like them or offer services nearby,” said Senator Kaine. “Research indicates physicians are more likely to practice in the areas they’re from—so supporting medical schools at HBCUs, MSIs, and in underserved areas is a commonsense way to help improve care in those communities. This legislation would help do that and improve recruitment and retention of talented individuals from historically underrepresented backgrounds, creating a health care workforce that more accurately reflects the communities they serve.”  “Expanding opportunities for students of color in medical fields is an essential public health priority,”said Senator Padilla. “By creating more pathways at minority-serving institutions for diverse groups to enter the health care workforce, the Expanding Medical Education Act would help improve access to culturally competent health care providers and address critical workforce shortages.”“The San Joaquin Valley is experiencing one of the worst physician shortages in the country,” said Congressman Gray.“I’m proud to have secured over $200 million in funding for development at UC Merced, including for the joint medical school program with UCSF, but there is still work to be done to make sure our communities have reliable access to medical care. The Expanding Medical Education Act would deliver much-needed support to medical education programs in rural and underserved areas like the Valley and improve access to care.”BACKGROUNDThe U.S. healthcare workforce shortage, worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, has pushed an already strained system to the brink. According to data from the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC), the United States will have a projected shortage of up to 125,100 physicians by 2034. Despite being the fastest-growing region in the state, the San Joaquin Valley has the lowest supply of physicians at a ratio of 47 doctors per 100,000 residents, significantly lower than the state average.The San Joaquin Valley, a majority Hispanic region with already high rates of chronic illnesses like asthma, diabetes, and heart disease has been hit the hardest. In counties like Fresno, Merced, and Tulare, where over half the population is Latino, many areas are federally designated Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSA), making it harder to access timely, quality care. These shortages, combined with language barriers often lead to worse health outcomes.The Expanding Medical Education Act would provide federal grants to institutions of higher education by prioritizing minority-serving institutions (MSI) and those located in rural and underserved areas to establish schools of medicine or osteopathic medicines where none currently exist. This would open the door for eligible Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSIs), and MSIs, including UCSF-Fresno and UC Merced. Funding could be used for planning, construction, accreditation, faculty hiring, student recruitment, and modernizing infrastructure, with a focus on underserved areas. UCSF-Fresno and UC Merced have laid the foundation with its San Joaquin Valley (SJV) PRIME+ BS/MD program, which builds off the existing program that trains medical residents at local hospitals like Community Regional Medical Center in Fresno. This legislation would build on that momentum by providing financial resources to assist with the establishment of a medical school in the Valley.
    Link to the livestream is available HERE. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Frankel Joins Congressional Colleagues to Defend Congress’s Article I Powers, Slam Unlawful and Dangerous Shuttering of USAID

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Lois Frankel (FL-21)

    Washington, DC – Today, Representatives Lois Frankel, Ranking Member of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs (NSRP); Jamie Raskin, Ranking Member of the Judiciary Committee and Co-Chair of the Litigation and Rapid Response Task Force; and Gregory Meeks, Ranking Member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, in conjunction with House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, Assistant Leader Joe Neguse, and the Litigation and Rapid Response Task Force, led an amicus brief joined by 202 House Democrats standing up to the blatant executive overreach and illegal dismantling of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) by the Trump Administration in the matter of American Foreign Service Association, et al. v. Trump, et al.

    As the House Leaders argued in their brief, the President’s directive blatantly violated Congress’s lawmaking and spending powers as explicitly outlined in Article I of the United States Constitution, by dismantling a federal agency authorized and repeatedly funded by acts of Congress. The unlawful shuttering of USAID undermines national security and causes irreparable harm to America’s global competitiveness.

    “At less than one percent of our federal budget, U.S. foreign assistance strengthens national security, prevents pandemics, expands markets for American businesses and farmers, and promotes democracy worldwide,” said Ranking Member Frankel. “The Trump Administration’s reckless, secretive dismantling of USAID—without Congressional review or a public hearing, is dangerous and a violation of federal law that requires the involvement of Congress before any such moves.”

    “Elon Musk didn’t establish USAID and he doesn’t have the power to destroy it,” said Ranking Member Raskin. “Trump and Musk’s lawless attempt to dismantle USAID is seriously dangerous. It would give free rein to authoritarian powers, like China and Russia, to spread their influence over the globe. For more than 40 years, USAID has stopped crises and epidemics from spreading to our shores by promoting stability and strong democracy around the world with humanitarian assistance, health programs and vaccines, water projects and economic development. House Democrats are joining the fight now to ensure Trump and Elon don’t plunge the world into more chaos and misery while trampling our Constitution.”

    “Donald Trump and Elon Musk’s destruction and dismantling of USAID is not only disastrous foreign policy and counter to our national security interests; it is plainly illegal. Congress wrote a law establishing USAID as an independent agency with its own appropriation, and only Congress can eliminate it. I have met with USAID workers around the globe and they are patriotic, hardworking Americans promoting our interests abroad while aiding some of the most vulnerable people on this planet. I am honored to lead this brief and to stand with USAID workers,” said Ranking Member Meeks.

    “Donald Trump and Elon Musk are unlawfully dismantling the United States Agency for International Development. Decimating this critical agency is morally corrupt, weakens our national security and is wildly inconsistent with the United States Constitution. USAID was authorized by Congress, and only Congress has the power to close it. I am grateful to Rep. Greg Meeks, Rep. Lois Frankel and the Litigation Working Group for their leadership intervening in this urgent matter. House Democrats will continue to forcefully and successfully push back against the illegal actions of the Trump administration,” said House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

    “House Democrats and the Litigation Task Force are working to vindicate the Constitution, and will not turn our heads to the Trump Administration’s illegal directives to gut agencies and programs proven to keep Americans safe. We will continue to ensure this president and this administration are held accountable to the rule of law,” said Assistant Leader Neguse.

    The amici curiae are lawmakers well-versed in the drafting of the Foreign Affairs Reform and Restructuring Act of 1998—which established USAID as an independent agency—and the recent Appropriations Acts. Their brief asserts that USAID is required to be funded as provided by statute and states that any unilateral attempts to dismantle the agency, such as efforts to “feed[]USAID to the wood chipper” and “[c]lose it down,” are prohibited by Article I of the Constitution, as recently reaffirmed by the Continuing Resolution enacted by Congressional Republicans on March 15, 2025.

    The shuttering of USAID, including placing thousands of workers on leave and halting nearly all congressionally approved foreign aid, undermines a critical component of the federal government responsible for global stability and American security. For nearly 40 years, USAID has played a central role in preventing crises, fostering economic opportunities abroad, and mitigating the conditions that contribute to violent extremism and instability. Scaling back its work not only weakens these efforts but also creates a vacuum for global competitors like China, Russia, and Iran to expand their influence.

    For full text of the amicus brief, click here.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Luis de Guindos: Financial stability in uncertain times

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Luis de Guindos, Vice-President of the ECB, at the International Federation of Accountants’ Chief Executives Forum

    Amsterdam, 3 April 2025

    Introduction

    It is a pleasure to be taking part in the International Federation of Accountants’ Chief Executives Forum today.[1] In line with the topic of the event, I will reflect on the risks and uncertainty that threaten financial stability and their implications for policymakers. I will be brief to allow enough time to take your questions.

    Conceptually, risk is associated with situations where the exact outcome is unknown but the possible outcomes can be identified and their probabilities can be estimated reasonably well.[2] For the ECB, financial stability is defined as a condition in which the financial system is capable of withstanding shocks and the unravelling of financial imbalances. So, when assessing financial stability, we evaluate the likelihood of shocks materialising and their potential impact. Uncertainty, by contrast, refers to scenarios where it is impossible to define and measure outcomes and probabilities, often owing to a lack of information. While risk is quantifiable, uncertainty can be proxied at best.

    The current environment

    Uncertainty in the macro-financial and credit environment is currently exceptionally high, in a world being reshaped by significant shifts in geopolitics, international cooperation, global trade policy, financial regulation and the role of crypto-assets. At the same time, the scale of the defence investment foreseen in the EU is unprecedented and adds another significant layer of uncertainty to the current environment.

    According to a news-based index[3], economic policy uncertainty in the euro area is currently more than three times the historical average.[4] Similarly, an index of trade policy uncertainty is more than eight times the historical average.[5] These levels are well above those seen during the pandemic.

    Amid all of this uncertainty, the ECB’s Governing Council decided to lower interest rates by another 25 basis points in March. The deposit facility rate is now at 2.5%, 150 basis points below its recent peak.

    The disinflation process is well on track, with inflation developing broadly as expected. Headline inflation decreased further from 2.3% in February to 2.2% in March. According to recent data and in line with our projections, wage growth is moderating, which is helping services inflation to gradually decline. Most measures of underlying inflation suggest that inflation will settle at around our 2% inflation target, on a sustained basis.

    But uncertainty surrounding the inflation outlook remains high, mainly on account of increasing friction in global trade. An escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, while much needed defence and infrastructure spending could raise inflation via aggregate demand. Geopolitical tensions could also lead to higher inflation owing to trade disruptions, rising commodity prices and energy costs. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports and lower growth resulting from the impact of higher tariffs or geopolitical tensions could pose a threat to the economy, depress demand and push inflation down.

    Weak economic growth remains a challenge for the euro area, even without any further shocks. ECB staff have again revised down their growth projections – to 0.9% for 2025, 1.2% for 2026 and 1.3% for 2026. The downward revisions reflect lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment. High uncertainty, both at home and abroad, is holding back investment, while competitiveness challenges are weighing on exports. Addressing these challenges in order to improve growth prospects is clearly more demanding in the current context of exceptionally high uncertainty about trade and economic policy.

    Challenges when analysing financial stability

    Our macroeconomic projections are not the only area where we face great difficulties navigating this environment of heightened uncertainty. Analysing financial stability also requires us to adjust our frameworks and use state-of-the-art tools to assess the financial system’s capacity to withstand shocks under these conditions.

    Analysing multiple scenarios is a powerful way to deal with situations of high uncertainty. It allows us to test the resilience of the financial system against various possible manifestations of financial stress. Shocks cannot be predicted, but drawing on a diverse array of indicators and a range of sensitivity analyses is essential for us to understand the nuances of the current uncertainty. It is also crucial that our various approaches include ways to measure sources of risk amplification and non-linearities. By combining hard data indicators with survey results and analyses based on micro data, we can achieve a more granular, diverse and timely understanding of the economic landscape. Such a comprehensive approach can enhance our ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges.

    The main risks to financial stability in the euro area

    In the current economic environment, we are observing marked vulnerabilities in financial stability. While banks remain in good shape, with sound solvency and liquidity indicators that are well above regulatory minimums, there are weaknesses in several other areas. First, elevated valuations and concentrated risks make financial markets susceptible to adverse corrections. Non-bank financial intermediaries have remained resilient to recent bouts of market volatility, but they are still quite heavily exposed to risky assets. Broader market shocks could cause sudden investment fund outflows or trigger margin calls on derivative exposures, unsettling markets and leading to abrupt price corrections. Second, sovereign indebtedness is a cause for concern at a time when defence spending is emerging as a priority in Europe, with different countries having very different amounts of fiscal space to respond. Despite the likely increase in debt servicing costs, public finances need to be managed in a growth-friendly way and ultimately be sustainable. Third, the corporate sector has demonstrated resilience but faces competitiveness challenges and is subject to emerging credit risk concerns, especially in the case of firms that are more exposed to the export sector and geopolitical risks.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, an extraordinarily high level of uncertainty around economic and trade policy has been acting as a drag on markets and the economy alike. Financial intermediaries need to adapt their risk management tools in the face of new vulnerabilities and scenarios at a time when it is no longer possible to measure likely outcomes and probabilities. This environment calls for heightened vigilance, which is why we are exploring unconventional sources of risk and vulnerability and using a broader range of tools, such as sensitivity and scenario analyses, to assess the resilience of the financial system.

    In terms of monetary policy, this uncertainty means we need to be extremely prudent when determining the appropriate stance. While most indicators point to inflation moving in the right direction, the environment of exceptional uncertainty requires us to stick even more closely to our data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach.

    The European Union is at a crossroads. Defence policy requires a significant overhaul and challenges relating to trade and economic competitiveness need to be addressed. In addition to ramping up defence spending, we need to deepen and strengthen our Economic and Monetary Union with a true single market for goods and services that shores up our structural economic growth prospects, supported by a complete banking union and capital markets union.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congressman Johnson Leads Re-Introduction of JUDGES Act To Create More Federal Judgeships

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Hank Johnson (GA-04)

    Courts Subcommittee Ranking Member Hits Reset Button To Fill Judgeships Based on “Next Unknown President

    WASHINGTON, D.C. — Today, Congressman Hank Johnson (GA-04), ranking member of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Courts, Intellectual Property, AI and the Internet, along with Jerry Nadler, Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on the Administrative State, Regulatory Reform, and Antitrust (NY-12) and Judiciary Ranking Member Jamie Raskin (MD-08), re-introduced Judicial Understaffing Delays Getting Emergencies Solved Act of 2025 (JUDGES Act) to create more federal judgeships.

    It’s based on S. 4199, a formerly bipartisan bill that passed the Senate in 2024 that Democrats and Republicans in Congress negotiated to give the next unknown president 23 new life-tenured judges over the next four years in office. House Republicans reneged on that deal and refused to bring the Senate-passed bill to the House floor until after the election, once they knew Trump would get the first set of judges. They are now forcing the bill through to pack the federal courts with judges driven not by a duty to the law, but by their ultra-conservative ideologies and fealty to Trump.

    “MAGA Republicans only want to add new judgeships when they can rig the game in their favor,” said Rep. Johnson. “And that’s exactly what they are trying to do by pushing through more judges now: Make certain our third branch is so deeply loyal to one man that our system of justice cannot possibly work without him. Our 250-year experiment in self-governance will succeed only if Americans continue to believe that judicial independence means that judges are not subject to pressure and influence from an administration trying to lay waste to our democratic system of government. So I am proud to reintroduce this bill with my colleagues, which gets back our original deal and takes the politics out of judgeships by giving judges to the next unknown president. Because our independent judiciary is the backbone of our democracy, I will not just stand here and let the Trump-Musk administration try to dismantle it one branch of government at a time.”

    “Last Congress, Ranking Member Johnson and I worked together to advance the bipartisan JUDGES Act to give the next, then unknown, President additional judicial appointments to eliminate the backlog in our federal court system,” said Congressman Nadler. “We had sought a commitment from Republicans to pass this bill before the November 2024 election, but when Donald Trump wasn’t doing so well in the polls, Speaker Johnson refused to bring the bill up for a vote. Democrats refuse to reward this betrayal by letting President Trump continue to pack the courts. I’m proud to join Ranking Members Johnson and Raskin in introducing the JUDGES Act to give the next, still unknown, President additional judgeships.”

    “As Trump and his lawless Administration demand judges be impeached for the crime of upholding the Constitution against them, it would be unconscionable to reward the Republican party’s constant betrayals of the Constitution and their own agreements by giving them even more power to stack the bench,” said Rep. Jamie Raskin, Ranking Member of the House Judiciary Committee. “We won’t be party to another Republican court-packing scheme—that’s why we’re introducing legislation to give additional judicial appointments to the next unknown president, restoring the fair and bipartisan deal we struck last Congress, the only kind of deal that has ever worked in this field.”

    Background: S. 4199 was a bipartisan bill predicated on the agreement that Republicans and Democrats would give future unknown presidents federal judgeship appointments. In doing so, Congress could expand the number of federal judges in the United States while avoiding the trap of knowingly giving any one political party or president more power. The JUDGES Act was only going to work if Republicans and Democrats worked together to pass the bill before Election Day, on November 5, 2024. The Senate did its job and unanimously passed S. 4199 in August 2024. But Speaker Johnson refused to move this important bill before the election. Now that the central promise of the JUDGES Act is broken, MAGA Republicans are playing politics and trying to force their version of this bill through to give Trump more judges in an attempt to undermine the very backbone of our democracy: the independent judiciary.

    The last time Donald Trump was in power, he used his office to appoint individuals driven not by a duty to the law, but by their ultra-conservative ideologies and loyalty to him. 

    Here are a few examples of the federal judges he nominated during his first term:

    Judge Kyle Duncan was appointed to the Fifth Circuit by Trump in 2017, where he allowed the Texas ban on abortions to take effect during the COVID-19 pandemic, despite a district court finding that it would cause “irreparable harm”; undermined the Fair Housing Act; and blatantly sided with employers in labor cases. 

    Trump appointed Judge Aileen Cannon to the federal bench in 2020 only 12 years after she was first admitted to practice law. She has garnered widespread criticism for her conduct in the Trump documents case, including her decision to appoint a special master to review Trump’s documents, which was overturned by the 11th Circuit.

    Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk was a First Liberty attorney known for his anti-LGBTQ cases when he was appointed by Trump in 2019. As a federal judge, conservative activists have successfully sought to end up in his courtroom, where he has suspended the FDA’s approval of lifesaving abortion pills and ruled against LGBTQ protections

    Text of bill HERE.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: House Passes Unemployment Fraud Legislation

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Ron Estes (R-Kansas)

    Last night, the House passed H.R. 1156 – the Pandemic Unemployment Fraud Enforcement Act – by a vote of 295-127, with 83 Democrats joining all Republicans voting in favor of the bill. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) estimates $100 to $135 billion in stolen unemployment insurance (UI) benefits with only $5 billion recovered so far. The legislation extends the statute of limitations for combatting and prosecuting the theft of COVID-era unemployment benefits, giving more time for law enforcement to complete current cases, open new ones and recoup billions of taxpayer dollars. Before the House passed the bill, Rep. Ron Estes (R-Kansas) spoke in support of the legislation.

    “We know that during the COVID-19 pandemic, many Americans benefited from unemployment insurance,” said Rep. Estes. “But fraudsters took advantage of an overwhelmed system, resulting in more than $100 billion in sham UI payments, including $466 million in UI fraud in my home state of Kansas. But the statute of limitations is fast approaching on March 27, and if Congress doesn’t act, these scammers are off the hook.”

    View video of Rep. Estes’ remarks Thank you, Chairman Smith, for yielding, and I want to thank you for introducing this common sense legislation.

    Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Pandemic Unemployment Fraud Enforcement Act.

    But before I get into my planned remarks, I want to fact-check some of the colleagues on the other side of the aisle attacking President Trump, claiming that laid-off federal workers are being prevented from receiving unemployment. We’ve been in touch with the Department of Labor, and they’ve published documented guidelines describing filing and eligibility requirements that make it clear federal workers are eligible for unemployment.

    The biggest risk to federal workers is not being able to claim their benefits at all because fraudsters got there first.

    There have been multiple data breaches at agencies across the government, including the Office of Personnel Management, exposing the personal information of millions of federal workers.

    Democrats should be supporting this bill to catch fraudsters that are still out there using stolen identities to file illegitimate claims.

    My colleagues on the other side of the aisle have insisted that, despite their pushback on the Trump administration’s actions, they want to cut waste, fraud and abuse. Well today, they can prove it.

    The bill we’re debating is really pretty simple. We know that during the COVID-19 pandemic, many Americans benefited from unemployment insurance. But fraudsters took advantage of an overwhelmed system, resulting in more than $100 billion in sham UI payments, including $466 million in UI fraud in my home state of Kansas. But the statute of limitations is fast approaching on March 27, and if Congress doesn’t act, these scammers are off the hook.

    Our legislation today extends the statute of limitations from 5 to 10 years. With nearly 1,700 open cases, this bill gives the Labor and Justice departments the tools they need to go after the criminals. This should be an easy yes for everyone in this chamber. And with that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: What Donald Trump’s dramatic US trade war means for global climate action

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rakesh Gupta, Associate Professor of Accounting & Finance, Charles Darwin University

    US President Donald Trump’s new trade war will not only send shockwaves through the global economy – it also upsets efforts to tackle the urgent issue of climate change.

    Trump has announced a minimum 10% tariff to be slapped on all exports to the United States. A 34% duty applies to imports from China and a 20% rate to products from the European Union. Australia has been hit with the minimum 10% tariff.

    The move has prompted fears of a global economic slowdown. This might seem like a positive for the climate, because greenhouse gas emissions are closely tied to economic growth.

    However, in the long term, the trade war is bad news for global efforts to cut emissions. It is likely to lead to more energy-intensive goods produced in the US, and dampen international investment in renewable energy projects.

    How does global trade affect emissions?

    Traditionally, growth in the global economy leads to greater emissions from sources such as energy use in both manufacturing and transport. Conversely, emissions tend to fall in periods of economic decline.

    Trade tensions damage the global economy. This was borne out in the tariff war between the US and China, the world’s two largest economies, in 2018 and 2019.

    Trump, in his first presidential term, imposed tariffs on billions of dollars worth of imports from China. In response, China introduced or increased tariffs on thousands of items from the US.

    As a result, the International Monetary Fund estimated global gross domestic product (GDP) would fall by 0.8% in 2020. The extent of its true impact on GDP is difficult to determine due to the onset of COVID in the same year.

    However, Trump’s tariff war is far broader this time around, and we can expect broadscale damage to global GDP.

    In the short-term, any decline is likely to have a positive impact on emissions reduction. We saw this effect during the COVID-19 pandemic, when global production and trade fell.

    But unfortunately, this effect won’t last forever.

    Domestic production isn’t always a good thing

    Every country consumes goods. And according to Trump’s trade plan, which aims to revive the US manufacturing base, the goods his nation requires will be produced domestically rather than being imported.

    Unfortunately, this US production is likely to be inefficient in many cases. A central tenet of global trade is that nations focus on making goods where they have a competitive advantage – in other words, where they can manufacture the item more cheaply than other nations can. That includes making them using less energy, or creating fewer carbon emissions.

    If the US insists on manufacturing everything it needs domestically, we can expect many of those goods to be more emissions-intensive than if they were imported.

    Renewable energy slowdown?

    Globally, investment in renewable energy has been growing. The US trade war jeopardises this growth.

    Renewable energy spending is, in many cases, a long-term investment which may not produce an immediate economic reward. The logic is obvious: if we don’t invest in reducing emissions now, the economic costs in the future will be far worse.

    However, the US tariffs create a new political imperative. Already, there are fears it may trigger a global economic recession and increase living costs around the world.

    National governments are likely to become focused on protecting their own populace from these financial pressures. Business and industry will also become nervous about global economic conditions.

    And the result? Both governments and the private sector may shy away from investments in renewable energy and other clean technologies, in favour of more immediate financial concerns.

    The COVID experience provides a cautionary tale. The unstable economic outlook and higher interest rates meant banks were more cautious about financing some renewable energy projects.

    And according to the International Energy Agency, small to medium-sized businesses became more reluctant to invest in renewable energy applications such as heat pumps and solar panels.

    What’s more, the slowing in global trade during the pandemic meant the supply of components and materials vital to the energy transition was disrupted.

    There are fears this disruption may be repeated following the US tariff move. For example, the duty on solar products from China to the US is expected to rise to 60%, just as demand for solar energy increases from US data centres and artificial intelligence use.

    Few nations can afford to impose retaliatory tariffs on the US imports.

    Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, for example, says this nation will not slap new duties on US imports, saying: “We will not join a race to the bottom that leads to higher prices and slower growth”.

    China, however, can be expected to return fire. Already it has halted imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the US for 40 days – a move attributed to trade tensions.

    This may seem like good news for emissions reduction. However, China, like all other nations, needs energy. With less gas from the US, it may resort to burning more coal – which generates more CO₂ when burnt than gas.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese responds to Trump’s tariff announcement.

    An uncertain time

    Free global trade has worldwide benefits. It helps reduce poverty and stimulates innovation and technology. It can improve democracy and individual freedoms.

    And, with the right safeguards in place, global trade can help drive the clean energy transition. Global trade improves efficiency and innovation and technology. This is likely to benefit innovation in clean energy and energy efficiency.

    Trump’s tariff war weakens global trade, and will slow the world’s progress towards decarbonisation. It is a most uncertain time – both for the world’s economy, and its climate.

    Rakesh Gupta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What Donald Trump’s dramatic US trade war means for global climate action – https://theconversation.com/what-donald-trumps-dramatic-us-trade-war-means-for-global-climate-action-253740

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Miller, Colleagues Introduce the Seniors’ Access to Critical Medications Act

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Carol Miller (R-WV)

    Washington, D.C. – Yesterday, Congresswoman Carol Miller (R-WV) joined Diana Harshbarger (R-TN), Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL), Congressman Dan Crenshaw (R-TX), and Congressman Darren Soto (D-FL) in reintroducing the bipartisan Seniors’ Access to Critical Medications Act. The legislation would extend a waiver issued by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) for 5 years, which allowed Medicare patients to receive essential medications by mail or have caregivers and family members pick them up on their behalf.

    Click here for bill text. 

    “It is vital that people who are dealing with old age or life-threatening illnesses can easily access necessary prescriptions. CMS’ current restrictions make it more challenging for Medicare beneficiaries to obtain medication by limiting pick up only to the patients themselves. In my home state of West Virginia, it can take hours for a patient just to get to their nearest physician or pharmacist and they simply do not have that kind of time to waste when it comes to their health. That’s why I am glad to join Congresswoman Harshbarger in reintroducing the Seniors’ Access to Critical Medications Act which allows patients to receive their prescriptions either through mail or by having a family member or caregiver pick up the medication on their behalf. This bill removes any barriers that prevent Medicare patients from fully accessing life-sustaining treatment,” said Congresswoman Miller.

    “My district in East Tennessee is extremely rural, so for many folks, getting to their healthcare specialist or a pharmacy to pick up a prescription is difficult enough as it is. Now imagine having to undergo this task if you’re elderly with cancer. The ability to be able to mail these crucial medications to our most vulnerable was one of the few silver linings that came out of the COVID-19 pandemic, and it’s our responsibility as lawmakers to make the lives of our most vulnerable easier, not more difficult. This legislation accomplishes just that,” said Congresswoman Harshbarger. 

    Background:

    • During the COVID-19 public health emergency (PHE), CMS permitted independent physicians to mail medications directly to Medicare patients or have them delivered by a caregiver or family member if the patient was unable to visit the office in person. This decision has since been reversed, resulting in those with serious conditions like cancer—now facing significant challenges in obtaining their prescribed medications promptly.

    • For patients in rural areas, traveling to a doctor’s office can mean an arduous journey, particularly for those without reliable transportation or who are too ill to travel safely. This legislation would ensure they can continue receiving medications by mail or through those responsible for their care.

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Miller, Colleagues Introduce Bill to Support Treatment-in-Place Measures

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Carol Miller (R-WV)

    Washington, D.C. – Today, Congresswoman Carol Miller (R-WV) joined Congressman Mike Carey (R-OH), Congressman Lloyd Doggett (D-TX), and Congressman Pat Ryan (D-NY), all members of the House Ways and Means Committee, in leading the reintroduction of their bipartisan Comprehensive Alternative Response for Emergencies (CARE) Act. The bill would allow seniors on Medicare to receive at-home emergency medical services to treat minor medical incidents by creating a model that reimburses Emergency Medical Service (EMS) providers delivering treatment in place and not just reimburse when Medicare patients are transported to the hospital. 

    Click here for bill text.
     
    “Emergency Medical Services (EMS) providers are at the frontline of delivering care and transportation in rural America. In West Virginia, many patients live hours from a hospital and must consistently rely on EMS for treatment. Our EMS personnel are equipped to provide care to patients that may not be in a dire medical situation, rather than spend precious time and resources on transporting non-emergency patients to a hospital emergency department. This commonsense legislation builds upon the Treatment-in-Place Model to provide timely care to our rural patients and empower EMS providers, and I will continue to work to improve access to quality health care for patients in West Virginia and across the U.S.,” said Congresswoman Miller.

    “For some patients, an emergency room visit may not be necessary and can place additional burdens on our first responders and health care providers in the hospital,” said Congressman Carey. “For many, including seniors on Medicare, treatment in place is more viable, saves time and money, and increases the availability of first responders. These options also save seniors a trip to the emergency room that can result in long wait times, increased costs, and potentially life-threatening complications. I urge my colleagues to join me and pass this bill.”
     
    “Treatment In Place (TIP) could save Medicare between $1.2 and $1.5 billion annually. In addition to the savings, TIP could be a solution to help EMS workforce and resiliency. The goal of all healthcare should be to provide patients with the right care, at the right time, and in the right place which should also be the most cost-effective manner. NAEMT applauds Congressman Carey and Congressman Doggett for their leadership in introducing the Comprehensive Alternative Response for Emergencies (CARE) Act to recognize EMS for the tireless work they do 24/7/365 and update the antiquated payment model for EMS. Right now, Medicare currently does NOT reimburse EMS practitioners for TIP. EMS is ONLY reimbursed for care when a patient is transported to a hospital ER. Passage of this measure will shorten task times for EMS agencies struggling with workforce shortages, help decompress overcrowded hospitals and emergency departments, meet patients’ needs without long waits at the hospital, and save the government money!” said Chief Christopher Way, President of National Association of Emergency Medical Technicians (NAEMT).

    “We greatly appreciate Congressmen Carey and Doggett introducing the Comprehensive Alternative Response for Emergencies Act which will start the process toward reimbursement of the vital 9-1-1 emergency ground ambulance services provided to Medicare patients regardless of whether the patient is transported to a medical facility. Paramedics and EMTs are highly-trained medical professionals providing care under medical protocols and often arrive on the scene with an ambulance and either told by the patient not to be transported or additional medical care at a facility is not required. This important legislation will help correct long-standing policy and properly view ambulances services as health care instead of just medical transportation,” said Jamie Pafford-Gresham, AAA President.
     
    Background:

    • Adults aged 65 and older account for nearly 20% of all ER visits. This population contributes to the backlog in waiting rooms, even when they might not have an issue requiring inpatient treatment. In a 2021 study, patients who received at-home care had a lower risk for readmission by 26% and a lower risk for long-term care admission as compared to patients who received in-hospital treatment.
    • In 2019, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) announced the Emergency Triage, Treat, and Transport (ET3) Model, which was originally set to run from 2020 to the end of 2023. However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the model’s start was delayed until June 2021, and unfortunately, due to related challenges, CMMI ultimately ended the model 2 years early. This has not only harmed EMS providers, but also beneficiaries’ access to appropriate care.
    • The CARE Act would create a five-year pilot payment program to test a treatment-in-place model under Medicare. This legislation will ensure Medicare collects comprehensive data to inform future reimbursement decisions for EMS services and treatment-in-place. Medicare beneficiaries make up about 40% of all patients treated by EMS, and between 12.9-16.2% of Medicare-covered 911 transports involve medical conditions that do not require a hospital ER visit. Ensuring EMS providers receive appropriate payment for the most effective and efficient care can improve quality outcomes for beneficiaries and reduce Medicare spending on unnecessary, expensive hospital care.
    • The bill has received support from: American Ambulance Association, International Association of Fire Fighters, and the National Association of Emergency Medical Technicians.

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Australia doesn’t care about me’: women international students suffering alarming rates of sexual violence

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laura Tarzia, Professor and Co-Lead of the Sexual and Family Violence Program at the Department of General Practice & Primary Care, The University of Melbourne

    Unai Huizi Photography/Shutterstock

    Every year, more than 700,000 international students leave their homes to study in Australia.

    Around half are women.

    For most of these students, the experience is positive. Many choose to remain in Australia for employment or migration.

    However, for others, what should be a dream opportunity is shattered by experiences of violence.

    An unsafe space for some

    Australia has long been regarded as a safe society. However, international students’ safety was questioned in 2009 after a series of attacks on Indian students, and again in 2020 when a survey of 6000 students revealed a quarter had experienced racist abuse during the COVID pandemic.

    Addressing these issues is important.

    For women international students, violence can also be gender-based, including intimate partner violence and sexual violence.

    These issues facing women international students have mainly been overlooked by institutions, government policies and services, despite causing enormous harm to health and wellbeing.




    Read more:
    ‘They eat snacks during class and swing on chairs’: the worrying, sexist behaviour of some young men at uni


    Our research

    In our recent project, we examined the sexual and intimate partner violence experiences of women international students in Australia.

    For the past few years we have been running a national survey of students focused on “health, relationships, consent and wellbeing”.

    The survey was offered in five languages other than English (Mandarin, Hindi, Portuguese, Vietnamese and Nepali). It referred to “unwanted sexual experiences” rather than talking about “sexual assault”, to try to reduce participant discomfort.

    A total of 1491 students responded nation-wide. Nearly one-third were born in China, 10% in the Philippines and 10% in India, reflecting the major international student groups currently studying in Australia.

    Most (82%) had a first language other than English.

    Our findings suggest both sexual violence and intimate partner violence are common among women international students. More than 40% had experienced at least one incident of sexual violence since arriving in Australia.

    One in five had experienced forced or coerced sex. More than 45% who had ever been in a relationship had experienced intimate partner violence in the 12 months prior to the survey.

    Almost all of this violence was perpetrated by men.

    It’s important to note this was not a representative sample in the statistical sense, because students volunteered to take part. However, our findings are still concerning.

    International students are by no means the only group affected by sexual and intimate partner violence. Both are widespread in Australia, including among domestic students.

    The 2021 National Student Safety Survey found one in six students had experienced sexual harassment since starting university, and one in 20 had been sexually assaulted.

    Less is known about intimate partner violence, but research suggests it is also common.

    In the wider Australian community, sexual violence affects around one in five women over the age of 15. One in four report intimate partner violence.

    What else did we discover?

    We also looked at what factors might be linked to this violence against women international students.

    We found students who experienced financial stress, housing insecurity, and low social support were more likely to report both sexual violence and intimate partner violence.

    In an earlier study for this project, we interviewed 30 international students about their experiences seeking help after sexual or intimate partner violence.

    Many felt socially isolated and had no-one to turn to. Support from tertiary education providers was mixed and students worried about their visa being cancelled.

    Often, they did not tell their families back home what had happened for fear of causing shame or distress.

    Multiple barriers such as cost, ineligibility for services, and confusion about the complex health and legal systems in Australia prevented them from accessing support privately.

    Some felt: “Australia doesn’t care about me”.

    Some positive steps, but more is needed

    Last month, the federal government launched the National Student Ombudsman as part of its national action plan addressing gender-based violence in higher education.

    The government has also recently unveiled the National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence, outlining expectations and standards for addressing the issue.

    These are positive changes.

    However, international student voices have not been heard in the development of these, or other policies and guidelines focused on gender-based violence in higher education.

    Recommendations addressing the specific needs of international students are lacking.

    There is an urgent need to tackle the structural challenges faced by international students when seeking help.

    Our findings suggest tertiary education providers could be doing more to keep women international students safer. Culturally appropriate, trauma-sensitive education around consent and relationships, delivered in-language, is important.

    But this on its own is not enough.

    International students experiencing financial stress or housing insecurity need to be supported to avoid increasing their risk of gendered violence. Strategies could be put into place to build social connection, so students are less isolated when they arrive in Australia.

    At government levels, subsidised social support, health and welfare services need to be made available and without restrictions to all international students.

    We need to take our duty of care towards international students’ health, wellbeing and safety more seriously.

    International education is Australia’s largest services export, contributing about A$51 billion in 2023-24.

    It’s in our interest to better support international students to study safely in Australia.

    The authors would like to acknowledge the input of Dr Adele Murdolo from the Multicultural Centre for Women’s Health for this article.

    Laura Tarzia receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and The Australian Research Council for her research addressing sexual and reproductive violence.

    Helen Forbes-Mewett receives funding from the Australian Research Council, DHSS and DFAT for her work on international students and migrant communities.

    Ly Tran receives funding from the Australian Research Council, DFAT and Department of Education for her work on international students, geopolitics and student mobilities, the New Colombo Plan, staff professional development in international education and graduate employability in Vietnam.

    Mandy McKenzie receives funding from the Australian Research Council

    ref. ‘Australia doesn’t care about me’: women international students suffering alarming rates of sexual violence – https://theconversation.com/australia-doesnt-care-about-me-women-international-students-suffering-alarming-rates-of-sexual-violence-252610

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Smucker Calls for Urgent Unemployment Insurance Reforms to Combat Fraud and Restore Integrity

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Lloyd Smucker (PA-16)

    WASHINGTON—Rep. Lloyd Smucker (PA-11) and Sen. James Lankford (R-OK) are urging the Trump administration to take swift action to address the failures of the Biden administration that have undermined the nation’s unemployment insurance (UI) system. They are joined by House Budget Committee Chairman Rep. Jodey Arrington (TX-19) and Rep. Aaron Bean (FL-4) in a letter calling for comprehensive reforms to restore accountability, prevent fraud, and ensure timely support for job seekers. 

    The letter emphasizes the need for a partnership between Congress and the Trump administration to reverse “the damage caused by the prior administration by encouraging states to build strong UI systems that verify identities, deliver benefits quickly, and return claimants to meaningful work.” 

    The lawmakers specifically call for an end to the ineffective ‘pay and chase’ model, a reevaluation of federal funding formulas that support state UI administration, and greater transparency in the Biden administration’s handling of nearly $1 billion in UI modernization grants. Additionally, they stress the need for urgent congressional action to extend the statute of limitations for recovering fraudulent pandemic UI payments. The theft of taxpayer dollars from these UI programs is estimated by the Government Accountability Office to total between $100 billion and $135 billion

    A copy of the letter is available here. The full text is below: 
     

    The Honorable Lori Chavez-DeRemer
    Secretary 

    United States Department of Labor

    200 Constitution Avenue, N.W.

    Washington, D.C. 20210

     

    Dear Secretary Chavez-DeRemer,

    We write to address the pressing issues facing our nation’s unemployment insurance (UI) system. Under the leadership of former Acting Secretary Su, waste, fraud, and a consistent lack of transparency defined the unemployment compensation system. The pandemic exposed many weaknesses in our nation’s UI system, and it will take a strong partnership between Congress and the Trump Administration to prepare state UI offices for present and future challenges. Despite increased attention, fraudulent and improper payment rates have continued to persist well above pre-pandemic levels. The UI program had the third highest improper payment rate of all federal programs in fiscal year (FY) 2023 at 32 percent of outlays, totaling $48 billion in improper payments.[1] The improper payment rate for the UI system was 16.5 percent in FY 23 and 35.9 percent for pandemic UI.[2] Together, we must redress the damage caused by the prior administration by encouraging states to build strong UI systems that verify identities, deliver benefits quickly, and return claimants to meaningful work.

    First, the “pay and chase” model that has defined benefit delivery in recent years must end. It’s a model well-exemplified by former Acting Secretary Julie Su, who oversaw the pay and chase model in California and permitted states to forgive outstanding fraudulent payments through state finality laws when she became acting secretary.[3] Instead of permitting and forgiving pay and chase models, DOL must provide guidance that helps states identify fraud schemes while removing confusing and overbearing pieces of guidance, such as Unemployment Insurance Program Letter (UIPL) 16-21. As long as states deliver payment when is administratively feasible,[4] they should not be coerced by DOL rules to pay claimants on appeal, particularly when backlogs are high. 

    Second, DOL should promote the general program integrity and quality of state UI systems. DOL must reexamine the Resource Justification Model,[5] the formula for distributing administrative funding to states. The formula allocates more money to states that take longer to process claims and less to the ones that deliver benefits quickly and stop fraudulent claims immediately. Reforms to this antiquated and overly complicated model should accompany improved data metrics that accurately show improper payment rates, benefit timeliness, the quality of appeals, and cybersecurity strength. For example, DOL says, “Slightly more than 80 percent of the fraud overpayments were not detectable through normal agency procedures” during performance year 2023.[6] The vulnerabilities inherent to the Resource Justification Model jeopardize the UI system’s preparedness for economic downturns and its ability to prevent fraud on the front end. Ensuring states are properly incentivized to process claims will lead directly to more effective administrative outlays.

    Third, DOL must provide Congress with relevant information to reform the UI system. The Biden Administration DOL did not release details of the $780 million in UI modernization grants funded by the American Rescue Plan.[7] Congress has not been informed of the details of these grants, such as the recipients, the amounts, the purpose for receiving the grant, or the date the grant was given. It’s unclear how state UI offices have improved or regressed as a result of these grants.

    Finally, Congress must also play its part. Absent immediate action, the statute of limitations for recouping improper pandemic UI payments starts to expire on March 27, 2025. Roughly just 0.8% of fraudulent pandemic unemployment payments were recovered.[8] The Senate is considering a bill to extend the statute of limitations to prosecute and recoup fraudulent distribution of all pandemic program funds from 5 to 10 years. The House passed a bill to extend the statute of limitations for pandemic unemployment insurance programs from 5 to 10 years. These bills respond to a report by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) that estimated fraud totals from pandemic UI programs to be between $100 billion and $135 billion.[9] Moving forward, we must work in tandem to identify and enact reforms that ensure accurate administration of the UI system so that we can restore integrity to this important program.

    The lack of accountability shown by the previous administration inflicted lasting damage on the unemployment compensation system, hurting taxpayers and those who actually needed benefits. The only viable path forward is to reshape the UI system by prioritizing program integrity, fiscal responsibility, and efficient reentry into the workforce. We look forward to opening a dialogue on saving taxpayer dollars and more effectively serving American workers.

    Sincerely,                                          

    James Lankford                                                                       Lloyd Smucker

    United States Senator                                                              Member of Congress

                                                                                                 

    Jodey Arrington                                                                      Aaron Bean

    Member of Congress                                                              Member of Congress


    [2] Government Accountability Office, “Improper Payments: Key Concepts and Information on Programs with High Rates or Lacking Estimates.” https://www.gao.gov/assets/gao-24-107482.pdf.

    [3] Department of Labor, “Unemployment Insurance Program Letter No. 05-24.” https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/ETA/advisories/UIPL/2024/UIPL%2005-24/UIPL%2005-24.pdf.

    [4] Department of Labor, “Unemployment Insurance Program Letter No. 04-01, U.S. Department of Labor,” https://www.dol.gov/agencies/eta/advisories/unemployment-insurance-program-letter-no-04-01.

    [5] U.S. Department of Labor. “ETA Handbook No. 410, 6th Edition,” Pg. A-41. https://www.dol.gov/agencies/eta/advisories/handbooks/et-handbook-no-410-6th-edition.

    [6] U.S. Department of Labor, “Benefit Accuracy Measurement Payment Integrity Information Act State Data Summary Performance Year 2023,” https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/bam/2023/PIIA_2023_Benefit_Accuracy_Measurement_Annual_Report.pdf.

    [7] U.S. Department of Labor. “Insights and Successes: American Rescue Plan Act Investments in Unemployment Insurance Modernization,” https://oui.doleta.gov/unemploy/arpasuccess.asp#:~:text=In%20the%20two%20and%20half,million%20in%20grants%20to%20states.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Reps. Richard Hudson, Troy Carter Introduce Bipartisan Bill to Strengthen Wireless Networks, Bolster U.S. Competition With China

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Richard Hudson (NC-08)

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Representative Richard Hudson (R-NC), who serves as the Chairman of the Communications and Technology Subcommittee on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, and U.S. Representative Troy Carter, Sr. (D-LA) introduced the Open RAN Outreach Act. This bipartisan bill will strengthen U.S. wireless networks and ultimately protect our small and rural communications network providers from being reliant on Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-backed technology companies, such as Huawei.

    “By ensuring our small and rural telecom providers have the support needed to deploy technologies, like Open RAN, we can promote innovation and create jobs,” said Chairman Hudson. “This legislation paves the way for greater U.S. competition with China and a more secure, resilient wireless network landscape.”

    “This is a pivotal step toward strengthening our nation’s telecommunications infrastructure,” said Rep. Carter. “By providing technical assistance and outreach to small telecom providers, especially in rural areas like Louisiana, this bill opens the door to a more secure, diverse, and competitive wireless network landscape. The shift to Open RAN technology not only enhances national security by reducing reliance on foreign-made equipment but also boosts American manufacturing and fosters innovation in 5G. This bill ensures that rural communities are no longer left behind in the race for cutting-edge technology, driving down costs and empowering smaller carriers to build stronger, more resilient networks.”

    Background

    The COVID-19 pandemic and recent natural disasters underscored the importance of securing domestic supply chains and telecommunications networks. Huawei and other untrusted companies with the support of government money from China have been able to offer lower costs to entice small and rural providers to use their technology. Promoting a more competitive market of trusted alternative vendors to provide 5G equipment remains an important strategic component to protect U.S. networks.

    A closed or proprietary network has one vendor or manufacturer for end-to-end network equipment. Open RAN technology can help diversify communications technology by being an open network infrastructure that can have multiple components from multiple manufacturers. The Open RAN Outreach Act requires technical assistance and outreach to be made available on Open RAN technologies by the Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications and Information at the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA). This will give small and rural providers information and support to deploy Open RAN technologies if providers would like to implement this technology.

    Read the Open RAN Outreach Act here.

    -###-

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Statement on U.S. Tariffs Announcement

    Source: Government of Canada regional news

    NOTE: The following is a statement from Premier Tim Houston.

    In the past few months, we’ve seen Canada’s relationship with the United States drastically evolve.

    We’ve lived on pins and needles wondering if the U.S. would honour its trade agreements and respect our long-standing relationship as friends and allies.

    But we didn’t sit idly by and wait. We came together as a country and province like never before.

    We’ve seen entire industries raise their hands and offer to accept retaliatory tariffs, impacting them at their great expense, because they felt it right to put the country before self.

    That is who we are as Canadians, and it will never change.

    Today, some Canadians are taking a breath.

    While it appears that Canada may not have been hit with the worst-case scenario in terms of tariffs, thousands of Nova Scotians will be impacted.

    I also want to recognize the impact that the buildup to this moment has had on businesses and people. This entire experience has been a huge drain on the mental health of Canadians, and thousands of Nova Scotians are exhausted from the stress of dealing with this uncertainty and instability.

    But please know that we are here for you.

    We will do whatever it takes to protect you.

    You did nothing wrong.

    Moving forward, there will still be impacts from the trade direction of the U.S. administration. Our work to diversify markets will not change. In fact, it will ramp up. And, of course, we will work with those who remain impacted on both an individual basis and larger-scale programming basis, as needed.

    This could mean loans, grants, support for diversification or whatever. We will work with you to find the best support for your circumstance.

    During this period of uncertainty, the initial non-tariff retaliatory measures we put in place will remain.

    This means we will continue to look for ways to put Nova Scotia and Canadian companies first as we review and cancel non-essential contracts with U.S. suppliers.

    The increased tolls at the Cobequid Pass for commercial vehicles from the U.S. will remain.

    American alcohol will remain off the shelves of the Nova Scotia Liquor Corp. stores.

    The message from this experience remains and we have heard it loud and clear – putting too many eggs in one basket is never a good idea. This is why we will work hard to ensure that Nova Scotia becomes more and more self-reliant.

    We will do this through developing our natural resources. We have tremendous resource wealth. By capitalizing on our natural resources, we can and must secure our province’s energy and economic security.

    We will continue to lead the country on removing interprovincial trade barriers. We passed a first-of-its-kind law to help remove internal trade barriers and improve labour mobility. I expect you will see other provinces signing on over the coming weeks.

    Finally, I want to thank Prime Minister Carney for his leadership. This is not an easy time for our country or our people. Canadians are patient people, but the “governor” references and “51st state” jokes grew old and angered Canadians. Your approach seems to be working as we have collectively noticed these derogatory messages have stopped. Thank you.

    I remain committed to Team Canada and to the people of Nova Scotia. We will be ready no matter how this relationship evolves. But I believe that the strength of our longtime friendship with the U.S. will ultimately prevail. It has survived wars, recessions and pandemics, and it will survive this administration.

    We are stronger as a nation when we stand together.

    As always, I am committed to you and your family.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Pallone Leads NJ House Democrats in Urging HHS Secretary RFK Jr. to Reverse Cuts to Public Health Funding

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Frank Pallone (6th District of New Jersey)

    WASHINGTON, DC – Congressman Frank Pallone, Jr. (NJ-06) today led all House Democrats from New Jersey in sending a letter to U.S. Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., urging him to reverse the Trump Administration’s decision to rescind $11.4 billion in federal public health funding—including $350 million allocated to New Jersey. Pallone’s letter was signed by NJ Representatives Menendez, Watson Coleman, Sherrill, Conaway, Pou, McIver, Gottheimer, and Norcross.

    The lawmakers warned that the cuts would severely weaken New Jersey’s public health infrastructure, including efforts to prevent disease outbreaks, expand access to addiction and mental health treatment, and support a stable health care workforce. The funding, originally authorized during the COVID-19 pandemic, has become a critical lifeline for state and local health departments.

    “If these cuts are allowed to proceed, the consequences will be severe and immediate. Health programs will be dismantled, services will be terminated midstream, and the burden of these cuts will fall disproportionately on low-income communities, seniors, and individuals struggling with mental health and substance use disorders. In addition, closing regional HHS offices and laying off thousands of public health professionals will weaken the federal government’s ability to respond to future health crises,” the delegation wrote.

    New Jersey is already seeing the consequences of eroded public health protections. On March 28, the state Department of Health issued a warning that a person infected with measles may have exposed others at a Mercer County emergency room—one of hundreds of new cases reported nationwide this year. Measles, once declared eliminated in the U.S., is now back, fueled by anti-vaccine misinformation and public distrust sown by Donald Trump and Secretary Kennedy himself.

    Pallone is the top Democrat on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which has jurisdiction over federal public health programs.

    A full copy of Pallone’s letter is available here and below: 

    We write to express our deep concern and strong opposition to the recent decision to revoke $11.4 billion in federal funding for health programs across the United States, including $350 million in critical public health funding for New Jersey.[1] These cuts will have severe consequences for addiction treatment, mental health services, and infectious disease prevention in our state. We urge the Administration to reverse this decision and restore the funding to ensure the health and well-being of our communities.

    These federal funds have been instrumental in strengthening our public health infrastructure, which was critically under-resourced before the COVID-19 pandemic.[2] Contrary to the Department of Health and Human Services’ (HHS) assertion that these funds were exclusively for pandemic-related responses, they are used for a wide range of essential health programs in New Jersey, including:

    • Infectious Disease Monitoring and Prevention: These funds have enabled state and local health departments to track and respond to outbreaks of flu, RSV, measles, tuberculosis, and bird flu. The sudden elimination of this funding will severely weaken our ability to monitor and contain infectious diseases, placing vulnerable populations at significant risk.
    • Mental Health and Addiction Treatment: At a time when opioid overdoses remain a leading cause of preventable death, New Jersey has used these funds to expand access to counseling, treatment, and harm reduction services. These efforts have contributed to a decrease in overdose deaths from 3,171 in 2022 to 2,816 in 2023[3]. Cutting these funds threatens to reverse this progress and exacerbate the opioid crisis.
    • Public Health Workforce and Infrastructure: The loss of $350 million in funding will likely lead to job losses within the New Jersey Department of Health, Department of Human Services, local health departments, and contracted health service providers. These cuts will not only impact employment but will also reduce the capacity of health professionals to respond to ongoing and emerging health threats.

    These cuts are occurring alongside anticipated reductions in Medicaid funding and medical research grants from the National Institutes of Health (NIH), further compounding the strain on New Jersey’s health care system. Medicaid provides critical health care access to low-income families, seniors, and individuals with disabilities.[4] Any reduction in funding will place an additional financial burden on hospitals and health care providers, forcing them to cut services or shift costs to state and local governments.

    The Department of Health and Human Services has justified these cuts by stating that ”the COVID-19 pandemic is over.”[5] However, this funding has long since evolved and has been approved beyond pandemic response and become a cornerstone of public health programs that protect the most vulnerable and ensure public safety. The reality is that infectious disease outbreaks, mental health crises, and addiction epidemics are ongoing public health emergencies that require sustained investment.

    If these cuts are allowed to proceed, the consequences will be severe and immediate. Health programs will be dismantled, services will be terminated midstream, and the burden of these cuts will fall disproportionately on low-income communities, seniors, and individuals struggling with mental health and substance use disorders. In addition, closing regional HHS offices and laying off thousands of public health professionals will weaken the federal government’s ability to respond to future health crises.[6]

    We strongly urge you to reconsider this decision and reinstate this funding in full. Public health should not be a partisan issue—investments in health infrastructure save lives, reduce long-term health care costs, and ensure that states have the resources necessary to address ongoing and emerging health threats. New Jersey, like many other states, cannot afford to bear the consequences of these ill-advised cuts.

    We hope you will recognize the critical need for this funding and take immediate action to reverse this decision. We stand ready to work together to ensure that all Americans have access to the health care services they need and deserve.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Pallone: Trump’s $350 Million Cut to NJ Public Health Is a Dangerous, Lawless Stunt

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Frank Pallone (6th District of New Jersey)

    WASHINGTON, DC – Congressman Frank Pallone, Jr. (D-NJ) today slammed the Trump Administration’s decision to rip away $11 billion in public health funding — including $350 million already promised to New Jersey — calling it a “political stunt” that will endanger lives and destabilize the state’s health system.

    “Trump is stealing $350 million in approved funding from New Jersey without warning at the height of a measles outbreak and devasting fentanyl overdoses,” Pallone said. “This isn’t just a political stunt. It’s lawless. These funds were already budgeted and, in many cases, spent by local health departments to keep vaccination clinics running, respond to outbreaks, and support addiction and mental health services. Stripping that money now means doctors go unpaid and critical care stops in its tracks. It’s a dangerous preview of what public health looks like under another Trump term — gutted on a whim, with no regard for the people who will suffer.”

    The funding was originally authorized during the COVID-19 pandemic, but states like New Jersey had received federal approval to use the funds for other urgent public health needs. The Trump Administration’s abrupt move to claw the funding back blindsided state officials and puts essential health services at risk just as New Jersey confronts new disease threats and ongoing overdose spikes.

    Pallone, the top Democrat on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, said he’s working closely with Governor Phil Murphy and congressional leaders to pursue all available options to block the clawback and restore the funds.

    “This fight is not over,” Pallone said. “We’re going to do everything we can to stop Trump from sabotaging New Jersey’s public health system.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: House Foreign Affairs Committee Ranking Member Meeks Testifies at Appropriations Subcommittee Member Day Hearing

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Gregory W Meeks (5th District of New York)

    Washington, DC – Representative Gregory W. Meeks, Ranking Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, delivered the following testimony today before the National Security and Department of State Appropriations Subcommittee “Member Day” hearing. Ranking Member Meeks argued in favor of maintaining and strengthening the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Congressional appropriations, and raised alarm over the unprecedented flouting of the law and of congressional prerogatives by the Trump administration:

    “Chairman Diaz-Balart, Ranking Member Frankel, thank you for the opportunity to testify at today’s Member Day hearing. I appreciate this annual opportunity to share my priorities for the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Bill.  

    “If this were any other year, I would focus my testimony on the specific programs we have worked together to support. But this is no ordinary year. We are dealing with an administration that has shown an unprecedented and reckless disregard for Congress’s constitutional power. This includes our power of the purse and the clear guardrails we establish through appropriations law, as well as other directions of congressional intent and authorizations of Executive Branch agencies and programs. 

    “Within this subcommittee’s jurisdiction, the most damaging example of the Trump-Musk onslaught against our federal government—and Congress’ role—is the dismantling of USAID. The President’s sudden freeze of foreign assistance caused utter chaos. Food assistance Congress appropriated sat rotting on shelves. Clinics we funded sat closed and unable to distribute their stocks of lifesaving medicines, leading to unnecessary deaths and babies born with HIV. And now, despite court orders challenging the legality of their actions, the administration boasts that 83% of foreign assistance programs are already shuttered, and what remains of USAID is now being folded into the State Department. 

    “Similarly, President Trump disregarded existing statutes and terminated by decree the U.S. Agency for Global Media, resulting in grant terminations to its subsidiaries, including Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia. These broadcasters delivered trusted information to audiences in heavily censored countries starved of independent media and flooded with propaganda from our adversaries. 

    “And the most recent egregious flouting of the law was DOGE’s hostile takeover of the U.S. Institute of Peace, which Congress created as a nonpartisan, independent nonprofit organization. USIP has had broad bipartisan support, working successfully under seven administrations to prevent violent conflicts and broker peace around the world. 

    “The Trump administration has done all this outside of the law, without consulting Congress and in stark contradiction of the appropriations law and other bills we have passed that are now the law of the land. 

    “Regardless of whether we are Democrats or Republicans, we must, as Members, stand up for our prerogatives as the legislative body of this democracy and a co-equal branch of government.  

    “Because this is ultimately about our ability to stand up for our constituents. And the programs this subcommittee funds are critical to our national security; they help ensure the United States can successfully achieve our foreign policy goals, compete with our rivals, and prevent regional crises from escalating into armed conflict.  These programs allow us to respond to humanitarian emergencies and the development needs of our partners, preventing diseases from becoming pandemics that reach our shores.  All these objectives and more are achieved through a well-resourced State Department and related agencies and programs, with the support from Congress that they need to effectively wield our soft power. The world is far too small and interconnected for us to hide behind our borders, pull back our tools, and hope the next conflict or epidemic won’t impact us here at home. 

    “This subcommittee has recognized the value of all these efforts, as evidenced by the strong, bipartisan support for its work over many years. Of course, each administration has the right to review policy.  And our job is not to defend the status quo over modernization. But President Trump and Elon Musk do not have the right to unilaterally eliminate programs that Congress has deemed essential. The legislative branch after debate and deliberation—and in consideration of the executive’s position – creates the body of the law the Executive must indeed execute. That is the right way to ensure improvements and reforms. 

    “It is critically important that the next National Security Appropriations bill maintain and strengthen the investments that safeguard our national security at no less than the FY24 level. But whatever Congress decides, it is even more essential that we ensure that the FY26 law is implemented by the administration—because in America, we believe in the rule of law, not of kings.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Welch Joins Schatz, Wicker, Warner, Hyde-Smith, and Barrasso to Lead Bipartisan Group Of 60 Senators In Introducing Legislation To Expand Telehealth Access, Make Permanent Telehealth Flexibilities

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Peter Welch (D-Vermont)

    CONNECT For Health Act Holds Broad Bipartisan Support, Most Comprehensive Legislation On Telehealth In Congress
    Current Flexibilities Set To Expire September 30 Without Congressional Action
    WASHINGTON D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Peter Welch joined U.S. Senators Brian Schatz (D-Hawai‘i), Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), Mark Warner (D-Va.), Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-Miss.), and John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) in leading a bipartisan group of 60 senators to reintroduce the Creating Opportunities Now for Necessary and Effective Care Technologies (CONNECT) for Health Act. The CONNECT for Health Act will expand coverage of telehealth services through Medicare, make COVID-19 telehealth flexibilities permanent, improve health outcomes, and make it easier for patients to connect with their doctors. Current flexibilities are set to expire on September 30 unless Congress extends them.
    “The COVID-19 pandemic proved that telehealth not only works, but is essential,” said Senator Welch. “Rural and underserved areas in Vermont and across the country desperately need solutions to address the widening gap in health care access, and increasing telehealth services must be part of the answer. This bipartisan bill takes commonsense steps to help bridge that gap and make sure that our policies adapt to the capabilities of our technology.”
    “While telehealth use has rapidly increased in recent years, our laws have not kept up,” said Senator Schatz. “Telehealth is helping people get the care they need, and it’s here to stay. Our comprehensive bill makes it easier for more people to see their doctors no matter where they live.”
    “We live in a digital world, and our health services should reflect that. In the past decade, telehealth has made medical care more accessible for patients across the state and country,” said Senator Wicker. “It is time to make telehealth coverage permanent for Medicare recipients so that more Americans, especially those in rural Mississippi, have access to health care.”
    “Telehealth services have proven to be a safe and effective form of medical care. Through the expansion of telehealth services in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, more patients have received quality, affordable care. I’m glad to introduce legislation that will make permanent some of these services and ensure Virginians continue to access affordable health care when they need it, and where they need it,” said Senator Warner.
    “Even before the pandemic, Mississippi recognized the vital role of telehealth. Across America, rural communities, the elderly, and those with mobility challenges have long struggled to access traditional healthcare,” said Senator Hyde-Smith. “This legislation is essential to delivering affordable, accessible, and quality care that Americans deserve, and I’m proud to continue this years-long effort to expand telehealth services.”
    “Telehealth is a critical for rural states like Wyoming,” said Senator Barrasso. “It has given folks access to specialized care no matter where they live. This important bipartisan bill will make it easier for Medicare patients, especially those in remote areas, to continue to have access to the health care they need.”
    In addition to Welch, Schatz, Wicker, Warner, Hyde-Smith, and Barrasso, the bill is co-sponsored by U.S. Senators Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), John Thune (R-S.D.), Tina Smith (D-Minn.), James Lankford (R-Okla.), Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.), Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.), Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska), John Fetterman (D-Pa.), Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.V.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.), Tim Kaine (D-Va.), Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), Katie Britt (R-Ala.), Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), Jerry Moran (R-Kan.), Ben Ray Lujan (D-N.M.), Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), Angus King (I-Maine.), Jim Justice (R-W.V.), Chris Coons (D-Del.), Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.), Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), John Hoeven (R-N.D.), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Roger Marshall (R-Kan.), Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), Deb Fischer (R-Neb.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Todd Young (R-Ind.), Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), Susan Collins (R-Maine), Gary Peters (D-Mich.), Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.), Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Steve Daines (R-Mont.), Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), and John Boozman (R-Ark.).
    Telehealth provides essential access to care with nearly a quarter of Americans accessing telehealth in a month, according to the most recent available data.
    The CONNECT for Health Act would:

    Permanently remove all geographic restrictions on telehealth services and expand originating sites to the location of the patient, including homes;
    Permanently allow health centers and rural health clinics to provide telehealth services;
    Allow more eligible health care professionals to utilize telehealth services;
    Remove unnecessary in-person visit requirement for telemental health services;
    Allow for the waiver of telehealth restrictions during public health emergencies; and
    Require more published data to learn more about how telehealth is being used, impacts of quality of care, and how it can be improved to support patients and health care providers.

    The CONNECT for Health Act was first introduced in 2016 and is considered the most comprehensive legislation on telehealth in Congress. Since 2016, several provisions of the bill have been enacted into law or adopted by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, including provisions to remove restrictions on telehealth services for mental health, stroke care, and home dialysis.
    Companion legislation has been introduced in the House of Representatives by Rep. Mike Thompson (D- Calif.), Doris Matsui (D-Calif.), David Schweikert (R-Ariz.), and Troy Balderson (R-Ohio).
    The CONNECT for Health Act has the support of more than 150 organizations including the American Medical Association, AARP, American Hospital Association, National Association of Community Health Centers, National Association of Rural Health Clinics, and American Telemedicine Association.
    The full text of the bill is available here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA News: Fact Sheet: President Donald J. Trump Declares National Emergency to Increase our Competitive Edge, Protect our Sovereignty, and Strengthen our National and Economic Security

    Source: The White House

    PURSUING RECIPROCITY TO REBUILD THE ECONOMY AND RESTORE NATIONAL AND ECONOMIC SECURITY: Today, President Donald J. Trump declared that foreign trade and economic practices have created a national emergency, and his order imposes responsive tariffs to strengthen the international economic position of the United States and protect American workers.

    • Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits have led to the hollowing out of our manufacturing base; resulted in a lack of incentive to increase advanced domestic manufacturing capacity; undermined critical supply chains; and rendered our defense-industrial base dependent on foreign adversaries.
    • President Trump is invoking his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) to address the national emergency posed by the large and persistent trade deficit that is driven by the absence of reciprocity in our trade relationships and other harmful policies like currency manipulation and exorbitant value-added taxes (VAT) perpetuated by other countries.
    • Using his IEEPA authority, President Trump will impose a 10% tariff on all countries.
      • This will take effect April 5, 2025 at 12:01 a.m. EDT.
    • President Trump will impose an individualized reciprocal higher tariff on the countries with which the United States has the largest trade deficits. All other countries will continue to be subject to the original 10% tariff baseline.
      • This will take effect April 9, 2025 at 12:01 a.m. EDT.
    • These tariffs will remain in effect until such a time as President Trump determines that the threat posed by the trade deficit and underlying nonreciprocal treatment is satisfied, resolved, or mitigated.
    • Today’s IEEPA Order also contains modification authority, allowing President Trump to increase the tariff if trading partners retaliate or decrease the tariffs if trading partners take significant steps to remedy non-reciprocal trade arrangements and align with the United States on economic and national security matters.
    • Some goods will not be subject to the Reciprocal Tariff. These include: (1) articles subject to 50 USC 1702(b); (2) steel/aluminum articles and autos/auto parts already subject to Section 232 tariffs; (3) copper, pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, and lumber articles; (4) all articles that may become subject to future Section 232 tariffs; (5) bullion; and (6) energy and other certain minerals that are not available in the United States.
    • For Canada and Mexico, the existing fentanyl/migration IEEPA orders remain in effect, and are unaffected by this order. This means USMCA compliant goods will continue to see a 0% tariff, non-USMCA compliant goods will see a 25% tariff, and non-USMCA compliant energy and potash will see a 10% tariff. In the event the existing fentanyl/migration IEEPA orders are terminated, USMCA compliant goods would continue to receive preferential treatment, while non-USMCA compliant goods would be subject to a 12% reciprocal tariff.

     
    TAKING BACK OUR ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY: President Trump refuses to let the United States be taken advantage of and believes that tariffs are necessary to ensure fair trade, protect American workers, and reduce the trade deficit—this is an emergency.

    • He is the first President in modern history to stand strong for hardworking Americans by asking other countries to follow the golden rule on trade: Treat us like we treat you.
    • Pernicious economic policies and practices of our trading partners undermine our ability to produce essential goods for the public and the military, threatening national security.
    • U.S. companies, according to internal estimates, pay over $200 billion per year in value-added taxes (VAT) to foreign governments—a “double-whammy” on U.S. companies who pay the tax at the European border, while European companies don’t pay tax to the United States on the income from their exports to the U.S.
    • The annual cost to the U.S. economy of counterfeit goods, pirated software, and theft of trade secrets is between $225 billion and $600 billion. Counterfeit products not only pose a significant risk to U.S. competitiveness, but also threaten the security, health, and safety of Americans, with the global trade in counterfeit pharmaceuticals estimated at $4.4 billion and linked to the distribution of deadly fentanyl-laced drugs.
      • This imbalance has fueled a large and persistent trade deficit in both industrial and agricultural goods, led to offshoring of our manufacturing base, empowered non-market economies like China, and hurt America’s middle class and small towns. 
      • President Biden squandered the agricultural trade surplus inherited from President Trump’s first term, turning it into a projected all-time high deficit of $49 billion.
    • The current global trading order allows those using unfair trade practices to get ahead, while those playing by the rules get left behind.
    • In 2024, our trade deficit in goods exceeded $1.2 trillion—an unsustainable crisis ignored by prior leadership.
    • “Made in America” is not just a tagline—it’s an economic and national security priority of this Administration. The President’s reciprocal trade agenda means better-paying American jobs making beautiful American-made cars, appliances, and other goods.
    • These tariffs seek to address the injustices of global trade, re-shore manufacturing, and drive economic growth for the American people.
    • Reciprocal trade is America First trade because it increases our competitive edge, protects our sovereignty, and strengthens our national and economic security.
    • These tariffs adjust for the unfairness of ongoing international trade practices, balance our chronic goods trade deficit, provide an incentive for re-shoring production to the United States, and provide our foreign trading partners with an opportunity to rebalance their trade relationships with the United States.

     
    REPRIORITIZING U.S. MANUFACTURING: President Trump recognizes that increasing domestic manufacturing is critical to U.S. national security.

    • In 2023, U.S. manufacturing output as a share of global manufacturing output was 17.4%, down from 28.4% in 2001.
    • The decline in manufacturing output has reduced U.S. manufacturing capacity.
      • The need to maintain a resilient domestic manufacturing capacity is particularly acute in advanced sectors like autos, shipbuilding, pharmaceuticals, transport equipment, technology products, machine tools, and basic and fabricated metals, where loss of capacity could permanently weaken U.S. competitiveness.
    • U.S. stockpiles of military goods are too low to be compatible with U.S. national defense interests.
      • If the U.S. wishes to maintain an effective security umbrella to defend its citizens and homeland, as well as allies and partners, it needs to have a large upstream manufacturing and goods-producing ecosystem.
      • This includes developing new manufacturing technologies in critical sectors like bio-manufacturing, batteries, and microelectronics to support defense needs.
    • Increased reliance on foreign producers for goods has left the U.S. supply chain vulnerable to geopolitical disruption and supply shocks.
      • This vulnerability was exposed during the COVID-19 pandemic, and later with Houthi attacks on Middle East shipping.
    • From 1997 to 2024, the U.S. lost around 5 million manufacturing jobs and experienced one of the largest drops in manufacturing employment in history.

     
    ADDRESSING TRADE IMBALANCES: President Trump is working to level the playing field for American businesses and workers by confronting the unfair tariff disparities and non-tariff barriers imposed by other countries.

    • For generations, countries have taken advantage of the United States, tariffing us at higher rates. For example:
      • The United States imposes a 2.5% tariff on passenger vehicle imports (with internal combustion engines), while the European Union (10%) and India (70%) impose much higher duties on the same product. 
      • For networking switches and routers, the United States imposes a 0% tariff, but India (10-20%) levies higher rates.
      • Brazil (18%) and Indonesia (30%) impose a higher tariff on ethanol than does the United States (2.5%). 
      • For rice in the husk, the U.S. imposes a tariff of 2.7%, while India (80%), Malaysia (40%), and Turkey (31%) impose higher rates. 
      • Apples enter the United States duty-free, but not so in Turkey (60.3%) and India (50%).
    • The United States has one of the lowest simple average most-favored-nation (MFN) tariff rates in the world at 3.3%, while many of our key trading partners like Brazil (11.2%), China (7.5%), the European Union (5%), India (17%), and Vietnam (9.4%) have simple average MFN tariff rates that are significantly higher.
    • Similarly, non-tariff barriers—meant to limit the quantity of imports/exports and protect domestic industries—also deprive U.S. manufacturers of reciprocal access to markets around the world. For example:
      • China’s non-market policies and practices have given China global dominance in key manufacturing industries, decimating U.S. industry. Between 2001 and 2018, these practices contributed to the loss of 3.7 million U.S. jobs due to the growth of the U.S.-China trade deficit, displacing workers and undermining American competitiveness while threatening U.S. economic and national security by increasing our reliance on foreign-controlled supply chains for critical industries as well as everyday goods.
      • India imposes their own uniquely burdensome and/or duplicative testing and certification requirements in sectors such as chemicals, telecom products, and medical devices that make it difficult or costly for American companies to sell their products in India. If these barriers were removed, it is estimated that U.S. exports would increase by at least $5.3 billion annually.
      • Countries including China, Germany, Japan, and South Korea have pursued policies that suppress the domestic consumption power of their own citizens to artificially boost the competitiveness of their export products. Such policies include regressive tax systems, low or unenforced penalties for environmental degradation, and policies intended to suppress worker wages relative to productivity.
      • Certain countries, like Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, and Vietnam, restrict or prohibit the importation of remanufactured goods, restricting market access for U.S. exporters while also stifling efforts to promote sustainability by discouraging trade in like-new and resource-efficient products. If these barriers were removed, it is estimated that U.S. exports would increase by at least $18 billion annually.
      • The UK maintains non-science-based standards that severely restrict U.S. exports of safe, high-quality beef and poultry products.
      • Indonesia maintains local content requirements across a broad range of sectors, complex import licensing regimes, and, starting this year, will require natural resource firms to onshore all export revenue for transactions worth $250,000 or more.
      • Argentina has banned imports of U.S. live cattle since 2002 due to unsubstantiated concerns regarding bovine spongiform encephalopathy.  The United States has a $223 million trade deficit with Argentina in beef and beef products.
      • For decades, South Africa has imposed animal health restrictions that are not scientifically justified on U.S. pork products, permitting a very limited list of U.S. pork exports to enter South Africa. South Africa also heavily restricts U.S. poultry exports through high tariffs, anti-dumping duties, and unjustified animal health restrictions. These barriers have contributed to a 78% decline in U.S. poultry exports to South Africa, from $89 million in 2019 to $19 million 2024.
      • U.S. automakers face a variety of non-tariff barriers that impede access to the Japanese and Korean automotive markets, including non-acceptance of certain U.S. standards, duplicative testing and certification requirements, and transparency issues. Due to these non-reciprocal practices, the U.S. automotive industry loses out on an additional $13.5 billion in annual exports to Japan and access to a larger import market share in Korea—all while the U.S. trade deficit with Korea more than tripled from 2019 to 2024.
    • Monetary tariffs and non-monetary tariffs are two distinct types of trade barriers that governments use to regulate imports and exports. President Trump is countering both through reciprocal tariffs to protect American workers and industries from these unfair practices.

     
    THE GOLDEN RULE FOR OUR GOLDEN AGE: Today’s action simply asks other countries to treat us like we treat them. It’s the Golden Rule for Our Golden Age.

    • Access to the American market is a privilege, not a right.
    • The United States will no longer put itself last on matters of international trade in exchange for empty promises.
    • Reciprocal tariffs are a big part of why Americans voted for President Trump—it was a cornerstone of his campaign from the start.
      • Everyone knew he’d push for them once he got back in office; it’s exactly what he promised, and it’s a key reason he won the election.
    • These tariffs are central to President Trump’s plan to reverse the economic damage left by President Biden and put America on a path to a new golden age.
      • This builds on his broader economic agenda of energy competitiveness, tax cuts, no tax on tips, no tax on Social Security benefits, and deregulation to boost American prosperity.

     
    TARIFFS WORK: Studies have repeatedly shown that tariffs can be an effective tool for reducing or eliminating threats that impair U.S. national security and achieving economic and strategic objectives.

    • A 2024 study on the effects of President Trump’s tariffs in his first term found that they “strengthened the U.S. economy” and “led to significant reshoring” in industries like manufacturing and steel production.
    • A 2023 report by the U.S. International Trade Commission that analyzed the effects of Section 232 and 301 tariffs on more than $300 billion of U.S. imports found that the tariffs reduced imports from China and effectively stimulated more U.S. production of the tariffed goods, with very minor effects on prices.
    • According to the Economic Policy Institute, the tariffs implemented by President Trump during his first term “clearly show[ed] no correlation with inflation” and only had a temporary effect on overall price levels.
    • An analysis from the Atlantic Council found that “tariffs would create new incentives for US consumers to buy US-made products.”
    • Former Biden Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen affirmed last year that tariffs do not raise prices: “I don’t believe that American consumers will see any meaningful increase in the prices that they face.”
    • A 2024 economic analysis found that a global tariff of 10% would grow the economy by $728 billion, create 2.8 million jobs, and increase real household incomes by 5.7%.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA News: Regulating Imports with a Reciprocal Tariff to Rectify Trade Practices that Contribute to Large and Persistent Annual United States Goods Trade Deficits

    Source: The White House

    class=”has-text-align-left”>By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.)(IEEPA), the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.)(NEA), section 604 of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended (19 U.S.C. 2483), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, 

    I, DONALD J. TRUMP, President of the United States of America, find that underlying conditions, including a lack of reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships, disparate tariff rates and non-tariff barriers, and U.S. trading partners’ economic policies that suppress domestic wages and consumption, as indicated by large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits, constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and economy of the United States.  That threat has its source in whole or substantial part outside the United States in the domestic economic policies of key trading partners and structural imbalances in the global trading system.  I hereby declare a national emergency with respect to this threat.

    On January 20, 2025, I signed the America First Trade Policy Presidential Memorandum directing my Administration to investigate the causes of our country’s large and persistent annual trade deficits in goods, including the economic and national security implications and risks resulting from such deficits, and to undertake a review of, and identify, any unfair trade practices by other countries.  On February 13, 2025, I signed a Presidential Memorandum entitled “Reciprocal Trade and Tariffs,” that directed further review of our trading partners’ non-reciprocal trading practices, and noted the relationship between non-reciprocal practices and the trade deficit.  On April 1, 2025, I received the final results of those investigations, and I am taking action today based on those results.  

    Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits have led to the hollowing out of our manufacturing base; inhibited our ability to scale advanced domestic manufacturing capacity; undermined critical supply chains; and rendered our defense-industrial base dependent on foreign adversaries.  Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits are caused in substantial part by a lack of reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships.  This situation is evidenced by disparate tariff rates and non-tariff barriers that make it harder for U.S. manufacturers to sell their products in foreign markets.  It is also evidenced by the economic policies of key U.S. trading partners insofar as they suppress domestic wages and consumption, and thereby demand for U.S. exports, while artificially increasing the competitiveness of their goods in global markets.  These conditions have given rise to the national emergency that this order is intended to abate and resolve.

    For decades starting in 1934, U.S. trade policy has been organized around the principle of reciprocity.  The Congress directed the President to secure reduced reciprocal tariff rates from key trading partners first through bilateral trade agreements and later under the auspices of the global trading system.  Between 1934 and 1945, the executive branch negotiated and signed 32 bilateral reciprocal trade agreements designed to lower tariff rates on a reciprocal basis.  After 1947 through 1994, participating countries engaged in eight rounds of negotiation, which resulted in the General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and seven subsequent tariff reduction rounds. 

    However, despite a commitment to the principle of reciprocity, the trading relationship between the United States and its trading partners has become highly unbalanced, particularly in recent years.  The post-war international economic system was based upon three incorrect assumptions:  first, that if the United States led the world in liberalizing tariff and non-tariff barriers the rest of the world would follow; second, that such liberalization would ultimately result in more economic convergence and increased domestic consumption among U.S. trading partners converging towards the share in the United States; and third, that as a result, the United States would not accrue large and persistent goods trade deficits. 

    This framework set in motion events, agreements, and commitments that did not result in reciprocity or generally increase domestic consumption in foreign economies relative to domestic consumption in the United States.  Those events, in turn, created large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits as a feature of the global trading system. 

    Put simply, while World Trade Organization (WTO) Members agreed to bind their tariff rates on a most-favored-nation (MFN) basis, and thereby provide their best tariff rates to all WTO Members, they did not agree to bind their tariff rates at similarly low levels or to apply tariff rates on a reciprocal basis.  Consequently, according to the WTO, the United States has among the lowest simple average MFN tariff rates in the world at 3.3 percent, while many of our key trading partners like Brazil (11.2 percent), China (7.5 percent), the European Union (EU) (5 percent), India (17 percent), and Vietnam (9.4 percent) have simple average MFN tariff rates that are significantly higher.  

    Moreover, these average MFN tariff rates conceal much larger discrepancies across economies in tariff rates applied to particular products.  For example, the United States imposes a 2.5 percent tariff on passenger vehicle imports (with internal combustion engines), while the European Union (10 percent), India (70 percent), and China (15 percent) impose much higher duties on the same product.  For network switches and routers, the United States imposes a 0 percent tariff, but for similar products, India (10 percent) levies a higher rate.  Brazil (18 percent) and Indonesia (30 percent) impose a higher tariff on ethanol than does the United States (2.5 percent).  For rice in the husk, the U.S. MFN tariff is 2.7 percent (ad valorem equivalent), while India (80 percent), Malaysia (40 percent), and Turkey (an average of 31 percent) impose higher rates.  Apples enter the United States duty-free, but not so in Turkey (60.3 percent) and India (50 percent).

    Similarly, non-tariff barriers also deprive U.S. manufacturers of reciprocal access to markets around the world.  The 2025 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers (NTE) details a great number of non-tariff barriers to U.S. exports around the world on a trading-partner by trading-partner basis.  These barriers include import barriers and licensing restrictions; customs barriers and shortcomings in trade facilitation; technical barriers to trade (e.g., unnecessarily trade restrictive standards, conformity assessment procedures, or technical regulations); sanitary and phytosanitary measures that unnecessarily restrict trade without furthering safety objectives; inadequate patent, copyright, trade secret, and trademark regimes and inadequate enforcement of intellectual property rights; discriminatory licensing requirements or regulatory standards; barriers to cross-border data flows and discriminatory practices affecting trade in digital products; investment barriers; subsidies; anticompetitive practices; discrimination in favor of domestic state-owned enterprises, and failures by governments in protecting labor and environment standards; bribery; and corruption.

    Moreover, non-tariff barriers include the domestic economic policies and practices of our trading partners, including currency practices and value-added taxes, and their associated market distortions, that suppress domestic consumption and boost exports to the United States.  This lack of reciprocity is apparent in the fact that the share of consumption to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the United States is about 68 percent, but it is much lower in others like Ireland (27 percent), Singapore (31 percent), China (39 percent), South Korea (49 percent), and Germany (50 percent).

    At the same time, efforts by the United States to address these imbalances have stalled.  Trading partners have repeatedly blocked multilateral and plurilateral solutions, including in the context of new rounds of tariff negotiations and efforts to discipline non-tariff barriers.  At the same time, with the U.S. economy disproportionately open to imports, U.S. trading partners have had few incentives to provide reciprocal treatment to U.S. exports in the context of bilateral trade negotiations.

    These structural asymmetries have driven the large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficit.  Even for countries with which the United States may enjoy an occasional bilateral trade surplus, the accumulation of tariff and non-tariff barriers on U.S. exports may make that surplus smaller than it would have been without such barriers.  Permitting these asymmetries to continue is not sustainable in today’s economic and geopolitical environment because of the effect they have on U.S. domestic production.  A nation’s ability to produce domestically is the bedrock of its national and economic security.

    Both my first Administration in 2017, and the Biden Administration in 2022, recognized that increasing domestic manufacturing is critical to U.S. national security.  According to 2023 United Nations data, U.S. manufacturing output as a share of global manufacturing output was 17.4 percent, down from a peak in 2001 of 28.4 percent. 

    Over time, the persistent decline in U.S. manufacturing output has reduced U.S. manufacturing capacity.  The need to maintain robust and resilient domestic manufacturing capacity is particularly acute in certain advanced industrial sectors like automobiles, shipbuilding, pharmaceuticals, technology products, machine tools, and basic and fabricated metals, because once competitors gain sufficient global market share in these sectors, U.S. production could be permanently weakened.  It is also critical to scale manufacturing capacity in the defense-industrial sector so that we can manufacture the defense materiel and equipment necessary to protect American interests at home and abroad.  

    In fact, because the United States has supplied so much military equipment to other countries, U.S. stockpiles of military goods are too low to be compatible with U.S. national defense interests.  Furthermore, U.S. defense companies must develop new, advanced manufacturing technologies across a range of critical sectors including bio-manufacturing, batteries, and microelectronics.  If the United States wishes to maintain an effective security umbrella to defend its citizens and homeland, as well as for its allies and partners, it needs to have a large upstream manufacturing and goods-producing ecosystem to manufacture these products without undue reliance on imports for key inputs. 

    Increased reliance on foreign producers for goods also has compromised U.S. economic security by rendering U.S. supply chains vulnerable to geopolitical disruption and supply shocks.  In recent years, the vulnerability of the U.S. economy in this respect was exposed both during the COVID-19 pandemic, when Americans had difficulty accessing essential products, as well as when the Houthi rebels later began attacking cargo ships in the Middle East. 

    The decline of U.S. manufacturing capacity threatens the U.S. economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.  From 1997 to 2024, the United States lost around 5 million manufacturing jobs and experienced one of the largest drops in manufacturing employment in history.  Furthermore, many manufacturing job losses were concentrated in specific geographical areas.  In these areas, the loss of manufacturing jobs contributed to the decline in rates of family formation and to the rise of other social trends, like the abuse of opioids, that have imposed profound costs on the U.S. economy.

    The future of American competitiveness depends on reversing these trends.  Today, manufacturing represents just 11 percent of U.S. gross domestic product, yet it accounts for 35 percent of American productivity growth and 60 percent of our exports.  Importantly, U.S. manufacturing is the main engine of innovation in the United States, responsible for 55 percent of all patents and 70 percent of all research and development (R&D) spending.  The fact that R&D expenditures by U.S. multinational enterprises in China grew at an average rate of 13.6 percent a year between 2003 and 2017, while their R&D expenditures in the United States grew by an average of just 5 percent per year during the same time period, is evidence of the strong link between manufacturing and innovation.  Furthermore, every manufacturing job spurs 7 to 12 new jobs in other related industries, helping to build and sustain our economy.

    Just as a nation that does not produce manufactured products cannot maintain the industrial base it needs for national security, neither can a nation long survive if it cannot produce its own food.  Presidential Policy Directive 21 of February 12, 2013 (Critical Infrastructure Security and Resilience), designates food and agriculture as a “critical infrastructure sector” because it is one of the sectors considered “so vital to the United States that [its] incapacity or destruction . . . would have a debilitating impact on security, national economic security, national public health or safety, or any combination of those matters.”  Furthermore, when I left office, the United States had a trade surplus in agricultural products, but today, that surplus has vanished.  Eviscerated by a slew of new non-tariff barriers imposed by our trading partners, it has been replaced by a projected $49 billion annual agricultural trade deficit. For these reasons, I hereby declare and order:

    Section 1.  National Emergency.  As President of the United States, my highest duty is ensuring the national and economic security of the country and its citizens.  

    I have declared a national emergency arising from conditions reflected in large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits, which have grown by over 40 percent in the past 5 years alone, reaching $1.2 trillion in 2024.  This trade deficit reflects asymmetries in trade relationships that have contributed to the atrophy of domestic production capacity, especially that of the U.S. manufacturing and defense-industrial base.  These asymmetries also impact U.S. producers’ ability to export and, consequentially, their incentive to produce. 
    Specifically, such asymmetry includes not only non-reciprocal differences in tariff rates among foreign trading partners, but also extensive use of non-tariff barriers by foreign trading partners, which reduce the competitiveness of U.S. exports while artificially enhancing the competitiveness of their own goods.  These non-tariff barriers include technical barriers to trade; non-scientific sanitary and phytosanitary rules; inadequate intellectual property protections; suppressed domestic consumption (e.g., wage suppression); weak labor, environmental, and other regulatory standards and protections; and corruption.  These non-tariff barriers give rise to significant imbalances even when the United States and a trading partner have comparable tariff rates. 

    The cumulative effect of these imbalances has been the transfer of resources from domestic producers to foreign firms, reducing opportunities for domestic manufacturers to expand and, in turn, leading to lost manufacturing jobs, diminished manufacturing capacity, and an atrophied industrial base, including in the defense-industrial sector.  At the same time, foreign firms are better positioned to scale production, reinvest in innovation, and compete in the global economy, to the detriment of U.S. economic and national security.  
    The absence of sufficient domestic manufacturing capacity in certain critical and advanced industrial sectors — another outcome of the large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits — also compromises U.S. economic and national security by rendering the U.S. economy less resilient to supply chain disruption.  Finally, the large, persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits, and the concomitant loss of industrial capacity, have compromised military readiness; this vulnerability can only be redressed through swift corrective action to rebalance the flow of imports into the United States.  Such impact upon military readiness and our national security posture is especially acute with the recent rise in armed conflicts abroad.  I call upon the public and private sector to make the efforts necessary to strengthen the international economic position of the United States.  

    Sec. 2.  Reciprocal Tariff Policy.  It is the policy of the United States to rebalance global trade flows by imposing an additional ad valorem duty on all imports from all trading partners except as otherwise provided herein.  The additional ad valorem duty on all imports from all trading partners shall start at 10 percent and shortly thereafter, the additional ad valorem duty shall increase for trading partners enumerated in Annex I to this order at the rates set forth in Annex I to this order.  These additional ad valorem duties shall apply until such time as I determine that the underlying conditions described above are satisfied, resolved, or mitigated.   

    Sec. 3.  Implementation.  (a)  Except as otherwise provided in this order, all articles imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be, consistent with law, subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty of 10 percent.  Such rates of duty shall apply with respect to goods entered for consumption, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 5, 2025, except that goods loaded onto a vessel at the port of loading and in transit on the final mode of transit before 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 5, 2025, and entered for consumption or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 5, 2025, shall not be subject to such additional duty.  

    Furthermore, except as otherwise provided in this order, at 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, all articles from trading partners enumerated in Annex I to this order imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be, consistent with law, subject to the country-specific ad valorem rates of duty specified in Annex I to this order.  Such rates of duty shall apply with respect to goods entered for consumption, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, except that goods loaded onto a vessel at the port of loading and in transit on the final mode of transit before 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, and entered for consumption or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, shall not be subject to these country-specific ad valorem rates of duty set forth in Annex I to this order.  These country-specific ad valorem rates of duty shall apply to all articles imported pursuant to the terms of all existing U.S. trade agreements, except as provided below. 

    (b)  The following goods as set forth in Annex II to this order, consistent with law, shall not be subject to the ad valorem rates of duty under this order:  (i) all articles that are encompassed by 50 U.S.C. 1702(b); (ii) all articles and derivatives of steel and aluminum subject to the duties imposed pursuant to section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and proclaimed in Proclamation 9704 of March 8, 2018 (Adjusting Imports of Aluminum Into the United States), as amended, Proclamation 9705 of March 8, 2018 (Adjusting Imports of Steel Into the United States), as amended, and Proclamation 9980 of January 24, 2020 (Adjusting Imports of Derivative Aluminum Articles and Derivative Steel Articles Into the United States), as amended, Proclamation 10895 of February 10, 2025 (Adjusting Imports of Aluminum Into the United States), and Proclamation 10896 of February 10, 2025 (Adjusting Imports of Steel into the United States); (iii) all automobiles and automotive parts subject to the additional duties imposed pursuant to section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, as amended, and proclaimed in Proclamation 10908 of March 26, 2025 (Adjusting Imports of Automobiles and Automobile Parts Into the United States); (iv) other products enumerated in Annex II to this order, including copper, pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, lumber articles, certain critical minerals, and energy and energy products; (v) all articles from a trading partner subject to the rates set forth in Column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTSUS); and (vi) all articles that may become subject to duties pursuant to future actions under section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962.

    (c)  The rates of duty established by this order are in addition to any other duties, fees, taxes, exactions, or charges applicable to such imported articles, except as provided in subsections (d) and (e) of this section below. 

    (d)  With respect to articles from Canada, I have imposed additional duties on certain goods to address a national emergency resulting from the flow of illicit drugs across our northern border pursuant to Executive Order 14193 of February 1, 2025 (Imposing Duties To Address the Flow of Illicit Drugs Across Our Northern Border), as amended by Executive Order 14197 of February 3, 2025 (Progress on the Situation at Our Northern Border), and Executive Order 14231 of March 2, 2025 (Amendment to Duties To Address the Flow of Illicit Drugs Across Our Northern Border).  With respect to articles from Mexico, I have imposed additional duties on certain goods to address a national emergency resulting from the flow of illicit drugs and illegal migration across our southern border pursuant to Executive Order 14194 of February 1, 2025 (Imposing Duties To Address the Situation at Our Southern Border), as amended by Executive Order 14198 of February 3, 2025 (Progress on the Situation at Our Southern Border), and Executive Order 14227 of March 2, 2025 (Amendment to Duties To Address the Situation at Our Southern Border).  As a result of these border emergency tariff actions, all goods of Canada or Mexico under the terms of general note 11 to the HTSUS, including any treatment set forth in subchapter XXIII of chapter 98 and subchapter XXII of chapter 99 of the HTSUS, as related to the Agreement between the United States of America, United Mexican States, and Canada (USMCA), continue to be eligible to enter the U.S. market under these preferential terms.  However, all goods of Canada or Mexico that do not qualify as originating under USMCA are presently subject to additional ad valorem duties of 25 percent, with energy or energy resources and potash imported from Canada and not qualifying as originating under USMCA presently subject to the lower additional ad valorem duty of 10 percent.  

    (e)  Any ad valorem rate of duty on articles imported from Canada or Mexico under the terms of this order shall not apply in addition to the ad valorem rate of duty specified by the existing orders described in subsection (d) of this section.  If such orders identified in subsection (d) of this section are terminated or suspended, all items of Canada and Mexico that qualify as originating under USMCA shall not be subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty, while articles not qualifying as originating under USMCA shall be subject to an ad valorem rate of duty of 12 percent.  However, these ad valorem rates of duty on articles imported from Canada and Mexico shall not apply to energy or energy resources, to potash, or to an article eligible for duty-free treatment under USMCA that is a part or component of an article substantially finished in the United States. 

    (f)  More generally, the ad valorem rates of duty set forth in this order shall apply only to the non-U.S. content of a subject article, provided at least 20 percent of the value of the subject article is U.S. originating.  For the purposes of this subsection, “U.S. content” refers to the value of an article attributable to the components produced entirely, or substantially transformed in, the United States.  U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), to the extent permitted by law, is authorized to require the collection of such information and documentation regarding an imported article, including with the entry filing, as is necessary to enable CBP to ascertain and verify the value of the U.S. content of the article, as well as to ascertain and verify whether an article is substantially finished in the United States. 

    (g)  Subject articles, except those eligible for admission under “domestic status” as defined in 19 CFR 146.43, which are subject to the duty specified in section 2 of this order and are admitted into a foreign trade zone on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, must be admitted as “privileged foreign status” as defined in 19 CFR 146.41. 

    (h)  Duty-free de minimis treatment under 19 U.S.C. 1321(a)(2)(A)-(B) shall remain available for the articles described in subsection (a) of this section.  Duty-free de minimis treatment under 19 U.S.C. 1321(a)(2)(C) shall remain available for the articles described in subsection (a) of this section until notification by the Secretary of Commerce to the President that adequate systems are in place to fully and expeditiously process and collect duty revenue applicable pursuant to this subsection for articles otherwise eligible for de minimis treatment.  After such notification, duty-free de minimis treatment under 19 U.S.C. 1321(a)(2)(C) shall not be available for the articles described in subsection (a) of this section.  

    (i)  The Executive Order of April 2, 2025 (Further Amendment to Duties Addressing the Synthetic Opioid Supply Chain in the People’s Republic of China as Applied to Low-Value Imports), regarding low-value imports from China is not affected by this order, and all duties and fees with respect to covered articles shall be collected as required and detailed therein.

    (j)  To reduce the risk of transshipment and evasion, all ad valorem rates of duty imposed by this order or any successor orders with respect to articles of China shall apply equally to articles of both the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macau Special Administrative Region.

    (k)  In order to establish the duty rates described in this order, the HTSUS is modified as set forth in the Annexes to this order.  These modifications shall enter into effect on the dates set forth in the Annexes to this order.

    (l)  Unless specifically noted herein, any prior Presidential Proclamation, Executive Order, or other Presidential directive or guidance related to trade with foreign trading partners that is inconsistent with the direction in this order is hereby terminated, suspended, or modified to the extent necessary to give full effect to this order.

    Sec. 4.  Modification Authority.  (a)  The Secretary of Commerce and the United States Trade Representative, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, shall recommend to me additional action, if necessary, if this action is not effective in resolving the emergency conditions described above, including the increase in the overall trade deficit or the recent expansion of non-reciprocal trade arrangements by U.S. trading partners in a manner that threatens the economic and national security interests of the United States. 

    (b)  Should any trading partner retaliate against the United States in response to this action through import duties on U.S. exports or other measures, I may further modify the HTSUS to increase or expand in scope the duties imposed under this order to ensure the efficacy of this action. 

    (c)  Should any trading partner take significant steps to remedy non-reciprocal trade arrangements and align sufficiently with the United States on economic and national security matters, I may further modify the HTSUS to decrease or limit in scope the duties imposed under this order.

    (d)  Should U.S. manufacturing capacity and output continue to worsen, I may further modify the HTSUS to increase duties under this order.

    Sec. 5.  Implementation Authority.  The Secretary of Commerce and the United States Trade Representative, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, and the Chair of the International Trade Commission are hereby authorized to employ all powers granted to the President by IEEPA as may be necessary to implement this order.  Each executive department and agency shall take all appropriate measures within its authority to implement this order.

    Sec. 6.  Reporting Requirements.  The United States Trade Representative, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Commerce, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, is hereby authorized to submit recurring and final reports to the Congress on the national emergency declared in this order, consistent with section 401(c) of the NEA (50 U.S.C. 1641(c)) and section 204(c) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1703(c)).

    Sec. 7.  General Provisions.  (a)  Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:

    (i)   the authority granted by law to an executive department, agency, or the head thereof; or

    (ii)  the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.

    (b)  This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.

    (c)  This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

    DONALD J. TRUMP

    THE WHITE HOUSE,
        April 2, 2025.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Louisiana Chiropractor Convicted of Health Care Fraud and Unemployment Insurance Fraud

    Source: US State of California

    A federal jury convicted a Louisiana chiropractor yesterday for his role in health care fraud and unemployment insurance fraud schemes totaling millions of dollars.

    According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, Dr. Benjamin Tekippe, 40, of New Orleans, was a chiropractor and owner of Metairie Chiropractic & Rehab in New Orleans. Tekippe solicited patients with insurance from Blue Cross Blue Shield of Louisiana (BCBSLA) at schools, public events, and on social media to receive chiropractic massages, which he misleadingly advertised as “free.” Tekippe would then routinely bill BCBSLA for chiropractic services he did not perform. In total, Tekippe fraudulently submitted over $2.3 million in claims to BCBSLA for services not performed and was reimbursed approximately $740,000 by the insurance provider. The fraudulent claims sought payment for thousands of chiropractic services purportedly provided by Tekippe during periods when he was out of the office, traveling on vacation, or incarcerated for past arrests. The evidence also showed that in response to a medical records request from a BCBSLA auditor, Tekippe fabricated patient records and instructed his staff to write them in their own handwriting to make it falsely appear that the services had been performed as billed. Evidence at trial showed that Tekippe spent the fraud proceeds on, among other things, luxury goods and gambling.  

    In addition, during the COVID-19 pandemic, Tekippe submitted weekly certifications falsely claiming that he was unemployed when he was billing for chiropractic services purportedly performed during his claimed unemployment. Through this scheme, Tekippe received $12,952 in unemployment insurance benefits to which he was not entitled.

    Tekippe was convicted of six counts of health care fraud and one count of wire fraud. He is scheduled to be sentenced on July 17 and faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison on the wire fraud count and 10 years in prison on each health care fraud count. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division; Acting U.S. Attorney Michael M. Simpson for the Eastern District of Louisiana; Acting Special Agent in Charge Jonathan Tapp of the FBI New Orleans Field Office; and Special Agent in Charge Jason Meadows of the Department of Health and Human Service Office of the Inspector General (HHS-OIG) Dallas Region, Baton Rouge Field Office made the announcement.

    The FBI and HHS-OIG investigated the case.

    Trial Attorneys Kelly Z. Walters and Samantha Usher of the Criminal Division’s Fraud Section are prosecuting the case.

    The Fraud Section leads the Criminal Division’s efforts to combat health care fraud through the Health Care Fraud Strike Force Program. Since March 2007, this program, currently comprised of 9 strike forces operating in 27 federal districts, has charged more than 5,800 defendants who collectively have billed federal health care programs and private insurers more than $30 billion. In addition, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, working in conjunction with HHS-OIG, are taking steps to hold providers accountable for their involvement in health care fraud schemes. More information can be found at www.justice.gov/criminal-fraud/health-care-fraud-unit.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Louisiana Chiropractor Convicted of Health Care Fraud and Unemployment Insurance Fraud

    Source: United States Attorneys General

    A federal jury convicted a Louisiana chiropractor yesterday for his role in health care fraud and unemployment insurance fraud schemes totaling millions of dollars.

    According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, Dr. Benjamin Tekippe, 40, of New Orleans, was a chiropractor and owner of Metairie Chiropractic & Rehab in New Orleans. Tekippe solicited patients with insurance from Blue Cross Blue Shield of Louisiana (BCBSLA) at schools, public events, and on social media to receive chiropractic massages, which he misleadingly advertised as “free.” Tekippe would then routinely bill BCBSLA for chiropractic services he did not perform. In total, Tekippe fraudulently submitted over $2.3 million in claims to BCBSLA for services not performed and was reimbursed approximately $740,000 by the insurance provider. The fraudulent claims sought payment for thousands of chiropractic services purportedly provided by Tekippe during periods when he was out of the office, traveling on vacation, or incarcerated for past arrests. The evidence also showed that in response to a medical records request from a BCBSLA auditor, Tekippe fabricated patient records and instructed his staff to write them in their own handwriting to make it falsely appear that the services had been performed as billed. Evidence at trial showed that Tekippe spent the fraud proceeds on, among other things, luxury goods and gambling.  

    In addition, during the COVID-19 pandemic, Tekippe submitted weekly certifications falsely claiming that he was unemployed when he was billing for chiropractic services purportedly performed during his claimed unemployment. Through this scheme, Tekippe received $12,952 in unemployment insurance benefits to which he was not entitled.

    Tekippe was convicted of six counts of health care fraud and one count of wire fraud. He is scheduled to be sentenced on July 17 and faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison on the wire fraud count and 10 years in prison on each health care fraud count. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    Matthew R. Galeotti, Head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division; Acting U.S. Attorney Michael M. Simpson for the Eastern District of Louisiana; Acting Special Agent in Charge Jonathan Tapp of the FBI New Orleans Field Office; and Special Agent in Charge Jason Meadows of the Department of Health and Human Service Office of the Inspector General (HHS-OIG) Dallas Region, Baton Rouge Field Office made the announcement.

    The FBI and HHS-OIG investigated the case.

    Trial Attorneys Kelly Z. Walters and Samantha Usher of the Criminal Division’s Fraud Section are prosecuting the case.

    The Fraud Section leads the Criminal Division’s efforts to combat health care fraud through the Health Care Fraud Strike Force Program. Since March 2007, this program, currently comprised of 9 strike forces operating in 27 federal districts, has charged more than 5,800 defendants who collectively have billed federal health care programs and private insurers more than $30 billion. In addition, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, working in conjunction with HHS-OIG, are taking steps to hold providers accountable for their involvement in health care fraud schemes. More information can be found at www.justice.gov/criminal-fraud/health-care-fraud-unit.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Kugler, Inflation Expectations and Monetary Policymaking

    Source: US State of New York Federal Reserve

    Thank you, Alan, and thank you to the Griswold and Julis-Rabinowitz Centers for the opportunity to speak to you today.1 As someone who has worked in both the public sector and academia, I applaud the common purpose of both centers in connecting researchers, policymakers, and the private sector to pursue policy ideas that serve the public good.

    To that end, I can think of few individuals who have done more—as a teacher, researcher, government official, and public figure—than Alan Blinder. That includes educating the public about economic policymaking. In the spring of 2022, as many wondered whether Russia’s war on Ukraine would add to the factors then driving up inflation, Professor Blinder wrote in the Wall Street Journal that a more important factor would probably be the public’s expectations of future inflation.2
    As I will relate in these remarks, he was, of course, absolutely correct. As in the past, inflation expectations have played a crucial role in the course of inflation since the spring of 2022, and I expect they will be important in the Federal Reserve’s ongoing effort to achieve sustained inflation of 2 percent. For that reason, I would like to focus on inflation expectations today, before discussing my outlook for the U.S. economy and the implications for appropriate monetary policy. First, I will describe inflation expectations within the conceptual framework that many economists use to connect inflation to broader economic activity, known as the Phillips curve. Second, I will discuss the central importance of the stability of these expectations, which we have come to call the “anchoring” of inflation expectations. Third, I will explain how firms and households form their inflation expectations and how these expectations affect their economic decisionmaking. Throughout, I will make some references to historical experiences with inflation but focus on the period since the pandemic.
    Economists have long recognized the connection between inflation and overall macroeconomic conditions, but it was in trying to explain this empirical relationship and measure it with some precision that the importance of inflation expectations was revealed.
    The foundation of this work was laid by New Zealand economist A.W. Phillips, a fascinating figure who was, among other things, a mechanical genius who built an early economic model operated by hydraulics rather than electronics. In contemplating the mechanics of the economy, in 1958 Phillips set about to explain why nominal wage growth was slower when unemployment was high and faster when unemployment was low. His and other subsequent research showed that a crucial factor was the utilization of resources, such as labor and capital.3 Generally, when firms use labor and capital very intensively, production costs tend to rise, and firms have more scope to pass those cost increases along in the form of higher prices for their products and services, which, in turn, may push up inflation across the economy. In contrast, when that level of utilization is low, costs tend to rise more slowly (or even fall), and firms have less scope for raising prices, thus pushing down inflation. This tradeoff has been called the Phillips curve.
    In this simple form, this tradeoff implies that governments can achieve and maintain very low unemployment only if they allow inflation to rise to a certain level. In the latter 1960s, Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps asserted that this orderly tradeoff was only temporary and would ultimately break down because of the role of expectations and, in particular, inflation expectations.4 To use an example, while current production costs are important to a factory owner setting prices, that owner will also consider future production costs, future levels of demand, and expectations for inflation throughout the economy. Likewise, workers will factor expectations of future economic conditions into their pay demands, and banks will consider future inflation in deciding loan rates. Consumers, whose purchases constitute some two-thirds of economic activity, make decisions about whether to purchase something today with an idea of what it will cost in the future. All these decisions are influenced by expectations, and this is the way in which expectations may shape inflation now. In turn, when we think about the Phillips curve and its tradeoff nowadays, we account for the important role of expectations of different individuals throughout the economy.
    There are different measures of inflation expectations, some from surveys polling business owners, others asking consumers, and yet others estimating expectations among bond investors based on the differences in yields between nominal and inflation-indexed securities. While most of my points apply broadly to all measures of expectations, my examples come mostly from surveys of consumers and businesses. While there are questions, which I will address, about how well these surveys measure inflation expectations, I closely monitor them because they complement market-based indicators of future inflation that are affected by dynamics intrinsic to financial markets, such as changes in risk premiums.
    Let me note that, in addition to the way expectations of future inflation influence prices in the near term, there are economic mechanisms that link current inflation with past inflation, such as those that set wages and the terms of rental contracts. In these cases, adjustments in these terms are often benchmarked on past inflation, as, for instance, when workers and landlords aim to recoup losses from increases in general prices. To cite one example, as the economy reopened after the pandemic, workers sought higher wages to compensate for the early wave of inflation in food and core goods, thus further pushing up inflation, especially in the services sector, where labor accounts for the largest share of this sector’s costs.5 And, because rental agreements typically last for 12 months or more, landlords faced a lag in adjusting rents to reflect the escalation of inflation after the pandemic and sought to recoup those losses when renewing leases.
    By looking at price changes this way, in a rearview mirror, some decisionmakers in the economy end up making inflation more persistent. That is important to me as an economic policymaker who must pay attention to both expectations of future inflation and the persistence of current inflation.
    When we speak of expectations of future inflation, it is crucial to define the time horizon, and different surveys conducted by the Federal Reserve and others ask about inflation from 1 year to as many as 10 years in the future. Surveys with a shorter horizon, such as the University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers’ question on inflation 1 year ahead, shown in figure 1, are heavily influenced by current inflation. Near-term inflation expectations tend to be more volatile, moving up when, for example, energy prices increase, or down when energy or some other volatile set of prices decreases. These expectations are important because many economic decisions, such as major consumer purchases and hiring and investment for firms, focus on horizons of only a few years ahead.
    By contrast, inflation expectations over longer horizons, such as the Michigan survey’s question on inflation during the next 5 to 10 years (the red line in figure 1), say less about current conditions than about the trend for inflation for some time in the future. You can think about these longer-term expectations as much less affected by the forces that push inflation up or down in the short term, what economists call “shocks.” Longer-term inflation expectations tend to be less volatile, affected less, for example, by what oil or food prices have done lately than by the stability of inflation over years or decades.
    I mention these different time horizons because they matter in my job as a central banker. Expectations a year from now reflect short-term shocks to the economy, as well as ongoing efforts from monetary policymakers to bring the economy back to its longer-run state. Thus, while short-term expectations may indicate whether inflation is expected to move toward its target, they are not the best gauge of monetary policy credibility. Longer-term inflation expectations, however, should be much less influenced by short-term shocks to the economy, and a change in those expectations has implications for the Federal Reserve’s prospects for meeting its price-stability goal.
    When these longer-term expectations are reasonably low and unresponsive to shorter-term developments, we say they are “anchored.” It is not clear who first defined the term, but Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke in 2007 gave a speech on inflation expectations in which he described “anchored” expectations as “relatively insensitive to incoming data.”6
    So how should we think about the process of anchoring and de-anchoring of inflation expectations? The dynamics of short- and long-term inflation expectations shed light on this issue. If the public experiences a spell of inflation higher than their shorter-run expectations, they will revise up these shorter-term expectations to ensure that their near-term plans account for the change in the economic environment. That’s what happened after the pandemic, when inflation based on personal consumption expenditures (PCE) rose to a peak of 7.2 percent and one-year expectations rose to more than 5 percent. But longer-term inflation expectations remained anchored, with values within the range seen since 1995. I would contrast this experience with the United States’ previous bout of high inflation from the 1970s to the early 1980s. Among other issues, such as high energy prices and accommodative monetary policy, rising inflation and inflation expectations fed a cycle of escalating inflationary pressures.7 Inflation was high and very volatile over this period, and that is reflected in shorter and longer-term inflation expectations that were high and volatile, too.
    Another important difference between these two episodes has to do with the performance of the Federal Reserve. As opposed to the late 1960s and most of the 1970s, most recently the Fed acted aggressively to tighten monetary policy, raising the federal funds rate more rapidly than in previous tightenings and lowering inflation more quickly than ever before. This came after 30 years of success in keeping inflation in check, and the credibility earned by the Fed’s inflation discipline surely helped keep longer-term expectations stable. This shows that an important role of the central bank is to convince the public, through actions and communications, about its intention to shape economic conditions and to use its policy tools to bring inflation to its target.8 By committing to keep inflation low in the future, central banks seek to influence expectations of future inflation, which, in turn, influence conditions now and over time. The Fed’s credibility in keeping inflation low and stable, won over decades, kept longer-term inflation expectations stable, and that contributed significantly to the Fed’s success in reducing inflation while keeping the labor market strong.
    Those are some of the basics about inflation expectations and how they influence the economy and the conduct of monetary policy. Next, I want to note some of the patterns we see in survey measures of inflation expectations, what influences expectations, and how inflation expectations are used by the public in their decisionmaking. Fortunately, there is a rich body of economic research that has shed light on these questions, and I will focus on the evidence for households and firms.9 We can then take some lessons from these empirical patterns for monetary policymaking.
    One important observation is that both short- and long-term inflation expectations are often notably higher than actual inflation, even after a period of very low inflation. There is evidence that survey respondents often believe the inflation they have experienced is higher than it is. Another pattern is that there is a wide dispersion of views about both shorter and longer-term inflation expectations, reflecting, at least in part, the dispersion of inflation in the consumer baskets of goods and services purchased by different people. Research also finds that some groups, such as women and lower-income households, tend to have systematically higher inflation expectations. In addition to this variation in expectations, there is high uncertainty in forecasts of future inflation. When people are asked to assign probabilities to different forecasts for inflation, surveys report wide distributions in the likelihood of one outcome or another. Finally, short-term inflation expectations tend to be correlated with both recently realized inflation and perceptions about recent inflation.10
    These patterns tell policymakers that inflation expectations of households and firms are diffuse and likely harder to influence through monetary policy relative to financial market participants and professional forecasters who follow the news more closely. Still, expectations from business owners and workers ultimately inform firms’ pricing decisions and costs and, thus, may even be more relevant for inflation outcomes; therefore, it is important for policymakers to communicate clearly with the public our intentions to bring inflation back to our target.11
    So, because inflation expectations are diffuse and heavily influenced by recent experience, let’s consider the reasons for the dispersion in these expectations. Unsurprisingly, it starts with the considerable variation in the sources that the public uses to collect information about inflation. Households report that their main source of information is their own shopping experiences, making regular purchases such as groceries and gasoline, and the price changes in those goods and services are what affect inflation expectations the most.12 Also, it seems that inflation expectations of homeowners tend to respond to changes in mortgage rates because homeowners have more of an incentive to track changes in rates that might affect, for example, their prospects for loan refinancing.13 Another important source of information is energy bills, with evidence also pointing to households’ inflation expectations being more sensitive to energy prices when inflation is higher.14 More generally, consumers and firms seem to pay more attention to news related to inflation when inflation is high, and this has been found for many countries.15
    While the unique experiences of survey respondents matter, this evidence points to inflation expectations being dependent on the state of the economy. Thus, we policymakers should account for different economic conditions when assessing the risks of a de-anchoring of inflation expectations. For instance, with fresh memories of the post-pandemic inflation and with recent surges in prices of some food items regularly purchased, inflation expectations of workers and firms may now be more sensitive to anticipated future price increases relative to the pre-pandemic period.
    Let me now turn to how households and businesses employ their inflation expectations in their economic decisionmaking, with much of the evidence consistent with what one would expect based on long-standing economic theory. Starting with households, in addition to any influence on wages from past inflation, expectations of future inflation help shape demands for pay raises. Workers care about their inflation-adjusted wages, rather than nominal wages, and (as shown in figure 2) we see a positive correlation between inflation expectations from consumers and wage growth, with a close co-movement during the recent inflationary bout. A complementary decision for the worker is to look for a new job that pays more, especially if the person envisions a low probability of getting a raise in the current job or if the raise will likely not fully cover losses in real incomes from inflation. Indeed, measures of general wage growth are more sluggish relative to those of job switchers. Moreover, researchers also find evidence of higher job-to-job transitions for workers who have higher inflation expectations.16 So inflation expectations of workers are an important influence on nominal wage growth and an important indicator of inflationary pressures for us policymakers.
    Now let’s consider how these expectations influence firms’ decisions. As I discussed in the context of the Phillips curve, firms with higher inflation expectations would be expected to increase prices more, and, indeed, researchers find causal evidence for this.17 During the recent period of high inflation, the fact that business owners’ short-term expectations about costs or input prices rose only modestly and soon returned to levels close to 2 percent just suggests that firms’ inflation expectations were not a strong source of inflationary pressures (as seen in figure 3). Still, researchers at the Richmond Fed also found that during this period, business leaders incorporated more information about aggregate inflation measures in their own pricing decisions compared with times before the pandemic inflation surge.18 While researchers also find that business leaders paid less attention to inflation as it came down, this evidence points to the inflation expectations of businesses being sensitive to underlying inflationary dynamics, and monetary policymakers should remain attentive to this.
    Now let me turn to the recent developments in inflation expectations, the current U.S. economic outlook, and the implications for monetary policy.
    In recent months, we have seen several measures of inflation expectations increase, with both consumers and businesses reporting new and proposed tariffs as an important reason. Among surveys looking one year ahead, there have been notable increases for surveys by the University of Michigan, the Conference Board survey of consumers, the Atlanta Fed’s survey of businesses, the Philadelphia Fed’s Survey of Professional Forecasters, and the New York Fed’s consumer survey. For instance, last Friday’s release of longer-term inflation expectations from the Michigan survey was the highest since February 1993. Additionally, the recent spike in short-term inflation expectations appears to be mostly “anticipatory,” as one can infer from the divergence between falling inflation perceptions—what consumers think price increases have been in the past year—and climbing short-run inflation expectations, both data from the Michigan survey. This anticipatory nature of the recent increase in short-run expectations may allow for price pressures through a second channel: Businesses may feel a greater ability to pass along higher costs to consumers when they come from external factors out of the control of these businesses. Indeed, firms are already reporting not only higher costs, but also expectations of higher costs, according to some surveys, such as the one conducted by the Atlanta Fed, along with other manufacturing surveys. For now, I take some comfort from the much smaller increases in longer-term expectations as measured by the Philadelphia Fed’s Survey of Professional Forecasters, as well as the stability of longer-term measures of what we call inflation compensation, which is based on yields from nominal and inflation-indexed Treasury securities.
    As in past episodes when inflation expectations increased, uncertainty about future inflation seems to have also gone up, as measured by the disagreement between the 75th and 25th percentiles of the distribution of individual respondents to the Michigan survey. Simultaneously, in recent months, we have also seen measures of economic policy uncertainty increase (seen in figure 4), and there is evidence that policy uncertainty and inflation uncertainty correlate over time.19 One possibility is that policy uncertainty may be contributing to a rise in inflation expectations as well as to uncertainty about future inflation. Still, it is hard to say at this point, and I will keep monitoring these developments.
    Let me turn from developments on expected inflation to realized inflation. After the substantial decline in inflation from its peak in 2022, recent disinflation has been slower, and the latest data indicate that progress toward the Federal Open Market Committee’s (FOMC) 2 percent goal may have stalled. Core PCE inflation was 2.8 percent in the 12 months ended in February, which puts us back at the same level seen in the last quarter of 2024. The best news for February comes from housing services inflation, which has come down steadily for at least a year to a 12‑month rate of 4.3 percent, even if it is still above the pre-pandemic level of 2.5 percent. For the rest of the inflation categories, the news was less positive. Core goods inflation, which had been negative for a large share of 2024, increased to 0.4 percent relative to a year before. February likely also marked an upward shift in market-based services inflation. While I do not discount price pressures in nonmarket services, which remain elevated, the acceleration in market-based services in February from an estimated 3.1 percent to 3.5 percent is also not welcome, given that this category often provides a better signal of inflationary pressures across all services.
    On the other side of the FOMC’s dual mandate, employment continues to grow at a moderate pace, and the overall labor market has remained resilient through February. The net 151,000 jobs added last month was not too far from the 177,000 average of the previous six months. The unemployment rate ticked up to 4.1 percent, and labor force participation moved down to 62.4 percent. Other labor market indicators suggest continued moderation in the labor market but not significant weakening.
    Given the recent lack of progress on inflation, recent increases in inflation expectations, and upside risks associated with announced and prospective policy changes, I strongly supported the FOMC’s decision at our March meeting to maintain the target range for the federal funds rate at 4-1/4 to 4-1/2 percent. I will support maintaining the current policy rate for as long as these upside risks to inflation continue, while economic activity and employment remain stable. Going forward, I will carefully assess incoming data, the evolving outlook, and changes in the balance of risks.
    Thank you.

    1. The views expressed here are my own and are not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market Committee. Return to text
    2. See Alan S. Blinder (2022), “Wish the Fed Luck as It Seeks a Soft Landing on Inflation,” Wall Street Journal, April 6. Return to text
    3. For a literature review on the relationship between inflation and resource utilization, also called the slope of the Phillips curve, see Francesco Furlanetto and Antoine Lepetit (2024), “The Slope of the Phillips Curve (PDF),” Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2024-043 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, May). Return to text
    4. See Milton Friedman (1968), “The Role of Monetary Policy,” American Economic Review, vol. 58 (March), pp. 1–17; and Edmund S. Phelps (1967), “Phillips Curves, Expectations of Inflation and Optimal Unemployment over Time,” Economica, vol. 34 (135), pp. 254–81. Return to text
    5. For a discussion about the timing of the inflation waves of different categories, see Adriana D. Kugler (2025), “Navigating Inflation Waves: A Phillips Curve Perspective,” speech delivered at the Whittington Lecture, McCourt School of Public Policy, Georgetown University, Washington, February 20. Return to text
    6. See Ben S. Bernanke (2007), “Inflation Expectations and Inflation Forecasting,” speech delivered at the Monetary Economics Workshop of the National Bureau of Economic Research Summer Institute, Cambridge, Mass., July 10, quoted text in paragraph 7. Return to text
    7. For evidence on how longer-run inflation expectations may be driven by short-run inflation surprises, see Carlos Carvalho, Stefano Eusepi, Emanuel Moench, and Bruce Preston (2023), “Anchored Inflation Expectations,” American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics, vol. 15 (January), pp. 1–47. Return to text
    8. For a survey on how central banks communicate with the general public and the effectiveness of such communications, see Alan S. Blinder, Michael Ehrmann, Jakob de Haan, and David-Jan Jansen (2024), “Central Bank Communication with the General Public: Promise or False Hope?” Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 62 (June), pp. 425–57. Return to text
    9. For a literature review on this topic, see Michael Weber, Francesco D’Acunto, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Olivier Coibion (2022), “The Subjective Inflation Expectations of Households and Firms: Measurement, Determinants, and Implications,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 36 (Summer), pp. 157–84. Return to text
    10. See David Lebow and Ekaterina Peneva (2024), “Inflation Perceptions during the Covid Pandemic and Recovery,” FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, January 19). Return to text
    11. See Ricardo Reis (2023), “Four Mistakes in the Use of Measures of Expected Inflation,” AEA Papers and Proceedings, vol. 113 (May), pp. 47–51. Return to text
    12. See Francesco D’Acunto, Ulrike Malmendier, Juan Ospina, and Michael Weber (2021), “Exposure to Grocery Prices and Inflation Expectations,” Journal of Political Economy, vol. 129 (May), pp. 1615–39. Return to text
    13. See Hie Joo Ahn, Shihan Xie, and Choongryul Yang (2024). “Effects of Monetary Policy on Household Expectations: The Role of Homeownership,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 147 (October), 103599. Return to text
    14. See Francesco D’Acunto and Michael Weber (2024), “Why Survey-Based Subjective Expectations Are Meaningful and Important,” Annual Review of Economics, vol. 16 (August), pp. 329–57. For evidence on the higher sensitivity of inflation expectations when inflation is higher, see Paula Patzelt and Ricardo Reis (2024), “Estimating the Rise in Expected Inflation from Higher Energy Prices,” CEPR Discussion Paper 18907 (Paris: Centre for Economic Policy Research, March). Return to text
    15. See, for instance, Anat Bracha and Jenny Tang (2024), “Inflation Levels and (In)Attention,” Review of Economic Studies; and Michael Weber, Bernardo Candia, Hassan Afrouzi, Tiziano Ropele, Rodrigo Lluberas, Serafin Frache, Brent Meyer, Saten Kumar, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, Dimitris Georgarakos, Olivier Coibion, Geoff Kenny, and Jorge Ponce (2025), “Tell Me Something I Don’t Already Know: Learning in Low‐ and High‐Inflation Settings,” Econometrica, vol. 93 (January), pp. 229–64. Return to text
    16. See Ina Hajdini, Edward S. Knotek II, John Leer, Mathieu Pedemonte, Robert W. Rich, and Raphael S. Schoenle (2022), “Low Passthrough from Inflation Expectations to Income Growth Expectations: Why People Dislike Inflation,” Working Paper Series 22-21 (Cleveland: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, June); and Laura Pilossoph and Jane M. Ryngaert (2024), “Job Search, Wages, and Inflation,” NBER Working Paper Series 33042 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, October). Return to text
    17. For the relationship between inflation expectations and pricing decisions, see Olivier Coibion, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Tiziano Ropele (2020), “Inflation Expectations and Firm Decisions: New Causal Evidence,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 135 (February), pp. 165–219. Return to text
    18. For evidence on the recent inflationary episode, see Felipe F. Schwartzman and Sonya Ravindranath Waddell (2024), “Inflation Expectations and Price Setting among Fifth District Firms,” Economic Brief 24‑03 (Richmond: Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, January). Return to text
    19. For evidence on how policy uncertainty and inflation uncertainty correlate over time, see Carola C. Binder (2017), “Measuring Uncertainty Based on Rounding: New Method and Application to Inflation Expectations,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 90 (October), pp. 1–12. The measure of economic policy uncertainty is from Scott R. Baker, Nicholas Bloom, and Steven J. Davis (2016), “Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 131 (November), pp. 1593–1636. The measure of trade policy uncertainty is from Dario Caldara, Matteo Iacoviello, Patrick Molligo, Andrea Prestipino, and Andrea Raffo (2020), “The Economic Effects of Trade Policy Uncertainty,” Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 109 (January), pp. 38–59. Return to text

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Appian completes sale of MVV to Baiyin Nonferrous for US$420 million

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    LONDON, April 02, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Appian Capital Advisory LLP (“Appian”), the investment advisor to long-term value-focused private capital funds that invest in companies in metals, mining, and adjacent industries, is pleased to announce the completion of the sale of Mineração Vale Verde (“MVV”) to Baiyin Nonferrous Group Co., Ltd (“Baiyin Nonferrous”) for an all-cash offer of US$420 million.

    Highlights

    • Funds advised by Appian have completed an all-cash transaction for the 100% sale of MVV to Baiyin Nonferrous for US$420 million
    • Appian has executed its investment thesis and realized significant value for its investors by bringing MVV into production and delivering an attractive mid-scale copper-gold open pit mining operation from greenfield
    • Acquired in 2018 with ten employees, MVV began production in May 2021, just three years after its initial investment
    • MVV’s stable operations and strong financial performance have been achieved alongside a leading safety track record with zero Lost Time Incidents (“LTI”) in the last three years, with over 1050 people now working on-site
    • MVV will continue to deliver copper over multiple decades with its efficient operations that position the mine in the middle of the industry cost curve
    • Appian’s funds remain well positioned with positive exposure to key trends, including the energy transition

    The transaction marks Appian’s 13th successful exit and demonstrates the effectiveness of Appian’s operating model in identifying, acquiring, and optimizing undervalued mining projects using technical arbitrage to create significant value for its investors. This approach is underpinned by Appian’s leading cross-disciplinary team, which includes geologists, engineers, metallurgists, and finance professionals focused on creating value across all aspects of Appian’s portfolio.

    Michael W. Scherb, Founder and CEO of Appian, commented: “This transaction further validates Appian’s ability to identify great overlooked assets and use our in-house technical expertise to realize their potential and optimize their value for our investors. It underlines the strategic positioning of Appian’s portfolio to support the growing demand for a reliable supply of high-quality critical minerals.”

    Transaction details

    The completed transaction encompasses 100% of the equity in MVV owned by the Appian funds. The headline purchase price of US$420 million is on a cash-free, debt-free basis.

    Appian is committed to ensuring MVV’s continued success under new ownership and, following the completion, is now providing operational support to Baiyin Nonferrous to assist with the transition and full takeover of the asset.

    As part of the Transaction, Baiyin Nonferrous demonstrated its commitment to safety and maintaining MVV’s leading ESG practices, which Appian has implemented in alignment with globally recognized best practices.

    Standard Chartered and Citigroup acted as the financial advisors, and Norton Rose Fulbright was the legal advisor to Appian on this Transaction.

    MVV acquisition and optimization

    The Appian funds acquired MVV, owner of the Serrote greenfield open-pit copper-gold asset located in Alagoas, Brazil, from Aura Minerals in 2018 with ten employees. Appian identified Serrote as a rare standalone, construction-ready, copper project with meaningful precious metal by-product credits that could benefit from its technical arbitrage and asset development strategy.

    Following the acquisition, Appian completed a revised Definitive Feasibility Study based on the internal view of a re-scoped project developed during due diligence. This included reducing plant throughput and focusing production on a higher-grade section of the resources with a lower strip ratio. These changes led to a lower initial CAPEX budget of US$243 million vs US$420 million in the original mine plan and reduced operating costs over the life of mine.

    Appian actively worked across all aspects of the investment to unlock value. This included building the in-country management team and installing Appian’s best practice operating standards and procedures. Appian also secured a US$140 million financing facility for the project from a syndicate of three international banks and signed favorable offtake contracts with global traders and smelters.

    The mine was constructed during the COVID-19 pandemic and brought to production in May 2021. The project was delivered ahead of schedule and under budget by US$48 million, within three years of Appian’s initial acquisition. The ramp-up of commercial operations was completed in Q4 2022. MVV has been in stable operation for two years since and today has over 1050 employees.

    MVV has a best-in-class safety record and operates with the highest ESG standards. The project has recorded zero LTIs with over 1.9 million hours worked in the last 12 months, and zero LTIs in the past 36 months. Its Scope 1 and 2 emissions intensity per tonne of copper produced was 1.53 t CO2e/t in 2023, less than half the industry average reported by the International Energy Agency.

    In 2024, MVV achieved strong operational and financial results with 18.3kt of copper and 8.2koz of gold produced, generating an EBITDA of US$83.9 million from US$184.4 million of revenue. The mine’s average C1 cash cost in 2024 was US$1.74/lb Cu.

    MVV will continue to deliver copper over multiple decades with its efficient operations that position the mine in the middle of the industry cost curve. The mine is well located with access to three ports and Maceió airport. The site is connected to the national grid via a 230kV powerline with access to low-cost, renewable energy, with Brazil’s energy mix being 86% renewable.

    MVV is the largest regional exporter in the Alagoas state, accounting for 28.2% of the state’s total exports by value. 100% of MVV’s employees are Brazilian, and over 80% are from the local municipalities. MVV has strong support from both the local community and regional authorities. Community initiatives are a core part of the mine’s operations and include providing support for school STEM programs, social projects for female entrepreneurs, and environmental educational courses.

    For further information:

    Click here to view and download a video detailing the history of MVV.

    Appian Capital Advisory LLP:

    Andrew Todd, Head of Communications: +44 7990416759 / atodd@appiancapitaladvisory.com

    +44 (0)20 7004 0951 / info@appiancapitaladvisory.com

    About Appian Capital Advisory LLP
    Appian Capital Advisory LLP is the investment advisor to long-term value-focused private capital funds that invest in companies in metals, mining, and adjacent industries.

    Appian is a leading investment advisor with global experience across South America, North America, Australia and Africa and a successful track record of supporting companies in metals, mining, and adjacent industries to achieve their development targets, with a global operating portfolio overseeing nearly 5,000 employees.

    Appian has a global team of 85 experienced professionals with presences in London, New York, Hong Kong, Toronto, Vancouver, Lima, Belo Horizonte, Montreal, Dubai, Johannesburg and Perth.

    For more information, please visit www.appiancapitaladvisory.com, or find us on LinkedIn, Instagram or Twitter/X.

    About Baiyin Nonferrous Group Co., Ltd

    Baiyin Nonferrous engages in the mining, smelting, processing, and trading of various non-ferrous metals in China. Founded in 1954, Baiyin Nonferrous has operations in China and overseas. In China, they own and operate mines and smelters in Gansu, Shaanxi, Inner Mongolia and other provinces. Their overseas operations include Gold One Group in South Africa and Minera Shouxin in Peru. Globally, Baiyin Nonferrous has a production capacity of 400ktpa copper, 400ktpa lead and zinc, 15tpa gold and 500tpa silver.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/3fcfc2de-da91-4535-82c9-4e93cec91491

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI USA: Ernst, Williams Extend Pursuit of COVID Fraudsters After Biden Dropped the Ball

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Joni Ernst (R-IA)

    WASHINGTON – After a shocking report revealed that the Biden Small Business Administration (SBA) failed to pursue nearly two million individuals suspected of stealing pandemic aid, U.S. Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship Chair Joni Ernst (R-Iowa) and House Committee on Small Business Chair Roger Williams (R-Texas) are introducing the SBA Fraud Enforcement Extension Act.
    The bill extends the statute of limitations to 10 years for fraud surrounding the Shuttered Venue Operators Grant (SVOG) and the Restaurant Revitalization Fund (RRF) COVID relief programs to ensure criminals are caught and held accountable. Similar action was taken in 2022 to extend the statute of limitations surrounding the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) and COVID Economic Injury Disaster Loans (EIDL) to 10 years.
    “I will not allow criminals to run out the clock and escape justice simply because the Biden administration was asleep at the wheel,” said Ernst. “Thousands of hardworking small businesses were deprived of desperately needed relief because swindlers, gang members, and felons cashing in on COVID drained the programs. Every single con artist who stole from taxpayers will be held accountable.”
    “The SBA distributes millions of dollars to small businesses in need every year. However, where small business owners found the capital needed to stay afloat during the COVID-19 pandemic, bad actors saw the opportunity to defraud the government,” said Williams. “It is imperative that every fraudster who stole and exploited taxpayer dollars during our nation’s utmost hour of need be prosecuted to the full extent of the law. As we approach the five-year anniversary of the pandemic and its lockdowns, the statute of limitations must be extended to ensure that no fraudster gets away scot-free.”
    While criminals cashed in, thousands of small businesses in Iowa, Texas, and across the country were left out in the cold as RRF funds ran out.
    Business Insider reported that celebrities received taxpayer funds through the SVOG program for private jets, parties, luxury clothes, and multi-million dollar bonuses for themselves.
    Background:In a comprehensive 2023 report, Ernst outlined the Biden SBA’s effort to discount the full extent of fraud and cast doubt on the legitimate estimates made by expert investigators.
    Ernst’s tireless advocacy forced the Biden administration to eventually take action to recover billions in COVID aid in January 2024.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Murphy, Blumenthal Join Letter To Attorney General Bondi On Appointment Of Kash Patel As ATF Acting Director

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Connecticut – Chris Murphy

    WASHINGTON—U.S. Senators Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) joined 14 of their Senate Democratic colleagues in a letter to U.S. Attorney General (AG) Pam Bondi inquiring into what policies and procedures she will commit to implementing in her capacity as AG to ensure that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) will continue to meaningfully function in its intended capacity under Kash Patel’s stewardship.

    In February, President Trump announced that Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Director Kash Patel would also serve as Acting Director of ATF, the primary federal law enforcement agency responsible for addressing gun-related crime and violence in America. However, the Senators’ letter to AG Bondi argues that Mr. Patel threatens to undo the significant gains made in recent years to ensure Americans’ safety as he lacks the relevant experience to lead ATF and has ties to the gun industry.

    “As the primary federal law enforcement agency dedicated to curbing illegal firearm use and enforcing federal firearms laws and regulations, it is critical that ATF be led by an experienced Director who has been confirmed by the Senate for this role and is dedicated to upholding the agency’s mission. For the reasons outlined below, Mr. Patel is not that person,” the senators wrote. “We therefore write to inquire into what policies and procedures you will implement to ensure that ATF will continue to meaningfully function in its intended capacity.”

    Gun violence in the United States is a public health crisis. In 2024, the U.S. Surgeon General issued an advisory listing firearm violence—including homicide, suicide, nonfatal injuries, and unintentional injuries and deaths—as a “significant public health challenge[] that require[s] the nation’s immediate awareness and action.” Though under the Trump Administration, the Surgeon General has since removed the advisory, the report analyzed data from 2002 to 2022, finding that since 2020 the leading cause of death for children and adolescents in America has been gun violence, with rates higher than car crashes, poisoning, and cancer. In 2022 alone, 48,204 people died in the United States of gun-related injuries.

    That said, following passage of the historic Bipartisan Safer Communities Act and coordinated, nationwide efforts to curb gun violence during the Biden Administration, the United States is starting to see positive results. In 2023, provisional data indicates gun-related deaths totaled 46,728—representing a decline from 2022 by three percent or 1,476 fewer deaths. Violent crime has also declined significantly, due in part to ATF’s data collection, investigation, and enforcement efforts.

    “While the decrease in violent crime and gun-related deaths is encouraging, 2023 still had ‘the third-highest number of gun-related deaths ever recorded in the United States,’ evidencing that significant challenges to America’s gun violence crisis remain,” the senators wrote. “The Department of Justice must do everything within its power to sustain this downward trend, including ensuring ATF is empowered to carry out its mandate and keep firearms from falling into the hands of those who should not have them. Now is not the time to pull back on ATF leadership and practices that helped bring about this progress.”

    The senators’ letter went on to explain why Mr. Patel is not the right person to lead ATF.

    “As an Acting Director, Patel’s appointment has not been subject to Senate confirmation, a crucial process for vetting those nominated by the President for significant leadership roles in the Executive, including ATF Director. Disturbingly, Mr. Patel would not affirm that firearm background checks—a well-established procedure for keeping guns out of the hands of dangerous individuals—are constitutional during his confirmation hearing for FBI Director. Notably, Mr. Patel’s appointment has been applauded by extreme gun advocacy groups seeking to rollback commonsense gun regulations,” they continued. “Mr. Patel’s appointment threatens to undo the lifesaving progress ATF has made to reduce gun violence in America.”

    The senators concluded: “Attorney General Bondi, you have served as a prosecutor for much of your career. During your Senate confirmation hearing, you testified about the importance of keeping Americans safe, prosecuting criminals and gunrunners, reducing recidivism, and enforcing existing gun laws. During one exchange, you assured the Committee: ‘I will do everything in my power to prevent illegal gunrunners in our country.’ In discussing your time as Florida Attorney General and mass shooting responses, you reiterated: ‘I am an advocate for the Second Amendment, but I will enforce the laws of the land.’”

    To better understand how AG Bondi intends to accomplish these goals, the senators asked that she promptly respond to a series of questions.

    U.S. Senators Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii), Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) also signed the letter.

    Full text of letter is available HERE and below:

    Dear Attorney General Bondi:

    We write with great concern regarding President Trump’s appointment of Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Director Kash Patel as Acting Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF).  As the primary federal law enforcement agency dedicated to curbing illegal firearm use and enforcing federal firearms laws and regulations, it is critical that ATF be led by an experienced Director who has been confirmed by the Senate for this role and is dedicated to upholding the agency’s mission. For the reasons outlined below, Mr. Patel is not that person. We therefore write to inquire into what policies and procedures you will implement to ensure that ATF will continue to meaningfully function in its intended capacity.

    Gun violence in the United States is a public health crisis. In 2024, the U.S. Surgeon General issued an advisory listing firearm violence—including homicide, suicide, nonfatal injuries, and unintentional injuries and deaths—as a “significant public health challenge[] that require[s] the nation’s immediate awareness and action.”  Analyzing data from 2002 to 2022, the Surgeon General reported that since 2020 the leading cause of death for children and adolescents in America has been gun violence, with rates higher than car crashes, poisoning, and cancer.  In 2022 alone, 48,204 people died in the United States of gun-related injuries.

    That said, following passage of the historic Bipartisan Safer Communities Act and coordinated, nationwide efforts to curb gun violence during the Biden Administration, we were starting to see positive results. In 2023, provisional data indicates gun-related deaths totaled 46,728—representing a decline from 2022 by three percent or 1,476 fewer deaths.  Violent crime has also declined significantly, due in part to ATF’s data collection, investigation, and enforcement efforts.

    For example, ATF’s crime gun intelligence tools eTrace, which “is used to trace the purchase and/or use history of firearms used in violent crimes,” and the National Integrated Ballistic Information Network, which “is the only interstate automated ballistic imaging network in operation in the United States,” together “have transformed crime-solving by generating over 1.1 million investigative leads from ballistic evidence and linking suspects to major crimes within hours.”  ATF has also worked to increase DNA matches from cartridge casings and has expanded Crime Gun Intelligence Centers, which use “data-driven strategies” to foster “cross-agency collaboration.”

    ATF has also focused on eliminating firearms trafficking networks that unlawfully smuggle guns from the United States to Mexico, arming dangerous cartels which, in turn, send illicit drugs such as fentanyl into the United States.  And ATF created an Emerging Threats Center, which among other things, has focused on the proliferation of privately-made firearms, or ghost guns, and machine-gun conversion devices, or Glock switches.  These represent only some examples of ATF’s nationwide initiatives to reduce gun violence and keep Americans safe.

    While the decrease in violent crime and gun-related deaths is encouraging, 2023 still had “the third-highest number of gun-related deaths ever recorded in the United States,” evidencing that significant challenges to America’s gun violence crisis remain.  The Department of Justice must do everything within its power to sustain this downward trend, including ensuring ATF is empowered to carry out its mandate and keep firearms from falling into the hands of those who should not have them. Now is not the time to pull back on ATF leadership and practices that helped bring about this progress.

    Mr. Patel is, quite simply, not the right person to lead the ATF. As an Acting Director, Patel’s appointment has not been subject to Senate confirmation, a crucial process for vetting those nominated by the President for significant leadership roles in the Executive, including ATF Director. Disturbingly, Mr. Patel would not affirm that firearm background checks—a well-established procedure for keeping guns out of the hands of dangerous individuals—are constitutional during his confirmation hearing for FBI Director.  Notably, Mr. Patel’s appointment has been applauded by extreme gun advocacy groups seeking to rollback commonsense gun regulations.  Last year, Mr. Patel spoke at the inaugural summit for group Gun Owners of America, a “no-compromise gun lobby” that has announced it “look[s] forward to dismantling gun control with Kash.”  Mr. Patel’s appointment threatens to undo the lifesaving progress ATF has made to reduce gun violence in America.

    Attorney General Bondi, you have served as a prosecutor for much of your career. During your Senate confirmation hearing, you testified about the importance of keeping Americans safe, prosecuting criminals and gunrunners, reducing recidivism, and enforcing existing gun laws.  During one exchange, you assured the Committee: “I will do everything in my power to prevent illegal gunrunners in our country.”  In discussing your time as Florida Attorney General and mass shooting responses, you reiterated: “I am an advocate for the Second Amendment, but I will enforce the laws of the land.”  To better understand how you intend to accomplish these goals, please promptly respond to the following questions:

    1. Recently, we have seen notable success in curtailing gun violence. While the United States experienced a spike in gun-related crimes and deaths during the pandemic, through bipartisan congressional action and the previous Administration’s efforts, that trend has begun to reverse. Given ATF’s central role in curbing violent crime, it is of paramount importance that the agency be staffed by experienced leaders, agents, and others who support ATF’s core mission, without the appearance of or actual conflict, in order to continue this downward trend. By contrast, firearm-industry personnel advocate for gun companies’ bottom lines by pushing for the repeal of commonsense gun regulations in order to sell more weapons and weapons accessories. Hiring such individuals for critical public-safety positions at ATF would endanger the agency’s core mission and Americans’ safety while prioritizing increases in private company profits.

    Will you place constraints on the hiring of firearm-industry personnel for ATF positions? If not, why?

    1. ATF must comply with all existing legal obligations. This includes exercising statutorily-required regulatory authority over the firearms industry, fully implementing the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act, and complying with the Administrative Procedures Act if changing existing ATF regulations. However, Acting Director Patel lacks experience with ATF’s core responsibilities, including ATF’s regulatory oversight of the gun industry. Moreover, Acting Director Patel was only temporarily appointed under the Vacancies Reform Act and has not been subject to the Senate’s advice and consent process for this role. It is therefore particularly important that you exercise your authority as Attorney General to give final approval of all actions ATF takes under Acting Director Patel’s stewardship, including all policy changes.

    Will you commit to personally reviewing for approval all new or revised ATF policies and actions? If not, why?

    Thank you for your attention to this matter.

    Sincerely,

    MIL OSI USA News