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  • MIL-OSI Global: Placenta bandages have far more health benefits than risky placenta pills − a bioengineer explains

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Marley Dewey, Assistant Professor of Bioengineering, University of California, Santa Barbara

    With some bioengineering, placentas can be recycled for various medical treatments. mikroman6/Moment via Getty Images

    Eating a placenta may not give you the health benefits some people want you to believe it has, but using it as a bandage might.

    The placenta is an organ created during pregnancy that provides nutrients to a growing fetus through an umbilical cord. It’s usually large and relatively flat, composed of blood vessels, stem and immune cells, and collagen. It doesn’t look particularly appetizing to most people, and those who have eaten placentas often mention an unpleasant taste or smell.

    But in the early 2000s, the practice of mothers eating their placenta after childbirth, claiming health benefits and mood improvement, gained mainstream attention. This trend typically involves putting your placenta into capsules you can take as pills, and there are even companies selling custom-made and do-it-yourself products online.

    While some mammals may eat their own placentas due to limited nutritional resources in the wild, the benefits people might get from eating placentas is unclear.

    If boiled and dehydrated, the useful components of the placenta may be altered and reduced. If ingested raw, pathogens may remain on the surface of the placenta. In 2016, after a newborn was hospitalized multiple times from an infection potentially resulting from the mother ingesting her placenta, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommended mothers avoid taking placenta pills.

    I can’t personally speak to the taste of placentas. However, as a bioengineer who designs materials to regenerate injured bones and other tissues, I along with my colleagues have uncovered a much clearer picture of the benefits placentas can offer as a biomaterial to repair wounds – if used properly.

    The placenta contains many medically useful components – just not when eaten.
    Sinhyu/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Placenta as biomaterial

    Biomaterials are materials designed to interface with your body to repair damage. If you burned your skin, for example, your doctor may use a biomaterial such as a skin graft to help your body repair the damaged tissue, ideally providing nutrients to the damaged area to promote cell growth.

    Researchers have been exploring recycling placentas, which are often thrown away after delivery, as a type of biomaterial to regrow wounded tissue in patients. Because the placenta is rich in nutrients and stem cells that give it antimicrobial, anti-inflammatory and pro-regenerative properties, this organ is a particularly good candidate for medical applications.

    Your body normally responds to a wound with inflammation, which is an immune reaction that clears harmful stimuli and pathogens, often resulting in swelling and pain around the injury site.

    Unfortunately, sometimes this inflammatory process can get out of hand and lead to chronic wounds and prevent healing. But the active biomolecules within the placenta work with your immune system to promote repair by reducing inflammation and preventing scar formation.

    For example, chronic diabetic foot ulcers are a challenging injury that sometimes never closes and leads to foot amputation. Researchers found that using biomaterials made of parts of the placenta to treat these injuries resulted in a wound closure rate 6.24 times higher than conventional treatments. Researchers have also found that placenta-based biomaterials can reduce scarring after heart injury.

    I have used human placentas in my own research to study how they work in a variety of wound repair scenarios. I can take a volunteer patient’s donated placenta and remove factors that may negatively affect healing, such as all cells, blood and other components that may cause inflammation. Then I can take the material that’s left – primarily containing essential growth nutrients and the tissue foundation that cells used to live in – and use it to improve bone or tendon repair.

    Placentas undergo significant processing before they can be used in biomaterials.
    Kolliopoulos et al./Frontiers in Bioengineering and Biotechnology, CC BY-SA

    Moreover, placentas contain stem cells that can also be useful for medicine. These cells are able to turn into various other types of cells of your body. This can be particularly helpful for repairing organs that are difficult to directly harvest cells from, such as the heart, liver and nerves. For example, placental stem cells can be added to an injured heart and become heart cells themselves to aid in repair.

    Researchers have also used stem cells from the placenta and the umbilical cord for applications such as stem cell transplantation to treat disease and injury. Studies have found that placenta-derived stem cells transplanted into rats could reverse Parkinson’s and nerve death. Stem cells from the placenta can also serve as a more promising source of cells for cell transplantation therapies compared with stem cells from fat and bone marrow.

    On your skin, not in your stomach

    So placentas do have some clear health benefits. But why are they more useful as a biomaterial bandage than as a pill or food, taste considerations aside?

    Unlike placenta products that are ingested – pills, dried jerky or raw placenta – biomaterials have undergone rigorous testing to ensure they are safe and effective. They are processed and handled in a controlled laboratory environment and often sterilized to ensure no bacteria or other pathogens can enter the patient. The Food and Drug Administration has approved several placenta-based biomaterials for use in the clinic, including to treat diabetic foot wounds, surgical wounds and tissue replacement.

    In contrast, placentas and placenta products eaten at home may not receive proper treatment to kill the many harmful pathogens that may be present during transport. The processing to turn placentas into something ingestible may also damage their beneficial components, leading to increased health risks and reduced benefits. No ingested placenta products have received FDA approval to date.

    Eating placentas won’t make you any healthier. But science says applying a lab-processed, placenta-based biomaterial to a recent wound might speed up healing and result in smoother, scar-free skin.

    Marley Dewey receives funding from the National Science Foundation and the National Institutes of Health.

    – ref. Placenta bandages have far more health benefits than risky placenta pills − a bioengineer explains – https://theconversation.com/placenta-bandages-have-far-more-health-benefits-than-risky-placenta-pills-a-bioengineer-explains-256075

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Landing on the Moon is an incredibly difficult feat − 2025 has brought successes and shortfalls for companies and space agencies

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Zhenbo Wang, Associate Professor of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering, University of Tennessee

    Several missions have already attempted to land on the lunar surface in 2025, with more to come. AP Photo

    Half a century after the Apollo astronauts left the last bootprints in lunar dust, the Moon has once again become a destination of fierce ambition and delicate engineering.

    This time, it’s not just superpowers racing to plant flags, but also private companies, multinational partnerships and robotic scouts aiming to unlock the Moon’s secrets and lay the groundwork for future human return.

    So far in 2025, lunar exploration has surged forward. Several notable missions have launched toward or landed on the Moon. Each has navigated the long journey through space and the even trickier descent to the Moon’s surface or into orbit with varying degrees of success. Together, these missions reflect both the promise and difficulty of returning to the Moon in this new space race defined by innovation, competition and collaboration.

    As an aerospace engineer specializing in guidance, navigation and control technologies, I’m deeply interested in how each mission – whether successful or not – adds to scientists’ collective understanding. These missions can help engineers learn to navigate the complexities of space, operate in hostile lunar environments and steadily advance toward a sustainable human presence on the Moon.

    Why is landing on the Moon so hard?

    Lunar exploration remains one of the most technically demanding frontiers in modern spaceflight. Choosing a landing site involves complex trade-offs between scientific interest, terrain safety and Sun exposure.

    The lunar south pole is an especially attractive area, as it could contain water in the form of ice in shadowed craters, a critical resource for future missions. Other sites may hold clues about volcanic activity on the Moon or the solar system’s early history.

    Each mission trajectory must be calculated with precision to make sure the craft arrives and descends at the right time and place. Engineers must account for the Moon’s constantly changing position in its orbit around Earth, the timing of launch windows and the gravitational forces acting on the spacecraft throughout its journey.

    They also need to carefully plan the spacecraft’s path so that it arrives at the right angle and speed for a safe approach. Even small miscalculations early on can lead to major errors in landing location – or a missed opportunity entirely.

    Once on the surface, the landers need to survive extreme swings in temperature – from highs over 250 degrees Fahrenheit (121 degrees Celsius) in daylight down to lows of -208 F (-133 C) at night – as well as dust, radiation and delayed communication with Earth. The spacecraft’s power systems, heat control, landing legs and communication links must all function perfectly. Meanwhile, these landers must avoid hazardous terrain and rely on sunlight to power their instruments and recharge their batteries.

    These challenges help explain why many landers have crashed or experienced partial failures, even though the technology has come a long way since the Apollo era.

    Commercial companies face the same technical hurdles as government agencies but often with tighter budgets, smaller teams and less heritage hardware. Unlike government missions, which can draw on decades of institutional experience and infrastructure, many commercial lunar efforts are navigating these challenges for the first time.

    Successful landings and hard lessons for CLPS

    Several lunar missions launched this year belong to NASA’s Commercial Lunar Payload Services program. CLPS is an initiative that contracts private companies to deliver science and technology payloads to the Moon. Its aim is to accelerate exploration while lowering costs and encouraging commercial innovation.

    An artist’s rendering of Firefly Aerospace’s Blue Ghost lander, which navigated and avoided hazards during its final descent to the surface.
    NASA/GSFC/Rani Gran/Wikimedia Commons

    The first Moon mission of 2025, Firefly Aerospace’s Blue Ghost Mission 1, launched in January and successfully landed in early March.

    The lander survived the harsh lunar day and transmitted data for nearly two weeks before losing power during the freezing lunar night – a typical operational limit for most unheated lunar landers.

    Blue Ghost demonstrated how commercial landers can shoulder critical parts of NASA’s Artemis program, which aims to return astronauts to the Moon later this decade.

    The second CLPS launch of the year, Intuitive Machines’ IM-2 mission, launched in late February. It targeted a scientifically intriguing site near the Moon’s south pole region.

    An artist’s rendering of Intuitive Machines’ IM-2 mission, which is scheduled to land near the lunar south pole for in-situ resource utilization demonstration on the Moon.
    NASA/Intuitive Machines

    The Nova-C lander, named Athena, touched down on March 6 close to the south pole. However, during the landing process, Athena tipped over. Since it landed on its side in a crater with uneven terrain, it couldn’t deploy its solar panels to generate power, which ended the mission early.

    While Athena’s tipped-over landing meant it couldn’t do all the scientific explorations it had planned, the data it returned is still valuable for understanding how future landers can avoid similar fates on the rugged polar terrain.

    Not all lunar missions need to land. NASA’s Lunar Trailblazer, a small lunar orbiter launched in February alongside IM-2, was intended to orbit the Moon and map the form, abundance and distribution of water in the form of ice, especially in shadowed craters near the poles.

    Shortly after launch, however, NASA lost contact with the spacecraft. Engineers suspect the spacecraft may have experienced a power issue, potentially leaving its batteries depleted.

    NASA is continuing recovery efforts, hoping that the spacecraft’s solar panels may recharge in May and June.

    An artist’s rendering of NASA’s Lunar Trailblazer spacecraft. If recovered, it will orbit the Moon to measure the form and distribution of water on the lunar surface.
    Lockheed Martin Space

    Ongoing and future missions

    Launched on the same day as the Blue Ghost mission in January, Japanese company ispace’s Hakuto-R Mission 2 (Resilience) is on its way to the Moon and has successfully entered lunar orbit.

    The lander carried out a successful flyby of the Moon on Feb. 15, with an expected landing in early June. Although launched at the same time, Resilience took a longer trajectory than Blue Ghost to save energy. This maneuver also allowed the spacecraft to collect bonus science observations while looping around the Moon.

    The mission, if successful, will advance Japan’s commercial space sector and prove an important comeback for ispace after its first lunar lander crashed during its final descent in 2023.

    The Resilience lunar lander days before its launch in the payload processing facility at the U.S. Space Force station. The Resilience lander has completed its Earth orbit and a lunar flyby. It is now completing a low-energy transfer orbit and entering an orbit around the Moon.
    Business Wire

    The rest of 2025 promises a busy lunar calendar. Intuitive Machines plans to launch IM-3 in late 2025 to test more advanced instruments and potentially deliver NASA scientific experiments to the Moon.

    The European Space Agency’s Lunar Pathfinder will establish a dedicated lunar communications satellite, making it easier for future missions, especially those operating on the far side or poles, to stay in touch with Earth.

    Meanwhile, Astrobotic’s Griffin Mission-1 is scheduled to deliver NASA’s VIPER rover to the Moon’s south pole, where it will directly search for ice beneath the surface.

    Together, these missions represent an increasingly international and commercial approach to lunar science and exploration.

    As the world turns its attention to the Moon, every mission – whether triumph or setback – brings humanity closer to a permanent return to our closest celestial neighbor.

    Zhenbo Wang receives funding from NASA.

    – ref. Landing on the Moon is an incredibly difficult feat − 2025 has brought successes and shortfalls for companies and space agencies – https://theconversation.com/landing-on-the-moon-is-an-incredibly-difficult-feat-2025-has-brought-successes-and-shortfalls-for-companies-and-space-agencies-256046

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Pankaj Rohilla, Postdoctoral Fellow in Fluid Dynamics, Georgia Institute of Technology

    Maybe you’ve unknowingly tried to do a manu jump. Isabel Pavia/Moment via Getty Images

    Whether diving off docks, cannonballing into lakes or leaping off the high board, there’s nothing quite like the joy of jumping into water.

    Olympic divers turned this natural act into a sophisticated science, with the goal of making a splash as small as possible. But another sport looks for just the opposite: the extreme maximum splash, one as high, wide and loud as possible.

    Welcome to the world of “manu jumping.” Although not a familiar term in the United States, manu jumping is beloved throughout New Zealand. The sport originated in the Māori community, where popping a manu is a way of life. There, manu jumpers leap from bridges, wharves and diving platforms to make the giant splashes.

    The sport is playful yet competitive. At the Z Manu World Champs, you win based on the height and width of your splash. The current record: a splash more than 32 feet high (10 meters).

    The concept sounds simple, but like Olympic diving, it turns out there’s a science to manu jumping.

    In New Zealand, manu jumping is an obsession.

    The Worthington splash

    As fluid dynamicists, we study the way living organisms interact with fluids – for instance, how flamingos feed with their heads underwater,
    or how insects walk on water.

    So when we stumbled upon viral videos of manu jumping on TikTok and YouTube, our curiosity was triggered. We launched a scientific investigation into the art of making a splash.

    Our research was more than just fun and games. Optimizing how bodies enter fluids – whether those bodies are human, animal or mechanical – is an indispensable branch of science. Understanding the physics of water entry has implications for naval engineering, biomechanics and robotics.

    We discovered that creating the perfect manu splash isn’t just about jumping into the water. Instead, it’s about mastering aerial maneuvers, timing underwater movements and knowing exactly how to hit the surface.

    The microsecond the manu jumper hits the water is critical. Two splashes actually occur: The first, the crown splash, forms as the body breaks the surface. The next, the Worthington splash, is responsible for the powerful burst of water that shoots high into the air. Manu jumping is all about triggering and maximizing the Worthington splash.

    So we analyzed 75 YouTube videos of manu jumps. First, we noticed the technique: Jumpers land glutes first, with legs and torso scrunched up in a V-shaped posture.

    But the moment they go underwater, the divers roll back and kick out to straighten their bodies. This expands the air cavity, the space of air created in the water by the jump; then the cavity collapses, detaching itself from the body. This period of detachment is known as “pinch-off time” – when the collapse sends a jet of water shooting upward. All of this happens within a fraction of a second.

    The science behind making a big splash.

    Answers from Manubot

    We found that jumpers entered the water at a median V-angle of about 46 degrees. Intrigued, we recreated these movements in a lab aquarium, using 3D-printed, V-shaped projectiles to test different V-angles.

    The result? A 45-degree angle produced the fastest, tallest splashes, virtually matching what we observed in the human jumpers. V-angles greater than 45 degrees increased the risk of injury from landing flat on the back. We found it interesting that the jumpers very nearly hit the optimal angle largely through what appeared to be intuition and trial and error.

    Note how the splash of the V-shaped projectiles was highest at 45 degrees.

    Digging deeper, we then built Manubot, a robot that mimics human body movements during manu jumps. It’s able to switch from a V-shape to a straight posture underwater. This is how we learned the optimal timing to maximize splash size.

    For instance, for someone who’s 5-foot-7 and jumping from 1 meter, opening their body within 0.26 to 0.3 seconds of hitting the water resulted in the biggest splash. Open too soon or too late, and splash size is compromised.

    Here’s how the Manubot worked.

    One caveat: Humans are far more complex than any 3D-printed projectile or a Manubot. Factors such as weight distribution, flexibility and anatomical shape add nuance that our models can’t yet replicate.

    For now, though, our findings highlight a simple truth: Creating the perfect manu splash isn’t the result of luck. Instead, it relies on a carefully tuned symphony of aerial and underwater maneuvers. So the next time you see someone spray everyone in the pool with a gigantic jump, remember – there’s a beautiful science behind the splash.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool – https://theconversation.com/manu-jumping-the-physics-behind-making-humongous-splashes-in-the-pool-255837

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: New chancellor, old constraints: Germany’s Friedrich Merz will have a hard time freeing the country from its self-imposed shackles

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mark I. Vail, Worrell Chair of Politics and International Affairs, Wake Forest University

    German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has had an uncertain start to his tenure. John MacDougall/AFP via Getty Images

    Friedrich Merz received a rude shock on the morning of May 6, 2025, as he prepared to lose the “in-waiting” qualifier from his title as German chancellor.

    After weeks of negotiations following February’s federal election, Merz’s Christian Democrats (CDU) had struck a coalitional bargain with the center-left Social Democrats (SPD), giving the bloc a thin majority of 13 seats in the 630-member Bundestag, the lower house of Germany’s parliament. Yet, Merz still struggled to ratify his chancellorship.

    He fell short of the majority he needed on the first vote, with 18 members of his coalition voting against him.

    Though he was elected on a second ballot, the initial “no” vote was unprecedented for an incoming chancellor in the postwar federal republic, with insiders claiming that some of those voting “no” were conservatives opposed to Merz’s push to loosen German fiscal rules. Aside from the immediate political embarrassment, the vote was symptomatic of something else: a more deep-seated weakness in both the new chancellor and his government. As a scholar of German politics and history and the author of a forthcoming book on German state traditions and economic governance, I see Merz’s problems, and those of his country, as having deep historical roots.

    Taking the brakes off?

    For Germany and Europe, the stakes in the run-up to the vote to ratify Merz as chancellor could not have been higher – a cascade of crises confronts both. As SPD’s parliamentary leader Jens Spahn noted in the run-up to the May 6 vote: “All of Europe, perhaps the whole world, is watching this ballot.”

    The German chancellor is looking to strengthen both Europe and Germany through firm leadership and heavier spending. He has promised a massive increase in defense outlays in order to create the “strongest conventional army in Europe,” to counter the threat from a bellicose Russia and the United States’ wavering over traditional security commitments to the continent.

    This broad vision, however, is confronted by a number of obstacles, most importantly the so-called “debt brake.” Adopted after the 2008 financial crisis, this “brake” limited annual deficits to a paltry 0.35% of gross domestic product and proscribed any debts at all for the German “Länder,” or regions.

    In March, soon after the February election but before the seating of the new Bundestag, then-presumptive Chancellor Merz called for an exemption to the debt brake for defense spending above 1% of annual gross domestic product, with a promise to do “whatever it takes” to bolster Germany’s military and verbally committing to spend up to US$1.12 trillion (1 trillion euros) over 10 years. The outgoing parliament agreed and also created a $560 billion (500 billion euros) fund dedicated to rehabilitating Germany’s crumbling infrastructure.

    But Merz’s plans to revitalize Germany’s military and infrastructure could be seriously undermined by domestic forces – both within and outside of his coalition. It runs up against long-standing German norms and ideologies that threaten to hamper the state’s capacity and the government’s ability to act decisively.

    Ambivalence about state power

    This wobbly start to the new government hearkens back to old and deeply rooted divisions about the character of the post-World War II German state.

    In the late 1960s, West German Chancellor-to-be Willy Brandt quipped that the federal republic had become an “economic giant but a political dwarf.”

    Though the phrase would become a cliché, it captured both the fraught legacies of World War II and older German ambivalence about state power, which had long been associated with authoritarian politics under both the Nazis and the Wilhelmine Reich following German unification under Bismarck in 1871.

    U.S. President John F. Kennedy, left, rides through the streets of Berlin with West Berlin Mayor Willy Brandt, center, and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.
    Bettmann/Contributor

    Until the 1980s, such constraints posed relatively few problems. The country’s postwar “economic miracle” legitimized the fledgling democratic state, while empowering capital and labor within the export sectors that fueled the boom. This effectively devolved political power to economically strategic actors.

    These institutional features also reflected a distinctive postwar model of German politics that weakened centralized power. Achieved in the late 1940s by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, West German sovereignty was fragmented: domestically by federalism and decentralized political institutions, and internationally through integration into NATO and the European Economic Community.

    This “semi-sovereign state,” in political scientist Peter Katzenstein’s famous formulation, helped reclaim German moral credibility from the ashes of fascism and genocide. A decentralized state with robust checks and balances was viewed as both a bulwark against authoritarianism and a recipe for export-led growth and political stability.

    Even after the restoration of full sovereignty with German reunification in 1990, German officials still trod lightly. Their concern was that a more assertive Germany would reawaken old fears about German militarism. Moreover, they were content to privilege economic rather than military power as the coin of their peculiar realm.

    A nation of Swabian housewives?

    The historical ambivalence about the German state’s role and related dilemmas about German power will not be easy for Merz to resolve.

    With respect to Germany’s capacity for decisive leadership, the past three years suggest that much work remains to be done. Confronted with a series of unprecedented shocks − from Russian military aggression in Ukraine, to the attendant energy crisis that exposed German dependence on imported Russian gas, to the rise of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) − Merz’s predecessor, Social Democrat Olaf Scholz, called in 2022 for a “Zeitenwende,” or “epochal change,” in defense and energy policy.

    But instead, Scholz’s “traffic light coalition” of (yellow) Liberals, Greens, and (red) Social Democrats dithered and bickered, eventually succumbing to a rare – in German politics – public interparty squabble that ultimately brought down the government in late 2024.

    Reluctant to send its most advanced weapons – notably long-range Taurus cruise missiles – to Ukraine, and unable to overcome the Liberals’ hostility to badly needed fiscal expansion, Scholz was criticized for leading from behind, wary of backlash from pacifist currents in the German electorate and captive to long-held German concerns over expanding the national debt.

    Merz is looking not to repeat the same mistakes. But to accomplish his vision of a revitalized and more secure Germany, he has to overcome both the debt brake and, even more important, the deep ideological currents that gave rise to it.

    These factors intensified long-standing constraints on defense spending, which had failed to keep up with inflation for much of the 2000s and remained far below the NATO norm of 2% of annual gross domestic product.

    The “brake” was subsequently embraced by governments of both left and right, from SPD Chancellor Gerhard Schröder’s “Red-Green” coalition of 1998 to 2005 to the governments of Christian Democrat Angela Merkel from 2005 to 2021. As is abundantly clear in the pages of Merkel’s recent memoir, the proverbial character of the frugal “Swabian housewife” was one that she relished rather than resisted.

    But to many observers, this fetishization of austerity has contributed to decades of underinvestment in domestic infrastructure − from roads, to schools, to public buildings, to broader public services − failures which the AfD has been eager to exploit. And as promising as it seems, Merz’s commitment of $560 billion (500 billion euros) is approximately equivalent to the country’s existing needs, without accounting for future depreciation.

    Far-right activists gather near the Ostkreuz railway station in Berlin, Germany, on March 22, 2025 .
    Omer Messinger/Getty Images

    Even Germany’s traditionally punctual train service has become a laughingstock, with jokes about late or canceled trains now standard fare for German comics.

    Going beyond rhetoric

    It remains unclear whether Merz’s rhetorical shift and a constitutional change that permits but does not in itself create more robust defense spending augur a new direction in German politics, or whether Europe’s largest economy will continue to be hobbled by self-imposed constraints and parliamentary squabbling. If the latter happens, Germany risks both continued economic decline and bolstering the AfD, whose support comes disproportionately from economically stagnant former Eastern regions, and which last month surpassed Merz’s CDU in public opinion polls.

    And despite Merz’s commitments, not a single euro of the promised military and infrastructure funds has yet been budgeted. And even if it were, that would not address the country’s yawning needs in other areas, such as state-funded research and development and education.

    Europe, too, needs Merz’s words to turn into action − and soon. The threat of Russia to the east and the turning tide of relations with Trump’s America to the west has put the EU in a bind and in need of strong leadership.

    Mark I. Vail does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. New chancellor, old constraints: Germany’s Friedrich Merz will have a hard time freeing the country from its self-imposed shackles – https://theconversation.com/new-chancellor-old-constraints-germanys-friedrich-merz-will-have-a-hard-time-freeing-the-country-from-its-self-imposed-shackles-256048

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s vision for Air Force One will turn it from the ‘Flying White House’ to a ‘palace in the sky’

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Janet Bednarek, Professor of History, University of Dayton

    Former first lady Jacqueline Kennedy helped design Air Force One’s color scheme, which has been used since her husband’s presidency. Jeff J. Mitchell/Getty Images

    Since President Donald Trump excitedly announced that he would be accepting a US$400 million plane from the Qatari government to serve as the next Air Force One, even members of his own party have expressed alarm.

    There’s the price tag of refurbishing the plane with top-secret systems – upward of $1 billion, according to some estimates. Then there are the conflicts of interest from accepting such a large present from a foreign nation – what some say would be the most valuable gift ever given to the U.S.

    But it would also mark a striking departure from tradition.

    While they’re often variants of commercial planes, presidential planes have almost always been U.S. military aircraft, flown and maintained by the Air Force.

    The first White Houses in the sky

    I’m an aviation historian who once worked in the United States Air Force’s history program for three years, so I’m well-acquainted with the history of presidential aircraft.

    Franklin D. Roosevelt became the first president to fly while in office. In January 1943, he boarded the Navy-owned, civilian-operated Boeing Dixie Clipper – a sea plane – for a trip to Casablanca to meet with Allied leaders.

    President Franklin D. Roosevelt made the first presidential flight on a Dixie Clipper, a sea plane built by Boeing.
    Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    The security measures needed to safely transport the president – especially during wartime – spurred the creation of the first custom-built aircraft for presidential use, a heavily modified VC-54 Skymaster. Though officially named “The Flying White House,” the new presidential aircraft became better known by its nickname, the “Sacred Cow.”

    President Harry Truman used the Sacred Cow as his presidential aircraft through much of his first term in office.

    In late 1947, the U.S. Air Force ordered a second custom-built presidential aircraft, a modified DC-6, which Truman named the Independence.

    While in office, Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Truman flew on a modified Douglas C-54, nicknamed the Sacred Cow.
    Museum of Flight/Corbis via Getty Images

    During Dwight D. Eisenhower’s two terms, the president flew on two different planes operated by the Air Force: the Columbine II, which was a customized, military version of Lockheed’s commercial airliner the Constellation, and the Columbine III, which was a Super Constellation.

    Embracing the jet age

    In the 1960s, the use of jet engine technology in U.S. commercial aircraft revolutionized air travel, allowing planes to fly higher, farther and faster. Jet travel became associated with the glamorous and the elegant lifestyles of the “jet set” crowd.

    So it’s fitting that President John F. Kennedy – who was sometimes called the “the first celebrity president” – was the first White House occupant to fly in a jet, the Boeing 707.

    Kennedy’s aircraft was also the first painted in the distinctive light blue-and-white scheme that’s still used today. First lady Jacqueline Kennedy developed it with the help of industrial designer Raymond Loewy.

    It would go on to serve eight presidents before leaving the presidential fleet in 1990, when Boeing delivered the first of two modified Boeing 747s.

    These are the aircraft that continue to serve as the president’s primary plane. Boeing signed a contract to provide two new aircraft in 2017, during Trump’s last term. In 2020, the company decided to refurbish two existing aircraft that were originally built for another customer.

    The refurbishment has been more cumbersome and expensive than building a new aircraft from scratch. But it’s the only option because Boeing closed its 747 assembly line in late 2022.

    A nickname sticks

    On a trip to Florida, the crew of Columbine II first used “Air Force One” as the plane’s call sign to clearly distinguish the plane from other air traffic.

    While the public has associated the name Air Force One with the modified Boeing 707s and 747s and their distinctive colors, any plane with the president aboard will carry that call sign.

    They include several smaller aircraft, also operated by the Air Force, such as the North American T-39 Sabreliner used to transport Lyndon B. Johnson to his ranch in Texas and the Lockheed VC-140B JetStars, the fleet of backup planes used by several presidents, which Johnson jokingly called “Air Force One Half.”

    A cultural and political symbol

    Air Force One has long served as a symbol of the power and prestige of the presidency.

    It became an indelible part of U.S. history in November 1963, when Johnson took his oath of office from Air Force One’s cabin while Kennedy’s body lay in rest in the back of the aircraft.

    Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson is sworn in as president aboard Air Force One following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
    Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Air Force One carried President Richard M. Nixon to China and the Soviet Union for historic diplomatic missions. But it also famously flew him from Andrews Air Force Base in Maryland to his home state, California, after he resigned from office. On that day, the plane took off as Air Force One. But it landed as SAM 27000, the plane’s call sign used when the president wasn’t on board.

    Trump has been compared to Nixon in more ways than one.

    And Trump’s complaint that Arab leaders have bigger and more impressive airplanes than the current Air Force One is reminiscent of Nixon’s own concerns of being outclassed on the world stage.

    The Nixon family boards Air Force One to fly to California on Aug. 9, 1974, following President Richard Nixon’s resignation.
    Wally McNamee/Corbis via Getty Images

    When president, Nixon strongly advocated for American supersonic transport – a 270-passenger plane designed to be faster than the speed of sound – that he hoped could be modified to serve as a new Air Force One. He feared the failure to develop an SST would relegate the U.S. to second-tier status, as other world leaders – particularly those from England, France and the USSR – traversed the globe in sleeker, better performing aircraft.

    Trump’s concerns about Air Force One seem less focused on safety and security and more on size and opulence. His longing for a “palace in the sky” is befitting for a president drawn to soaring skyscrapers, lavish parades and gold ornamentation.

    Janet Bednarek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s vision for Air Force One will turn it from the ‘Flying White House’ to a ‘palace in the sky’ – https://theconversation.com/trumps-vision-for-air-force-one-will-turn-it-from-the-flying-white-house-to-a-palace-in-the-sky-256745

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s battle with elite universities overlooks where most students actually go to college

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Amy Li, Associate Professor of Higher Education, Florida International University

    There are nearly 20 million undergraduate college students in the United States. Anadolu/Getty Images

    Headlines often mention the ongoing power struggle between President Donald Trump’s administration and private colleges such as Columbia University and Harvard University.

    But such elite universities educate only a small portion of America’s total undergraduate population, which stood at 20 million in fall 2024.

    As an associate professor of higher education, I have published research on policies that affect college access, retention and graduation. My work has examined data across different types of higher education institutions.

    The Ivies and other elites

    Less than 1% of American college students attend elite private colleges.

    A small group of colleges, consisting of Ivy League schools and other highly selective universities known as “Ivy-Plus,” fit in this category.

    The Ivy League consists of eight private schools that formed an athletic conference in the 1950s. The member universities are known for their academic excellence.

    The Ivy-Plus are highly prestigious colleges located across the country with similar reputations for outstanding academics such as Stanford University, Duke University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    These colleges have extremely competitive admissions, often accepting less than 10% of applicants.

    They enroll students from high-income backgrounds more than any other type of institution. Students from upper-income families represent 60% to 70% of attendees at elite privates.

    Elite private universities confer undergraduate and graduate degrees and focus on research.

    Elite public colleges

    Elite public colleges, such as the University of California, Berkeley, and the University of Virginia, are near the top of the U.S. News & World Report’s rankings. They also are often the flagship university in their state, such as the University of Michigan.

    These colleges have highly selective admissions processes as well and often accept about 10% to 20% of applicants.

    The largest portion of revenue at public universities, roughly 40%, comes from government sources that include federal, state and local government grants, contracts and appropriations, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.

    Students from upper-income families constitute 50% to 55% of attendees at elite public colleges.

    Like elite private colleges, elite public colleges confer undergraduate and graduate degrees and focus on research.

    Community colleges

    There are 1,024 community colleges in the U.S., serving 39% of undergraduate students.

    These public, two-year colleges grant associate degrees and occasionally bachelor’s degrees. They also offer certificates, workforce training and noncredit courses to prepare students for college-level courses.

    Community colleges have a strong teaching focus and a mission to serve their communities. They tend to guarantee admission to anyone who wants to enroll and offer lower tuition and fees.

    Community colleges are also critical entry points for students from lower-income households and those who identify as racial or ethnic minorities or who are the first in their family to attend college.

    Like other public institutions, community colleges depend heavily on state funding, as well as local property taxes.

    Regional universities

    Roughly 70% of undergraduate students who attend public, four-year institutions enroll at regional public universities.
    Newsday RM via Getty Images

    Of all undergraduates who attend public, four-year institutions, roughly 70% enroll in regional institutions.

    They include colleges in state-run systems such as the State University of New York and California State University.

    There is wide variation in acceptance rates among regional public universities, but they tend to be moderately selective, accepting between half and 70% of applicants.

    Regional public universities offer a wide range of academic programs mostly at the bachelor’s and master’s levels. They also depend heavily on state funding.

    Small private colleges

    Small, less selective private colleges often have acceptance rates of 60% or higher and enroll 3,000 or fewer students.

    Their budgets depend primarily on tuition and fees.

    Some of these types of colleges have suffered from enrollment declines since the early 2000s, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Many of these institutions lacked the large endowments that allowed elite privates to weather the financial challenges brought on by the pandemic.

    A number of small private colleges, such as Eastern Nazarene College in Massachusetts, have closed or merged with other universities due to financial difficulties.

    These small private colleges often offer academic programs at the bachelor’s and master’s levels.

    Private for-profit

    About 5% of students attend private for-profit colleges.

    These colleges offer courses in convenient formats that may be attractive to older adult students, including those with full-time jobs.

    For-profit college students disproportionately identify as older, Black and female. Students who attend these colleges are also more likely to be single parents.

    In recent years, the federal government has cracked down on false promises some for-profit institutions made about their graduates’ job and earnings prospects and other outcomes.

    The enforcement led to the closure of some colleges, such as ITT Technical Institute and Corinthian Colleges.

    Minority-serving institutions

    Minority-serving institutions, including historically Black colleges and universities, have a mission to serve certain populations.
    Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images

    Minority-serving institutions have a mission to serve certain student populations.

    Minority-serving institutions include historically Black colleges and universities, or HBCUs, such as Morehouse College; Hispanic-serving institutions, or HSIs, such as Florida International University; Asian American, Native American and Pacific Islander-serving institutions, or AANAPISIs, such as North Seattle College; and tribal colleges and universities, or TCUs, such as Blackfeet Community College, which serve Native American students.

    The federal government determines which colleges fit the criteria.

    These are primarily two- and four-year colleges, but some grant graduate degrees.

    Amy Li does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s battle with elite universities overlooks where most students actually go to college – https://theconversation.com/trumps-battle-with-elite-universities-overlooks-where-most-students-actually-go-to-college-254680

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Giant: John Lithgow’s masterful turn explores Roald Dahl’s antisemitism – and wider questions about children’s literature

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kristina West, Lecturer in Children’s Literature, Royal Holloway University of London

    Back in 2023, a bitter debate erupted over the editing of Roald Dahl’s children’s books. His publishers, Puffin Books, had worked with Dahl’s estate (now owned by Netflix) to remove references to violence, body size, mental health, gender and skin colour. Now, a new play about an incident in Dahl’s later life is focusing on another controversy.

    Giant (written by Mark Rosenblatt) is playing at London’s Harold Pinter Theatre until August 2. It features a masterly performance by John Lithgow in the role of Dahl. The play tracks the fallout from his 1983 review of God Cried, a photographic book by Catherine Leroy and Tony Clifton about the Israeli army’s siege of west Beirut.

    However, in Rosenblatt’s blend of fact and fiction, the very real controversy arose not from the review, but from an interview Dahl gave that many Jewish and non-Jewish readers objected to as antisemitism (others saw it as a justified critique of Israel’s actions during the Lebanon war). This is melded with an imaginary situation in which Jewish representatives from Dahl’s British and American publishers visit his home to calm the backlash.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Rosenblatt explores the tensions in this response both as it related to Dahl and to conversations across the world on the recent and ongoing attacks in Palestine and Israel.

    Perhaps reflecting the controversy over Dahl’s language in his children’s books, this play, too, is engaged with conversation, language and word choices. The words we use about others, how that language is interpreted and meaning is formed, and discussions about language are all at the centre of the story. As is the discourse between different forms, styles, and times of writing, and the tension between spoken and written language.

    While Rosenblatt’s script is centred on Dahl’s comments on Israel and Jewish people, it also engages with his spoken misogyny. This includes his repeated insulting epithets for American publisher Jessica Stone (Aya Cash) and his hectoring of housekeeper Hallie (Tessa Bonham Jones). It is no coincidence that the play is set right before the release of The Witches (1983), now a centre of complaints about Dahl’s written misogyny.

    The trailer for Giant.

    And while the play begins with some genuinely comic moments, the night I saw it the audience audibly gasped during the scene in which Dahl told The New Statesman that “even a stinker like Hitler didn’t just pick on [the Jews] for no reasons”. It’s a quote taken directly from Dahl’s real interview with journalist Michael Coren in 1983.

    In its engagement with the power of language and the potential effects of a political statement on the sales of Dahl’s books, the play returns viewers to the debate over cancel culture and the place of politics in and around children’s literature.

    Today, such controversy centres on Harry Potter author J.K. Rowling and the impact of her position on transgender rights on her millions of child and adult fans. But such criticisms of children’s authors for being too political have been made for decades.

    Cancel culture

    Lithgow’s performance as Dahl adds another layer of complexity to the debate on age appropriateness and the validity of political comment. He centres his aged Dahl in a time of flux, unsettled and unwell, dealing with the renovation of his house. This is reflected in some clever staging in which the house as a place of sanctuary, work and rest has become a claustrophobic space in which people are on top of each other, nothing is where it belongs, and the only solace to be had is in a decent glass of wine.

    He is also about to marry his long-term mistress, Felicity Crossland (Rachael Stirling), after divorcing his even longer-term wife. You can almost hear the creak of his knees as he moves around and feel the aches in his back as he stretches that gaunt frame.

    Lithgow’s performance of age seems to explain some of Dahl’s crabby responses. As such, perhaps, the audience is tempted to ask questions that have been asked about “classic” literature before: is old age justification for prejudicial viewpoints? Is misogyny acceptable when someone was born in 1916? Is antisemitism excusable if someone is unwell?

    While Rosenblatt and Lithgow may open the door to questions such as these, they close that door pretty firmly by the end of the play. The shock value of Dahl’s phone interview in which he exerts an agency belying his age and clearly demonstrates his antisemitism leaves the audience in little doubt as to the final message.

    But with Dahl damned by his own antisemitism, what next? Is the play calling on cancel culture for Dahl? Is it claiming that his political views and language choices mean that we shouldn’t read The Witches to our children, in edited form or not?

    Perhaps it leaves us rather back where we began: with questions over language, with debate, with more discussion on intent, and meaning, and appropriateness of language. We also need to question the rights of an individual – especially a celebrated children’s author – to express controversial views against the rights of an individual or group, especially when demonstrably abhorrent. And this conversation isn’t going to end any time soon.

    Giant is at London’s Harold Pinter Theatre until August 2 2025.

    Kristina West does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Giant: John Lithgow’s masterful turn explores Roald Dahl’s antisemitism – and wider questions about children’s literature – https://theconversation.com/giant-john-lithgows-masterful-turn-explores-roald-dahls-antisemitism-and-wider-questions-about-childrens-literature-256530

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Alexia Maddox, Senior Lecturer in Pedagogy and Education Futures, La Trobe University

    De Visu/Shutterstock

    Australia’s move to ban under-16s from social media is receiving widespread praise. Other countries, including the United Kingdom, Ireland, Singapore and Japan, are also now reportedly considering similar moves.

    The ban was legislated in November 2024 and is due to take effect in December 2025. The law says social media platforms can’t use official IDs such as passports to check Australian users’ ages, and shouldn’t track Australians. But it doesn’t specify the alternative.

    To test alternative methods, the federal government commissioned a trial of currently available technologies designed to “assure” people’s age online. Run by the Age Check Certification Scheme, a UK-based company specialising in testing and certifying identity verification systems, the trial is in its final stages. Results are expected at the end of June.

    So what are the technologies being trialled? Are they likely to work? And how might they – and the social media ban itself – alter the relationship all of us have with our dominant forms of digital communication?

    Dead ends for age verification

    Age verification confirms a person’s exact age using verified sources such as government-issued IDs. Age assurance is a broader term. It can include estimation techniques such as analysing faces or metadata to determine if users meet age requirements.

    In 2023 the federal government rejected mandating verification technologies for age-gating pornography sites. It found them “immature” with significant limitations. For example, database checks were costly and credit card verification could be easily worked around by minors.

    Nonprofit organisation Digital Rights Watch also pointed out that such systems were easily bypassed using virtual private networks – or VPNs. These are simple tools that hide a user’s location to make it seem like they are from a different country.

    Age assurance technologies bring different problems.

    For example, the latest US National Academies of Sciences report shows that facial recognition systems frequently misidentify children because their facial features are still developing.

    Improving these systems would require massive collections of children’s facial images. But international human rights law protects children’s privacy, making such data collection both legally and ethically problematic.

    Flawed testing of innovative tech?

    The age assurance technology trial currently includes 53 vendors hoping to win a contract for new innovative solutions.

    A range of technology is being trialled. It includes facial recognition offering “selfie-based age checks” and hand movement recognition technologies that claim to calculate age ranges. It also includes bespoke block chains to store sensitive data on.

    There are internal tensions about the trial’s design choices. These tensions centre on a lack of focus on ways to circumvent the technology, privacy implications, and verification of vendors’ efficacy claims.

    While testing innovation is good, the majority of companies and startups such as IDVerse, AgeCheck, and Yoti in the trial, will likely not hold clout over the major tech platforms in focus (Meta, Google and Snap).

    This divide reveals a fundamental problem: the companies building the checking tools aren’t the ones who must use them in the platforms targeted by the law. When tech giants don’t actively participate in developing solutions, they’re more likely to resist implementing them later.

    Google recently proposed storing ID documents in Google Wallet for age verification.
    nitpicker/Shutterstock

    Unresponsive tech companies

    Some major tech companies have shown little interest in engaging with the trial. For example, minutes from the trial’s March advisory board meeting reveal Apple “has been unresponsive, despite multiple outreach attempts”.

    Apple has recently outlined a tool to transmit a declared age range to developers on request. Apple suggests iOS will default the age assurance on Apple devices to under 13 for kids’ accounts. This makes it the responsibility of parents to modify age, the responsibility of developers to recognise age, and the responsibility of governments to legislate when and what to do with an assured age per market.

    Google’s recent Google Wallet proposal for age assurance also misses the mark on privacy concerns and usefulness.

    The proposal would require people over 16 to upload government-issued IDs and link them to a Google account. It would also require people trust Google not track where they go across the internet, via a privacy-preserving technology that remains a promise.

    Crucially, Meta’s social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram also do not let you login with Google credentials. After all, they are competitors. This raises questions about the usefulness of Google’s proposal to assure age across social media platforms as part of the government’s under-16s ban.

    Meanwhile, Google is also suggesting AI chatbots should be directly targeted and available to children under 13, creating something akin to a “social network of one”, which are out of scope of the ban.

    Rather than engage with Australian age verification systems, companies such as Apple and Google are promoting their own solutions which seem to prioritise keeping or adding users to their services, or passing responsibility elsewhere.

    For the targeted platforms that enable online social interactions, delay in engagement fits a broader pattern. For example, in January 2025, Mark Zuckerberg indicated Meta would push back more aggressively against international regulations that threaten its business model.

    A shift in internet regulation

    Australia’s approach to banning under-16s from using social media marks a significant shift in internet regulation. Rather than age-gating specific content such as porn or gambling, Australia is now targeting basic communication infrastructure – which is what social media have become.

    It centres the problem on children being children, rather than on social media business models.

    The result is limiting childrens’ digital rights with experimental technologies while doing little to address the source of perceived harm for all of us. It prioritises protection without considering children’s rights to access information and express themselves. This risks leaving the most vulnerable children being cut off from digital spaces essential to their success.

    Australia’s approach puts paternal politics ahead of technical and social reality. As we get closer to the ban taking effect, we’ll see how this approach to regulate social communication platforms offers young people respite from the platforms their parents fear – yet continue to use everyday for their own basic communication needs.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed – https://theconversation.com/a-trial-is-testing-ways-to-enforce-australias-under-16s-social-media-ban-but-the-tech-is-flawed-256332

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Disarming Hezbollah is key to Lebanon’s recovery − but the task is complicated by regional shifts, ceasefire violations

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mireille Rebeiz, Chair of Middle East Studies and Associate Professor of Francophone and Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Dickinson College

    Slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah looms large in Lebanon. Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images

    Within a span of two weeks from late April to early May 2025, Israel launched two aerial attacks ostensibly targeting Hezbollah in Lebanon: The first, on April 27, struck a building in Beirut’s southern suburbs; the second, an assault in southern Lebanon, left one person dead and eight others injured.

    While the attacks may not be an aberration in the long history of Israel’s military action in Lebanon, the latest episodes were notable given the context: Israel and Hezbollah have been nominally locked in a truce for five months.

    As an expert on Lebanese history and culture, I believe the latest violations clearly show the fragility of that ceasefire. But more importantly, they complicate the Lebanese government’s mission of disarming Hezbollah, the paramilitary group that remains a powerful force in the country despite a series of Israeli targeted killings of its senior members. That task forms the backbone of a nearly 20-year-old United Nations resolution meant to bring lasting peace to Lebanon.

    The long road to a ceasefire

    In the aftermath of Hamas’ attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, Hezbollah vowed solidarity with the Palestinian movement, resulting in a running series of tit-for-tat attacks with Israel that escalated into a full-blown war in the fall of 2024.

    On Oct. 1, 2024, Israel invaded Lebanon – the sixth time since 1978 – in order to directly confront Hezbollah. That operation led to the killing of an estimated 3,800 Lebanese people and the displacement of over 1 million civilians. The damage to Lebanon’s economy is estimated at US$14 billion, according to the World Bank.

    Hezbollah lost a lot of its fighters, arsenal and popular support as a result. More importantly, these losses discredited Hezbollah’s claim that it alone can guarantee Lebanon’s territorial integrity against Israel’s invasion.

    The United States and France brokered a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel on Nov. 27, 2024. The agreement was based in part on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, which was adopted in 2006 to end that year’s 34-day war between Israel and Hezbollah. The resolution had as a central tenet the disarmament of armed militias, including Hezbollah, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon.

    The 2024 ceasefire built on that resolution. It required Hezbollah’s retreat beyond the Litani River, which at its closest point is about 20 miles from northern Israel. In return, and by February 2025, Israel was to gradually withdraw from Lebanese territories in order to allow the Lebanese army to take control of areas in the south and to confiscate all unauthorized weapons – a nod to Hezbollah’s arsenal.

    Yet, Israel maintained the occupation of several posts in southern Lebanon after that deadline and continued to launch attacks on Lebanese soil, the most recent being on May 8, 2025.

    The challenge of disarming Hezbollah

    Despite these violations, large-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah has not resumed. But the next step, a lasting peace based on the laying down of Hezbollah arms, is complicated by a series of factors, not least the sectarian nature of Lebanese politics.

    Since its inception in 1920, Lebanon’s governance has been defined by a polarized and formally sectarian political system, which seeded the roots of a decades-long civil conflict that began in 1975. A series of invasions by Israel in response to attacks from Lebanese-based Palestinian groups exacerbated sectarianism and instability.

    From this mix, Hezbollah emerged and became a powerful force during the late 1980s.

    The Taif Agreement, ending Lebanon’s civil war in 1989, formally recognized the state’s right to resist the Israeli occupation of Lebanese territories – and with it Hezbollah’s presence as a force of resistance. An uneasy coexistence between the government and Hezbollah emerged, which often spilled over into violence, including assassinations of important public figures.

    More recently, Hezbollah was responsible for a two-year political vacuum as it mobilized members to repeatedly block opposition candidates for the vacant presidency in the hopes of installing a leader that would support its agenda.

    A view from the southern Lebanese district of Marjeyoun shows smoke billowing from the site of Israeli airstrikes on May 8, 2025.
    Rabih Daher/AFP via Getty Images

    In January 2025 that standoff ended when Lebanon’s parliament elected army chief Joseph Aoun, a Maronite Christian, as president.

    The acquiescence of Hezbollah and its allies was in part a sign of how much the power of the Shiite militia had been diminished by Israel during the conflict.

    But it is also the result of a widespread general understanding in Lebanon of the need to end the humanitarian crisis caused by Israel’s war. The new president has brought much-needed hope to a battered country – one that has been plagued by numerous crises, including a collapsed economy that by 2019 had pushed 80% of the population into poverty.

    But Aoun’s presidency signals the changing political environment in another key way; unlike his predecessors, Aoun has not endorsed Hezbollah as a legitimate resistance movement.

    Further, Aoun has announced his intentions to disarm the group
    and to fully implement resolution 1701.

    To this end, Aoun has made impressive gains. According to state officials, the Lebanese army had by the end of April 2025 dismantled over 90% of Hezbollah’s infrastructure south of the Litani River and taken control over these sites.

    Yet Hezbollah’s chief, Naim Kassem, doggedly rejects calls to disarm and integrate the group’s fighters into the Lebanese armed forces.

    Even in Hezbollah’s weakened position, Kassem believes only his movement, and not the Lebanese state, can guarantee Lebanon’s safety against Israel. And Israel violations of the ceasefire only play into this narrative.

    “We will not allow anyone to remove Hezbollah’s weapons,” Kassem said after one recent airstrike, vowing that the group would hand over weapons only when Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon and ended it’s air incursions.

    Can Lebanon’s new president, Joseph Aoun, untangle the Gordian knot of Lebanese politics?
    Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images

    The challenge going forward

    Yet countries including the United States and Qatar – not to mention Israel – consider Hezbollah’s disarmament a prerequisite to both peace and much-needed international assistance.

    And this makes the task ahead for Aoun difficult. He will be well aware that international aid is desperately needed. But pressing too hard to accommodate either Israel’s or Hezbollah’s interests risks, respectively, exacerbating either domestic political pressures or jeopardizing future foreign investment.

    To complicate matters further, the situation in Lebanon is hardly helped by developments in neighboring Syria.

    The fall of Syrian President Bashar Assad in December 2024 has added another element of regional uncertainty and the fear in Lebanon of further sectarian violence. Although Syria’s new leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has vowed to protect all religious groups, he was not able to prevent the massacre of Alawite civilians in several coastal towns – an attack that triggered a fresh wave of refugees heading toward Lebanon.

    The removal of Assad was another blow for Hezbollah, a strong Assad ally that benefited from years of Syrian interference in Lebanon.

    The challenge of international relations

    For now, a return to full-scale war in Lebanon does not appear to be on the table.

    But what comes next for Lebanon and Hezbollah depends on many factors, not least the state of Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza and any spillover into Lebanon. But the actions of other regional actors, notably Saudi Arabia and Iran, matter too. Should Saudi Arabia be encouraged down the path of normalizing relations with Israel – a process interrupted by the Oct. 7 attack – then it would impact Lebanon in many ways.

    Any deal would, from the Saudi perspective, likely have to include a solution to the question of Palestinian statehood, taking away one of Hezbollah’s main grievances. It would also likely put pressure on Lebanon and Israel to find a solution to its long-standing border dispute.

    Meanwhile, Iran, too, is seemingly turning to diplomatic means to address some of its regional issues, with nascent moves to both improve ties with Saudi Arabia and forge forward with a new nuclear deal with the U.S. This could see Tehran turn away from a policy of trying to impose its influence throughout the region by arming groups aligned with Tehran – first among them, Hezbollah.

    Mireille Rebeiz is affiliated with the American Red Cross.

    – ref. Disarming Hezbollah is key to Lebanon’s recovery − but the task is complicated by regional shifts, ceasefire violations – https://theconversation.com/disarming-hezbollah-is-key-to-lebanons-recovery-but-the-task-is-complicated-by-regional-shifts-ceasefire-violations-255671

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The rebrand that went full circle: HBO Max to New HBO Max

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Omar H. Fares, Lecturer of Marketing in the Lazaridis School of Business and Economics, Wilfrid Laurier University

    The HBO Max rebrand saga highlights how quickly brand equity can be undermined when recognition cues are disrupted. (Shutterstock)

    Warner Bros. Discovery (WBD) recently announced the streaming app Max will revert to the name HBO Max this summer. The move comes only two years after HBO was dropped from the brand name.

    The announcement has sparked a wave of commentary of social media, including self-aware humour. HBO’s social media team posted memes from shows like Friends and Euphoria, joking that the company had finally “come home.”

    HBO Max launched in 2020, promising big-budget series alongside the Warner film catalogue. In May 2023, the service’s name was shortened to “Max” after the US$43 billion merger that created Warner Bros. Discovery.

    Many viewers and analysts questioned the loss of a label long associated with award-winning television. When WBD CEO David Zaslav announced the return to HBO Max on May 14, he argued the original three letters still carry unique weight with audiences worldwide.

    The major U-turn offers a clear lesson for marketers: when a rename threatens familiarity, consistency and clear messaging, customers will push back.

    Brand familiarity: A memory shortcut

    The HBO Max rebrand saga highlights how quickly brand equity can be undermined when recognition cues are disrupted. Although the 2023 name change aimed to reflect a broader content mix, it unintentionally distanced the platform from its most recognizable asset.

    HBO, as both a name and a legacy, had become shorthand for a specific kind of quality — one that audiences weren’t ready to see stripped away.

    Brand familiarity may be described as the ease with which consumers recognize, recall and understand a name based on prior experience. In marketing, brand familiarity is a key factor in driving consumer confidence and supporting stronger emotional ties.

    In other words, when the existing memory structures are already in place, it reduces the cognitive effort that typically results in a more favourable action. Dropping “HBO,” a label linked to award-winning dramas for decades, removed a trusted shortcut and left viewers asking whether the service had changed its focus.

    Consistency as a pillar of trust

    One of the key drivers of brand engagement is brand consistency, which is the uniform application of brand elements such as colours, logo and tone. This consistency is typically associated with trust and loyalty.

    The shift from HBO Max to Max disrupted this consistency, leading to confusion about the platform’s identity and offerings. Consumers who associated HBO with certain types of content were unsure what to expect from Max.

    To make matters even more challenging, Max not only changed its name but shifted from the purple-and-black palette of HBO Max to blue, then to silver-on-black before finally circling back. Each redesign forced viewers to get used to a new look and tone, eroding the sense of continuity that subscription services rely on.

    Keeping the audience informed

    Missteps in messaging can sink even well-researched rebrands. Communications firm Edelman’s 2023 Trust Barometer points out that silence during change amplifies speculation and negative assumptions.

    The quick collapse of Gap’s 2010 logo makeover offers a classic example. The retailer unveiled a new mark without preparation, then reverted within a week after a backlash.

    A direct parallel can be drawn between that episode and the confusion that followed the Max launch, where any reasoned arguments for the shorter name never reached much of the audience.

    By contrast, the 2025 reversal was accompanied by plain statements from Warner Bros. Discovery, intensive press outreach and humour that admitted the misstep which is a communication style more likely to rebuild trust.

    Lessons for marketers

    Customer research should always precede radical changes to familiar signals, because the goodwill embedded in a long-running name is not easily replicated.

    Any shift in title or visual identity must be matched by consistent deployment across every touch point, from app icons to ad copy, otherwise confusion undercuts the strategy.

    Finally, customer perceptions cannot be an afterthought. Clear, timely messages that are supported by a tone that suits the brand’s personality will help audiences understand what is changing and why it benefits them, turning potential backlash into renewed engagement.

    Omar H. Fares does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The rebrand that went full circle: HBO Max to New HBO Max – https://theconversation.com/the-rebrand-that-went-full-circle-hbo-max-to-new-hbo-max-256777

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: India and Pakistan have agreed a precarious peace – but will it last?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alex Waterman, Lecturer in Peace Studies and International Development, University of Bradford

    India and Pakistan stepped back from the brink of catastrophe on May 10 after a US-brokered ceasefire brought rapidly escalating hostilities between the two countries to an end. But tensions are still running high.

    The Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, said on May 12 that India has only “paused” its military action against Pakistan and would “retaliate on its own terms” to any attacks.

    The latest episode in the long-running conflict between these nuclear powers was triggered on April 22. Militants from a group known as the Resistance Front, which India says is a proxy for the Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorist group, killed 26 tourists in the picturesque resort town of Pahalgam in Indian-administered Kashmir. India alleges Pakistan’s involvement, which it denies.

    The fact that India and Pakistan were able to agree to a ceasefire as escalations spiralled is reason for optimism. It shows that internal calculations and international pressure can pull the two parties back from the brink. However, the ceasefire represents an incredibly precarious peace. Can it be sustained?

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    Recent experience shows that sustained ceasefires are possible between the two states. In February 2021, India and Pakistan’s militaries signed a ceasefire to end four months of cross-border skirmishes. The agreement was a reaffirmation of an original ceasefire understanding from 2003.

    Only two violations were recorded across the line of control separating Indian- and Pakistani-administered Kashmir for the rest of the year, dropping to one in 2022. This compared to 4,645 such incidents in 2020.

    The reduction led to optimism that armed rebellion in Kashmir, which both India and Pakistan claim in full, was in persistent decline. In March 2025, just one month before the deadly Pahalgam attack, security sources in India estimated that there were only 77 active militants operating on the Indian side of the border.

    The drop in violence was a result of combined international and domestic pressure on Pakistan. The Financial Action Task Force, an organisation that monitors countries’ efforts to tackle terrorist financing and recommends financial sanctions against non-compliant states, added Pakistan to its “grey list” in 2018.

    This listing forced Pakistan to introduce a string of policy measures to curb terrorism financing. Pakistan was removed from the list in 2022 due to significant improvements in its counter-terrorism framework.

    But, as the Kashmir conundrum is at the heart of Pakistani national identity, it has often been employed as a political strategy to shore up domestic support. And in recent years, as Pakistan’s powerful army has grappled with overlapping economic and political crises, this strategy has been rolled out again.

    The popularity of Pakistan’s army, for example, diminished significantly following the arrest of Pakistan’s leader, Imran Khan, in 2023. This has prompted army chief Asim Munir to use tensions with India to deflect attention.

    Munir has called Kashmir “our jugular vein”, and has promised not to “leave our Kashmiri brothers in their historical struggle”. These comments followed an increase in the number and frequency of insurgent attempts to cross the border into India after India’s May 2024 general elections were held peacefully in Kashmir, a rare occurrence since the separatist insurgency began in 1987.

    These cross-border operations are allegedly carried out by Pakistan’s so-called Border Action Teams, comprised of Pakistani special forces and militants from insurgent groups. Pakistan has never acknowledged the existence of such teams.

    By April 1, tit-for-tat firing across the line of control had also already surpassed the total number of incidents in 2023 and 2024 combined.

    Fragile peace

    The latest ceasefire was agreed in the context of hostilities escalating beyond previous levels. Military strikes were launched outside Kashmir itself at military bases deep in Pakistani territory and in north-western India.

    Certain actions by Islamabad were also widely interpreted as attempts to signal the country’s nuclear capabilities. These included the decision to convene the National Command Authority, the body responsible for control and use of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal.

    The move may not have been a genuine alert. But the possible willingness to resort to nuclear threats is particularly concerning as, unlike India, Pakistan does not have a “no-first use” nuclear weapons policy.

    India, as an aspiring political and economic power, has clear interests in preserving the ceasefire. New Delhi wants to project itself as rational and responsible, worthy of a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

    At the same time, some of the decisions taken by India after the Pahalgam attack may compel further support for the insurgency in Kashmir. This brings with it the risk of further escalation between India and Pakistan in the future.

    India has suspended the Indus Water Treaty, which governs the use of water from the Indus River. Pakistan lies downstream from India and is heavily dependent on the river for irrigation and public consumption.



    Read more:
    India-Pakistan conflict over water reflects a region increasingly vulnerable to climate change

    Intervention from global powers such as the US may again be able to prevent future hostility from spiralling out of control. However, substantive talks are unlikely.

    The US, which is in advanced negotiations with New Delhi over reducing tariffs on Indian imports, has offered to act as a mediator. This has been welcomed by Pakistan. But India maintains that, on the question of Kashmir, it would prefer bilateral talks rather than involving a third party.

    While the Trump administration initially signalled a hands-off approach to relations between India and Pakistan, deeming it “none of our business”, it is now clear how rapidly matters can escalate between them.

    The US and other interested parties like China will probably continue in their efforts to regulate and manage the conflict, openly or covertly, even if deeper resolution appears unlikely.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. India and Pakistan have agreed a precarious peace – but will it last? – https://theconversation.com/india-and-pakistan-have-agreed-a-precarious-peace-but-will-it-last-256618

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Birthright citizenship case at Supreme Court reveals deeper questions about judicial authority to halt unlawful policies

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Cassandra Burke Robertson, Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Professional Ethics, Case Western Reserve University

    The U.S. Supreme Court is considering whether a single federal judge should have the power to temporarily halt presidential policies across the entire country. Rudy Sulgan, The Image Bank/Getty Images

    When one judge blocks a president’s policies nationwide, alarm bells ring. Should a single judge wield this much power? Can they halt policies across the entire country after just a quick first look at whether they might be illegal? The Supreme Court now faces these critical questions.

    In a lively session on May 15, 2025, filled with justices’ questions that at times interrupted the attorneys appearing before them, the Supreme Court heard arguments in a case stemming from President Donald Trump’s executive order aimed at ending birthright citizenship, the provision in the Constitution’s 14th Amendment that says all children born in the United States are granted citizenship.

    While the underlying lawsuit involves birthright citizenship, the immediate question before the court was about a legal tool called a “nationwide preliminary injunction.” This allows a single federal judge to temporarily halt presidential policies across the entire country – even before fully considering whether those policies are constitutional.

    Three judges had stopped the president’s attempt to deny birthright citizenship to babies born to mothers who lack legal permanent residency in the United States. It was the Trump administration’s appeal of those injunctions that was argued before the justices on May 15, with the administration asserting that “universal injunctions compromise the Executive Branch’s ability to carry out its functions,” and that it’s unconstitutional for federal judges to issue them.

    The justices also grappled with a key question: How much should judges consider whether a policy is likely constitutional when deciding whether to issue these temporary blocks? The National Immigration Law Center, which supports the use of nationwide injunctions, wrote in its filing with the court that granting the administration’s request to bar such injunctions would “tie the hands of the judicial branch in the face of unlawful executive action.”

    What exactly are these injunctions, and why do they matter to everyday Americans?

    Immediate, irreparable harm

    When presidents try to make big changes through executive orders, they often hit a roadblock: A single federal judge, whether located in Seattle or Miami or anywhere in between, can stop these policies across the entire country.

    These court orders have increasingly become a political battleground, increasingly sought by both Republicans and Democrats to fight presidential policies they oppose.

    And while the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to limit judges’ power to issue nationwide preliminary injunctions, Congress has also held hearings on curtailing judges’ ability to issue the injunctions.

    When the government creates a policy that might violate the Constitution or federal law, affected people can sue in federal court to stop it. While these lawsuits work their way through the courts – a process that often takes years – judges can issue what are called “preliminary injunctions” to temporarily pause the policy if they determine it might cause immediate, irreparable harm.

    A “nationwide” injunction – sometimes called a “universal” injunction – goes further by stopping the policy for everyone across the country, not just for the people who filed the lawsuit.

    Importantly, these injunctions are designed to be temporary. They merely preserve the status quo until courts can fully examine the case’s merits. But in practice, litigation proceeds so slowly that executive actions blocked by the courts often expire when successor administrations abandon the policies.

    Legislation introduced by GOP Sen. Chuck Grassley would ban judges from issuing most nationwide injunctions.
    Sen. Chuck Grassley office

    More executive orders, more injunctions

    Nationwide injunctions aren’t new, but several things have made them more contentious recently.

    First, since a closely divided and polarized Congress rarely passes major legislation anymore, presidents rely more on executive orders to get substantive things done. This creates more opportunities to challenge presidential actions in court.

    Second, lawyers who want to challenge these orders have gotten better at “judge shopping” – filing cases in districts where they’re likely to get judges who agree with their client’s views.

    Third, with growing political division, both parties aim to use these injunctions more aggressively whenever the other party controls the White House.

    Affecting real people

    These legal fights have tangible consequences for millions of Americans.

    Take DACA, the common name for the program formally called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which protects about 500,000 young immigrants from deportation. For more than 10 years, these young immigrants, known as “Dreamers,” have faced constant uncertainty.

    That’s because, when President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012 and sought to expand it via executive order in 2015, a Texas judge blocked the expansion with a nationwide injunction. When Trump tried to end DACA, judges in California, New York and Washington, D.C. blocked that move. The program, and the legal challenges to it, continued under President Joe Biden. Now, the second Trump administration faces continued legal challenges over the constitutionality of the DACA program.

    More recently, judges have used nationwide injunctions to block several Donald Trump policies.

    While much of the current debate focuses on presidential policies, nationwide injunctions have also blocked congressional legislation.

    The Corporate Transparency Act, passed in 2021 and originally scheduled to go into effect in 2024, combats financial crimes by requiring businesses to disclose their true owners to the government. A Texas judge blocked this law in 2024 after gun stores challenged it.

    In early 2025, the Supreme Court allowed the law to take effect, but the Trump administration announced it simply wouldn’t enforce it – showing how these legal battles can become political power struggles.

    A polarized Congress rarely passes major legislation anymore, so presidents – including Donald Trump – have relied on executive orders to get things done.
    Christopher Furlong/Getty Images

    Too much power or necessary protection?

    Some critics say nationwide injunctions give too much power to a single judge. If lawyers can pick which judges hear their cases, this raises serious questions about fairness.

    Supporters argue that these injunctions protect important rights. For example, without nationwide injunctions in the citizenship cases, babies born to mothers without legal permanent residency would be American citizens in some states but not others – an impossible situation.

    Congress is considering legislation to limit judges’ ability to grant nationwide injunctions.

    The Trump administration has also tried to make it expensive and difficult to challenge its policies in court. In March 2025, Trump ordered government lawyers to demand large cash deposits – called “security bonds” – from anyone seeking an injunction. Though these bonds are already part of existing court rules, judges usually set them at just a few hundred dollars or waive them entirely when people raise constitutional concerns.

    Under the new policy, critics worry that “plaintiffs who sue the government could be forced to put up enormous sums of money in order to proceed with their cases.”

    Another way to address the concerns about a single judge blocking government action would be to require a three-judge panel to hear cases involving nationwide injunctions, requiring at least two of them to agree. This is similar to how courts handled major civil rights cases in the 1950s and 1960s.

    My research on this topic suggests that three judges working together would be less likely to make partisan decisions, while still being able to protect constitutional rights when necessary. Today’s technology also makes it easier for judges in different locations to work together than it was decades ago.

    As the Supreme Court weighs in on this debate, the outcome will affect how presidents can implement policies and how much power individual judges have to stop them. Though it might seem like a technical legal issue, it will shape how government works for years to come – as well as the lives of those who live in the U.S.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published on April 3, 2025.

    Cassandra Burke Robertson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Birthright citizenship case at Supreme Court reveals deeper questions about judicial authority to halt unlawful policies – https://theconversation.com/birthright-citizenship-case-at-supreme-court-reveals-deeper-questions-about-judicial-authority-to-halt-unlawful-policies-256726

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Disarming Hezbollah is key to Lebanon’s recovery − but task is complicated by regional shifts, ceasefire violations

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mireille Rebeiz, Chair of Middle East Studies and Associate Professor of Francophone and Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Dickinson College

    Slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah looms large in Lebanon. Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images

    Within a span of two weeks from late April to early May 2025, Israel launched two aerial attacks ostensibly targeting Hezbollah in Lebanon: The first, on April 27, struck a building in Beirut’s southern suburbs; the second, an assault in southern Lebanon, left one person dead and eight others injured.

    While the attacks may not be an aberration in the long history of Israel’s military action in Lebanon, the latest episodes were notable given the context: Israel and Hezbollah have been nominally locked in a truce for five months.

    As an expert on Lebanese history and culture, I believe the latest violations clearly show the fragility of that ceasefire. But more importantly, they complicate the Lebanese government’s mission of disarming Hezbollah, the paramilitary group that remains a powerful force in the country despite a series of Israeli targeted killings of its senior members. That task forms the backbone of a nearly 20-year-old United Nations resolution meant to bring lasting peace to Lebanon.

    The long road to a ceasefire

    In the aftermath of Hamas’ attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, Hezbollah vowed solidarity with the Palestinian movement, resulting in a running series of tit-for-tat attacks with Israel that escalated into a full-blown war in the fall of 2024.

    On Oct. 1, 2024, Israel invaded Lebanon – the sixth time since 1978 – in order to directly confront Hezbollah. That operation led to the killing of an estimated 3,800 Lebanese people and the displacement of over 1 million civilians. The damage to Lebanon’s economy is estimated at US$14 billion, according to the World Bank.

    Hezbollah lost a lot of its fighters, arsenal and popular support as a result. More importantly, these losses discredited Hezbollah’s claim that it alone can guarantee Lebanon’s territorial integrity against Israel’s invasion.

    The United States and France brokered a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel on Nov. 27, 2024. The agreement was based in part on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, which was adopted in 2006 to end that year’s 34-day war between Israel and Hezbollah. The resolution had as a central tenet the disarmament of armed militias, including Hezbollah, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon.

    The 2024 ceasefire built on that resolution. It required Hezbollah’s retreat beyond the Litani River, which at its closest point is about 20 miles from northern Israel. In return, and by February 2025, Israel was to gradually withdraw from Lebanese territories in order to allow the Lebanese army to take control of areas in the south and to confiscate all unauthorized weapons – a nod to Hezbollah’s arsenal.

    Yet, Israel maintained the occupation of several posts in southern Lebanon after that deadline and continued to launch attacks on Lebanese soil, the most recent being on May 8, 2025.

    The challenge of disarming Hezbollah

    Despite these violations, large-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah has not resumed. But the next step, a lasting peace based on the laying down of Hezbollah arms, is complicated by a series of factors, not least the sectarian nature of Lebanese politics.

    Since its inception in 1920, Lebanon’s governance has been defined by a polarized and formally sectarian political system, which seeded the roots of a decades-long civil conflict that began in 1975. A series of invasions by Israel in response to attacks from Lebanese-based Palestinian groups exacerbated sectarianism and instability.

    From this mix, Hezbollah emerged and became a powerful force during the late 1980s.

    The Taif Agreement, ending Lebanon’s civil war in 1989, formally recognized the state’s right to resist the Israeli occupation of Lebanese territories – and with it Hezbollah’s presence as a force of resistance. An uneasy coexistence between the government and Hezbollah emerged, which often spilled over into violence, including assassinations of important public figures.

    More recently, Hezbollah was responsible for a two-year political vacuum as it mobilized members to repeatedly block opposition candidates for the vacant presidency in the hopes of installing a leader that would support its agenda.

    A view from the southern Lebanese district of Marjeyoun shows smoke billowing from the site of Israeli airstrikes on May 8, 2025.
    Rabih Daher/AFP via Getty Images

    In January 2025 that standoff ended when Lebanon’s parliament elected army chief Joseph Aoun, a Maronite Christian, as president.

    The acquiescence of Hezbollah and its allies was in part a sign of how much the power of the Shiite militia had been diminished by Israel during the conflict.

    But it is also the result of a widespread general understanding in Lebanon of the need to end the humanitarian crisis caused by Israel’s war. The new president has brought much-needed hope to a battered country – one that has been plagued by numerous crises, including a collapsed economy that by 2019 had pushed 80% of the population into poverty.

    But Aoun’s presidency signals the changing political environment in another key way; unlike his predecessors, Aoun has not endorsed Hezbollah as a legitimate resistance movement.

    Further, Aoun has announced his intentions to disarm the group
    and to fully implement resolution 1701.

    To this end, Aoun has made impressive gains. According to state officials, the Lebanese army had by the end of April 2025 dismantled over 90% of Hezbollah’s infrastructure south of the Litani River and taken control over these sites.

    Yet Hezbollah’s chief, Naim Kassem, doggedly rejects calls to disarm and integrate the group’s fighters into the Lebanese armed forces.

    Even in Hezbollah’s weakened position, Kassem believes only his movement, and not the Lebanese state, can guarantee Lebanon’s safety against Israel. And Israel violations of the ceasefire only play into this narrative.

    “We will not allow anyone to remove Hezbollah’s weapons,” Kassem said after one recent airstrike, vowing that the group would hand over weapons only when Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon and ended it’s air incursions.

    Can Lebanon’s new president, Joseph Aoun, untangle the Gordian knot of Lebanese politics?
    Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images

    The challenge going forward

    Yet countries including the United States and Qatar – not to mention Israel – consider Hezbollah’s disarmament a prerequisite to both peace and much-needed international assistance.

    And this makes the task ahead for Aoun difficult. He will be well aware that international aid is desperately needed. But pressing too hard to accommodate either Israel’s or Hezbollah’s interests risks, respectively, exacerbating either domestic political pressures or jeopardizing future foreign investment.

    To complicate matters further, the situation in Lebanon is hardly helped by developments in neighboring Syria.

    The fall of Syrian President Bashar Assad in December 2024 has added another element of regional uncertainty and the fear in Lebanon of further sectarian violence. Although Syria’s new leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has vowed to protect all religious groups, he was not able to prevent the massacre of Alawite civilians in several coastal towns – an attack that triggered a fresh wave of refugees heading toward Lebanon.

    The removal of Assad was another blow for Hezbollah, a strong Assad ally that benefited from years of Syrian interference in Lebanon.

    The challenge of international relations

    For now, a return to full-scale war in Lebanon does not appear to be on the table.

    But what comes next for Lebanon and Hezbollah depends on many factors, not least the state of Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza and any spillover into Lebanon. But the actions of other regional actors, notably Saudi Arabia and Iran, matter too. Should Saudi Arabia be encouraged down the path of normalizing relations with Israel – a process interrupted by the Oct. 7 attack – then it would impact Lebanon in many ways.

    Any deal would, from the Saudi perspective, likely have to include a solution to the question of Palestinian statehood, taking away one of Hezbollah’s main grievances. It would also likely put pressure on Lebanon and Israel to find a solution to its long-standing border dispute.

    Meanwhile, Iran, too, is seemingly turning to diplomatic means to address some of its regional issues, with nascent moves to both improve ties with Saudi Arabia and forge forward with a new nuclear deal with the U.S. This could see Tehran turn away from a policy of trying to impose its influence throughout the region by arming groups aligned with Tehran – first among them, Hezbollah.

    Mireille Rebeiz is affiliated with the American Red Cross.

    – ref. Disarming Hezbollah is key to Lebanon’s recovery − but task is complicated by regional shifts, ceasefire violations – https://theconversation.com/disarming-hezbollah-is-key-to-lebanons-recovery-but-task-is-complicated-by-regional-shifts-ceasefire-violations-255671

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘And Just Like That…’ gives middle-aged women something media rarely does — a portrayal of their sexual lives

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Marie-Agnes Parmentier, Professor of Marketing, HEC Montréal

    Cynthia Nixon and Sarah Jessica Parker in ‘And Just Like That…’ Season 3. (Craig Blankenhorn/Max)

    Warning: This article contains spoilers about ‘And Just Like That…‘

    Middle-aged women don’t have sex — or that’s what popular media might have us believe. But And Just Like That…, the HBO Max sequel to the seminal series Sex and the City, offers a markedly different portrayal.

    The show presents a perspective of middle-aged women’s lives and identities that aligns more closely with studies demonstrating that 73 per cent of women in midlife are sexually active.

    Premiering in late 2021, And Just Like That… resumes the story of Carrie Bradshaw (Sarah Jessica Parker), Miranda Hobbes (Cynthia Nixon) and Charlotte York (Kristin Davis) 11 years after the second Sex and the City feature. Now in their 50s, the characters confront the realities of friendship and aging.

    The series explores their evolving identities and relationships, highlighting the challenges and successes of midlife. With Season 3 set to release on May 29, And Just Like That… continues to provide a platform for the representation of middle-aged women as multifaceted individuals who assert their sexual agency.

    ‘And Just Like That…’ Season 3 trailer from HBO Max.

    Representation still lags behind

    While And Just Like That… breaks new ground by shining a light on the lives and experiences of middle-aged women, the industry as a whole has a long way to go.

    Research from the Geena Davis Institute examining representation over a 10-year period found that in top-grossing films and popular television shows, less than 25 per cent of characters were over the age of 50.

    Those who did appear were often depicted using elderly tropes. They were less likely to be featured in romantic story lines, show affection or be shown in intimate contexts. They were also more likely to be men.

    In fact, two-thirds of characters aged 50 and older in streaming television, and four out of five in film, were men. Taken as a whole, with some recent notable exceptions, women over 50 are rendered largely invisible in media. In stories about romance and sex, they rarely take centre stage.

    This lack of representation not only impacts societal perceptions about what it means to be a woman over 50, but also presents missed opportunities for businesses, advertisers and filmmakers to showcase authentic and relatable stories that resonate with audiences.

    Challenging stereotypes about older women

    As consumer researchers and gender scholars, we were interested in understanding whether And Just Like That… challenges or reinforces expectations about middle-aged women in consumer culture.

    In our previous research on Sex and the City, we found that consumption practices played heavily into character identity development, particularly in resolving and creating tensions around sexuality, domesticity and authenticity.

    The original series drew audiences in with its portrayal of four young single women navigating sex and relationships in New York City. But to understand the sexual scripts for these characters as they are reprised years later, we turned to feminist gerontology, which highlights the ways social norms and structures around age and gender influence the aging experience.

    Our content analysis of And Just Like That…‘s first season identified themes that reflect significant tensions around identity, liminality and sexual behaviours in middle age.

    Sarah Jessica Parker and John Corbett in Season 2 of ‘And Just Like That….’
    (Craig Blankenhorn/Max)

    Carrie, as a central figure, provides a good example. Her journey highlights tensions between societal expectations and aging identity. Her fashion choices, once celebrated, now face scrutiny, reflecting ageist attitudes towards what is deemed appropriate for older women.

    In one episode, Carrie wears a floor length white tulle tutu, reminiscent of her younger days. While fans might see this as a nostalgic nod to her past, the stares of onlookers suggest they regard this attire as age-inappropriate. Writing in the New York Times, English professor Rhonda Garelick notes that this tutu looks “off” on her, highlighting societal pressure on aging women to conform to certain standards.

    Middle-aged, single and seen

    In the pilot episode of And Just Like That…, Carrie’s husband, John “Big” Preston, dies in her arms of a heart attack in their apartment. In the aftermath, Carrie hires realtor Seema Patel (Sarita Choudhury) to sell the home and returns to her iconic Sex and the City apartment and her quest for love.

    Over drinks, Carrie calls Seema “brave” for “still” looking for love at age 53. Seema replies that although she has yet to meet the love of her life, that fact isn’t tragic — and neither is Carrie’s loss, because she had many good years with Big.

    Sarita Choudhury and Sarah Jessica Parker in ‘And Just Like That…’ Season 1.
    (Craig Blankenhorn/HBO Max)

    Seema challenges the stigma of women’s singledom in middle age with her entitlement to sexual pleasure, personal growth and a belief that love is always possible. By addressing these themes, And Just Like That… contributes to discourse on aging and the right of women to be visible at any age.

    Media in contemporary society not only reflects culture, but also affects it. Through representation and storytelling, media has the transformative power to showcase the full lives and identities of individuals, giving legitimacy to the full range of possibilities for people.

    Since sexuality — the capacity for sexual thoughts — is an important influence on sexual well-being, women over 50 should not be erased from realistic narratives. They deserve to be seen and recognized as living vibrant, multi-dimensional lives.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘And Just Like That…’ gives middle-aged women something media rarely does — a portrayal of their sexual lives – https://theconversation.com/and-just-like-that-gives-middle-aged-women-something-media-rarely-does-a-portrayal-of-their-sexual-lives-256058

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why we’ve fallen out of love with dating apps

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anh Luong, Assistant Professor of Business Analytics, Warwick Business School, University of Warwick

    pathdoc/Shutterstock

    Dating apps have transformed how people meet romantic partners. But they seem to be falling out of favour.

    Data shows that last year, four of the biggest dating apps in the UK lost over a million users between them. And research my colleague and I worked on suggested that this is because people have become frustrated and bored with digital matchmaking.

    The frustration is usually the result of inconsiderate behaviour from other app users. And the boredom appears to stem from a growing belief that the AI used by these apps seems to prioritise short-term engagement metrics over meaningful connections.

    This marks a significant shift from earlier online dating websites, which were notably more transparent about how they tried to establish authentic connections. Often this was through detailed answers to compatibility quizzes or personality assessments.

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    For example, OkCupid.com (founded 2004) asked users a wide range of multiple-choice questions. It then went further by also asking them to specify the responses to those same questions they wanted to see from prospective partners.

    In contrast, today’s dating apps increasingly rely on less transparent AI which seems to be based on simplistic engagement metrics (number of swipes, frequency of texts, time spent on the app) rather than a path to genuine compatibility.

    The result is often a selection of vague, fleeting connections that do not amount to meaningful relationships. And the business model of today’s dating apps – selling increased visibility and access to matches – creates a challenging environment for many users to find the matches they want.

    Because of this, many users experience a sense of dissatisfaction which manifests itself in four stages.

    It begins with what I call a “boredom cycle”. General boredom prompts many daters to use the app in the first place, but resulting conversations often turn into uninspired and lacklustre exchanges. This adds to the boredom, which then spreads and grows throughout the entire dating app network.

    After that is a general sense of disappointment, as users become jaded from regular “ghosting” (cutting off communication without notice), “flaking” (cancelling dates at the last minute), and mundane message exchanges which don’t lead to actual dates.

    This all leads to a third stage of “algorithmic cynicism”. At this point, users become increasingly sceptical of dating app algorithms, suspecting that their primary function is to encourage the purchase of certain features rather than to establish authentic connections.

    Finally, communication fatigue kicks in. Users go through the motions of swiping and texting with a sense that there are no better alternatives. It all becomes a somewhat hollow experience which ultimately drives many away from the platforms completely.

    Swipe on, swipe off

    Research has also shown that the initial rise of online dating usage among millennials coincided with early enthusiasm about social media. But this enthusiasm has diminished.

    Social media users are now increasingly suspicious (and vigilant) about the risks of misinformation, scams, and offensive content.

    ‘And how’s the algorithm working out for you guys so far?’
    Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

    Despite all of this, people still seek connections through dating platforms – whether for casual or long-term partnerships. So perhaps the issue is not with digital dating itself, but with how the industry uses AI. And an alternative is possible.

    In related research on human-AI joint decision-making, my colleagues and I found that when people interact with an imperfect AI system, but also receive clear feedback about the their own behaviour patterns and how the AI responds, they can help to correct errors.

    That research focused on financial decisions, but dating apps could do a similar thing by openly providing daters with personalised insights about how AI algorithms are responding to their activity. This is something that no dating app currently does.

    Instead, they let users adjust certain filters, such as age, location and ethnicity. But then they use AI to create “revealed preferences” based on people’s patterns of engagement with the app, like swiping and messaging. These “revealed preferences” seem to greatly influence the kinds of profiles that the dating apps’ AI recommends.

    For example, even if someone says they are keen to date people across a wide age range, the app may still end up recommending profiles of a narrower age group, because the user has tended to swipe right on those in the past. Because of this, users have expressed concerns that the AI could be adding unwanted limitations to their potential dating pool.

    In the AI of the beholder

    Indeed, our research shows that a cynical view of dating app algorithms is a key reason why something as potentially exciting as finding a romantic partner can become so dreadfully boring.

    Addressing this issue, by simply explaining to daters how AI interprets their use of the app (the swipes, the matches, and actual dates) could be a valuable selling point. Giving users freedom to adjust other filters besides demographics, such as those related to their values and interests, could further increase interest.

    This would represent a return to the more transparent match-making principles of earlier dating websites, but with the benefits of the latest technology.

    Our research suggests that as dating app users grow ever more discerning, they will demand greater transparency and an improved overall dating app experience. The industry’s future may ultimately depend on whether companies can shift focus from impersonal engagement metrics to fostering authentic connections.

    And platforms which embrace transparency and empower users could make many fall in love with dating apps all over again.

    Anh Luong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why we’ve fallen out of love with dating apps – https://theconversation.com/why-weve-fallen-out-of-love-with-dating-apps-249333

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The roots of dementia can start in childhood – prevention should be a lifelong goal

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Chiesa, Senior Research Fellow and Alzheimer’s Research UK David Carr Fellow, UCL

    Krakenimages.com/Shutterstock

    More than 60 million people are estimated to be living with dementia, resulting in over 1.5 million deaths a year and an annual cost to the global healthcare economy of around US $1.3 trillion (almost £1 trillion).

    Despite decades of scientific research and billions of pounds of investment, dementia still has no cure. But what of the old saying that prevention is better than cure? Is preventing dementia possible? And if so, at what age should we be taking steps to do so?

    Despite what many believe, dementia is not simply an unavoidable consequence of ageing or genetics. It is estimated that up to 45% of dementia cases could potentially be prevented by reducing exposure to 14 modifiable risk factors common throughout the world.

    Many of these risk factors – which include things like obesity, lack of exercise, and smoking – are traditionally studied from middle age (around 40 to 60 years old) onwards. As a result, several of the world’s leading health bodies and dementia charities now recommend that strategies aimed at reducing dementia risk should ideally be targeted at this age to reap the greatest benefits.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    We argue, however, that targeting even younger ages is likely to provide greater benefits still. But how young are we talking? And why would exposure to risk factors many decades before the symptoms of dementia traditionally appear be important?

    To explain, let’s work backwards from middle age, starting with the three decades covering adolescence and young adulthood (from ten to 40 years old).

    Many lifestyle-related dementia risk factors emerge during the teenage years, then persist into adulthood. For example, 80% of adolescents living with obesity will remain this way when they are adults. The same applies to high blood pressure and lack of exercise. Similarly, virtually all adults who smoke or drink will have started these unhealthy habits in or around adolescence.

    This poses two potential issues when considering middle age as the best starting point for dementia-prevention strategies. First, altering health behaviour that has already been established is notoriously difficult. And second, most high-risk individuals targeted in middle age will almost certainly have been exposed to the damaging effects of these risk factors for many decades already.

    As such, the most effective actions are likely to be those aimed at preventing unhealthy behaviour in the first place, rather than attempting to change long-established habits decades down the line.

    The roots of dementia

    But what about even earlier in people’s lives? Could the roots of dementia stretch as far back as childhood or infancy? Increasing evidence suggests yes, and that risk factor exposures in the first decade of life (or even while in the womb) may have lifelong implications for dementia risk.

    To understand why this may be, it’s important to remember that our brain goes through three major periods during our lives – development in early life, a period of relative stability in adult life, and decline (in some functions) in old age.

    Most dementia research understandably focuses on changes associated with that decline in later life. But there is increasing evidence that many of the differences in brain structure and function associated with dementia in older adults may have at least partly existed since childhood.

    For example, in long-term studies where people have had their cognitive ability tracked across their whole lives, one of the most important factors explaining someone’s cognitive ability at age 70 is their cognitive ability when they were 11. That is, older adults with poorer cognitive skills have often had these lower skills since childhood, rather than the differences being solely due to a faster decline in older age.

    Similar patterns are also seen when looking for evidence of dementia-related damage on brain scans, with some changes appearing to be more closely related to risk factor exposures in early life than current unhealthy lifestyles.

    Taken together, perhaps the time has come for dementia prevention to be thought of as a lifelong goal, rather than simply a focus for old age.

    A lifelong prevention plan

    But how do we achieve this in practical terms? Complex problems require complex solutions, and there is no quick fix to address this challenge. Many factors contribute to increasing or decreasing an individual’s dementia risk – there is no “one size fits all” approach.

    But one thing generally agreed upon is that mass medication of young people is not the answer. Instead, we – along with 33 other leading international researchers in the field of dementia – recently published a set of recommendations for actions that can be taken at the individual, community and national levels to improve brain health from an early age.

    Our consensus statement and recommendations deliver two clear messages. First, meaningful reductions in dementia risk for as many people as possible will only be achievable through a coordinated approach that brings together healthier environments, better education and smarter public policy.

    Second – and perhaps most importantly – while it’s never too late to take steps to reduce your risk of dementia, it’s also never too early to start.

    Scott Chiesa receives funding from an Alzheimer’s Research UK David Carr Fellowship.

    Francesca Farina receives funding from the Alzheimer’s Association and the University of Chicago.

    Laura Booi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The roots of dementia can start in childhood – prevention should be a lifelong goal – https://theconversation.com/the-roots-of-dementia-can-start-in-childhood-prevention-should-be-a-lifelong-goal-255845

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cockney Yiddish: how two languages influenced each other in London’s East End

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nadia Valman, Professor of Urban Literature, Queen Mary University of London

    Yiddish is a familiar presence in contemporary English speech. Many people use or at least know the meaning of words like chutzpah (audacity), schlep (drag) or nosh (snack).

    These words have been absorbed into English from their original speakers, eastern European Jews who migrated to Britain in the late 19th century, through generations of living in close proximity in areas like London’s East End.

    Linguistics scholars have even theorised that elements of a Yiddish accent may have influenced the cockney accent as it evolved in the early 20th century. Phonetic analysis of cockney speakers recorded in the mid-20th century suggests that East Enders who grew up with Jewish neighbours spoke English with speech rhythms typical of Yiddish.

    A distinctive pronunciation of the “r” sound is thought to have originated among Jewish immigrants and spread into the wider population.

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    But, as we explore in our new podcast, cockney reshaped the Yiddish language too. This can be seen in surviving texts from the popular culture of the Jewish immigrant East End, including newspapers and songsheets, where songs, poems and stories dramatise the thrills and challenges of modern London.

    The Yiddish music of London’s East End brought together the Yiddish language and Jewish culture of eastern Europe with the raucous, irreverent style of the cockney music hall. Theatres and pubs overflowed with audiences eager to see the immigrant experience in Whitechapel represented in all its perplexity and pathos, with a good measure of slapstick comedy.

    A Yiddish music hall song from around 1900 jokes that East Enders live on “poteytes un gefrayte fish” – a Yiddish version of the cockney staple fish and chips. The song lists the many novelties that immigrants encountered on arriving in the metropolis: trains running underground, women wearing trousers and people speaking on telephones.

    Yiddish music hall song ‘London hot sikh ibergekert’ (London has turned itself upside down) performed by the author’s (Vivi Lachs) band Katsha’nes.

    Yiddish was also the language of street protest in the Jewish East End. During the “strike fever” of 1889, when workers throughout east London were demanding better pay and working conditions, the Whitechapel streets resonated with the voices of Jewish sweatshop workers singing:

    In di gasn, tsu di masn fun badrikte felk rasn, ruft der frayhaytsgayst (In the streets, to the masses / of oppressed peoples, races / the spirit of freedom calls).

    This song was penned by the socialist poet Morris Winchevsky, an immigrant from Lithuania who spoke Yiddish as a mother tongue but preferred to write in literary Hebrew. In London he switched to writing in the vernacular language of Yiddish in order to make his writing more accessible to immigrant Jewish workers. The song became a rousing anthem in labour protests across the Yiddish-speaking world, from Warsaw to Chicago.

    The decline of Yiddish

    Yet from the earliest days of Jewish immigration to London, the Yiddish-language culture of the East End was a focus of anxiety for the Jewish middle and upper class of the West End. They regarded Yiddish as a vulgar dialect, detrimental to the integration of Jewish immigrants in England.

    While they provided significant philanthropic support for immigrants, they banned the use of Yiddish in the educational and religious institutions that they funded.

    In 1883, budding novelist Israel Zangwill was disciplined by the Jews’ Free School, where he worked as a teacher, for publishing a short story liberally sprinkled with dialogues in cockney-Yiddish.

    By the 1930s Yiddish had begun to decline. As Jews moved away from the East End, local Yiddish newspapers folded and publications dwindled.

    The Yiddish writer I.A. Lisky, who wrote fiction for a keen but diminishing readership in the London Yiddish newspaper Di tsayt, movingly described a young woman and her grandmother who each harbour complex hopes and worries but cannot communicate: “Ken ober sibl nit redn keyn yidish un di bobe farshteyt nor a por verter english. Shvaygt sibl vayter.” (But Sybil spoke no Yiddish, and her grandmother knew only a few words of English. So she remained silent.)

    Yiddish-language newspapers like Der Fonograf flourished in the early 20th century East End.
    Courtesy of Jewish Miscellanies website.

    Jewish writers of the postwar period were haunted by the sense of a lost connection to the Yiddish language and culture of previous generations.

    The novelist Alexander Baron, who grew up in Hackney, remembered his grandparents reading Yiddish literature and newspapers, and his parents speaking Yiddish when they did not want their children to understand what they were saying.

    In his novel The Lowlife (1963) the narrator’s vocabulary is peppered with Yiddish words. But these fragments are all that remains of his link to the East End where he was born. When he returns to these streets, he feels that “my too, too solid flesh in the world of the past is like a ghost of the past in the solid world of the present; it can look on but it cannot touch”.

    Yiddish in London today

    If you walk through the north London neighbourhood of Stamford Hill today, you’ll hear Yiddish on the streets and see new Yiddish books on the shelves of the local bookshops. Although they have no connection to the Victorian Jewish East End, the ultra-orthodox Hasidic community who live there speak Yiddish as their first language.

    And for a younger generation of secular Jews, Yiddish is also acquiring a new appeal. They look to past traditions of Jewish diasporism to forge an identity rooted in language, culture and solidarity with other minorities rather than nationalism.

    London is one centre of this worldwide revival: the Friends of Yiddish group established in the East End in the late 1930s is now flourishing in its contemporary incarnation as the Yiddish Open Mic Cafe. And Yiddish is once again a language that anyone can learn.

    The Ot Azoy Yiddish summer school is in its 13th year, and new Yiddish language schools are thriving, including east London-based Babel’s Blessing, which teaches diaspora languages including Yiddish and offers free English classes to refugees and asylum seekers. The annual Yiddish sof-vokh hosts an immersive weekend for Yiddish learners.

    Yiddish culture too is being rejuvenated. Projects we have been involved with include the Yiddish Shpilers theatre troupe, the Great Yiddish Parade marching band, which has brought Winchevsky’s socialist anthems back onto London’s streets, and the London band Katsha’nes, which has reimagined cockney Yiddish music hall songs for the 21st century.

    If Yiddish was once reviled as a debased, slangy mishmash, full of borrowings and adaptations, it’s precisely for those qualities that it is celebrated today.

    Nadia Valman received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council for research included in this article.

    Vivi Lachs received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council for research included in this article.

    – ref. Cockney Yiddish: how two languages influenced each other in London’s East End – https://theconversation.com/cockney-yiddish-how-two-languages-influenced-each-other-in-londons-east-end-252779

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Putin dodges peace talks in Istanbul as Russia pushes for territorial concessions from Ukraine

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Phelps, Commissioning Editor, International Affairs

    This article was first published in The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email newsletter. Sign up to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.

    Demands by British, French, German and Polish leaders in Kyiv last weekend that Russia agree to a 30-day ceasefire in Ukraine or face possible “massive” sanctions went down in Moscow about as well as you’d expect. In an address from the Kremlin, Russian president Vladimir Putin lambasted European powers for talking to Russia “in a boorish manner and with the help of ultimatums”.

    He did, however, offer a counter-proposal: an invitation for Ukraine to take part in direct talks in the Turkish city of Istanbul. Putin called the talks “the first step towards a long-term, lasting peace”. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, accepted the invitation and announced he would attend the talks in person. He challenged Putin to do the same.

    But on the eve of the talks it was announced that, no, Putin wouldn’t attend and a junior delegation would be sent in his place. Zelensky, who is in Turkey anyway for talks with the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has called the Russian envoy “phony” and accused Moscow of sending “stand-in props”.

    Putin’s no-show, alongside Russia’s refusal to agree to a ceasefire as a precursor to negotiations, probably says all you need to know about whether Moscow truly intends to bring the war to an end. But, regardless, the talks are the first to take place directly between the two warring parties since the early weeks of Russia’s full-scale invasion.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    The Russian delegation in Istanbul is being led by Vladimir Medinsky, a Putin aide who led the previous round of direct peace talks with Ukraine. This is evidence, as Stefan Wolff and Tetyana Malyarenko also point out, that Russia wants the talks to be based on the same framework as in 2022 – namely, forcing Ukraine to accept significant restrictions on its military and sovereignty.

    Wolff and Malyarenko, who are two regular contributors to our coverage of the war in Ukraine, explain that Russia’s territorial demands have become more contentious since the start of the war. Russia’s current position is that it sees international recognition of Crimea, Sevastopol, the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, and the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions as part of Russia as “imperative”.

    This is a non-starter for Ukraine. But Wolff and Malyarenko suggest there could be some flexibility on accepting that some parts of Ukrainian territory are under temporary Russian control in exchange for peace.

    The problem, they write, is that much of the territory Russia currently occupies, including Crimea and land on the shores of the Azov Sea, is of key strategic value for Russia. Donetsk and Luhansk, meanwhile, have substantial economic value because of the resources located there.

    In any case, there is no guarantee that territorial concessions from Kyiv now would put a permanent end to the war, write Wolff and Malyarenko. This is because it “does not address the fundamental issue of how to deal with a vengeful and revisionist autocracy on Europe’s doorstep”.



    Read more:
    Territorial concessions will be central to any Ukraine peace deal, and to Russia’s long-term plan

    Lasting peace between India and Pakistan, two countries that regularly clash over control of the disputed Kashmir region, is proving equally tricky to find. Several rounds of military strikes, prompted by a terrorist attack in Indian-administered Kashmir in April that killed at least 31 people, have recently brought the nuclear powers closer to war than they have been in decades.

    The Trump administration initially expressed reluctance to get involved, saying it was “none of our business”. But as hostilities rapidly escalated, raising the prospect of nuclear war, US officials stepped in and talked down the two countries. A ceasefire was agreed that, for almost a week now, seems to have held.

    Alex Waterman and Sudhir Selvaraj, experts on peace studies at the University of Bradford, say the ceasefire represents an “incredibly precarious peace”.

    That ceasefires have been agreed – and respected – by the two parties before is cause for optimism, they write. But cross-border tensions have increased in recent years. Waterman and Selvaraj argue this has been part of a strategy used by Pakistan’s powerful army to deflect attention away from political and economic crises at home.

    Tensions remain high and may, at some point, spill over again. Some of the decisions taken by India after the recent terror attack, for instance, such as the suspension of a treaty governing water sharing of rivers in the Indus basin, could compel further support for militant groups in Kashmir. Despite a US offer to mediate talks between the two countries, deeper resolution looks a way off.



    Read more:
    India and Pakistan have agreed a precarious peace – but will it last?

    Donald Trump, meanwhile, is wrapping up his four-day tour of the Middle East. His visit has seen him sit down with the Saudi crown prince and the Qatari emir (as well as Syria’s leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa) to discuss bolstering economic and security ties.

    In that sense, the trip has been a resounding success. Trump signed a US$142 billion (£107 billion) arms deal with Saudi Arabia and agreements with Qatar that, according to the White House, will “generate an economic exchange worth at least US$1.2 trillion”.

    Adam Hanieh, a professor of political economy at the University of Exeter, explains that arrangements like these are part of a long history in which the Gulf monarchies have supported the architecture of US global power.

    In this piece, Hanieh explores how the vast amounts of income generated by the Gulf’s nationalised petroleum industries in the 20th century was invested into US financial markets. Gulf states, he writes, were essential contributors to the growth of the US as a global financial power.

    The US promised military protection in return, resulting in a web of American military bases across the region. As Trump’s lavish welcome in the Middle East shows, the relationship between the US and Gulf monarchies looks robust.

    But much has changed in the past two decades, says Hanieh, referring to China’s rise as a global manufacturing hub. The Gulf is a critical energy lifeline for Beijing, while China’s demand for oil, gas and petrochemicals will be a vital part of the Gulf’s economic future.



    Read more:
    Not every US president gets a free private jet, but the Gulf states have boosted US economic dominance for decades

    Trump is no stranger to competition with China, as his first five months in office have shown. Tit-for-tat tariffs that the US and China imposed on each other quickly snowballed into heavy duties, as high as 145% on Chinese goods looking to enter the US.

    However, after weeks of signalling that tariff levels could reduce, US and Chinese officials announced this week that US tariffs on Chinese goods would drop to 30% for a period of 90 days, while Chinese tariffs on US products would drop back to 10%. Trade negotiations between the two countries will continue.

    We asked Chee Meng Tan, an assistant professor of business economics at the University of Nottingham, what the deal means for China. He says the tariff reduction has provided China with much-needed relief as it attempts to repair its ailing economy.

    But China will ultimately hope to bring US tariffs down to around 10%, in line with the rest of the world. And, as Tan explains, there is more China can do to persuade the Trump administration to cut tariffs further. Ensuring the flow of critical minerals to the US and assuring its support for US agriculture, an important political support base for Trump, will be key.

    China needs to engage with the US and lower US tariffs as much as possible. But it will want to look at other options, writes Tan, rather than relying on an unpredictable Trump. The next 90 days are a big deal for Beijing.



    Read more:
    China-US trade war: the next 90 days are a big deal for Beijing as it seeks long-term solutions

    Jonathan Este is on holiday.

    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.

    – ref. Putin dodges peace talks in Istanbul as Russia pushes for territorial concessions from Ukraine – https://theconversation.com/putin-dodges-peace-talks-in-istanbul-as-russia-pushes-for-territorial-concessions-from-ukraine-256504

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Denmark’s oysters are transforming foodies into citizen scientists

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dominique Townsend, Visiting Researcher, School of Geography and Environmental Science, University of Southampton

    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    This year 80 people put on their waders, grabbed buckets and quadrats (square metal frames), and splashed through the clear shallow waters. Once they reached one of the many sampling locations, marked by miniature floats, they threw their quadrats into the shallow water, ready to collect all the sea life that landed inside their quadrats.

    No one had any idea what they might find living on the seabed until they reached into the water. Nearby, kids peered down at the seabed using underwater scopes, grandparents chuckled as they returned for a second forage.

    This citizen science project combines coastal ecology and gastronomy. Our groups returned to the sorting stations to identify, count, weigh and measure each bucket of creatures and algae. A typical bucket might contain four living Pacific oysters, nine dead, a brush-clawed shore crab, four folded sea squirts and a handful of snails.

    Then, we sat down together to eat a gourmet oyster dinner, prepared by Denmark’s top chefs. Organised by a shellfish gastrotourism association called Danmarks Skaldyrshovedstad, this oyster hunt (Østerjagten 2025) is a new annual festival held at the Salling Sund Bridge in the Danish Limfjorden, a 110-mile strait of water in northern Denmark.

    Citizen scientists gather flora and fauna samples from the seafloor.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    The invasive Pacific oysters people had collected from the seabed then went on to be shucked and cooked. They were served au gratin, with wild flavour combinations, ranging from blueberry and blue cheese to shavings of prosciutto with strawberries and lime.

    Most people told us they came along because of the quirkiness of this event, and the promise of gourmet food. Less than one in five people stated their interest in marine research as their reason for joining. Nobody attended the event just for the science.

    As a coastal change researcher, this result was exciting – we were reaching an audience that might not normally engage. Even after participating, many people didn’t feel like citizen scientists. But when asked what they had learnt, most recalled facts about coastal ecology, as well as new ways to cook oysters.

    A delicious plate of Pacific oysters served au gratin.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND



    Read more:
    How citizen science is shaping international conservation

    Eating aliens

    Back to the basket sample contents. Pacific oyster, brush-clawed shore crab, folded sea squirts: none are native to the Limfjorden or Danish waters. So many people were shocked to find out that their baskets were full of invasive species – these “alien species” are non-native and can compete with the resident species for both food and space.

    Despite an increase in the number of empty Pacific oysters shells we found this year compared to last (indicating more oyster deaths), temperatures are rising in this estuary system. This means that conditions are becoming more suitable for the Pacific oysters and the other invasive creatures, many of which originate in warmer waters.

    Individual Pacific oysters were measured by hand.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    All oysters provide ecosystem services; improving water quality, forming new habitats and protecting coastlines from erosion by reducing wave energy. As Pacific oysters are bigger, rougher, tougher and much faster growing than native European oysters, they can have a greater impact on the environment.

    This, however, is not necessarily a good thing. As Pacific oysters take over European oyster and blue mussel beds, birds which once fed on these species are left without vital food sources. The thick shells mean they have no predators once they reach a certain size. Beach goers can also be affected as the razor-sharp shells occupy previously sandy bathing areas.

    Farming of the Pacific oyster has been banned in Denmark since 1998, yet despite this measure, Pacific oyster beds are now widespread and prevalent across Denmark’s estuaries. A single oyster can release between 50 and 200 million eggs during a spawning event each year meaning it is impossible to control them.

    A young citizen scientist holds a small shore crab.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    While children were discovering the joy of sea squirts, other marine scientists and I could have tougher conversations with adults about climate change. We explained that warming temperatures are clearly visible in the here-and-now of local monitoring data.

    The Limfjorden is made up of a series of fjords and islands in northern Denmark which link the North Sea to the Kattergat (the sea between Denmark and Sweden). This area is characterised by undisturbed coastlines and rolling hills, as well as some famous geological sites. It is a popular holiday destination for those that enjoy being in nature, some Danish hyggelig (comfort) and seafood.

    But the Limfjorden is subject to numerous pressures: eutrophication (when extra nutrients in the water cause toxic algal blooms), changing climate, fishing, dumping of dredged materials and the arrival of invasive species. Its resilience to these may serve as an ecological bell weather for the rest of the world’s coasts.

    Our event highlights how we’ll have to deal with environmental issues together. One feedback form still sits on my desk, the participant wrote in Danish: “Forskning er alle mands projekt og at det har effekt.” This translates to “research is everyone’s project and it has an effect”.

    This edible approach offers a new way of communicating complex issues such as biodiversity and the introduction of alien species. Oyster hunt-style events such as this offer an excellent opportunity for scientists like us to provide some food for thought.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Camille Saurel receives funding from the European Union, Danish Government and research councils.

    Pedro Seabra Freitas receives funding from the European Union, Danish Government and Research Councils, Aage V. Jensen Naturfond.

    Dominique Townsend does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Denmark’s oysters are transforming foodies into citizen scientists – https://theconversation.com/how-denmarks-oysters-are-transforming-foodies-into-citizen-scientists-255828

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to write a perfect wedding speech – according to ancient orators

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Roberts, Professor of English and University Orator, Birmingham City University

    IVASHstudio/Shutterstock

    Looking for an example of how not to give a wedding speech? Try this. I was recently told an anecdote about guests at a wedding who became suspicious about the detached, cliched style of the groom’s speech, and the monotonous way it was read. Gathered at the reception afterwards, they asked ChatGPT to write a groom’s wedding speech. Bingo! The result was as good as identical.

    Admittedly, whether you’re bride or groom, best man or chief bridesmaid, giving a wedding speech can be a scary prospect. But if you want to keep it personal and memorable, AI is not the answer.

    So what is? You could do a lot worse than following the five canons of classical rhetoric, as recommended by the great practitioners of the ancient world, Cicero and Quintilian: invention, arrangement, style, memory and delivery.

    1. Invention

    The first canon of classical rhetoric is invention. That’s the process of discovering and developing the ideas you’ll use in your speech.

    You can’t speak about everything, and no one likes a speech that drones on. Around ten minutes is all you need. That leaves you time for maybe six or seven events in the life of the person you’re talking about.

    If you visualise those six or seven events, that will help you remember them. Is there a theme or characteristic that binds them together? Identify one or two, and use them to create a thread.

    Good speakers often begin with a bit of a warm-up – maybe some light-hearted comments about the venue, or something in the news, or just a good joke. Plan to single out people in the audience for a mention or a laugh. Say something nice about the new family, or friendship groups you’ve discovered through the relationship.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    2. Arrangement

    History is your best friend when it comes to arranging the order of your speech. The events you’ve chosen under “invention” happened in order of time. So lean on history and organise them chronologically.

    Also, remember that many of the best wedding speeches often follow an arc from light to serious. You can make fun of your subject for a while, but nothing quite beats ending with love.

    3. Style

    This will vary depending on your role. Best men and chief bridesmaids traditionally skirt the boundaries of politeness, or sometimes go crashing through them (the worst best-man jokes are not repeatable here, nor anywhere else, and there’s no shortage of books dedicated to them).

    Mostly you’ll be talking to a mixed audience. You can be a bit risqué without offending anyone (sexist jokes are not recommended). And because you’re likely to be talking to people you know, try to be informal – the “familiar style”, as it used to be called. That also means being personal. The speech has to sound like you.

    Keep your speech as personal as possible.
    Dupe/Chloe Christianson, CC BY-SA

    4. Memory

    The prospect of remembering a speech may feel daunting or impossible. But speaking without notes makes a huge difference to how you engage your audience.

    Look into their eyes and they will be drawn in. The ancient Roman educator Quintilian was one among many orators to recommend visual analogues as a memory aid – often, the ground plan of a house, where a porch leads to a hall, which leads to a dining room, and so on. You populate each room with clues. They might be verbal or visual.

    Anything that helps you lift your eyes from a script will increase your chances of getting the audience on your side.

    5. Delivery

    Calm your nerves by visualising the scene ahead of time. Most people visit their wedding venue before the big day, so take the opportunity to get used to the space, and then run it through in your head afterwards.

    Try rehearsing the speech while you’re going for a walk. When it comes to the big day and the room is full, remember that you can’t speak directly to everyone. Instead, pick out maybe three or four people to focus on, in different parts of the room.

    Taking a walk around the venue ahead of time can help you to memorise your speech.
    Dupe/Marissa Gradei, CC BY-SA

    There are novel approaches and there are disasters. The double-act approach can work brilliantly, where bride and groom take turns to deliver a single speech, but it may need scripting. If the venue has the facilities, a slide show can work well. Picking out the various groups of families and friends and getting them to wave usually works as a good warmup.

    When you get a laugh, ride it – start speaking again just as the laughter is dying down. Don’t wait for silence. If you get into a panic and can’t think of anything, just say you’re so happy that you’re speechless, and raise your glass for a toast.

    David Roberts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How to write a perfect wedding speech – according to ancient orators – https://theconversation.com/how-to-write-a-perfect-wedding-speech-according-to-ancient-orators-251284

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Symptoms of androgen excess in women are too often being overlooked – or dismissed as ‘just cosmetic’

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael O’Reilly, Clinical Associate Professor of Endocrinology, Department of Medicine, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences

    Hair loss can be a symptom of androgen excess Hazal Ak/Shutterstock

    Acne that won’t go away. Hair thinning at the crown. Unwanted facial hair, unpredictable periods, mood swings and weight gain. For millions of women, these aren’t just annoying symptoms – they’re signs of a deeper, often ignored condition: androgen excess. Despite affecting at least one in ten women worldwide, this hormonal imbalance remains underdiagnosed, misunderstood, and too often dismissed.

    Androgens are commonly known as “male hormones”, but all women have them too. The problem arises when levels become too high. This excess can wreak havoc across multiple systems in the body, disrupting menstrual cycles, fertility, metabolism and even mental health. Yet because some of the more visible symptoms, like acne or hirsutism, are often brushed off as cosmetic, many women don’t get the support or treatment they need.

    The most well known cause of androgen excess is polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS). It affects up to 13% of women globally and costs the US alone an estimated US$15 billion (£11 bllion) each year.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    But, even though PCOS dominates the conversation, it’s not the only condition behind androgen excess. Other, sometimes more serious, disorders can also cause elevated hormone levels like hormone-secreting tumours, congenital adrenal hyperplasia (a group of genetic disorders that affect your adrenal glands), Cushing’s syndrome (a rare hormonal disorder caused by prolonged exposure to very high levels of the hormone cortisol) and severe insulin resistance. Yet too often, the assumption is that any woman with high androgens has PCOS, which can delay diagnosis of these rarer but potentially serious conditions.

    The effects of androgen excess go far beyond skin deep. It’s associated with significant metabolic issues – insulin resistance affects the majority of women with PCOS, putting them at higher risk for type 2 diabetes. Many also live with higher body weight and are more likely to develop high blood pressure, liver disease and cardiovascular problems.

    For some, difficulty conceiving is what finally leads them to seek medical help. But even among women not trying to become pregnant, hormonal imbalance can take a toll: anxiety and depression are two to three times more common in women with PCOS than in the general population.

    And yet, hormonal health is still too often treated as an afterthought. Many women describe years of feeling dismissed by doctors, told to “come back if you want to get pregnant”, or offered little more than the contraceptive pill. On average, women with PCOS wait over two years and consult several different healthcare professionals before receiving a diagnosis. Nearly half say their symptoms were initially ignored.

    Part of the problem may be the name itself. “Polycystic ovary syndrome” is a misnomer – many women with PCOS don’t actually have cysts on their ovaries, and having ovarian cysts doesn’t necessarily mean you have PCOS. It’s a complex metabolic and hormonal disorder, not just a reproductive one. That’s why some experts and patient advocates around the world are calling for a name change to better reflect the condition’s true nature. A more accurate label could raise awareness and improve the way it’s diagnosed and treated.

    Encouragingly, there’s been a major step forward in how androgen excess is addressed. In June 2024, the Society for Endocrinology in the UK published new clinical guidelines to help doctors better identify and manage the condition. These guidelines include clear diagnostic pathways, recommendations for when to carry out blood tests or scans, and guidance on when to refer patients for specialist care. Crucially, they acknowledge that androgen excess can affect women at all ages – not just during the reproductive years.

    A real difference

    Publishing guidelines is only the first step. To make a real difference in women’s lives, several things need to happen. First, there must be greater investment in research. We still don’t fully understand why some women develop excess androgens while others don’t, or why symptoms vary so much between individuals. Research in women’s health has long been underfunded and androgen-related conditions are no exception.

    Doctors also need better training. General practitioners, gynaecologists, dermatologists and even mental health professionals all have a role to play in recognising the signs of androgen excess. If they don’t feel confident identifying the symptoms or knowing when to investigate further, women will continue to fall through the cracks.

    Just as importantly, women need access to clear, trustworthy information. Too many are left to Google their symptoms or rely on online forums. Knowing what to look out for – and what to ask a doctor – can empower women to advocate for themselves and get the care they deserve.

    Finally, we need to move toward more joined up, holistic care. Hormonal health doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It affects – and is affected by – mental wellbeing, lifestyle, metabolism and reproductive health. Effective treatment means looking at the whole picture, not just prescribing a pill or focusing on fertility alone.

    Androgen excess may be invisible to those who don’t experience it, but its impact is profound. For too long, it has flown under the radar. With better understanding, better care, and a stronger voice for women’s health, we can ensure that hormonal symptoms are taken seriously – and treated with the urgency and compassion they deserve.

    Michael O’Reilly receives research funding from the Health Research Board (Ireland) and Wellcome

    Leanne Cussen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Symptoms of androgen excess in women are too often being overlooked – or dismissed as ‘just cosmetic’ – https://theconversation.com/symptoms-of-androgen-excess-in-women-are-too-often-being-overlooked-or-dismissed-as-just-cosmetic-255743

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is the pope a mathematician? Yes, actually – and his training may help him grapple with the infinite

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Balthasar Grabmayr, Junior Professor of Philosophy, University of Tübingen

    Humans are finite creatures. Our brains have a finite number of neurons and we interact with a finite number of people during our finite lifetime. Yet humans have the remarkable ability to conceive of the infinite.

    This ability underlies Euclid’s proof that there are infinite prime numbers as well as the belief of billions that their gods are infinite beings, free of mortal constraints.

    These ideas will be well known to Pope Leo XIV since before his life in the church, he trained as a mathematician. Leo’s trajectory is probably no coincidence since there is a connection between mathematics and theology.

    Infinity is undoubtedly of central importance to both. Virtually all mathematical objects, such as numbers or geometric shapes, form infinite collections. And theologians frequently describe God as a unique, absolutely infinite being.

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    Despite using the same word, though, there has traditionally been a vast gap between how mathematicians and theologians conceptualise infinity. From antiquity until the 19th century, mathematicians have believed that there are infinitely many numbers, but – in contrast to theologians – firmly rejected the idea of the absolute infinite.

    The idea roughly is this: surely, there are infinitely many numbers, since we can always keep counting. But each number itself is finite – there are no infinite numbers. What is rejected is the legitimacy of the collection of all numbers as a closed object in its own right. For the existence of such a collection leads to logical paradoxes.

    A paradox of the infinite

    The most simple example is a version of Galileo’s paradox and leads to seemingly contradictory statements about the natural numbers 1,2,3….

    First, observe that some numbers are even, while others are not. Hence, the numbers – even and odd – must be more numerous than just the even numbers 2,4,6…. And yet, for every number there is exactly one even number. To see this, simply multiply any given number by 2.

    But then there cannot be more numbers than there are even numbers. We thus arrive at the contradictory conclusion that numbers are more numerous than the even numbers, while at the same time there are not more numbers than there are even numbers.

    Because of such paradoxes, mathematicians rejected actual infinities for millennia. As a result, mathematics was concerned with a much tamer concept of infinity than the absolute one used by theologians. This situation dramatically changed with mathematician Georg Cantor’s introduction of transfinite set theory in the second half of the 19th century.

    Georg Cantor, mathematical rebel.
    Wikipedia

    Cantor’s radical idea was to introduce, in a mathematically rigorous way, absolute infinities to the realm of mathematics. This innovation revolutionised the field by delivering a powerful and unifying theory of the infinite. Today, set theory provides the foundations of mathematics, upon which all other subdisciplines are built.

    According to Cantor’s theory, two sets – A and B – have the same size if their elements stand in a one-to-one correspondence. This means that each element of A can be related to a unique element of B, and vice versa.

    Think of sets of husbands and wives respectively, in a heterosexual, monogamous society. These sets can be seen to have the same size, even though we might not be able to count each husband and wife.

    The reason is that the relation of marriage is one-to-one. For each husband there is a unique wife, and conversely, for each wife there is a unique husband.

    Using the same idea, we have seen above that in Cantor’s theory, the set of numbers – even and odd – has the same size as the set of even numbers. And so does the set of integers, which includes negative numbers, and the set of rational numbers, which can be written as fractions.

    The most striking feature of Cantor’s theory is that not all infinite sets have the same size. In particular, Cantor showed that the set of real numbers, which can be written as infinite decimals, must be strictly larger than the set of integers.

    The set of real numbers, in turn, is smaller than even larger infinities, and so on. To measure the size of infinite sets, Cantor introduced so-called transfinite numbers.

    The ever-increasing series of transfinite numbers is denoted by Aleph, the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, whose mystic nature has been explored by philosophers, theologians and poets alike.

    Set theory and Pope Leo XIII

    For Cantor, a devout Lutheran Christian, the motivation and justification of his theory of absolute infinities was directly inspired by religion. In fact, he was convinced that the transfinite numbers were communicated to him by God. Moreover, Cantor was deeply concerned about the consequences of his theory for Catholic theology.

    Pope Leo XIII.
    Wikipedia/Braun et Compagnie

    Pope Leo XIII, Cantor’s contemporary, encouraged theologians to engage with modern science, to show that the conclusions of science were compatible with religious doctrine. In his extensive correspondence with Catholic theologians, Cantor went to great lengths to argue that his theory does not challenge the status of God as the unique actual infinite being.

    On the contrary, he understood his transfinite numbers as increasing the extent of God’s nature, as a “pathway to the throne of God”. Cantor even addressed a letter and several notes on this topic to Leo XIII himself.

    For Cantor, absolute infinities lie at the intersection of mathematics and theology. It is striking to consider that one of the most fundamental revolutions in the history of mathematics, the introduction of absolute infinities, was so deeply entangled with religious concerns.

    Pope Leo XIV has been explicit that Leo XIII was his inspiration for his choice of pontifical name. Perhaps among an infinite number of potential reasons for the choice, this mathematical link was one.

    Balthasar Grabmayr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Is the pope a mathematician? Yes, actually – and his training may help him grapple with the infinite – https://theconversation.com/is-the-pope-a-mathematician-yes-actually-and-his-training-may-help-him-grapple-with-the-infinite-256721

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: After an autocratic leader was toppled in Bangladesh, democratic renewal remains a work in progress

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

    Last July, a powerful student-led uprising in Bangladesh toppled the authoritarian, corrupt government led for 15 years by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

    Bangladesh now shows modest signs of democratic recovery. Months into its tenure, a transitional government has reopened political and civic space, especially at universities, and begun reforming key state bodies.

    Yet, violence and political retribution persist. This week, the interim government banned Hasina’s former party, the Awami League, under the country’s Anti-Terrorism Act while a tribunal investigates its role in the deaths of hundreds of protesters last year.

    Elections have also been delayed and may not happen until 2026.

    Amid this fragile transition, interim leader Muhammad Yunus, the 84-year-old Nobel-prize winning economist, has emerged as a rare figure of trust and calm. His popularity is so high, in fact, many are calling for him to remain at the helm for another five years.

    Given the uncertainty, Bangladesh faces some uncomfortable questions: can it afford electoral democracy right now? Or must stability come first, with democracy postponed until institutions can catch up?

    And what happens if emergency governance becomes the new normal?

    Fraught road to democratic renewal

    According to a global democracy report, Bangladesh is still classified as an “electoral autocracy” — one of the few in the category that actually got worse in 2024.

    The opposition, chiefly the Bangladesh National Party (BNP), has mounted a fierce challenge to the interim government’s legitimacy, arguing it lacks a democratic mandate to implement meaningful reforms.

    While the BNP and its former ally, the Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, may appeal to segments of Bangladesh’s Muslim majority, their support is undermined by reputational baggage and limited resonance with younger voters.

    At the same time, radical, right-wing, Islamist forces are exploiting the vacuum to reassert themselves, exacerbating tensions between Muslims and the Hindu minority.

    Economically, the country is also still reeling from the damage done under Hasina’s regime.

    Corruption hollowed out the banking system, leaving key institutions almost bankrupt. Although Yunus has taken steps to stabilise the economy by bringing in competent officials, uncertainty continues to dampen investor confidence.

    Inflation remains high. And unless job creation accelerates, especially for the youth, the seeds of further unrest are already planted.

    In addition, law and order has deteriorated sharply. The country’s police force has been tainted by its association with the Alami League, and the former police chief is facing charges of crimes against humanity.

    Street crime is rising and minorities are experiencing growing harassment. Women feel deeply unsafe — both online and on the streets. Some parties are also seen as a threat to countering violence against women.

    Despite strong laws on paper, weak law enforcement and victim-blaming are allowing violence to flourish. It’s very difficult to hold perpetrators of crimes to account.

    Bangladesh is also increasingly isolated on the global stage.

    India, long allied to Hasina’s government, has turned its back on the interim government. The United States is disengaging, as well. USAID had committed nearly US$1 billion (A$1.6 billion) from 2021–26 to help improve the lives of Bangladeshis, but this funding has now been suspended.

    Some gains on civil liberties

    This year, Bangladesh improved slightly in Freedom House’s index on political freedoms and civil liberties, from a score of 40 points out of 100 last year to 45. This is a step in the right direction.

    Among the improvements in the past year, the government has:

    The appointment of new election commissioners and the creation of advisory commissions for judicial and anti-corruption reform also signal an institutional reset in motion.

    But gains remain fragile. While politically motivated cases against opposition figures have been dropped, new ones have emerged against former ruling elites. The military’s policing role has expanded and harassment of Awami League supporters by protesters persists.

    In addition, media freedom remains heavily constrained, with a human rights group reporting the interim government had targeted hundreds of journalists in the past eight months.

    In this fractured environment, urgent reforms are needed. But these need to be sustainable, as well. Whether the interim government has the time, authority or support to deliver them remains in doubt. The government also needs to deliver on its promise to hold free and fair elections.

    A new party on the rise

    The country’s politically engaged youth have not been dissuaded by these issues. Rather, they are trying to reshape the political landscape.

    The new National Citizen Party (NCP) was formed in early 2025 by leaders of last year’s student uprising. It has positioned itself as the party to bring a “second republic” to Bangladesh. Drawing from historical models from France and the US, the party envisions a new elected, constituent assembly and constitution.

    With organisational support and tacit backing from the interim government, the NCP has rapidly grown into a viable political force.

    Still, the party faces a steep, uphill climb. Its broad, ideological umbrella risks diluting its message, blurring its distinctions with the BNP.

    For the NCP to turn protests into policy, it must sharpen its identity, consolidate its base, and avoid being co-opted or outflanked.

    Whether this moment of political flux leads to real transformation or yet another cycle of disillusionment will depend on how boldly — and how sustainably— the interim government and new actors like the NCP act. And they must not draw out the process of transition for too long.

    Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. After an autocratic leader was toppled in Bangladesh, democratic renewal remains a work in progress – https://theconversation.com/after-an-autocratic-leader-was-toppled-in-bangladesh-democratic-renewal-remains-a-work-in-progress-253846

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada’s audiovisual industry should better reflect the country’s diversity

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By John Schoales, Visiting Researcher and Adjunct Professor, School of Creative Industries, Toronto Metropolitan University

    An important reason for underrepresentation in cultural industries is the citizenship-based approach to defining what classifies as Canadian content.
     (Shutterstock)

    The Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) has recently undertaken a consultation on defining Canadian programming in the film and television industry.

    A longstanding focus has been to base the definition of Canadian programming on having Canadian citizens or permanent residents occupying key creative or ownership positions in film and television. Similar definitions are used in Canada for other cultural industries such as music, publishing and the arts.

    However, the growth of online content has challenged longstanding approaches that were developed when national borders played a larger role in media markets. Today, a new generation of artists and online creators are less likely to see their markets or identities confined by national boundaries.

    This has also highlighted barriers faced by others, long ignored, who don’t necessarily define their cultural identity by their nationality. This can include people from other countries who want to pursue arts and culture careers in Canada, Indigenous communities or anyone who defines their identity by anything other than their citizenship.

    Systemic bias

    An important reason for underrepresentation in cultural industries is the citizenship-based approach to Canadian content used by the CRTC in audiovisual policy and the federal and provincial governments in a variety of culture programs.

    This approach creates preferential access to opportunities for people who are much more likely to be white.

    The Canadian Human Rights Commission has stated that progress towards eliminating systemic racism and discrimination in a meaningful way will remain elusive as long as any doubt remains about the existence of systemic racism in Canada.

    The growth of online content has challenged longstanding approaches that were developed when national borders played a larger role in media markets.
    (Shutterstock)

    Canadian audiovisual policy illustrates that systemic racism does exist and remains embedded in Canadian culture policy.

    The 2021 census indicated that around one-quarter of Canada’s population is racialized. That includes 69.3 per cent of immigrants and 83.1 per cent of non-permanent residents.

    The census also shows that racialized people are underrepresented in all cultural industries, such as film and television, music, publishing and performing arts. Those who are able to work in cultural occupations often earn far less than their non-racialized counterparts.

    As the Ontario Human Rights Commission has stated:

    “Organizations must ensure that they are not unconsciously engaging in systemic discrimination. This takes vigilance and a willingness to monitor and review numerical data, policies, practices and decision-making processes and organizational culture. It is not acceptable from a human rights perspective for an organization to choose to remain unaware of systemic discrimination or to fail to act when a problem comes to its attention.”

    Challenges in the immigration system

    The relationship between immigration, underrepresentation and industry growth, success and cultural impact is particularly important for effective Canadian policy because almost all of Canada’s net population growth is due to immigration.

    Today, Canada is increasingly using a two-step immigration system in which immigrants are selected from non-permanent residents already living in Canada. It is particularly difficult for a culture industry worker to settle in Canada because they don’t qualify for public funding programs in these industries prior to becoming a permanent resident.

    In addition, relevant work they are able to find may not count toward their future immigration applications because it may be self-employment, contract or part-time work, which is the norm in these industries.

    There is little effort to either attract foreign workers in these industries or help them integrate into a workforce in which self-employment and contract work is very common, and success is largely determined by access to established networks.

    Definitions of Canadian content highlight barriers faced by others, long ignored, who don’t necessarily define their cultural identity by their citizenship.
    (Shutterstock)

    Improving creativity and productivity

    Canada’s parochial approach that equates culture with nationality echoes a troubled history of cultural assimilation and discrimination.

    The country does not appear to have learned important lessons about the impact of cultural nationalist assimilation from the Truth and Reconciliation process, restrictive immigration policies or the advancement of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

    It says to some: your cultural identity is Canadian. It says to others: you’re not a Canadian citizen or permanent resident so anything you create has no cultural value.

    Inclusive creative industries allow for the cultural contributions of more people and foster collaboration and new ideas, which are important drivers of a productive industry.

    Productivity is significantly lower in Canada than in the United States. High human capital industries like the creative industries are primary drivers of productivity and are supported by the migration of skilled people.

    A definition of Canadian content based on citizenship or permanent residency status is often promoted as a way to defend against the influx of American cultural products from Hollywood. However, Hollywood products currently have no citizenship focus. Like all highly successful culture centres, Hollywood has always founded its success on attracting talented people from around the world.

    U.S. President Donald Trump’s proposal to impose film tariffs on foreign-produced films similarly does not reflect an understanding that this is a global industry. It is a short step from there to wanting only Americans in key creative and ownership roles. That would restrict Hollywood’s access to global talent and resources, undermine its primary advantage, and undermine the industry’s competitiveness.



    Read more:
    Tax Canadian movies? Why culture has always been at the centre of trade wars

    As a leading global destination for immigrants and with aspirations to be inclusive, Canada has the unique potential to become a leading global culture centre with thriving and diverse creative industries.

    To achieve this potential, the CRTC and Canadian governments must reorient their policies to develop cultural industries that cultivate great art by talented people, regardless of their identity or where they are from.

    John Schoales does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada’s audiovisual industry should better reflect the country’s diversity – https://theconversation.com/canadas-audiovisual-industry-should-better-reflect-the-countrys-diversity-252883

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a toxic seaweed choking Caribbean beaches could become a valuable resource

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Emily Wilkinson, Principal Research Fellow, ODI Global

    Marc Bruxelle/Shutterstock

    Each year, between March and October, large amounts of brown seaweed called sargassum wash up on the shores of Caribbean islands – choking beaches, damaging marine life and threatening tourism and public health. But a number of local entrepreneurs are hoping the seaweed could create an economic opportunity.

    From the coast of west Africa to the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, climate change is warming the temperature of the ocean. Seas are also becoming more acidic as water absorbs carbon dioxide. This all results in more intense growth of sargassum in the tropical Atlantic.

    Small Caribbean nations are among the hardest hit. With 20 million tonnes of this seaweed washing up on the beaches in 2024, sargassum is fuelling an economic and public health crisis.

    The piles of noxious seaweed on the Caribbean islands’ white sandy beaches are putting off visitors to these islands and probably dampening tourism revenues.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The fishing sector is also suffering, with blooms of seaweed getting caught up in fishing nets, often ripping them due to the weight of the seaweed. This makes it hard for fishers to catch fish and make a living.

    The sheer volume of sargassum left to decompose on land produces toxic fumes that have forced people on islands like Guadeloupe to leave their homes. These toxic fumes have been linked to serious health issues including respiratory infections, sleep apnoea and even preeclampsia (high blood pressure during pregnancy).

    The sargassum problem is just one of many slow-onset events that are being exacerbated by climate change. But gradual changes get much less attention or resources to address the consequences than, say, alarming wildfires or flash floods.

    Slow-onset events are also much harder to quantify than climate-change-induced extreme weather, such as worsening hurricanes or floods. Our team at ODI Global, a thinktank, recently published a study that estimated the cost of these at US$2,000 (£1,500) per person. Calculating the tourism lost each year due to seaweed inundation is trickier.



    Read more:
    Extreme weather has already cost vulnerable island nations US$141 billion – or about US$2,000 per person

    Despite these challenges, through small-scale, locally developed solutions, as well as government policies that support small businesses including helping them access climate finance, entrepreneurs can find sustainable solutions to help their populations thrive in an era of climate change.

    Legena Henry, a lecturer at the University of the West Indies in Barbados, uses sargassum to produce a biofuel that can power cars. Johanan Dujon, the founder and chief executive of St. Lucia-based Algas Organics sells plant tonics made from sargassum and is trialling methods to convert sargassum into paper.

    Meanwhile, other innovations are helping to minimise the impacts of sargassum in the region.

    Andrés León, founder of SOS Carbon, a spin-off organisation from the mechanical engineering department at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, has designed a boat-based harvester to collect sargassum at sea to stop it from beaching and causing damage onshore.

    Some islands, such as Jamaica, are using early warning systems, typically used to predict hurricanes, to predict the ocean currents that might bring a bumper arrival of the seaweed to their shores. This could give fishers up to 30 days notice of just how bad the inundation will be.

    Barriers to scale up

    But while small businesses are emerging, turning them into larger enterprises across the region remains difficult. As usual, small island nations struggle to get funding because investors think the projects are too small and won’t make enough money.

    As Legena Henry recently told us on the Small Island Big Picture podcast, spending a few million dollars (as opposed to a few hundred million dollars) can feel administratively cumbersome for funders as they often have limited administrative capacity and large sums of money to manage.

    Another issue is ensuring the benefits from any sargassum solutions flow into the affected Caribbean islands to support local growth and economic development.

    Several opportunities exist for small island nations to generate some income from sargassum. They could, for example, sell licences to permit companies to harvest sargassum within their exclusive economic zones, which can stretch around many islands for hundreds of nautical miles.

    They can also sell licences to businesses trialling or operating new sargassum technologies within their exclusive economic zones — for example, SOS Carbon has a patent pending for technology designed to sink sargassum to the seabed to store carbon.

    Will sargassum continue to be a nuisance, or could it be an important renewable natural resource? It’s not yet clear.

    Ideally, as with other renewable natural resources in developing countries, small island nations that own the sargassum need to find ways to extract a fair share of the value from that ownership, as well as selling to external companies that come in, remove it and profit from it.

    With tax incentives and low-cost finance for domestic innovators, small islands can manage and sell sargassum and then use the proceeds to develop climate resilience measures.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Emma Tompkins received funding for work on sargassum from the Economic and Social Research Council GCRF (Grant number: ES/T002964/1)

    Emily Wilkinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How a toxic seaweed choking Caribbean beaches could become a valuable resource – https://theconversation.com/how-a-toxic-seaweed-choking-caribbean-beaches-could-become-a-valuable-resource-253874

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Supreme Court’s ruling on gender raises serious questions for schools

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jessica Ringrose, Professor of the Sociology of Gender and Education, Institute of Education, UCL

    Shutterstock

    The UK Supreme Court has ruled that when the Equality Act refers to “sex” it means biological sex, not gender identity.

    The Equality and Human Rights Commission has released an interim update on the implications of the UK Supreme Court judgement, which covers public spaces such as toilets.

    Schools in England and Wales must already provide single sex toilets for children aged over eight, and single sex changing rooms for children over 11. Schools in Scotland must provide separate toilet facilities for all pupils. The Equality and Human Rights Commission guidance states that schools must not permit trans girls to use the girls’ facilities, or trans boys to use the boys’.

    The ruling has caused worry for schools. Some teachers are concerned about the impact of potential changes for their pupils, including LGBTQ+ young people, whom they are in charge of safeguarding.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    LGBTQ+ charities have pointed out that organisations enforcing toilet use on the basis of biological sex may cause disproportionate harm to trans people, threatening their dignity and rights. For instance, it may lead to the policing of bathrooms on the basis of perceived sex differences and profiling, so that those that do not “look” female or male enough can be targeted.

    The Supreme Court ruling itself notes that enforcing section 29 of the Equality Act must represent “a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim”. Organisations must also, therefore, bear in mind they should not implement policies that can harm trans students.

    Forcing transgender youth to use facilities that don’t align with their gender identity can have harmful consequences, leading to increased isolation and shame and not wanting to attend school.

    In addition, separate facilities only for trans youth may also cause stigma and lead to discrimination. Young trans people may feel that their gender identity is more visible in daily school life, and this may lead to them feeling more unsafe at school.

    The government is expected to publish revised guidance on how schools can support trans pupils in light of the ruling later this year. In the meantime, it is important to remember that schools have a duty of care to safeguard all pupils.

    And this isn’t just about bathrooms. The Supreme Court’s ruling may have left trans and gender diverse young people (those who don’t identify as male or female), already an extremely vulnerable group, feeling more at risk. Research has pointed to schools as a place where trans and gender-diverse young people face significant discrimination from both school staff and their peers.

    A systematic review of research – a study which assesses the findings of a range of scholarly research studies on a particular topic – has estimated that the proportion of adolescents who identify as trans or gender diverse is between 2.5% and 8.4%. The lowest end of that estimate would translate to 27 trans or gender diverse pupils in an average-sized English secondary school. The research also suggests that this proportion is increasing.

    The importance of relationships and sex education

    A key way schools can support trans and gender diverse young people is through the provision of relationships and sex education that addresses LGBTQ+ identities. This should be part of a whole school approach to safeguarding. It is necessary for the wellbeing and safety of all pupils, regardless of sexuality or gender.

    A UCL Institute of Education guide to good practice that I contributed to sets out key principles to ensure high quality relationships and sex education. This includes taking into account the needs and views of all pupils, including trans and gender diverse pupils.

    Comprehensive, inclusive relationships and sex education benefits all pupils.
    LightField Studios/Shutterstock

    Schools should consider how disability, race, culture, age and religion or belief intersect with gender and sexuality. They should be inclusive. This means acknowledging which groups have privilege, and how unequal societal and institutional structures and power relations shape society and schools.

    Schools’ approach should ensure that young people have access to accurate information, health services, advice and knowledge, and encourage positive attitudes towards sexuality and body image while also tackling taboos and shame driven by inequalities. And relationships and sex education should be contemporary, relevant, and flexible.

    It should incorporate the experiences of all young people, including trans and gender diverse pupils, in order to be responsive to changing school populations. Finally, it should be research and evidence driven. This means drawing upon up to date, peer-reviewed academic research evidence, rather than political bias.

    The School of Sexuality Education charity has also offered further strategies for schools to be inclusive and supportive. These include challenging gender stereotypes and transphobic bullying in schools, upholding confidentiality whenever possible, and making sure to share relevant resources, including support services within the school and with parents.

    Overall, high quality relationships and sex education lessons that cover issues of LGBTQ+ sexual health and rights will enable schools to be inclusive environments that prioritise the safety, respect and dignity of all pupils.

    Still, the Supreme Court’s ruling has put schools and teachers in a difficult position. Schools urgently need the government to deliver its guidance on this issue – in a way that addresses schools’ very real concerns about the welfare of their trans pupils.

    Jessica Ringrose receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. The Supreme Court’s ruling on gender raises serious questions for schools – https://theconversation.com/the-supreme-courts-ruling-on-gender-raises-serious-questions-for-schools-255748

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Not every US president gets a free private jet, but the Gulf states have boosted US economic dominance for decades

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Hanieh, Professor of Political Economy and Global Development, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter

    After signing a US$142 billion (£107 billion) arms deal with Saudi Arabia, Donald Trump said the US bond with that country was “more powerful than ever”. He was also reportedly quite pleased with the gift of a private jet from Qatar.

    But these arrangements are just the latest developments in a long history of the Gulf monarchies supporting the architecture of American global power. And while the six Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman) have recently started redirecting their energy and trade ties eastward, especially towards China, they remain deeply embedded in the US-led financial order.

    As I explore in my recent book, Crude Capitalism, the Gulf states were instrumental in the rise of American global economic dominance.

    With oil emerging as the dominant fossil fuel through the second half of the 20th century, the Gulf’s nationalised petroleum industries generated vast amounts of income. Much of this was invested back into the US financial markets, particularly treasury bonds (essentially a long-term loan to the US government). This gave the US access to cheap foreign capital and reinforced the global dominance of the dollar.

    Put simply, the Gulf states were not peripheral to the US’s growing financial power – they were an essential contributor.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    This arrangement also involved a political bargain: US military protection for the Gulf monarchies in exchange for investment flows and energy stability. The result was a web of US military bases across the region and a deep alignment between authoritarian Gulf regimes and western strategic interests.

    But much has changed in the past two decades. China’s rise as a global manufacturing hub has driven a huge increase in oil consumption, shifting the direction of the Gulf’s oil exports away from the US and western Europe towards China and east Asia.

    These energy ties have been accompanied by much deeper trade interdependence and a huge increase in Chinese investments in the Gulf. In 2005, China was responsible for just 9% of the Gulf’s imports. Today, that figure is over 20%, while the US and EU’s share has fallen from 45% to 16%. China has also recently overtaken the US as the largest foreign investor in Saudi Arabia.

    From Beijing’s perspective, the Gulf is a critical energy lifeline. From the Gulf’s side, China’s continuing demand for oil, gas and petrochemicals is a vital part of its economic future.

    For the moment, that economic situation looks pretty robust. In 2024, Gulf countries held around US$800 billion in foreign reserves (foreign currencies and other assets), which is more than India or Switzerland. Their sovereign wealth funds (a state owned investment fund) manage another US$4.9 trillion of assets.

    Private wealth, including that held by ruling families, stood at US$2.8 trillion in 2022, and is expected to reach US$3.5 trillion by 2027.

    Much of this money is invested domestically, in sectors including infrastructure, real estate and renewable energy. But an astonishing amount flows directly into US markets.

    Oil be back

    According to US Treasury data, total Gulf holdings of American securities (bonds, stocks and corporate debt) rose from US$611 billion in 2017 to over US$1 trillion in 2024. Outside of Canada and financial hubs like London and Ireland, the Gulf is now the largest foreign investor in the US stock market.

    Another route through which Gulf wealth flows back into the US is via military procurement. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the Gulf states accounted for 22% of all global arms imports between 2019 and 2023 – more than any other region in the world.

    Riyadh, money to build.
    Kashif Hameed/Shutterstock

    The US supplies the overwhelming majority of these weapons. In this way, Gulf spending supports the American military industry, and in return, these states become more closely tied to the US military’s umbrella.

    These deep military, financial and strategic ties help explain the real focus of Trump’s visit to the Gulf. Much of the discussion will have centred on massive investment pledges made by Gulf states to the US – including Saudi Arabia’s promise to invest up to US$600 billion, and the UAE’s commitment to a US$1.4 trillion investment over ten years.

    And such pledges reflect a broader agenda which involves expanding deals in artificial intelligence, critical minerals, energy infrastructure and advanced manufacturing.

    So Trump travelling to the region is not just about private jets and spectacle. It is about the continuing relevance of a structural relationship essential to American power, and a deepening financial integration between the Gulf and the US.

    For even as the Gulf reorients its energy flows eastward, it remains deeply tied to US finance, the US military industry and US assets. In an era of weakening US global power – and the possible spectre of a deeper clash with China – this is what will define Trump’s visit.

    Adam Hanieh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Not every US president gets a free private jet, but the Gulf states have boosted US economic dominance for decades – https://theconversation.com/not-every-us-president-gets-a-free-private-jet-but-the-gulf-states-have-boosted-us-economic-dominance-for-decades-256655

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Philippine elections leaves the Marcos-Duterte family feud still dominating politics

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Sidel, Professor of International and Comparative Politics, London School of Economics and Political Science

    With 317 congressional seats and nearly 18,000 local positions at stake, the May 12 midterm election results in the Philippines mean different things to people across the archipelago. But even a few hours after the unofficial results came in, the brute facts had already become clear.

    Local elections for municipal and city mayorships, provincial governorships and congressional seats predictably produced victories for entrenched local “dynasties”. The advantages of incumbency – control over the patronage resources and regulatory powers of the state – ensured reelection for many sitting mayors, governors and congress members.

    Midterm elections in the Philippines also include half of the seats in the nationally elected 24-member Senate. They thus serve simultaneously as tests for presidents halfway through their single six-year terms and previews of the next presidential election, in this case in 2028.

    The latest mid-terms have been notable for their – ultimately ambiguous – implications for a major family feud at the top of the country’s politics. This feud pits the family of current president Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. against that of his vice-president, Sara Duterte.

    The elections have failed to strengthen either family decisively, so their bitter rivalry is likely to continue throughout the remainder of Marcos’s term.

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    This family feud dates back to late 2021. At that time, Duterte agreed to run as Marcos’s running mate for presidential elections the following year despite her clear lead in nationwide voter preference surveys.

    The Marcos-Duterte ticket won a landslide victory. They benefited from the endorsement and assistance of the incumbent president, Rodrigo Duterte, whose enduring popularity extended to his daughter Sara.

    But following Marcos’s inauguration in late June 2022, a rift between the two families began to open up. Marcos settled into his presidential role and began to distance himself from the signature policies of his predecessor.

    Instead of cultivating close ties with China, Marcos strengthened relations with the US. And instead of continuing Duterte’s so-called “war on drugs”, Marcos publicly spotlighted corruption in the Philippine National Police (PNP).

    By 2024, Marcos began to signal his government’s willingness to cooperate with the International Criminal Court in its investigation of Duterte’s role in the thousands of extrajudicial killings undertaken in the war on drugs. Then, in March 2025, Duterte was arrested and transferred to The Hague. He is due to stand trial in the coming months.



    Read more:
    Former Philippines president Rodrigo Duterte arrested for crimes against humanity – a blow against impunity

    Relations between the president and his vice-president have also broken down. Sara Duterte resigned from her cabinet post in 2024 amid corruption allegations, with subsequent months seeing escalating public hostilities between Marcos and herself. These included claims of death threats and assassination plots.

    The House of Representatives voted by a clear majority to impeach Duterte in February 2025, setting the stage for a Senate trial later in the year. Against this backdrop, the midterms served as a kind of pre-trial proxy war between the two families.

    The Dutertes fielded ten candidates for Senate, the so-called “Duterten”. They also endorsed two of the 12 candidates in the Marcos-backed Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas (Alliance for a New Philippines). The campaign was dominated by mudslinging between the two camps in the media and on social media. And the final results have proved decidedly mixed.

    On the one hand, pro-Duterte voters came out in a show of force to support candidates in the slate backed by the former president. This was foreshadowed by Marcos’s declining popularity following the arrest of his predecessor and the impeachment of his vice-president.

    Longtime Duterte lieutenant, Christopher “Bong” Go, won reelection and the most votes of all candidates. Duterte’s former police chief, Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, also secured another term with a third-place showing.

    The sixth-placed winner was Rodante Marcoleta, another Duterte-backed candidate. He is a television broadcaster and member of the Iglesia Ni Cristo, an independent church whose nearly 3 million members have long been viewed as a single solid voting bloc.

    Two Alyansa candidates, Imee Marcos, the president’s estranged sister, and Camille Villar, daughter of wealthy real-estate mogul and former senator Manuel “Manny” Villar, also won seats with the explicit blessings of the Dutertes.

    On the other hand, the Marcos camp won more seats and some added strength in its battle with the Dutertes for control of the Senate ahead of Sara Duterte’s trial. Erwin Tulfo, a popular television news anchor and Marcos’s former secretary of social welfare and development, won the fourth-place seat.

    He was accompanied by four former senators also affiliated with Alyansa. These included ex-PNP chief Panfilo “Ping” Lacson, longtime television personality Vicente “Tito” Sotto III, Pia Cayetano with her base in wealthy Taguig City, and former action film star Lito Lapid.

    But, overall, the mid-terms do not seem to have improved the prospects for the successful conviction of Sara Duterte. Alongside the winning Alyansa candidates, voters also returned two prominent opposition candidates, Paolo “Bam” Aquino and Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan, to the Senate. They oppose both the Marcos administration and the Duterte camp.

    At the same time, there are questions about the allegiances of several of the 12 senators already seated. This adds an additional challenge in the search for the 16 senators required to secure impeachment.

    Duterte – and her father, just reelected as Davao’s mayor while awaiting trial in The Hague – also still enjoy support among many voters, especially in their southern home base in Mindanao.

    The 24 elected members of the Senate are sensitive to public opinion and their own reelection prospects in 2028 and beyond. So, many of them will probably choose to hedge their bets and see where the winds are blowing as the trial unfolds.

    The family feud dominating the national political scene looks set to remain unresolved over the months and years ahead.

    John Sidel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Philippine elections leaves the Marcos-Duterte family feud still dominating politics – https://theconversation.com/philippine-elections-leaves-the-marcos-duterte-family-feud-still-dominating-politics-256383

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Tove Jansson used her Moomins comic strip to humorously critique the financial and creative pressures of being an artist

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elina Druker, Professor in Department of Culture and Aesthetics, Stockholm University

    In 1954, the Finnish artist Tove Jansson was commissioned by the Evening News in London to draw comic strips about the Moomintrolls. The strip was syndicated by hundreds of newspapers, introducing the Moomins to an international audience and marking a dramatic turning point in her career.

    Between 1954 and 1959, Tove Jansson drew 21 comics, some in collaboration with her brother Lars Jansson, who continued to draw the comic strip until 1975.

    The success of the Moomin in the Evening News brought Tove Jansson economic security and helped her with the mortgage of her studio in Helsinki. However, over time, the assignment also became a burden on her creative work – a time-consuming and demanding obligation.

    Perhaps because of this personal conflict, the comics often explore themes such as the struggle of artistic creation, the role of the artist and the value of art. Jansson had previously created humorous and satirical commentaries on the art world in various artists’ magazines in Finland, but here she places the Moomin at the heart of the creative process.

    Unlike the novels and picture books, the Moomin comic strips were created for adults and can be described as satire. Jansson uses the compact format to comment on society, including the art world. The growing conflict in her own life, between the Moomintrolls and her artwork, is brought into focus in the comic strips.

    This is part of a series of articles celebrating the 80th anniversary of the Moomins. Want to celebrate their birthday with us? Join The Conversation and a group of experts on May 23 in Bradford for a screening of Moomins on the Riviera and a discussion of the refugee experience in Tove Jansson’s work. Click here for more information and tickets.

    The theme of the purpose of art and artistic creation is playfully introduced in one of the first comic strips, Moomin and the Brigands. Here Moomin and his friend Sniff embark on a quest for fortune. They engage in several schemes, including capturing rare creatures and selling them to the zoo, marketing magic rejuvenation potions and creating modern art.

    While visiting a Hemulen (a really uptight counterpart to the Moomintrolls who love rules), Moomin and Sniff accidentally break several precious items in her home. Among the broken objects is a large statue of Rebecca at the Well, which falls from its pedestal and shatters. Rebecca at the Well is a classic biblical motif, which is often portrays a model of feminine virtue, symbolising divine guidance and exemplifying ideals of hospitality and moral character.

    The friends awkwardly attempt to reassemble the statue by gluing it together. The result is a strangely angular and expressive piece of art, referencing fragmented cubist portraits. Cubism, which emerged around 1907 to 1908, aimed to represent reality in a radically new way by bringing together subjects and figures, resulting in objects that appear fragmented and abstracted.

    Sniff immediately sees the potential of the new Rebecca. “She’s more modern now,” he exclaims joyfully. The friends carry the statue to an enthusiastic art dealer who sells it for £500 in his gallery.

    The episode with the deconstructed Rebecca is, of course, a funny caricature of the trend-sensitive art market. But the shattered statue with its intricate shapes was also a commentary on the debates about the “incomprehensible” and “obscure” nature of modernist art in Nordic countries during the time.

    The destruction of the Rebecca can also be seen as an act of iconoclasm – the breaking of icons or monuments – or rather, a parody of it. While usually associated with vandalism, here, the iconoclastic act leads to the creation of something new. This expresses a desire for renewal and a liberation from restrictive conventions. It is, however, worth noting that Rebecca retains her symbol of virtue – the water jug – even after this pivotal encounter.

    Drawing on the work of French philosopher and anthropologist Bruno Latour, iconoclasm can be understood as both destructive and constructive – an ambiguity that also applies to Jansson’s interpretation of the motif.

    Later in the story, the money offered by the modernist Rebecca lures Moomin to the field of the arts. For a brief moment, he assumes the role of a painter and wholeheartedly embodies the romanticised ideal of the poor, misunderstood artist.

    Moomin dons a Rembrandtian black velvet beret, but despite this, appears lost and bewildered in his new role, muttering: “I only want to live in peace and plant potatoes and dream!”

    In a scene of self-parodying metafiction, he is blinded by his oversized beret and ends up tumbling down a cliff, abruptly ending his artistic career.

    Tove Jansson’s Moomin comic strips for the Evening News use satire to explore artistic creation, the role of the artist, and the art world.

    Through Moomintroll’s and Sniff’s pursuit of fame and fortune via the accidental modernist deconstruction of Rebecca, Jansson satirises romantic notions of the artist, the commercialisation of art and the professions surrounding artistic production. These themes are deeply connected to Jansson’s own experiences as an artist and author, constantly balancing between various professional and artistic demands, between children’s books, public obligations and painting.

    Elina Druker is employed as a professor and researcher at Stockholm University, Sweden.

    – ref. How Tove Jansson used her Moomins comic strip to humorously critique the financial and creative pressures of being an artist – https://theconversation.com/how-tove-jansson-used-her-moomins-comic-strip-to-humorously-critique-the-financial-and-creative-pressures-of-being-an-artist-256287

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nature’s Ozempic: What and how you eat can increase levels of GLP-1 without drugs

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mary J. Scourboutakos, Adjunct Lecturer in Family and Community Medicine, University of Toronto

    GLP-1 is a good example of how it’s not just what you eat that matters, it’s also how you eat it. (Shutterstock)

    Despite the popularity of semaglutide drugs like Ozempic and Wegovy for weight loss, surveys suggest that most people still prefer to lose weight without using medications. For those preferring a drug-free approach to weight loss, research shows that certain nutrients and dietary strategies can naturally mimic the effects of semaglutides.

    Increased intakes of fibre and monounsaturated fats (found in olive oil and avocadoes) — as well as the time of day when foods are eaten, the order that foods are eaten in, the speed of eating and even chewing — can naturally stimulate increased production of the same hormone responsible for the effects of semaglutide drugs.



    Read more:
    Ozempic, the ‘miracle drug,’ and the harmful idea
    of a future without fat

    As a family physician with a PhD in nutrition, I translate the latest nutrition science into dietary recommendations for my patients. A strategic approach to weight loss rooted in the latest science is not only superior to antiquated calorie counting, but also capitalizes on the same biological mechanisms responsible for the success of popular weight-loss drugs.

    Increased intake of monounsaturated fats (found in olive oil and avocadoes) is one factor in naturally stimulating GLP-1 production — the same hormone responsible for the effects of semaglutide drugs like Ozempic.
    (Stevepb/Pixabay)

    Semaglutide medications work by increasing the levels of a hormone called GLP-1 (glucagon-like peptide 1), a satiety signal that slows digestion and makes us feel full. These drugs also simultaneously decrease levels of an enzyme called DPP-4, which inactivates GLP-1.

    As a result, this “stop eating” hormone that naturally survives for only a few minutes can survive for an entire week. This enables a semi-permanent, just-eaten sensation of fullness that consequently leads to decreased food intake and, ultimately, weight loss.

    Nevertheless, medications aren’t the only way to raise GLP-1 levels.

    What you eat

    Fibre — predominantly found in beans, vegetables, whole grains, nuts and seeds — is the most notable nutrient that can significantly increase GLP-1. When fibre is fermented by the trillions of bacteria that live in our intestines, the resultant byproduct, called short chain fatty acids, stimulates the production of GLP-1.

    This may explain why fibre consumption is one of the strongest predictors of weight loss and has been shown to enable weight loss even in the absence of calorie restriction.

    Monounsaturated fats — found in olive oil and avocado oil — are another nutrient that raises GLP-1. One study showed that GLP-1 levels were higher following the consumption of bread and olive oil compared to bread and butter. Though notably, bread consumed with any kind of fat (be it from butter or even cheese) raises GLP-1 more than bread alone.

    Another study showed that having an avocado alongside your breakfast bagel also increases GLP-1 more so than eating the bagel on its own. Nuts that are high in both fibre and monounsaturated fats, like pistachios, have also been shown to raise GLP-1 levels.

    How you eat

    However, the specific foods and nutrients that influence GLP-1 levels are only half the story. GLP-1 is a good example of how it’s not just what you eat that matters, it’s also how you eat it.

    The Mediterranean diet outperformed semaglutide drugs at lowering risk of cardiac events.
    (Shutterstock)

    Studies show that meal sequence — the order foods are eaten in — can impact GLP-1. Eating protein, like fish or meat, before carbohydrates, like rice, results in a higher GLP-1 level compared to eating carbohydrates before protein. Eating vegetables before carbohydrates has a similar effect.

    Time of day also matters, because like all hormones, GLP-1 follows a circadian rhythm. A meal eaten at 8 a.m. stimulates a more pronounced release of GLP-1 compared to the same meal at 5 p.m. This may partly explain why the old saying “eat breakfast like a king, lunch like a prince and dinner like a pauper” is backed by evidence that demonstrates greater weight loss when breakfast is the largest meal of the day and dinner is the smallest.

    The speed of eating can matter, too. Eating ice cream over 30 minutes has been shown to produce a significantly higher GLP-1 level compared to eating ice cream over five minutes. However, studies looking at blood sugar responses have suggested that if vegetables are eaten first, the speed of eating becomes less important.

    Even chewing matters. One study showed that eating shredded cabbage raised GLP-1 more than drinking pureed cabbage.

    Not as potent as medication

    While certain foods and dietary strategies can increase GLP-1 naturally, the magnitude is far less than what is achievable with medications. One study of the GLP-1 raising effects of the Mediterranean diet demonstrated a peak GLP-1 level of approximately 59 picograms per millilitre of blood serum. The product monograph for Ozempic reports that the lowest dose produces a GLP-1 level of 65 nanograms per millilitre (one nanogram = 1,000 picograms). So medications raise GLP-1 more than one thousand times higher than diet.

    Nevertheless, when you compare long-term risk for diseases like heart attacks, the Mediterranean diet lowers risk of cardiac events by 30 per cent, outperforming GLP-1 medications that lower risk by 20 per cent. While weight loss will always be faster with medications, for overall health, dietary approaches are superior to medications.

    The following strategies are important for those trying to lose weight without a prescription:

    • Eat breakfast

    • Strive to make breakfast the largest meal of the day (or at least frontload your day as much as possible)

    • Aim to eat at least one fibre-rich food at every meal

    • Make olive oil a dietary staple

    • Be mindful of the order that you eat foods in, consume protein and vegetables before carbohydrates

    • Snack on nuts

    • Chew your food

    • Eat slowly

    While natural approaches to raising GLP-1 may not be as potent as medications, they provide a drug-free approach to weight loss and healthy eating.

    Mary J. Scourboutakos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Nature’s Ozempic: What and how you eat can increase levels of GLP-1 without drugs – https://theconversation.com/natures-ozempic-what-and-how-you-eat-can-increase-levels-of-glp-1-without-drugs-253728

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –