This time around, Trump is replying on outdated tools — tariffs, small government, territorial expansion and nationalism — to solve modern problems of globalization, wealth disparities, the decline of manufacturing jobs and exploitative capitalism.
On April 2, he announced a baseline tariff of 10 per cent on all countries that import goods to the U.S., including Canada. Canada has also been hit with a 25 per cent levy on Canadian-made automobiles.
The Trump administration’s current use of 19th-century tools to solve 20th-century problems that are wholly inappropriate for the 21st century threatens to take America back to the 19th century. This is an incredibly dangerous road for the U.S to take.
The rise of the nation state
The 19th century was marked by the rise of the nation-state — a single political entity united by geography, culture and language.
The prevailing belief at the time was that nation-states should use tariffs, adopt isolationist policies to cut off the outside world and seize territory where possible. These measures, it was thought, would foster national unity and allow capitalism to thrive by letting the “invisible hand” of the marketplace work its magic.
Protective tariffs promised to grow domestic industries, but the economic benefits were not evenly distributed. Wealth disparities grew wider as millions of immigrants arrived on North American shores, only to find deplorable living conditions in the cities and hardscrabble farmland out in the country.
Some newcomers prospered, of course, but they tended to be those who arrived with money already in their pockets. And they fast learned how to exploit the lack of state-directed regulation, patches of corruption amid rapid western expansion and growing nativism and poverty to their own benefit.
Many of the 20th century’s problems flowed from these 19th-century trends.
The economic fallout of tariffs
Following the financial Panic of 1873 and its ensuing economic depression in both Europe and North America, nation-states unleashed tariffs to protect their domestic economies. It was the wrong strategy to pursue, as it slowed trade even more by limiting the free flow of goods and capital. Money, as is now well-known, needs to move to grow.
Western North American farmers were furious that tariffs forced them to buy on protected markets while selling on unprotected ones subject to international market prices. They organized, too, by forming farmer co-operatives and backing movements like the Granger movement, populism and progressivism to protect their interests.
Nation-states, warmed by rising nationalist fires, formed military-defence alliances across Europe and its colonial and former colonial holdings, including Canada. In 1914, these alliances led to the First World War, a global and industrial war the likes of which the world had never seen.
The Great Depression
By the 1930s, unrestricted and largely unregulated capitalism, together with astonishing wealth disparities and monopolistic tendencies, plunged the world into the decade-long Great Depression.
Many governments’ initial response was to impose tariffs once again, and just as in 1873, they only made the problem worse. The simultaneous rise of fascism, which was largely nationalism run amok, brought the world to war again at the end of the decade, to devastating consequence.
The post-war years saw a concerted international effort at using the nation-state to regulate domestic economies by investing in social services and programs and to rein in runaway capital when its excesses threatened stability.
International bodies like the World Bank, the United Nations and the International Court of Justice were created to promote peace and stability. This new approach wasn’t always successful in its goals, but so far the world hasn’t seen any global hot wars or massive economic depressions.
The end of history
In 1992, historian Frances Fukuyama infamously declared that the world had reached “the end of history.”
He didn’t mean that time stopped, of course. Instead, he was arguing that the liberal nation-state represented “the end-point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.”
In his view, the western industrialized world had reached the pinnacle of successful governance and unlimited prosperity.
Yet, even as western liberal democracy was congratulating itself on its own success, these same nation-states, in conjunction with large corporations, were seeking out lower labour costs and greater profit in the developing world.
This is where the Trump administration re-enters the story — tapping into the frustration and disillusionment of frustrated Americans by promising to restore a “golden age” that never was.
Trump’s 19th-century playbook
Despite his promises, Trump’s tariffs are unlikely to bring manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. As history has shown, tariffs do not revive industries that are already gone; instead, they will only make Americans pay more for the things they need.
Trump’s rhetoric about territorial expansion, including threats to annex Greenland and Canada, won’t make the U.S. more secure. It will just exacerbate the sort of international tensions the world saw in 1914 and 1939.
And with limited resources left to exploit, it’s becoming harder for capital to sustain itself, even as it seeks to wrest whatever is left from our planet, the realities of environmental catastrophe be damned.
Nationalism, meanwhile, won’t foster a sense of national unity. It will only deepen existing divisions based on race and class. And if history is any guide, the consequences could be even more dire this time around, even pushing the world toward a global conflict unlike anything seen before.
Eric Strikwerda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Certainly that has been the tone of some of the reporting following the emergence of photosand videos depicting massive new Chinese barges designed for land-to-sea military operations. The fact that China launched a two-day military drill in the Taiwan Strait on April 1, 2025, has only intensified such fears.
To me, the curious thing regarding these musings about a potential war involving China, which has one of the world’s most advanced militaries, is that it is supported by reference to technology first used some 80 years ago – specifically, the Mulberry Harbours, floating piers that allowed Allies to deploy land vehicles onto the beaches at Normandy on June 6, 1944.
As an expert on the history and geopolitics of the Mulberry Harbours, I believe using the World War II example obscures far more than it clarifies with regard to the geopolitical situation today. Indeed, while the new Chinese ships may be operationally similar to their historical forebears, the strategic situation in China and Taiwan is far different.
Disquiet on the Pacific front?
The possibility of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan, an island the Chinese Communist Party sees as part of its territory, is perhaps the most pressing security issue for countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
Aside from the geopolitics, any China decision to invade Taiwan would mean attempting an extremely challenging military operation that is, historically speaking, a risky proposition. Seaborne invasions have often led to high casualties or even outright failure.
The Gallipoli landings on the coast of Turkey during World War I, for example, led to the withdrawal of mainly Australian and New Zealand forces after high casualties and barely any territorial gains. In World War II, island-hopping by U.S. forces to push back Japan’s advance achieved strategic goals – but at a high human cost.
The difficulty posed by sea-to-land invasion is not just the battles on Day 1, it is the logistical challenge of continuing to funnel troops and materiel to sustain a push out from the beachhead. That’s where the barges come into play.
About those WWII barges …
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill was skeptical of opening a front against Nazi Germany by a landing on the French coast – a position that frustrated the United States. The main concern of Churchill and his generals was the logistical puzzle. They reasoned that Germany would either retain control of French ports or sabotage them, and that tanks, guns, food, soldiers and other necessities were not going to be brought up from reserve via ports.
The Mulberry Harbours fixed that problem by creating a set of floating piers that would rise up and down with the tide by being fixed to sophisticated anchors. Ships could moor to these piers and unload needed material. The piers were protected by an inner ring of concrete caissons, dragged across the channel and sunk into position, and an outer breakwater of scuttled ships. The Mulberry Harbours were a combination of cutting-edge pier technology and improvisation.
Construction of a Mulberry Harbour, and the unloading of supplies for the Allies at Colleville, France, in 1944. Three Lions/Getty Images
The images of Chinese invasion barges today show that the technology has advanced, but the principle of an operational need for logistical support of a beachhead breakout is the same.
Yet the geography of any invasion is very different. In World War II, the Mulberry Harbours were part of an invasion from an island to conquer a continent. But a Chinese invasion of Taiwan would be the inverse – from a continent to an island.
Great power politics, Chinese characteristics
The use of Mulberry Harbours, as innovative as it was, was only a moment in a longer geopolitical process.
The D-Day invasion was the culmination of the transfer of U.S. military might across the Atlantic through Operation Bolero. Simply, the United Kingdom became a giant warehouse – mainly for U.S. soldiers and equipment.
The Mulberry Harbours made the crossing of the English Channel possible for these men and weapons. It was the last step in the projection of U.S. power across the Atlantic Ocean and on to the European continent. I describe this as a process of a seapower moving from its near or coastal waters to far waters in another part of the globe.
The calculation for China is very different. Certainly, barges would help an invasion across the Taiwan Strait. But China sees Taiwan as part of its near waters, and it wants to secure those waters from global competition.
Beijing views the U.S. as having established a military presence just off its coastline from World War II to the present day, making the western Pacific another set of U.S. far waters across the globe accompanying its European presence. From its perspective, China is surrounded by a U.S. military based in Okinawa, Guam and the Philippines. This chain of bases could restrict China’s ambition through blockade, and controlling Taiwan would help China create a gap in this chain.
Chinese invasion barges could be deployed quite early in China’s process of moving from near to far waters. The Mulberry Harbours, conversely, were deployed once the U.S. had already secured its Caribbean, Atlantic and Pacific near waters.
Part of a process
Technical matters and historical comparisons with the Mulberry Harbours are an interesting way to look at the new Chinese invasion barges and consider the operational scale of geopolitics. But as with the World War II case, China-Taiwan tensions are simply a modern example of a local theater – this time, the Taiwanese Strait – being part of a greater global process of power projection. The comparisons to Mulberry Harbours, therefore, are not with the technology itself but its role in a mechanism of historical geopolitical change.
The reemergence of the technology of invasion barges may be a sign that a new conflict is on the horizon. If that were the case, the irony is that China would be using Mulberry Harbour-type technology to secure its position in the western Pacific at the same time the Trump administration is questioning the strategic value of the U.S. presence in Europe – a presence established through World War II and, at least in part, the use of the Mulberry Harbours.
Colin Flint does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith and media personality Ben Shapiro at a PragerU event in Florida on March 27, 2025. (@DanielleSmith, X)
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith is facing fierce criticism for using taxpayer money to meet American far-right pundit Ben Shapiro in Florida as part of a recent fundraiser for conservative think tank PragerU.
Smith was initially opposed to retaliatory tariffs against the U.S., but eventually acquiesced. Nonetheless, she recently scoffed at a poll that showed a majority of Canadians (68.1 per cent), even in the Prairies (58.8 per cent), support retaliatory tariffs on oil and gas.
Those defending her Florida appearance argue that Smith intended to reach out to a conservative American audience to present Alberta’s case in the face of Trump’s tariffs.
She appeared to attempt a balancing act as she stressed the harms of tariffs without strongly pushing back against Trump’s annexation rhetoric.
The problem with subservience
I’ve argued that a better response to Trump’s tariffs would be countervailing power, not abject subservience. Additionally, Smith’s approach to Trump’s anti-Canada actions doesn’t reflect the will of Canadians who are pushing back democratically through consumer boycotts of American goods.
Smith’s critics also argue that she cannot achieve more than social pleasantries in her forays to the U.S. to hobnob with right-wing personalities. Generally, the approach of talking to the far right is contingent on various factors, including subject matter and timing, to be successful.
The benefits of Smith exchanging social pleasantries and pleading her case with the far right in the U.S. comes at the cost of breaking rank from the united stand Canadians need given the perceived existential threat to their country.
Additionally, Smith shared a platform with those who hold hardcore beliefs about women’s autonomy, LGBTQ rights and who peddle pseudo-academia in the “intellectual dark web,” sending a troubling message to many Canadians.
The economics of Smith’s approach
Understanding Smith’s response on retaliatory tariffs requires understanding the economics behind it.
Smith has an undergraduate degree in economics. But textbook neoclassical economics itself is problematic. I’ve already addressed the shortcomings of mainstream neoclassical economics on climate change in both mainstream and academic work.
In his book Economism, American law professor James Kwak highlights the problems with Economics 101 as it’s taught at universities around the world. He argues it leaves students with simplistic soundbites long after they’ve graduated that informs their political thinking in later life.
Her economic approach complements her libertarian approach that apparently involves courting right-wing groups that are often small government proponents.
When it comes to tariffs, textbook economics extols the benefits of free trade without addressing serious issues of environmental degradation and working conditions. Those studying this mainstream economic school of thought may have been left with the overwhelming impression that when the U.S. imposes tariffs, it only hurts itself.
Harvard economist Gregory Mankiw’s bestselling principles textbook shoots down arguments about how tariffs save jobs, protect infant industries, strengthen national security and prevent unfair competition.
Several Canadian economists don’t see economic merit in retaliatory tariffs and relegate the issue to politics. Trained within the mainstream neoclassical model, they also view tariffs as categorically harmful.
Australian economist Steve Keen has pointed out that mainstream economics did not have much to say about the global financial crisis in 2008. This is partly because of the belief in what’s known as the “efficient market hypothesis” that contends stocks always trade at fair value.
In terms of this “do nothing” approach in neoclassical economics, Smith’s response on retaliatory tariffs is therefore not surprising.
Steve Keen in an interview on the problems with neoclassical economics.
Alternative economics approaches
My approach to teaching economics is aimed at prioritizing worker rights, equality, environmental standards and local resilience, especially in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic when supply chains were disrupted. I also believe unanimity is required for retaliatory economic sanctions and boycotts to work.
That’s because retaliatory tariffs and separate radical responses work when co-ordination difficulties and the “free rider” problem — meaning an individual benefits from collective effort without contributing — are minimized. A united front is required, which Smith is violating when she goes rogue in courting the American far right.
These perspectives don’t categorically reject tariffs. Instead, they highlight the role of targeted tariffs and focus on local resilience and workers’ rights, offering an alternative to the status quo.
Overall, these new models are a better alternative to Smith’s style of subservience, or do-nothing approaches based on inertia that has seeped into mainstream economics. Both of these outdated responses to American tariffs seem particularly dangerous during this tumultuous period in Canada-U.S. history.
Junaid B. Jahangir does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
For some people, the mere sight of someone tapping their foot, twirling their hair or clicking a pen can trigger an intense sense of discomfort, or even rage. This reaction is known as “misokinesia”, a sensitivity to repetitive movements that can make everyday interactions challenging.
It is only a recently explored phenomenon in research. But studies suggest that up to one-third of the population experiences some level of discomfort when confronted with the repetitive movements of other people. These triggers can include things such as another person bounding their leg repeatedly, or biting their nails, fidgeting – even yawning. Misokinesia may affect a person’s job and their personal lives.
Misokinesia produces what has been likened by some as a “fight or flight” response in people living with the condition, with reactions including an increase in blood pressure, adrenaline and heart palpitations. Other physical reactions such as nausea are possible too.
There can also be cognitive reactions, such as a lack of focus or patience, negative or violent thoughts, and feelings of anger and disgust.
It can be person-specific. This means that people who experience misokenisia find some people’s repetitive actions are more triggering than others. This can make it difficult to spend time with particular people comfortably due to their opposing needs. For example, it may be difficult for a person with misokinesia to be around someone who is stimming (employing self-stimulating behaviour such as leg bouncing) for emotional regulation.
Misophonia
Misokinesia is similar to misophonia, which is a strong dislike or hatred of certain sounds, often made by people, such as yawning, breathing or chewing. It can also be person-specific and can affect a person’s day-to-day life, including their ability to regulate their emotions.
Misophonia often co-occurs with anxiety, depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).
Misokinesia, however, is entirely visual. While the two conditions can co-occur, they are distinct experiences.
Given that some people with misophonia report experiencing misokinesia too, it suggests a possible shared neurological basis. But research into both conditions remains in its early stages.
The exact causes of misokinesia remain unclear, but it may be due to a combination of neurological, psychological and genetic factors. There is evidence that neurodivergent people, including autistic people and those with ADHD, may be more likely to experience both misokinesia and misophonia.
People with both of these conditions may experience stigma, with other people believing they are overreacting. This can affect whether a person who experiences misokinesia will share their experiences with others. It can also reduce the likelihood that they will seek support.
There is no official diagnosis for misokinesia, nor for misophonia. Discussions are ongoing about whether they should be recognised as clinical conditions, however.
Can misokinesia be managed?
Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) may be one way to reduce the effects of both misokinesia and misophonia on a person’s life. CBT can help a person identify their triggers, acknowledge their reactions and learn relaxation techniques to practice in real-life scenarios. Practicing relaxation techniques, can help to manage both the physiological and mental responses to a trigger.
Practical strategies, such as subtly blocking one’s view of the movement, shifting focus to another part of the environment, or explaining triggers to those around them may also help reduce distress.
Rebecca Ellis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kiera Vaclavik, Professor of Children’s Literature & Childhood Culture, Queen Mary University of London
This spring, Babe is returning to cinemas to mark the 30th anniversary of its release in 1995. The much-loved family film tells the deceptively simple but emotionally powerful story of a piglet who saves his bacon through intelligence, kindness and hard work.
Babe becomes the trusted ally of both farmer and farmyard animals and, like so many Hollywood heroes before and since, he refuses to stay in his lane.
It’s a film which, on paper, really shouldn’t work and which sounds alarm bells to any self-respecting children’s literature scholar like me. It takes an expertly crafted English children’s book with tasteful black-and-white illustrations – Dick King-Smith’s The Sheep Pig (1983) – and turns it into an all-singing, all-dancing technicolour extravaganza.
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The film inserts new episodes and characters – an evil cat, a plucky duck and (most alarmingly) a brace of brattish kids. And it replaces a perfectly good, does-what-it-says-on-the-tin book title with the cutesy moniker of the piglet star.
It shouldn’t work … but it really, really does. In fact, I’d go so far as to say that it’s one of the most successful film adaptations of a children’s book of all time.
It met with both commercial and critical success, making over US$254 million at the box office and being nominated for no less than seven Academy Awards, one of which it secured for visual effects.
So, what exactly is so special about Babe? It was one of the first films which, thanks to the then-cutting edge combination of animatronics and visual effects, delivered convincing talking animals who, endowed with the gift of speech, could themselves “look like movie stars”. But with all the jaw-dropping technological advances of the last 30 years, how has this film managed to stand the test of time so well?
The answer in part is that its source material is exceptionally strong. The Sheep Pig is written with restraint and economy, but also great warmth and relish. King-Smith has immense fun, wallowing in words like the proverbial pig in muck, and putting it all to the service of a story whose core values are easy to get behind. The Sheep Pig is a soft-power parable which advocates for brains over brawn, for respectful communication and common decency.
But the excellence of a film’s bookish bedrock is no guarantee of success. Indeed, the brilliance of a book can often be something of a liability. Think of Tim Burton’s Alice in Wonderland, or any of the film and TV adaptations of Noel Streatfeild’s superb Ballet Shoes. With Babe, though, the book is catalyst rather than straitjacket, an enabling prompt which initiates a new work of equal strength and quality.
The pacing is well judged, the look of the film lush, and there are several actual laugh-out-loud moments – including the duck’s panicked realisation that “Christmas means carnage!” Above all, it’s a film with immense emotional intelligence and power.
Recognised for its visual effects, it also succeeds in large part because of the strength of its soundscape and score. There’s one scene in particular which really soars, and which takes on the elephant in the room: the human habit of eating pigs.
Babe is so shocked and upset on learning this fact from the evil cat (who else?) that he loses the will not just to win in the sheepdog trial, but to live at all. The supremely taciturn Father Hoggett must act to make amends and save his pig protégé.
In an astonishingly moving act of love, this man of few words takes the sickly and sick-at-heart pig onto his lap and sings to him. At first a gentle crooning, the farmer’s expression of care and affection soon swells to an out-and-out bellow, accompanied by a wild, caution-to-the-wind dance.
It’s difficult to imagine a more lyrically apt song than the 1977 reggae-inflected hit based on the powerful tune of Camille Saint-Saëns’ Symphony No. 3 in C Minor: “If I had words”, it begins. It’s a moment of huge emotional force and intensity, in which the gaping abyss of age and species difference are bridged through music and dance.
James Cromwell as Farmer Hoggett, here and throughout the film, is tremendous, his reserved performance a key factor in its success. The role – which he almost didn’t take because of the paucity of lines – was career-defining, and prompted personal epiphanies which flow naturally from this scene.
First, Cromwell never ate meat again. Second, he has spoken (with visible emotion) of the delivery of the film’s final pithy-but-powerful line of approbation – “That’ll do pig, that’ll do” – as a moment of communion with his father on catching sight of his own artificially aged reflection in the camera lens. “My life changed, and I owe it to a pig,” the actor concludes.
Babe is a film and an adaptation with many qualities. It’s wholesome without ever being sickly. But above all, it has an emotional force which worked on actors and audiences alike and which, 30 years later, remains undiminished.
Kiera Vaclavik does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The extremist organisation had existed as a mere “paper state” since its founding as the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) in October 2006. But the video release of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi declaring himself the caliph on July 4 2014 marked a turning point in contemporary history.
IS subsequently published hundreds of videos, some of which shocked the world with their graphic violence. Ideological enemies of the caliphate were executed by beheading or being burned alive.
But while the violence mobilised global opposition to what the then-US president, Barack Obama, called IS’s “bankrupt” ideology, the group used video as its go-to medium for IS propaganda and recruitment.
The group’s official videos, generally described as “slick” and “Hollywood-esque”, heavily emphasised two vital aspects of its identity: Islamic and state. The Islamic aspect of IS has been debated at length by scholars – especially the question of how much they had to do with Islam, if at all. But little research has been done to investigate the statehood claim made by IS.
The fact IS termed itself as Islamic State, or ad-Dawlah al-Islāmiyah
(الدولة الإسلامية) in Arabic, demonstrated its claim to be a state in the truest sense of the word – not just to citizens living in the territory it controlled, but to its supporters and enemies worldwide.
IS also presented evidence of state-building activities in the form of official propaganda releases. These aimed not only to back up its statehood claims but to seek recognition from its subjects and supporters for the caliphate project.
For our book, Islamic State, Media and Propaganda: Performances of the ‘Visual Caliphate’, we conducted an in-depth visual analysis of 374 official IS videos. These were published between the caliphate’s establishment in July 2014 and its dismantlement in July 2017, and collected from various online IS channels before their takedown in mid-2015, when Twitter started suspending thousands of pro-IS accounts en-masse.
We looked at the videos IS produced through four different analyses.
1. Population
The population analysis reveals IS’s portrayal of itself as a vibrant Islamic society. IS depicted its people as a cohesive community living under shariah law, emphasising gendered roles and the Bay’ah citizenship agreement, which privileged Sunni Muslims while marginalising minorities.
This analysis highlights the disproportionate portrayal of men as fighters and breadwinners. Women, meanwhile, were largely invisible on screen, confined to domestic roles as wives and mothers. Young boys were groomed as future fighters while girls were portrayed as “pearls of chastity” and trained to raise the next generation of the caliphate.
Surprisingly, women did make a one-off appearance when they were shown fighting alongside men on the battlefield as the caliphate was on its last legs.
2. Territory
This analysis unravels three stages of IS’s expansionist territorial strategy. First, identify enemy targets and territory. Second, attack and defeat the enemy. Finally, project the victory to followers and opponents alike.
The videos also show IS exercising sovereignty over its territory – aiming to legitimise its rule in the eyes of its subjects, and encourage global supporters to emigrate, join and defend IS.
The group projected itself as a de facto sovereign state capable of capturing, controlling and defending its territory with the help of modern technology such as drones, maps and weaponry. It depicted any severe military setbacks it suffered as a divine test – and heavily downplayed their importance.
3. Governance
This showcases IS’s efforts to project itself as a modern state by documenting its governance practices, including law enforcement, public services and administration. IS presented itself as a revolutionary state that brought peace and security to a war-torn region.
The governance mode of analysis highlights IS’s theatrical performances of its ability to run a state. Videos showed civil servants working in offices as well as civilians engaging with the state institutions they ran. They regularly featured state symbols such as the IS flag and its gold dinar currency.
These displays of performative governance were made at a time when the caliphate was constantly pummelled by military operations conducted by both US- and Russia-led coalitions.
Despite its strict Salafi identity (an orthodox Islamic movement that advocates a return to the practices and beliefs of the first three generations of Muslims), IS presented itself as a modern state by deploying tools such as its own branding, currency, infrastructure and taxation.
4. Foreign policy
IS interactions with other states and non-state actors were presented as foreign policy. It rejected the modern international system, which it deemed un-Islamic, and refused to seek recognition from the international community. Instead, IS engaged in “rebel diplomacy” with other jihadi groups. The aim was to co-opt them into its global network of affiliates.
Our analysis reveals how IS used civilian casualties caused by coalition airstrikes to justify terror attacks abroad. It also selectively quoted Islamic texts to legitimise its actions, and took matters into its own hands when religious teachings did not fit its narrative.
An example of this was the horrific burning alive of Jordanian pilot Muath al-Kasasbeh. According to a narrative attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, burning alive as a form of punishment is forbidden in Islam.
Our research underscores IS’s unique status as a jihadi organisation that came close to establishing a de facto state. This was an unprecedented feat in contemporary history, and shows how IS’s theatrical performances of statehood were carefully scripted and staged. Jihadi-led violence has subsided across the Middle East and North Africa since the territorial collapse of IS in 2017.
But it has risen in other regions of Asia and Africa, including Central Asia, East Africa and the Sahel region. So our findings can help in the understanding of how the blueprint of the caliphate might inspire and influence existing and future jihadi movements with statebuilding ambitions.
Moign Khawaja received funding from the Irish Research Council as part of the IRC-Government of Ireland Postdoctoral Research Fellowship.
Cycling is not only a way to reduce carbon emissions, it also has huge health benefits. LeManna/Shutterstock
The current UK government and its recent predecessors have shown a reluctance to encourage and enable lifestyle changes that reduce our collective demand for energy.
Fearing a backlash from voters, many UK politicians neglect key weapons in the fight to mitigate climate change. These include directing investment away from building roads to public transport, establishing reliable infrastructure for the charging and repair of electric vehicles, and making reduction of car travel a key priority for urban planners.
As researchers focusing on how to accelerate climate action, we argue that shying away from changing the way we live is counterproductive. Conflict and disagreement are part of social change, but there are positive ways forward.
The problems and, critically, the solutions have overwhelmingly been presented by UK governments as technological. But many of these technologies are still only in development.
Practical use of nuclear fusion (the energy-generating mechanism that powers the sun), for example, has long been spoken of as “30 years away”. The efficacy of direct air capture (a set of technologies that extract CO₂ directly from the atmosphere) remains a matter of conjecture.
In the run-up to the 2024 UK general election, we conducted a survey of almost 3,000 UK citizens – of which just over half (51%) expressed support for a net zero carbon emissions target. Given the apparent indifference or outright opposition of a substantial proportion of voters, it is not surprising that politicians seek to minimise objections to net zero policy by downplaying any suggestion of personal disruption.
Our survey also asked about people’s willingness to make specific lifestyle changes (to home energy, diet and travel) for climate reasons. On average, 43% were already acting or firmly planning to do so. Another 28% said they might be prepared to make such changes in the future.
Willingness to make climate-related lifestyle changes:
This ties in with other research which indicates that people are open to significant changes in their lifestyle to support net zero, if the conditions are right. So, how can this potential for change be realised?
The answer, we argue, lies in the recent past. Over the last year, as part of a social science taskforce on net zero, we looked back at a diverse range of case studies of societal change to draw lessons for future policy. We now propose that five key steps are needed for effective net zero action.
1. Galvanise people
When seeking to build support for contentious change, it is vital to identify issues that can galvanise people. These will often relate to other (non-net zero) benefits. For instance, “school streets” projects have been successful, where other traffic reduction policies have failed, because they emphasise the benefits to the health and wellbeing of children.
Similarly, the rapid switch from coal heating to gas central heating in the 1960s and ’70s was partly connected to a popular movement for cleaner, “decent” homes.
Identifying issues that unify people can galvanise support from local communities. Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock
2. Focus on fairness
In our survey, just 37% of people saw a fairer society as a likely outcome of net zero actions, while 63% identified individual finances as a major challenge to achieving net zero. Regulation needs to establish a close connection between net zero measures and equity, so that no groups are unfairly burdened or advantaged. This requires an honest discussion about downsides and trade-offs.
Measures that focus on cheaper bills, affordable devices, accessible transport and the alleviation of fuel poverty will build optimism. In the successful Danish transition to district heating from the mid-1970s, ensuring affordable and reliable energy was vital in gaining support, as was giving residents a say in decision-making.
3. Make the policy process relatable
We noticed that survey participants expressed a lot of cynicism and uncertainty about government action on net zero. Nearly half (46%) doubted that the net zero target was achievable, while most people (62%) had serious concerns about vested interests, under-resourced local authorities (59%), and a lack of government investment in infrastructure (59%).
People also feel disconnected from decision-making. Many said they had little or no influence on climate policy (59%), and felt there was a lack of power in communities (51%).
Local authorities, businesses, community groups and other third-sector organisations can help bridge these gaps between national government and everyday life. They should play a key role delivering net zero policies that fit with local needs and issues.
When Denmark switched to district heating, the delegation of powers to municipal authorities was crucial in supporting community ownership models and empowering residents and community groups. Properly resourced local climate commissions – town- and city-wide groups that bring together local organisations and businesses – can provide an independent, trusted voice to help drive climate action at a local level.
4. Listen to other people
People need the chance to listen to and engage with each other. If they doubt their opinions and concerns are recognised, or if their worries are viewed as nothing more than obstacles, conflict becomes more likely.
Proper dialogue through collaborations like climate citizens’ assemblies can improve understanding of different positions, aspirations and capabilities. Once legitimate concerns and unintended consequences have been identified, potential solutions can be explored.
There is certainly support for this more interactive approach: 40% of people in our survey felt that affected communities should have a considerable influence on climate policies, alongside local authorities (40%) and elected MPs (42%).
Without these ongoing conversations, projects can fail. A Dutch carbon capture and storage project, using a depleted gas field under the town of Barendrecht to store CO₂ from a nearby refinery, was cancelled in 2010 following intense local opposition. The government and industry had failed to get public engagement right from the start.
5. Accept some opposition
Change to net zero is going to be difficult, and no step the UK government takes will completely eliminate the possibility of disruption and conflict. In our survey, nearly a quarter of respondents were opposed to the UK net zero target. So, politicians need to be more robust and interventionist in making a positive case for net zero, recognising that not everyone is going to agree.
However, there are grounds to be optimistic that action itself may help unlock support for net zero. Research that has followed school streets projects, for example, shows that once schemes are in place, support among residents and parents increases when anticipated problems (such as traffic displacement) do not materialise – and when the benefits, in terms of children walking and cycling more, become clear.
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How the Shuqiao barges may be used to ferry troops ashore. X (formerly Twitter)
China’s intentions when it comes to Taiwan have been at the centre of intense discussion for years. Both mainland China and Taiwan claim to represent the “real” China after the Kuomintang nationalist party under Chiang Kai Shek retreated across the Taiwan Strait and established the Republic of China there in 1949. Ever since then, mainland China – the People’s Republic – has maintained a claim over Taiwan.
But in recent years, Chinese leaders – including the current president, Xi Jinping – have talked of plans for “reunification” which would bring Taiwan and its population of 23 million under the control of Beijing. By force if necessary.
Now, the recent appearance of a handful of odd-looking barges at a beach in Guangdong province in the People’s Republic may be a significant movement towards that unwelcome potential outcome.
The Shuiqiao barges filmed in March 2025 working together to form a relocatable bridge – the name means “water bridge” – enable the transfer of vehicles, supplies and people between ship and shore, over shallow beaches and potential obstacles on to firm ground. Analysts have already pointed out that there is no obvious commercial role for such large vessels, so the most likely purpose is for landing armed forces during amphibious operations.
All major navies maintain some form of amphibious capability. The UK’s Royal Fleet Auxiliary, for example, operates the UK’s three bay class landing ships, which are due to be replaced by six modern multi-role strike ships. What is particularly significant, however, is that the Shuiqiao offers capabilities along similar lines to the Mulberry harbours built for the D-Day Normandy landings.
The specialised nature of these landing barges, with only one real purpose – to help land large numbers of military forces, stands in contrast with mainstream amphibious vessels. Bay class ships, for example, continue to be used for civilian evacuations, humanitarian aid, disaster relief and a wide range of military roles.
That is a crucial distinction as amphibious operations present huge logistical challenges. D-Day required 850,000 troops, 485,000 tons of supplies and 153,000 vehicles to be landed safely over the first three weeks. Ports tend to be difficult to seize intact, as was demonstrated to great cost during the 1942 raid on Dieppe, so it is generally necessary to land armies over the invasion beaches.
The ability to install temporary harbours, which is what the Shuiqiao bridges appear to provide, offers a means of quickly landing large forces from bigger ships to shore. That also reduces the number of specialised landing ships required, by enabling the use of commercial vessels for ferrying troops to those makeshift ports.
Is an invasion of Taiwan imminent?
What is of concern is that such specialised landing barges are not normally constructed until shortly before they are intended to be used. The Mulberry harbours went into production only a year before the Normandy landings. This is both to ensure they are in good working order when required, but also as they tend to offer little additional value and yet come at a significant price. In this present case, the nearest comparable civilian and military vessels cost hundreds of millions of dollars each.
This does not mean that their appearance guarantees that a Chinese invasion of Taiwan is imminent. At present there are reported to be three completed prototype landing barges ready for deployment and three under construction. This would offer one or two beach bridges, each an estimated 820 metres long.
That would be of minimal value in a major invasion. The single US Navy Jlots modular floating pier in Gaza, for example, was only able to land 8,800 tonnes of aid in 20 days. While the Gaza effort was affected by bad weather, any Shuiqiao landing bridges would face much more dangerous wartime conditions. Three to six barges could also still plausibly be intended for disaster relief, even if does not seem a particularly cost-effective means of delivering aid.
How the US Jlot floating pier works.
But if the number of these barges continues to increase then the assumption must be that a major amphibious expedition is likely within the next decade. Historically, neither the UK, US or any other major power has maintained more than a handful of such highly specialised landing vessels, except for when they intended to use them. In the case of these barges the target may not necessarily be Taiwan – although it would be the most obvious target.
Assuming that an invasion does not trigger a world war, it might still be unsuccessful. Despite years of preparation and near complete control of the sea and skies, the Normandy landings were incredibly perilous and at times looked at risk of defeat. Success came at great cost in lives, through great skill, and at times a little luck. More than 4,400 allied soldiers are believed to have died within the first 24 hours alone, with many more wounded.
Furthermore, getting forces ashore is only part of the challenge. Taiwan’s geography is not suited to rapid movement inland and in similar historic cases that has led to significant additional casualties and delays.
The battle of Anzio during the 1944 invasion of Italy, for example, registered tens of thousands of casualties as the allies struggled to break out of the beachhead. Likewise, at Gallipoli in 1915, repeated failures to move inland saw allied forces suffer hundreds of thousands of casualties only to eventually withdraw.
As a historian who is fond of China, I can only hope that these prototypes will remain just that and this will join the list of other forgotten moments in world history. If not, then the conflicts we have seen since the cold war and even those of the past few years may look minor in comparison to what could be unleashed as a result of an invasion of Taiwan.
Matthew Heaslip is a Visiting Fellow at the Royal Navy’s Strategic Studies Centre.
Whether you’re an avid runner or frequently go to the gym, many fitness enthusiasts find they eventually get stuck in a routine – logging the same miles or doing the same workout over and over again.
What if there were a way to challenge both endurance and strength at once with an effective, varied training routine?
Welcome to Hyrox – the increasingly popular fitness race that blends endurance running and strength. Designed for everyday athletes and elite competitors alike, Hyrox offers an accessible yet competitive race format.
By focusing on functional fitness, this workout provides a structured way for people to push their limits while training for a clear goal. It also comes with many physiological benefits regardless of your skill level – including strength, endurance and power.
Athletes run 8km in total, but after each kilometre they must complete a functional fitness exercise. In a Hyrox race, the first exercise is 1,000m on a ski ergometer, followed by a 50m sled push, a 50m sled pull, 80m of burpee broad jumps, a 1,000m row, a 200m farmer’s carry, 100m walking sandbag lunges – finishing with 100 wall balls.
A Hyrox race can be competed individually, in pairs, or in a team of four done in a relay-format. The difficulty of the race depends on your skill level. Athletes in the pro division work with heavier weights than the open division. Those competing as a pair split the stations but run together – adding teamwork to the race.
The average finish time of a Hyrox race is 90 minutes – though this can vary depending on a person’s age, gender and fitness level. Elite racers will aim for a sub-60 time – with current world records set at around 50 minutes.
A race of this duration and intensity puts serious physiological stress on the body – which requires a good level of overall fitness.
Transitioning between runs and exercises causes the body to shift between different energy systems during Hyrox. The aerobic system uses oxygen to steadily fuel the muscles over a period of time. This is essential for the running segments. The anaerobic system, on the other hand, provides short bursts of energy without needing oxygen. This is crucial for the high-intensity exercise portions.
The adrenaline and intensity of the race also means your endurance, explosive power and strength are put to the test simultaneously. Without adequate training and a race plan, this could leave you feeling fatigued towards the end of the race, which can affect your coordination and power.
Hyrox training
Because Hyrox is a new competition format, research on its training benefits is limited. But some early findings suggest that a successful race performance is linked to the amount of training a person puts in ahead of competition and their overall fitness levels. This aligns with what we know about endurance and strength-based training.
The combination of running and intense exercises over a long duration challenges the body’s ability to use oxygen efficiently. Training for Hyrox can lead to improvements in the aerobic capacity or maximum oxygen uptake (VO₂ max), a measure of aerobic fitness.
An improvement in VO₂max means your body can use oxygen more efficiently, allowing you to sustain higher intensities of exercise for longer periods of time. This improves endurance, helps you maintain speed throughout the race and contributes to overall cardiovascular health.
Training for Hyrox requires a balanced approach of running, strength training and Hyrox-specific workouts. This training strategy is known as concurrent training. Research shows concurrent training has benefits for strength, muscular health and cardio-respiratory fitness in people of all ages.
Regular long runs of 40-60 minutes at a low intensity help improve aerobic capacity as well. This allows your body to use oxygen more efficiently for sustained effort. Meanwhile, high-intensity interval runs – such as repeatedly running 400m to 1km with short rest periods of 30-60 seconds – improves your body’s anaerobic threshold. This means you can sustain higher intensities of exercise for longer before fatigue sets in.
The functional stations require full-body strength and muscular endurance, which will be built up gradually as you train for a race. Once you’re more familiar with these exercises, you can begin practising them under fatigue. This is essential for both performance during a race and for preventing injuries.
To maximise performance, a typical weekly training plan should prioritise endurance training over strength training to ensure you are well-prepared to finish a Hyrox race. For the best results, this structured approach should be followed for at least six weeks.
Even without signing up for a race, Hyrox training can give you fitness benefits. You can modify the exercises and how much you run depending on your fitness level.
An all-round Hyrox programme does not just improve functional fitness – it pushes athletes to new limits with a clear, goal-oriented training approach. Whether you’re an elite racer or just looking for a new fitness challenge, Hyrox offers a unique test of endurance and strength.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maximilienne Toetie Allaart, Postdoctoral Researcher in Gut Microbiome Research, University of Tübingen
The smell of your farts can give you clues about what’s keeping your gut microbes busy.Roquillo Tebar/ Shutterstock
We’ve all been there: you try your best to keep it in, but you just can’t hold it anymore. You have to let it slip – how bad could it be? Then the unpleasant smell wafts your way, and all you can do is hope that no one comes near you for the next couple of minutes.
However uncomfortable or embarrassing they are, farts are natural and a sign that your digestive system is alive. Quite literally, actually. It’s not just your own body that’s responsible for producing gases. Trillions of microbes live in your gut, helping you digest your food – and producing farts in the process.
Our gut microbes play an indispensable role in our health. This is why it’s so important to take good care of them. And, bizarre as it might sound, the smell of your farts can actually tell you something about what’s keeping your gut microbes busy.
Gassy gut microbes
Your gut microbiome is as personal as your fingerprint. There can be significant variation between people in the specific microbes present in their guts.
In general, your gut microbes work together to turn large molecules (the sugars, fats, proteins and fibres that are extracted from the foods we eat) into small molecules – mainly volatile fatty acids and gases. These fatty acids feed the cells lining the colon, while the gases naturally escape our body – sometimes quietly, sometimes explosively.
The large molecules that we consume in our food mainly consist of carbon, oxygen, hydrogen and, in smaller amounts, nitrogen and sulphur atoms. These give our gut microbes the capacity to produce different gases – such as carbon dioxide, hydrogen gas, methane and hydrogen sulphide.
While carbon dioxide, hydrogen and even methane gas are odourless, hydrogen sulphide is extremely smelly. This gas produces that rotten egg smell you might be familiar with in your own farts’ fragrance profile.
The gases that are produced by our gut microbes also serve as a vehicle for other smelly molecules – such as the volatile fatty acids mentioned earlier.
Our fatty acid molecules mainly exist in the gut as dissolved compounds. But when there’s gas present, a part of these molecules becomes “volatile”. This means they can be carried around by the gas, making them a bit like hitchhikers on their way out of the gut.
The three most important volatile fatty acids are acetate, propionate and butyrate. While these are all associated with good gut health, they’re also rather smelly. They reek of vinegar, smelly gym socks and vomit, respectively, and I can tell you from experience with them in the lab that they’re quite pungent.
There are also molecules that simply smell like, well, farts – such as indole and skatole. These molecules are produced when the amino acid tryptophan – one of the building blocks of protein – ferments in the large intestine. The molecular structure of indole and skatole not only makes them very adept at lingering, but also gives them the capacity to partition into gas. This means they can also be carried out of our guts and into the world by our non-smelly, friendly gut gases.
Food versus farts
There’s a correlation between what you eat, how much gas your belly creates and how the gas smells. This is because each food affects your body and your gut microbes differently.
For instance, hydrogen sulphide – the smelliest of the gases our gut microbes make – can only be produced if your food contains sulphur. Sulphur is typically found in the amino acids cysteine and methionine, which are part of proteins. There are generally higher levels of these amino acids in animal proteins (such as eggs and red meat) than in plant proteins.
In general, proteins are more likely to produce malodorous gas because they contribute to a process called putrefaction – the fermentation of excess protein in the large intestine. This same process makes those extra-stinky indole and skatole molecules. So, too much protein fermentation can cause foul smells – and is also linked to negative health effects, such as ulcerative colitis and bowel cancer.
But don’t worry, there’s no need to cut out proteins altogether. Your body actually needs them. If you eat the right amount for your body, most protein will be digested in the small intestine to fuel our cells. It’s only when you eat way too much protein that the excess can’t be used and ends up in the colon, where smelly molecules of all kinds will be produced from it.
You might also have noticed that fibre-rich foods, such as beans, make you gassy. Fibres cause more gas production because our body lacks the capacity to break down fibre by itself. This means that all the fibre we ingest will reach our large intestine, where the microbes do the heavy lifting of breaking them down into health-promoting volatile fatty acids. Fortunately, fibre-rich foods are mainly associated with the production of hydrogen and carbon dioxide, our non-smelly intestinal gases.
Your gut is a complex jungle of interactions between the body, its microbes and your food. And just as each person’s microbiome is unique, so is the scent of the gas it produces.
Although farts aren’t exactly ideal, it’s important to remember they’re a sign that your microbes are working. Having a diverse microbiome is related to good gut health. Eating diverse foods will help you maintain a diverse set of microbes. Exercise is also a good way to ensure your digestive system can move everything – including gases – around as it should.
Maximilienne Toetie Allaart receives funding from the Alexander von Humboldt foundation.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Fletcher, Lecturer (Assistant Professor), Management Information, Decisions & Operations at the Institute for Digital Security and Behaviour, University of Bath
For Paul, a finance administrator, things came to a head when his report mistakenly included £7,000,000 of costs rather than £700,000. Fearing accusations of fraud, Paul disclosed his recent dementia diagnosis to his boss.
Six weeks of sick leave became six months, and then a stepping stone to early retirement. Several years later, Paul regrets his unwanted unemployment, but at the time there didn’t seem to be an alternative.
Paul was participating in an unrelated study about public transport when he told us about his unemployment. As researchers, we had heard many similar accounts – so we decided to dig down into the research on work and dementia. We were curious about how typical Paul’s experience was of the trajectories of people diagnosed while working.
For some, this takes the form of redundancy or retirement. For others – like Paul – a period of temporary leave gradually evolves into a permanent exit.
Alongside workforce ageing, digital transformation is perhaps the single most important development in modern industry. Almost all our working lives are now shaped by digital technologies in some form.
Older people are often stereotyped as technologically incompetent. This can be even worse for people with dementia. When exciting digital innovations are discussed in relation to them, the focus is almost always on providing care. But someone diagnosed with dementia in their 60s today might have been blogging in their 30s, scrolling social media on a phone in their 40s and using a smart home assistant in their 50s.
The tech is here already
The reality is that many people with dementia use digital tools every day. This ranges from familiar products like Google Maps to more cutting-edge technologies. A person with dementia recently introduced us to their voice-activated AI companion, with which they watch and discuss films. These companions can provide vital social interaction for people fearing judgement or isolation because of their cognitive decline.
Far from being a barrier, digital technologies could offer ways to help people with dementia to enjoy positive working lives, just as they help workers who don’t have dementia. The trick is to use them to tailor work and workplaces to the individual.
For example, if a worker is struggling to remember appointments, automated and shared calendar scheduling can take care of that. If a worker has impaired wayfinding, mapping apps can be tailored to working environments and live location data can be used to guide staff around complicated sites. This is hardly futuristic tech. Many of us would struggle without our online calendars and maps.
Research shows that touchscreens can be particularly challenging for older people with dementia. To make interfaces more suitable, developers could encourage the integration of voice-operated smart assistants into employee workstations (think of Amazon’s Alexa or Apple’s Siri).
While discussions of dementia often focus on memory loss, the various types of dementia are associated with a wide range of symptoms. One very common symptom is the struggle to find the right words. But recent developments in generative AI (like OpenAI’s ChatGPT) are proficient at predicting and expressing the next word in a sequence.
These tools are also excellent at transforming text into different formats. Guidance on dementia-friendly information recommends features such as large fonts, single-clause sentences and single-syllable words.
A generative AI tool could quickly transform documents into dementia-friendly formats. The integration of these tools into emailing and writing applications could make a lot of work far more accessible to people with dementia.
These days, it makes little sense for workers to be manually entering costings into a spreadsheet. Dementia or no dementia, these practices are ripe for human error. By outsourcing them to digital technologies, we can free up our ageing workforces to use their unmatched skills, such as networking and experience.
Getting the balance right can free an employee with dementia from tasks they find challenging to maximise their other skills and experience. fizkes/Shutterstock
In practice, employers will likely be responsible for supporting positive working lives with dementia in the future. The best way to do this will be to develop strategies, in consultation with people with dementia, that identify interventions suitable for the workplace. Then, when an employee is diagnosed, they can pick and mix a personalised collection of tools to address their needs.
Right now, we are not aware of any workplace that has such a strategy. But many organisations already have robust policies for other conditions. Our own employer, the University of Bath, has a repository of reasonable adjustments that can be tailored to support staff and students experiencing mental illness. Dementia could be approached in much the same way.
The UK government is currently attempting to increase the number of people with disabilities participating in the labour market. It is simultaneously driving an agenda to increase the use of AI throughout the country.
The potential of a digital working life for people with dementia highlights both promise and peril. Simply forcing every person into work is a surefire way of turning challenging situations into real problems. But providing tailored support for those who want to work can enrich organisations and workers alike.
James Fletcher receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council and the Wellcome Trust.
Olivia Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will Hawkes, Insect Migration Researcher, College of Life and Environmental Science, University of Exeter
As I sprinted across the flower-rich meadow on the eastern coast of Cyprus, I could barely see my car. The air was full of tiny black dots, pelting like bullets past me. I hauled open the car door and breathed a sigh of relief once inside. I was surrounded by millions of flies, amid the most incredible migration event I have ever seen.
The migration cameras my team and I use to monitor these insects counted nearly 6,000 flies per metre per minute. Being hit by a fly travelling over 25mph (helped by the wind) hurts enough to make you want shelter quickly.
All of these flies had just travelled at least 60 miles (100km) across open sea from the Middle East to Cyprus. This journey forms part of their springtime migration towards northern Europe.
Butterflies and dragonflies are well-known insect migrants, but not because they’re the most numerous. That title is given to the flies. I have studied all of the insects migrating through Cyprus and the Pyrenees on the France-Spain border. Flies make up nearly 90% of all migrants. Yet they have been consistently overlooked by scientists and their ecological contribution has been hugely underappreciated.
My colleagues and I set out to change this. We have spent months collecting written sources that mentioned fly migration from anywhere in the world. Our findings, now published in Biological Reviews, could change our perception of flies forever. Previously, nobody really knew the extent to which flies migrated, yet they are the most numerous and most ecologically important of all terrestrial migrants.
Fly migration has been part of written human history for millennia. In the book of Exodus, when the pharoah of Egypt didn’t let Moses’s people go, God sent a plague of flies to change his mind. Then God removed flies from the land until “not a fly remained”. This last biblical quote is key.
If these flies had been misidentified mayflies coming out of the river Nile, which are known to amass in huge numbers, their exhausted bodies would have remained for days. Because they all disappeared without a trace, this suggests a huge migration of flies. Egypt is on an important fly migration route. So perhaps fly migration was significant enough to be the subject of divine intervention.
Flies migrate to reproduce, moving to exploit seasonal food resources. All over the world, it’s mostly females that migrate. They have been recorded migrating through mountain passes high in the Himalayas, on ships hundreds of miles out to sea in the Gulf of Mexico and in their millions migrating through western Europe. Amazingly, while on fieldwork in the Maldives, I saw Forcipomyia midges use their soft foot hairs to stick to dragonfly wings to hitch a lift over the Indian Ocean.
Vital roles
Flies are so important to the planet and to us. No other group of terrestrial migrants (including vertebrates such as mammals) are as ecologically diverse as flies. More than half (62%) of all migrating flies, including hoverflies, are pollinators. Without them, food crop production would decline.
As they migrate, flies transport and disperse pollen between flowers. This could help plants adapt to climate change by maintaining genetic diversity.
Many migratory fly species (34%) are decomposers, ensuring the planet isn’t covered in rotting carcasses and animal dung. One study showed that the larvae of just 50 houseflies (Musca domestica), – the very ecologically similar and equally abundant autumn housefly Musca autumnalis migrate south through the Pyrenees in their millions – can decompose up to 444kg of pig manure.
The ecological roles of flies are not all positive, though. My latest study shows that monoculture crops provide lots of food for some migratory fly species (18%) that have subsequently become crop pests. Some (16%) carry diseases, such as mosquitoes that migrate huge distances and bring diseases such as malaria.
But migratory flies have an overwhelmingly positive impact on the planet. Hoverfly larvae eat trillions of aphids each year in southern England. Insect migration is already known to be the most important way that the nutrients plants need to grow are moved across the land and flies make up the majority of the insects that transport the nutrients.
The movement and subsequent death of trillions of migrating flies, whose bodies contain elements, such as phosphorous and nitrogen which plants need to grow, could be vital to soil health of the soils too. Migratory birds have been noted feeding on and moving at the same time as migratory flies, perhaps using them as fuel for their journeys.
We’re only just waking up to the significance of flies. Hopefully, it’s not too late to protect them. One German study found that the number of aphid-eating migratory hoverflies declined by 97% over the last 50 years. Fewer aphid-eating hoverflies means more crop-eating aphids and also fewer pollinators. So that’s a terrifying statistic that could have drastic consequences.
A sunrise of hope exists, however. These brilliant migratory flies have so many young that if we improve landscape connectivity, reduce pesticide usage and provide suitable habitat, they can bounce back really quickly. We need these flies as much as we need the air we breathe. So next time you see a fly up against your window, open it and let it out. It has a long way to go and such important work to do.
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Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Frédéric Dimanche, Professor and Director, Ted Rogers School of Hospitality and Tourism Management, Toronto Metropolitan University
The parallels to the COVID-19 pandemic are notable. During the crisis, media coverage contributed to widespread fear of travel, even after borders reopened and health experts deemed it safe. Today, similar discourse is emerging. But how much of this concern is based on real risk, and how much is driven by heightened media attention?
As experts in tourism and travel, we are here to explain the current risks associated with travelling to the U.S., the rights of travellers if they are stopped at the border and safety tips for those who still choose to make the journey.
While some of those affected are Americans returning from vacation or business trips, anyone can be stopped, including foreign students with visas, Canadians and Europeans, even with valid documentation.
The current situation aligns with research showing that risk perceptions about travel can impact a country’s image as a travel destination, which, in turn, affects whether people want to visit it.
Other concerns relate to local resident negative sentiment. While many Americans are sharing their support of Canada and continuing to head north, there is still concern for how some in the U.S. may react to Canadian travellers.
What rights do travellers have when crossing the border? Very few. While travellers have the right to refuse to answer questions from immigration officers, doing so can result in increased suspicion and being denied entry.
Canadians should be aware that U.S. border officials have broad inspection powers, which can include requesting passwords to digital devices. These powers apply not only at border crossings but also in customs-controlled areas — designated zones in a border crossing area or airport.
Both the Canada Border Services Agency and U.S. Customs and Border Protection have the authority to examine any digital device.
Once at a land border, Canadians are under the exclusive jurisdiction of U.S. laws, not Canadian laws or the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. If questioned, travellers can ask if they are being detained, or if they are free to leave. If they are not free to leave, the agent needs reasonable suspicion to justify the detention.
Tips for reducing risk while traveling
Following customs and immigration laws generally means travellers are unlikely to encounter any issues. However, there are some things that could set off red flags at the border, including staying longer than intended, failing to declare goods to a border officer or not having the proper documentation.
If you intend to travel, be respectful of local customs, even if political perspectives differ. Avoid political messaging on clothing, offensive behaviour or sparking political conversations with locals.
While electronic device searches are rare, it is best to be cautious about the content on your devices, including social media posts and profile, political views and other personal information.
It’s important to stay updated on government travel advisories related to geopolitical conflicts because they are rapidly evolving. Be sure to follow recommended travel precautions, like these ones for the U.S.
‘Antipathy’ to U.S. has real impacts
Reports of increased detainments, stricter border enforcement and heightened security screenings demonstrate that the risk for travellers at the border is real.
These incidents have not only created fear among travellers but have also started to take a toll on the U.S. tourism industry.
Global geopolitical tensions have fuelled growing resentment toward the U.S., with many international travellers choosing not to travel for political and economic reasons.
Canada, on the other hand, could end up benefiting from a tourism perspective. International visitors are opting for Canada as a safer and more affordable alternative than the U.S. for leisure and business travel.
The question now is whether this trend will last. The geopolitical situation has led many around the world to feel antipathetic towards the U.S., and reversing those attitudes will take effort and time.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – France – By Yeonsin Ahn, Professeur assistant, stratégie et politique d’entreprise, HEC Paris Business School
Eric Yuan was not happy at Cisco Systems even though he was making a salary in the high six figures, working as vice president of engineering on the videoconferencing software Cisco WebEx.
“I even did not want to go to the office to work,” Yuan told CNBC Make It in 2019.
Yuan was unhappy with the culture at Cisco, where new ideas were often shut down and change was slow. When he suggested building a new, mobile-friendly video platform from scratch, the idea was rejected by Cisco’s leadership. Frustrated by the resistance to innovation, Yuan left the company in 2011 and founded Zoom, whose value increased astronomically during the Covid pandemic years as it became the go-to app for remote work.
One might think that founders who, like Yuan, expressed unhappiness with their previous employers’ culture would establish new companies with very different values. However, we found that, on average, whether they want to or not, founders are likely to replicate the culture of their previous employer in their new venture.
Founders come from somewhere
Yuan’s story includes the idea that many people have of the lumbering tech giant versus the agile startup. Yet our research found that this distinction is actually not so clear.
More than 50 percent of US tech startup founders have previous experience in other companies, often in giants like Google or Meta. The work culture of these huge organizations is not always so easy to shake off when entrepreneurs go on to start their own companies.
In our research, we identified 30 different cultural elements of companies. These include cultures of work-life balance, teamwork, authority, innovation, and compensation-oriented vs customer-oriented culture, to name a few.
Previous research has shown that startup founders transfer knowledge and technology from former jobs. We found empirical evidence that they also transfer work culture.
Comparing organizational cultures of “parents”, “spawns” and “twins”
In our research, we identified startup founders and used their LinkedIn profiles to find companies where they had previously worked. Our team applied natural language processing, namely Latent Dirichlet allocation topic modelling, to text on Glassdoor, a site that allows current and former employees to anonymously review companies. We used the processed reviews to characterize the cultures of “parent” companies and startup companies, or “spawns”. We also identified a match or “twin” for the spawn organization that had a similar size, product and number of years in business.
Then, we compared the culture of each spawn startup to the culture of its parent organization, and the culture of each spawn’s “twin” to the culture of the same parent, in a given year. If a spawn was more similar to its parent than the twin was to the parent, this supported our hypothesis that founders tend to transfer their previous work cultures to their new ventures.
And we found that there are three conditions that favour such a transfer.
Length of employment
First, the longer years founders have been at an organization, the more likely they are to transfer its culture to their new startup, because they have become very familiar with that culture.
Congruency of culture
The second condition is the congruency of culture, i.e., the degree to which culture is composed of elements that are consistent in their meanings, and hence, have internal compatibility.
For example, in our data, there a cloud-based location services platform that has high congruency in its culture. The company has three highly salient cultural elements: it is adaptive, customer-oriented and demanding. These elements consistently point to a culture of customer responsiveness. Our data also includes an e-commerce clothing platform with two cultural elements – growth orientation and work-life balance – that are poorly aligned in their meanings, reducing the congruency of its culture.
We found that the more internally congruent a parent organization’s culture is – and thus, the easier it is to understand and learn – the more likely it is that founders will transfer its elements to their new companies.
Typicality of culture
Third, the more atypical an organization is – the more it stands out from others in its field – the more likely it is that its culture will be transferred to the startup.
In an atypical culture, it is easy for employees to identify cultural elements, and to remember and incorporate them once they found a startup. Because an atypical culture draws a stronger boundary that distinguishes an organization from others, employees become more aware that the organization has chosen them and that they have chosen to work in it. This creates a cognitive attachment in the employee toward the organization, and also increases how well they learn its culture.
In our study, each startup’s cultural atypicality was measured by calculating the cultural distances between all organizations within the same product category for a given year.
It’s common for founders to describe their culture as distinctive or one-of-a-kind. However, we found that’s not necessarily the case. Founders tend to replicate the culture of their previous employers because they’re accustomed to that way of working.
False perceptions?
Many students tell me they’re drawn to more creative and innovative work environments – something they often associate with startups rather than traditional, established companies.
But our research suggests this perception might not be entirely accurate.
Job seekers looking for unique or forward-thinking cultures may be surprised to find that startup environments resemble those of larger tech companies more often than expected.
And for founders – especially those who left previous roles because of frustrating workplace cultures – it can be a wake-up call to realize how easy it is to unintentionally recreate the very environments they may have hoped to avoid.
Yeonsin Ahn ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.
A large language model tries to generate what a random person who had produced the previous text would produce. (Shutterstock)
In 1948, the founder of information theory, Claude Shannon, proposed modelling language in terms of the probability of the next word in a sentence given the previous words. These types of probabilistic language models were largely derided, most famously by linguist Noam Chomsky: “The notion of ‘probability of a sentence’ is an entirely useless one.”
In 2022, 74 years after Shannon’s proposal, ChatGPT appeared, which caught the attention of the public, with some even suggesting it was a gateway to super-human intelligence. Going from Shannon’s proposal to ChatGPT took so long because the amount of data and computing time used was unimaginable even a few years before.
ChatGPT is a large language model (LLM) learned from a huge corpus of text from the internet. It predicts the probability of the next word given the context: a prompt and the previously generated words.
ChatGPT uses this model to generate language by choosing the next word according to the probabilistic prediction. Think about drawing words from a hat, where the words predicted to have a higher probability have more copies in the hat. ChatGPT produces text that seems intelligent.
There is a lot of controversy about how these tools can help or hinder learning and practising creative writing. As a professor of computer science who has authored hundreds of works on artificial intelligence (AI), including AI textbooks that cover the social impact of large language models, I think understanding how the models work can help writers and educators consider the limitations and potential uses of AI for what might be called “creative” writing.
LLMs as parrots or plagiarists
It’s important to distinguish between “creativity” by the LLM and creativity by a human. For people who had low expectations of what a computer could generate, it’s been easy to assign creativity to the computer. Others were more skeptical. Cognitive scientist Douglas Hofstadter saw “a mind-boggling hollowness hidden just beneath its flashy surface.”
Linguist Emily Bender and colleagues described the language models as stochastic parrots, meaning they repeat what is in the data they were trained on with randomness. To understand this, consider why a particular word was generated. It’s because it has a relatively high probability, and it has a high probability because a lot of text in the training corpus used that word in similar contexts.
Selecting a word according to the probability distribution is like selecting text with a similar context and using its next word. Generating text from LLMs can be seen as plagiarism, one word at a time.
The creativity of a human
Consider the creativity of a human who has ideas they want to convey. With generative AI, they put their ideas into a prompt and the AI will produce text (or images or sounds). If someone doesn’t care what is generated, it doesn’t really matter what they use as a prompt. But what if they do care about what is generated?
An LLM tries to generate what a random person who had written the previous text would produce. Most creative writers do not want what a random person would write. They want to use their creativity, and may want a tool to produce what they would write if they had the time to produce it.
LLMs don’t typically have a large corpus of what a particular author has written to learn from. The author will undoubtedly want to produce something different. If the output is expected to be more detailed than the input, the LLM has to make up details. These may or may not be what the writer intended.
Most creative writers do not want what a random person would write, but to use their creativity. (Shutterstock)
Some positive uses of LLMs for creative writing
Writing is like software development: Given an idea of what is wanted, software developers produce code (text in a computer language) analogously to how writers produce text in a natural language. LLMs treat writing code and writing natural language text the same way; the corpus each LLM is trained on contains both natural language and code. What’s produced depends on the context.
Writers can learn from the experience of software developers. LLMs are good for small projects that have been done previously by many other people, such as database queries or writing standard letters. They are also useful for parts of larger projects, such as a pop-up box in a graphical user interface.
If programmers want to use them for bigger projects, they need to be prepared to generate multiple outputs and edit the one that is closest to what is intended. The problem in software development has always been specifying exactly what is wanted; coding is the easy part.
Generating good prompts
How to generate good prompts has been advocated as an art form called “prompt engineering.” Proponents of prompt engineering have suggested multiple techniques that improve the output of current LLMs, such as asking for an outline and then asking for the text based on the original prompt augmented with the outline.
Another is to ask the LLM to show its reasoning steps, as in so-called chain of thought. The LLM outputs don’t just the answer a question, but explains the steps that could be taken to answer it. The LLM uses those steps as part of its prompt to get its final answer.
Proponents of prompt engineering propose techniques that improve the output of current LLMs. (Shutterstock)
Such advice is bound to be ephemeral. If some prompt-engineering technique works, it will be incorporated into a future release of the LLM, so that the effect happens without the need for the explicit use of the technique. Recent models that claim to reason have incorporated such step-by-step prompts.
In this age of misinformation, it is important for everyone to have a way to judge the often self-serving hype.
There is no magic in generative AI, but there is lots of data from which to predict what someone could write. I hope that creativity is more than regurgitating what others have written.
Uganda’s electricity sector is at a turning point, as Umeme Limited’s 20-year concession draws to a close. Umeme was the first private distribution operator in anglophone Africa. For nearly two decades, the listed company was the dominant distributor of electricity to the country’s 2.3 million clients. However, Uganda decided in 2022 not to renew the licence on expiry, citing high power tariffs and low electricity access rates.
Umeme’s departure and the transfer of distribution assets back to the state-owned Uganda Electricity Distribution Company (UEDCL) has sparked controversy. It centres on a US$235 million compensation claim by Umeme. The final settlement could shape power tariffs, the sector’s financial sustainability and investment needs in the country. Peter Twesigye, who researches power market reform, regulation and utility performance in Africa, examines the big questions.
The numbers behind the controversy
The flashpoint is the amount the government must pay Umeme to bring the business back under state control. Umeme has demanded US$235.96 million. It says this amount represents its undepreciated and unrecovered investments: costs it hasn’t got back through electricity tariffs or transfers from government.
The auditor general, representing the government, initially pegged unrecovered investments at US$190.99 million and gave parliament the green light to seek loans to repay Umeme. This was however revised down to US$118 million, which the government has paid. The outstanding gap is more than US$117 million, a 50% difference, which is very large.
Umeme has, for now, accepted the US$118 million, but has disputed this as the final settlement. It will claim more money and potentially also penalties arising from the government’s failure to pay in full by 31 March 2025. Umeme’s board has a fiduciary duty not to lose shareholders’ capital.
The buyout amount is more than just a settlement. It will serve as the initial asset base for Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Ltd, which will allow it to provide a service in the future. It will influence the setting of electricity tariffs and the company’s ability to secure funding for investments to ensure service continuity. This benefit is often misunderstood.
What’s at stake
At the heart of this debate lies a complex interplay of legal, financial, economic and national risk exposure.
It will have far-reaching implications for affordability and industrial competitiveness in Uganda, particularly for energy-intensive sectors. A higher asset base reflects greater invested capital, enabling revenue sufficiency to cover the cost of capital, operating expenses and depreciation. This financial strength allows the utility or sector to maintain service delivery, improve electricity reliability and quality, and expand the network to meet demand without relying on subsidies.
A lower asset base on the other hand reflects under-investment. This could create the risk of poor service delivery and limit the company’s ability to expand or modernise infrastructure. Most importantly it could deter private investors in the sector due to the limited revenue recovery opportunities. The sub-sectors affected could include electricity generation, transmission or distribution.
Uganda’s prior success in attracting investments in generation was partly due to the presence of Umeme. The utility provided robust governance, commercial and revenue collection guarantees. With its exit, Uganda will find it more challenging to draw in private capital under public governance arrangements.
For now, the government has adopted the auditor general’s lower valuation of US$118 million. Based on my tariff model analysis, this will give rise to a long-term equilibrium distribution tariff – reflecting cost and state subsidies – of 9.2 cents cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh). That is 7.94% lower than Umeme’s 10 cents per kWh.
It may appear to be a small reduction in tariff in the short term. But it may prove unsustainable in the long term as there are significant infrastructure investment needs. To meet them, the company will need continued direct state subsidies, which Umeme did not get.
It remains to be seen whether the government can keep providing subsidies.
Beyond tariffs, how Uganda handles this transition matters. It could send a signal to international investors about its reliability as an investment destination. A harmonious resolution would reassure current and prospective investors.
A contentious fallout, such as arbitration or judicial proceedings, could heighten perceptions of risk to foreign investors. It could also push up the cost of capital to 15.82%, or 582 basis points higher than the base estimate of 10%. This would stem from perceived fears of expropriation of investments by the government.
Any default on Uganda’s part could trigger punitive financial penalties immediately. These are contractual commitments and obligations, so it’s up to courts of arbitration to decide. If the government fails to pay (in full) within 30 days of 31 March, penalties and interest rates on overdue amounts will escalate from 10% to as high as 20%, depending on the delay period.
Failure to honour these commitments could also lead to lawsuits in international courts or debt collection efforts by ruthless venture capital firms. These scenarios would impose even greater costs on Uganda’s economy and global reputation.
Penalties could add to Uganda’s financial obligations and strain public resources further.
Limited options for Uganda
The avoidable financial and legal penalties would be costly for consumers and the national treasury. Another potential impact to watch is the country’s overall investment risk profile. This could influence the future cost of capital (interest rates) and premiums that investors would charge.
It is imperative not to raise the cost of capital for Uganda, which still lacks adequate electricity infrastructure. If the dispute over the buyout price results in investors wanting a higher return for their risk, the impact on tariffs would be even worse than paying the price Umeme wants.
What Uganda should do
By addressing these challenges decisively and transparently, Uganda can turn this transition into an opportunity. It can strengthen its energy sector and set a precedent for effective management of public-private partnerships. The government should explore these recommendations:
establish a negotiation team of legal, financial, regulatory and energy experts to reconcile valuation differences transparently and negotiate amicably with Umeme
secure financing proactively to avoid penalty interest and ensure timely payment
keep stakeholders informed, to maintain public trust and investor confidence
equip Uganda Electricity Distribution Company to take over and prevent service disruptions
build strong governance systems within the utility
work in partnership with the private sector.
The choices made now will be felt for years to come.
Peter Twesigye does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Suleman Lazarus, Visiting Fellow, Mannheim Centre for Criminology, London School of Economics and Political Science
This digital infrastructure includes reliable access to electricity and the internet, as well as digital tools such as proxy servers, spoofing software, phishing kits and virtual private networks. Those involved must possess technical competencies in areas like web development, social engineering and systems maintenance, skills that are critical for sustaining fraudulent operations behind the scenes.
Research on cybercrime is expanding in west Africa, particularly studies of Nigeria and Ghana. But Cameroon is understudied. This gap in research has obscured a pervasive problem in Cameroon: website developers who create digital storefronts for fraudsters.
Rather than focusing on the fraudsters themselves, our study examined the infrastructure that enables this fraud to happen and the hidden networks of actors who make deception possible. Our research sheds light on a little-known group of enablers: website developers in anglophone Cameroon who knowingly build fake shopping websites.
Through interviews with 14 website developers engaged in this illicit trade, we explored the socio-economic and political forces that drive their participation.
Our findings showed that a mix of economic hardship, social norms and cultural beliefs drive fraud enablement in Cameroon. Our study highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of cybercrime. The website developers in Cameroon do not fit the typical profile of a fraudster. They see themselves as skilled workers navigating a complex socio-political landscape where survival often comes before morality, given that Cameroon, under Paul Biya’s presidency of more than 40 years, has experienced widespread poverty, instability and an uncertain succession struggle.
To address fraud effectively, interventions must go beyond simply punishing offenders. Instead, efforts should focus on dismantling the structures that allow fraud to thrive, starting with those who enable it.
Why fraudsters choose this activity
A central theme emerging from our interviews was the impact of the Ambazonian Crisis, an ongoing separatist conflict in Cameroon’s anglophone regions. The crisis began as peaceful demonstrations in 2016 when trade unionists and lawyers protested against the mandatory use of the French language in schools and law courts. By 2017, these protests had turned violent as armed separatist groups emerged within the anglophone regions, engaging in sporadic conflict with government forces. The separatists called for the secession of the two anglophone regions, referring to them as Ambazonia. The conflict has since escalated. Reports estimate that the violence has led to approximately 6,000 civilian deaths, the displacement of 600,000 people within Cameroon, and the forced migration of over 77,000 people into Nigeria as refugees.
The website developers we interviewed described how daily gunfire, displacement and political instability had made it difficult to secure stable employment and find clients.
Interviewees cited frequent power outages and internet blackouts as barriers to working with legitimate clients.
As one developer put it:
There are times when we go without electricity or network for days. I might have a legitimate client, but if the power goes out, I lose the job. Fraudsters, on the other hand, don’t care about delays. They are always there with another request.
Ghost-town protests, where separatists enforce economic shutdowns and force people to stay in their homes, further limit opportunities for legitimate business. In this unstable environment, undertaking website development for fraudsters became one of the few steady income streams.
A second theme was spiritual beliefs. We found that spiritual beliefs had an impact on decision-making. Developers rationalised their work by distinguishing between fraud and fraud enablement. Directly perpetrating fraud against victims, they believed, carried spiritual consequences, while simply building websites for fraudsters did not. Some fraudsters in west Africa visit a so-called “juju priest”, who may demand animal sacrifice and even murder in return for their blessing. The website developers we spoke to did not want to get involved in this.
One of the developers shared his fears about spiritual repercussions:
Scammers who do rituals for money, they don’t last. Most of the time, you see them dying at the age of 20 or 30. I don’t want to be involved in that. But making websites? That’s different. I’m not the one taking the money.
A third theme in our findings was the Big Boy culture, a subculture that glorifies online fraud as a symbol of success. In some west African communities, fraudsters who display their wealth through expensive cars, clothes and lifestyles are seen as role models rather than criminals.
Vanesa, a developer, explained:
Everybody wants to chill with the Big Boys. Fraudsters want to be seen as superstars, and that means spending money like celebrities.
The normalisation of internet fraud in some circles has created a perception that financial success justifies the means by which it is achieved. While some developers disapproved of fraudsters’ extravagant lifestyles, others saw it as a model of economic survival to aspire to.
Rethinking fraud prevention
These findings challenge the simplistic notion that the internet inherently enables fraud. Instead, fraud thrives within a complex ecosystem that includes not just the perpetrators but also the enablers who facilitate deception for economic, political, and cultural reasons.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
ADHD is a neurodevelopmental condition that affects around five to nine per cent of children and around five per cent of adults in Canada.(Shutterstock)
However, navigating and accessing reliable health-care information online can be challenging, especially for people from marginalized communities who often feel like their concerns are dismissed or minimized.
Common ADHD symptoms include difficulties with inattention (trouble focusing, losing things or making mistakes), hyperactivity (fidgeting or restlessness) and impulsivity (interrupting others or struggling with patience).
There is no single way to have ADHD, and one person’s experiences can be very different from some one else. Diagnosis involves a thorough and fairly long evaluation, often including interviews, questionnaires and reports from family members, teachers or co-workers.
Content about ADHD is thriving on TikTok, however, navigating and accessing reliable health-care information online can be challenging. (Shutterstock)
ADHD on TikTok
Many adults with ADHD who don’t fit the archetype of a young boy with hyperactivity can often be left undiagnosed and struggle with their symptoms. TikTok offers a space where people from all backgrounds and walks of life can share their experiences, find community and discuss how ADHD manifests for them and how they manage it.
For example, procrastination can be a sign of ADHD. However, while procrastination is more common in people with ADHD, it is also something that occurs in other mental health conditions like depression, and is something that everyone does at least a little bit from time to time.
But on TikTok, procrastination might be framed as a clear-cut sign of ADHD, making viewers question whether they have it. Some creators also present exaggerated actions that are funny, like walking into things, as being among ADHD symptoms, when clumsy walking is not something that usually happens to people with ADHD.
ADHD content on TikTok
In our recently published study, we had two clinical psychologists who research and treat ADHD watch the top 100 most popular #ADHD TikToks. They looked at how accurate the information was, according to professional standards, and how helpful they found the videos in teaching people about ADHD.
Many of the videos were incredibly popular, averaging more than half a million views and almost 100,000 likes.
However, we found that 94 per cent of these videos didn’t cite any reliable sources. This tracks with the fact that more than half of the claims made in the videos were not backed up by science and did not match the official diagnostic criteria of ADHD, according to the psychologists who evaluated them.
Even more concerning, many of the videos were trying to sell something or asking for money through Venmo or Amazon Wishlists.
How does ADHD content affect TikTok users?
Next, we wanted to understand how these videos impact viewers. We recruited 843 undergrads between the ages of 18 and 25 with varying experiences with ADHD (professionally diagnosed, self-diagnosed, or did not have ADHD). Participants watched the videos that the psychologists had rated as the top five and bottom five.
We found that the young adults who watched more TikToks about ADHD were also less critical of them, giving a higher score to the bottom psychologist-rated TikToks.
A high diet of ADHD-related content was also related to the way that users viewed ADHD. The young adults who watched more TikToks about ADHD also estimated that ADHD was almost seven to 10 times more prevalent than it actually is in the general population and felt worse about their own symptoms.
We also asked participants how confident they were about having ADHD three times: Before watching any TikToks; right after watching TikToks; and after watching a short video from a clinical psychologist breaking down what the TikToks got right and wrong.
People with an official ADHD diagnosis stayed confident about their ADHD throughout. However, those who initially didn’t think they had ADHD became less sure after watching the TikToks, while those who self-diagnosed became more convinced they had ADHD.
After watching the psychologist video, those without ADHD regained their confidence that they didn’t actually have ADHD. However, those who self-diagnosed stayed just as convinced they had ADHD, even after hearing the psychologist’s explanation.
Takeaway message
We don’t want our research to scare away people from discussing their symptoms and finding community online. TikTok can be a great place to express yourself and find others with similar struggles.
Instead, we want to urge people to be more critical of the content they consume and consider that it might not fully represent ADHD.
For example, if you are seeking mental-health information on social media, you can:
1) Check the source. Is the information posted by a reputable organization (for example, medical institutions, universities, research centres, ADHD advocacy groups)?
2) Look for expertise. What are the content creator’s credentials? Are they a doctor or a registered clinical psychologist?
3) Crosscheck information. Does the information match up with authoritative information from other sources relying on research like the Centers of Disease Control, World Health Organization or other medical authorities?
4) Be wary of absolutes. Remember, ADHD is complex.
5) Follow the money. Is the content creator trying to sell you something (like supplements that claim to cure ADHD, ADHD coaching, ADHD diagnosis website).
The bottom line is that we need more accurate information about ADHD on social media. But the solution isn’t just better content. We need to tackle barriers to health-care access and rebuild trust between young people and mental-health experts.
Vasileia Karasavva receives funding from the Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship.
Amori Yee Mikami receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada.
South Africa’s goal since 2012 has been to build a capable and developmental state to address the twin challenges of poverty and inequality. The country’s National Development Plan defines a capable state as “well-run and effectively coordinated state institutions with skilled public servants”. A transformative and developmental role is about “consistently delivering high quality services” for the good of society.
To meet these goals, the country requires people in government with the necessary technological skills. This has been shown to be true in analysis of how governments from various regions worldwide have responded to technology as part of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
A lesson that has emerged, particularly from most countries in the global north, is that technology skills are not simply a trend but a means to manage public affairs more effectively. Examples of areas they are used in include big data, artificial intelligence and robotics.
A new study has looked at how South Africa is faring in developing skills for the future of work in the public sector. The National Development Plan had earlier highlighted that planning for skills development in this sector was inadequate.
We were part of the research team for this project, as academics affiliated with various universities who have also written extensively on public administration and building state capacity.
The study found that most South African government officials were familiar with the technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. But they were not familiar with how these technologies could be used to improve the efficiency of the state. In addition, officials in government departments that interact directly with citizens lacked the technologies and tools essential to take advantage of the new breakthroughs in technology.
We caution in the report that as much as technology skills have helped improve state efficiency, mainly in the global north, they can’t make up for all administrative inadequacies – including thievery from the state, which besets South Africa’s democracy.
Equally important are human cognitive skills and ethical competencies. The report found that these too were a challenge in the public service.
The report concludes that the government needs to urgently invest in revamping the way civil servants are trained. In particular, it must invest in continuous professional development. While technological capabilities are key, the report recommends that basic human skills and competencies are equally essential. To achieve this will require the development of a dynamic human resources system.
The gaps
The research found that civil servants were aware of technologies available in the market. But they didn’t connect them to their jobs, or have a view on how they could make the state more efficient.
For example, they didn’t know how big data, artificial intelligence, robotics, or the automation of public administration could be used to improve public service. Being aware of these technologies and using them to the maximum advantage of public administration are two distinct things.
The study also found that officials in some departments that interact directly with citizens – like home affairs and social development – lacked the technological tools and devices that could improve service delivery.
The study also showed that technology skills alone cannot create public value in a digitally illiterate society.
Interviewees emphasised the need for strategic and critical thinking skills, the ability to discern right from wrong and the commitment to do what is right.
These skills remain essential in a constantly evolving world that faces complex policy challenges related to, among other things, climate change, demographic shifts, poverty, unemployment and inequality.
They argued that technology should be viewed as a tool to complement human effort.
Related to this, they emphasised fundamental human values that must underpin the character of the public service, like respect, care, human dignity, compassion and altruism.
Another problem that was identified was the state’s human resources system said to be ineffective. HR Connect was initiated in 2009 as an integrated human resources system.
The report found that human resources management practices were compliance-driven. They were primarily geared to demonstrate how the budget allocation for training and development had been used rather than also examining the impact of these interventions.
However, the report concludes that the system “has failed to fulfil its central promise of efficiency” where this was measured only as the economic value rather than social effectiveness, foregrounding the wellbeing of citizens.
This points to the need to replenish public service skills and competencies. This is where continuous professional development becomes critical.
Some say HR Connect is inactive, implying it is inherently flawed. If that is the case, it must be replaced with a better personnel management system.
The study was conducted by the Public Service Sector Education and Training Authority (PSETA), in partnership with the Tshwane University of Technology’s (TUT) Institute for the Future of Work (IFOW).
Mashupye Herbert Maserumule received funding for his PhD studies from National Research Foundation(NRF). He is affiliated with the South African Association of Public Administration and Management(SAAPAM).
Ricky Mukonza is affiliated with the South African Association for Public Administration.
Daniel Nkosinathi Mlambo, John Ntshaupe Molepo, Mogotsi Caiphus Maleka, Moraka Arthur Shopola, and Rasodi K Manyaka do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Paul Allen (L) and Bill Gates in 1970 at Lakeside School in Seattle, Washington state, US. Microsoft was created five years later.Author unknown/Wikimedia
Microsoft celebrates its 50th anniversary. This article was written using Microsoft Word on a computer running Microsoft Windows. It is likely to be published on platforms hosted by Microsoft Azure, including LinkedIn, a Microsoft subsidiary with over one billion users. In 2024, the company generated a net profit of $88 billion from sales worth $245 billion. Its stock market value is close to $3,000 billion, making it the world’s second-most valuable company behind Apple and almost on a par with NVidia. Cumulative profits since 2002 are approaching $640 billion.
And yet, 50 years ago, Microsoft was just a tiny computer company founded in Albuquerque, New Mexico by two former Harvard students, Bill Gates and Paul Allen, aged 19 and 22. The twists and turns that enabled it to become one of the most powerful companies in the world are manifold, and can be divided into four distinct eras.
First era: Bill Gates rides on IBM’s shoulders
At the end of the 1970s, IBM was the computer industry’s undisputed leader. It soon realized that microcomputers developed by young Silicon Valley entrepreneurs, such as the Apple II, would eventually eclipse IBM’s mainframes, and so the IBM PC project was launched. However, it soon became clear that the company’s hefty internal processes would prevent it from delivering a microcomputer on schedule. It was therefore decided that various components of the machine could be outsourced using external suppliers.
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Several specialized companies were approached to provide the operating system. They all refused, seeing IBM as the enemy to be destroyed, a symbol of centralized, bureaucratic computing. Mary Maxwell Gates, who sat on the board of an NGO next to the IBM chairman, suggested the name of her son William, nicknamed Bill, who had just founded Microsoft, and the first contact was established in 1980.
The problem was that Microsoft was focused on a programming language called BASIC and certainly not specialized in operating systems. Not that this was ever going to be a problem for Bill Gates, who, with considerable nerve, agreed to sign a deal with IBM to deliver an operating system he didn’t have. Gates then purchased the QDOS system from Seattle Computer Products, from which he developed MS-DOS (where MS stands for Microsoft).
Gates, whose father was a founding partner of a major Seattle law firm, then made his next move. He offered IBM a non-exclusive contract for the use of MS-DOS, which gave him the right to sell it to other computer companies. IBM, which was not used to subcontracting, was not suspicious enough: the contract brought fortunes to Microsoft and misery to IBM when Compaq, Olivetti and Hewlett-Packard rushed to develop IBM PC clones, giving birth to a whole new industry.
Success followed for Microsoft. It not only benefited from IBM’s serious image, which appealed to businesses, but also received royalties on every PC sold on the market. In 1986, the company was introduced on the stock market. Bill Gates, Paul Allen and two of their early employees became billionaires, while 12,000 additional Microsoft employees went on to become millionaires.
Second era: Windows, the golden goose (courtesy of Xerox)
In the mid-1980s, microcomputers were not very functional: their operating systems, including Microsoft’s MS-DOS, ran with forbidding command lines, like the infamous C:/. This all changed in 1984 with the Apple Macintosh, which was equipped with a graphic interface (icons, drop-down menus, fonts, a mouse, etc.). This revolutionary technology was developed in Xerox’s research laboratory, even though the photocopy giant failed to understand its potential. On the other hand, Steve Jobs, Apple’s CEO, was largely inspired by it: to ensure the success of the Macintosh computer, Jobs asked Microsoft to develop a customized version of its office suite, in particular its Excel spreadsheet. Microsoft embraced the graphic interface principle and launched Windows 1 in 1985, which was soon followed by the Office suite (Word, Excel and PowerPoint).
Over the following years, Windows was further improved, culminating in Windows 95, launched in 1995, with an advertising campaign costing over $200 million, for which Bill Gates bought the rights of The Rolling Stones’ “Start Me Up”. At the time, Microsoft’s world market share in operating systems exceeded 70%. This has hardly changed since.
In 1997, Microsoft even went so far as to save Apple from bankruptcy by investing $150 million in its capital in the form of non-voting shares, which were sold back three years later. During one of his famous keynote speeches, Steve Jobs thanked Bill Gates by saying: “Bill, thank you. The world’s a better place.” This bailout also put an end to the lawsuit Apple had filed against Microsoft, accusing it of copying its graphic interface when designing the Windows operating system.
Third era: bureaucratization, internal conflicts and a failed diversification strategy
In the mid-1990s, computing underwent a new transformation with the explosion of the World Wide Web. Microsoft was a specialist in stand-alone PCs, with a business model based on selling boxed software, and it was ill-prepared for the new global networks. Its first response was to develop Internet Explorer, a browser developed from the takeover of the Mosaic browser designed by the Spyglass company, a bit like MS-DOS in its day. Internet Explorer was eventually integrated into Windows, prompting a lawsuit against Microsoft for abuse of its dominant position, which could have led to the company’s break-up. New competitors, such as Google with its Chrome browser, took advantage of these developments to attract users.
In 2000, Bill Gates handed over his position as Microsoft CEO to Steve Ballmer, one of his former Harvard classmates, whose aim was to turn the company into an electronics and services company. Over the next fifteen years, Ballmer embarked on a series of initiatives to diversify the company by including video games (Flight Simulator), CD encyclopedias (Encarta), hardware (mice, keyboards), MP3 players (Zune), online web hosting (Azure), game consoles (Xbox), phones (Windows Phone), tablets and computers (Surface).
While some of these products were successful (notably Azure and Xbox), others were bitter failures. Encarta was quickly swamped by Wikipedia and Zune was no match for Apple’s iPod. Windows Phone remains one of the greatest strategic blunders in the company’s history. In order to secure the company’s success in mobile telephony and compete with the iPhone, Microsoft bought the cell phone division of Finland’s Nokia for $5.4 billion in September 2013. The resulting integration was a disaster: Steve Ballmer wanted Microsoft’s phones to use a version of Windows 10, making them slow and impractical. Less than two years later, Microsoft put an end to its mobile phone operations, with losses amounting to $7.6 billion. Nokia was sold for just $350 million.
One of the outcomes of Microsoft’s multiple business initiatives has been an explosion in the number of its employees, from 61,000 in 2005 to 228,000 in 2024. Numerous internal disputes broke out between different business units, which sometimes refused to work together.
These turf wars, coupled with pervasive bureaucratization and effortless profitability (for each Windows installation, PC manufacturers pay around $50, while the marginal cost of the license is virtually zero), have hindered Microsoft’s capacity for innovation. Its software, including Internet Explorer 6 and Windows Vista, was soon mocked by users for its imperfections, which were continually plugged by frequent updates. As some people noted, Windows is equipped with a “safe” mode, suggesting that its normal mode is “failure”.
Fourth era: is Microsoft the new cool (thanks to the Cloud and OpenAI)?
In 2014, Satya Nadella replaced Steve Ballmer as head of Microsoft. Coming from the online services division, Nadella’s objective was to redirect Microsoft’s strategy online, notably by developing the Azure online web hosting business. In 2024, Azure became the world’s second-largest cloud service behind Amazon Web Services, and more than 56% of Microsoft’s turnover came from its online services. Nadella changed the company’s business model: software is no longer sold but available on a subscription basis, in the shape of products such as Office 365 and Xbox Live.
Along the way, Microsoft acquired the online game Minecraft, followed by the professional social network LinkedIn, in 2016, for $26.2 billion (its largest acquisition to date), and the online development platform GitHub in 2018 for $7.5 billion.
Between 2023 and 2025, Microsoft invested more than $14 billion in OpenAI, the company behind ChatGPT, giving it a particularly enviable position in the artificial intelligence revolution. ChatGPT’s models also contribute to Microsoft’s in-house AI, Copilot.
Over the past 50 years, thanks to a series of bold moves, timely acquisitions and failed strategies to diversify, Microsoft has evolved significantly in its scope, competitive advantage and business model. Once stifled by opulence and internal conflicts, the company seems to have become attractive again, most notably to young graduates. Who can predict whether Microsoft will still exist in 50 years? Bill Gates himself says the opposite, but he may be bluffing.
Frédéric Fréry ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.
The success of Netflix drama Adolescence, along with concerns about misogynistic influencers such as Andrew Tate, has brought the “manosphere” into public discussion.
Many parents, particularly of young boys, may fear they don’t know enough about what their children are exposed to online. I research radical misogyny online, and the pathways by which young people encounter these spaces. Here is what parents should know about this content.
What is the manosphere?
The manosphere is a network of communities that create, consume and distribute content online aimed at men and boys. It includes multiple groups that differ in their aims and focus, but are all largely anti-feminist.
These groups discuss masculinity, but also topics such as health, gaming, politics and finance. They trivialise hateful rhetoric through memes, comedy and trolling (provocation or bullying for amusement) by framing it as self-help, entertainment and tools for financial success. This can make it difficult for parents to identify and for children to realise the extreme messages they are being exposed to.
Manosphere content is promoted by various influencers on popular social media platforms. These influencers often showcase unattainable wealth and status, selling the illusion that followers can achieve success by adopting their teachings.
The most notable manosphere influencer is Andrew Tate, who rose to fame in 2022. He and his brother Tristan are currently under investigation in Romania for charges of rape, human trafficking and money laundering, and in the UK for rape and human trafficking. However, he is not the only influencer out there.
In recent years, there have been a number of incidents of violence that have been linked to manosphere content. The extent of real-world effects is difficult to measure, and not everyone who engages with the manosphere will go on to commit violence. But it’s clear that these communities can promote violence or spread harmful ideas about women and girls.
It is important to note, however, that this content also harms men and young boys. The manosphere promotes unrealistic expectations and extreme measures which can lead to poor self-esteem, mental health problems and, in some cases, suicide. This content preys on vulnerabilities and insecurities of boys and young men, especially related to social isolation and sexual rejection.
Misinformation and pseudoscience
Much of the content that spreads in the manosphere is based on disinformation or pseudoscientific theories. These provide an easy framework for men to assess and improve their status while framing women and feminism as the problem.
For example, the “80/20 rule” refers to the pseudoscientific theory that 80% of women are only attracted to the top 20% of men. In the manosphere, this rule is used to blame women for mens’ feelings of sexual or romantic rejection.
Influencers and community members promote step-by-step instructions that people can follow to improve their social standing. Many of these guides involve extreme or harmful physical transformations in a phenomenon known as “looksmaxxing”, which can even involve facial surgery in a bid to increase their sexual “value”.
The manosphere has an expansive lexicon which is used to incite hatred towards women and fuel rivalry between men. Common terms include:
Red pill: TRP, the manosphere’s core philosophy, derived from the Matrix, frames the red pill as an awakening to feminism’s oppression of men. The blue pill represents ignorance, and the black pill, used by incels, as accepting their “terminal” celibacy status.
Amog (alpha male of the group), Alpha, Gamma, Omega, Sigma, Sub-5 – These terms categorise and compare men and their social status. While sigma and alpha males or Amogs are considered the top of the hierarchy, the terms gamma, omega, and sub-5 denigrate men perceived to be of a lower status.
White Knight, Soyboy: Derogatory terms describe men who are viewed as being subservient to women.
Awalt (All women are like that), Foid/Femoid (female humanoid), Becky, Carousel: Terms used to denigrate and dehumanise women.
Parents should not panic if they hear their children using manosphere terms. They may not fully understand their meanings and may have encountered them innocently. However, changes in how boys talk about women and girls, withdrawal from family and friends, and frequent use of these terms can be an indication that they are being influenced by the manosphere.
Supporting your child
Most adolescents will come across manosphere content at some point. A recent survey found that 59% of boys accessed manosphere content through innocent and unrelated searches. This doesn’t necessarily mean that they endorse the misogynistic values spread by these groups.
Here are some steps you can take to support your child.
1. Explore online together
Research commissioned by media regulator Ofcom found that children were more likely to come across harmful content if their parents are less engaged in what they are doing. Watching content that relates to your children’s hobbies, and sending them content you think they would like, can help train algorithms to promote more moderate content and open up an avenue for discussion.
Engaging online with your child can be a natural way to start conversations about what they are exposed to. It is important that you are not trying to intervene or critique, but rather understand why they enjoy watching certain influencers or content.
2. Encourage reflection and media literacy
Research suggests that teaching children to be sceptical about what they see online can inoculate them against mis- and disinformation.
The most obvious disinformation they are most likely to come across in the manosphere may be in the form of statistics, summaries of “academic” reports, and news articles about instances of female aggression or false rape allegations. They may also come across misleading content in educational or self-help posts, about improving their appearance or how to be successful.
Ask your children why they trust certain influencers and where they think their friends get their information. These kinds of questions can help them develop their own fact-checking skills without it seeming like a lesson.
3. Ask open-ended questions
Asking children about what they consume or what slang they use online can feel cringe. The best way to get around this is to ask simple open-ended questions such as “How do boys in your class talk about girls?” or “Have you ever heard of…?”
What you hear may be shocking, but approach it with curiosity and without judgment or dismissal to let them know they can share things with you.
If you are concerned about your child’s behaviour, you can also get support from resources such as Young Minds mental health support, the Center for Countering Digital Hate’s free parents guide or the government’s radicalisation helpline ACT Early. Getting support from government services is not a punishment. It won’t go on a person’s criminal record, but can provide access to governmental services like Prevent.
Annabel Hoare does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sophie King-Hill, Associate Professor at the Health Services Management Centre, University of Birmingham
Netflix television series Adolescence has captured the attention of people across the UK – including the prime minister.
The series follows a 13-year-old boy accused of the murder of his female classmate. It touches upon incel online hate groups, toxic influencers and the misogynistic online spaces of the manosphere.
Adolescence is a drama and deserves the praise it has attracted. But it wasn’t developed as an educational resource, the kind that is produced in consultation with young people and schools and should be underpinned by robust research and well planned evaluations.
The series shows an extreme example of one teenager drawn into the world of the manosphere. Not all boys will see themselves reflected in this portrayal. And as a researcher working on masculinity and misogyny, my concern is that showing the series in schools may lead boys to think that they are all perceived as potential threats.
Showing the series as a teaching tool risks framing boyhood as monolithic, with one particular – and problematic – way of being a boy.
Already, a broad-brush, blame-heavy approach is often taken to boys in response to issues relating to sexual harassment and violence. “We may have a problem with boys and young men that we need to address”, Keir Starmer has said.
Boys dealing with blame
In research I have carried out for a forthcoming book on boys and masculinity, I worked with young men and boys aged 13 to 19. One 15-year-old boy said that “I am always told that I am part of the problem but never allowed to be part of the solution”. I also found that this broad blame culture leads to feelings of worthlessness in young men and boys, which shuts down vital dialogue and also may lead them to resort to looking for direction from negative spaces such as the manosphere.
It is evident from reports and evidence that young men and boys do carry out a large amount of reported sexual harassment and harms against young women and girls. This can be seen in the 2021 Ofsted report into sexual harassment in schools in England, for example. The 2025 2000 Women report states that, in the UK, a woman is killed by a man every three days.
There is evidently a serious, endemic and complex problem. The misogyny that can be popularised by toxic influencers online also needs urgently addressing.
But a “one-size-fits-all” approach to tackle “boys’ issues” may result in making things worse, not better, due to the lack of recognition of the intersectionality of boyhood. Other aspects of identity, such as race, age, class, gender identity, sexual orientation, religion, sexuality and physical and mental health will have implications for the approaches that need to be taken.
My ongoing research has demonstrated that boyhood means differing things to different boys. In steering groups with young men and boys from various ethnicities and differing social classes, a consistent theme emerged. This was a conflict between the internal and external self that the boys felt that they had to portray. This was also highlighted in a further 16 focus groups carried out on the project, again with a range of boys.
The internal self refers to who the boys actually are, including other identity traits such as race and class, and all the other intersecting aspects of their identity. The external self is what they felt they should show as a boys to fit into the hierarchy of masculinity and how they should portray themselves to fit within the social expectations of being a boy. This causes a conflict of external and internal self.
Efforts to help boys deal with issues such as the messages of the manosphere need to be attuned to the nuance of their internal selves. Generalising boys does not account for the individual identities that they bring to the issues that affect them.
Boys as individuals
The monolithic perspective of “boys” and the ensuing group blame oversimplifies complex issues, resulting in less than effective solutions and interventions that do not acknowledge or account for the nuances and complexities that surround individual boys.
This approach ignores diversities and intersecting identities and steers societal thinking about boys as a set group. It risks stereotyping them and causing prejudicial approaches. When boys are stigmatised in such a way, it compounds issues across genders, breaks down valuable communication and can also cause resentment and hostility.
One of the key voices and valuable perspectives that is missing from this debate is that of young men and boys themselves. We need to truly listen to their perspectives and their needs and build upon these as they are the experts in the world they are experiencing. Good practice accounts for and builds upon these experiences, with young people.
My research has demonstrated that young people want to be a part of these discussions rather than having things decided for them. It also shows that, quite often, we are teaching them what they already know and providing support and education that is too little, too late. We need to move away from the broad brush blaming of boys and young men and begin to approach them based upon their own individual identities – of which gender is only a part.
Written in 1611, Shakespeare’s Cymbeline is a raw mess – full of feeling and as messy as life. The 18th-century man of letters, Samuel Johnson decried the play as a work of “unresisting imbecility”, a hotch-potch of incongruities.
It’s true that it’s hard to even know what kind of play Cymbeline is. The First Folio, the first collected edition of Shakespeare’s plays, presents it as the last of his tragedies. But it’s also, all at once, a history play, a pastoral, a fairytale, a pantomime and a tragicomedy.
Set in ancient Britain at the time of the birth of Christ, Cymbeline stitches together three plots. In one, Posthumus (the banished husband of Innogen, King Cymbeline’s daughter) accepts a wager with Iachimo that the sleazy Italian will not be able to seduce his wife. In the second, after 20 years, King Cymbeline’s abducted sons (and Innogen’s brothers) are restored to him. And in the third, refusing to pay tribute to the emperor, tiny Britain picks a fight with the majesty of imperial Rome.
What makes Cymbeline such a potent play for our own age of anxiety is how Shakespeare weaves a tale about the collapse of everything known, as connections dissolve, and lays out how we may discover ourselves anew in the radically altered world.
This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.
Written late in his career, in Cymbeline, Shakespeare rips up all the ways he’s been doing things and suddenly starts afresh. Here, some few years before his retirement, he foregoes the complex psychology of his great tragedies and opts for archetypes of fairytale and romance.
But in striking out for this new artistic territory, he also turns to himself as his own best source. Like an ageing rock band contracted for one last farewell tour, in Cymbeline, Shakespeare’s back playing the hits.
The plot of Cymbeline explained in 60 seconds by actors of the Royal Shakespeare Company.
Like King Lear, Cymbeline is set in ancient Britain. Sneering Iachimo is Iago’s ghost and Posthumus, a dollar-store Othello.
Innogen is Shakespeare’s last cross-dressing heroine, passing as a boy, a faded echo of witty Rosalind of As You Like It and sad Viola of Twelfth Night. There’s fun in Rosalind and Viola’s changed identities, but Innogen puts on boy’s clothes to escape. Her father condemns her as disobedient for marrying Posthumus, and instead pushes her towards her step-brother, the fatuous bully Cloten.
Innogen’s time as a boy is joyless, as she learns that her beloved Posthumus wants her killed. She’s a new person now, not Innogen, but “Fidele”. Unmoored, adrift, she unwittingly finds her brothers, falls ill and mistakenly consumes a drug that puts her into a sleep so deep she appears to be dead.
She wakes from this seeming death beside a headless body that she takes to be her murdered husband, but is in fact the villainous Cloten. Desperate with grief, she touches the flowers that have been strewn on the corpse, and smears herself with his blood.
It’s as stark a scene as Shakespeare ever wrote in its unstable unity of tender beauty and suffering. Innogen sighs: “These flowers are like the pleasures of the world, This bloody man, the care on’t,” and in that conjunction sums up the extremities of life and of this play. When a Roman soldier finds her, she tells him: “I am nothing; or if not, Nothing to be were better.”
Dying to live
Politically, too, things are disintegrating. The play multiplies broken bonds, unpaid debts and contracts denied – including both the marriage contract, and the debt of tribute owed to Rome by Britain.
Following Innogen’s passage through suffering and figurative death, Posthumus undergoes the same process. He has already earned his name by outliving his parents.
Reduced, like Innogen, to all but nothing, believed to be dead, but actually in prison, Posthumus receives a vision of his dead family and of forgiving Jove, the divine father of the Roman Gods. Love and social unity have died, but in this mystical scene, the possibility returns of renewal.
Both Innogen and Posthumus must “die” to live. Off stage, in distant Bethlehem, a nativity takes place that signals the death of the old Rome – but also the regeneration of all things. And so the story commits itself to the reconciliation achieved in wonder.
This is a play where the word “miracle” becomes a verb, just as Innogen and Posthumus, and old, foolish King Cymbeline himself come to understand how even the most distressed life may open to bliss. “The gods do mean to strike me to death with mortal joy,” declares an amazed Cymbeline, as the play offers us a vision of that astonishing unity of suffering and redemption.
We may doubt that such wonder could exist for us today. But Shakespeare’s full look at the worst enables us too to imagine the sense of hopeful possibility found in his brilliant conclusion. It is a wonderful play.
Beyond the canon
As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is Michael Newton’s suggestion:
There’s no other work of art so chaotic and so alive as Cymbeline. But H. F. M. Prescott’s The Man on a Donkey (1952) runs it close. I only discovered this novel a year ago, and I find it astonishing that so great a book could have remained hidden so long. Prescott follows Cymbeline in manifesting hope in a time of social collapse. It’s a novel of Henry VIII and the Reformation, centred on the “Pilgrimage of Grace”, when loyal Catholics rebelled against the dissolution of the church.
I read it while recovering from surgery, and it was just as well. If I had read it while at work I would have had to steal time off constantly to return to it. There are few novels so deep, so compelling, so beautiful. Like Cymbeline, it breaks all the rules of how to make a work of art, and caught up in its story you find out how little those rules matter when face to face with the complexity of the world and the depth of human beings.
Michael Newton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The war in Ukraine is often marked by specific dates, like February 24, 2022 – the day of the full-scale invasion. But for many Ukrainians, that February never really ended. For me, then a 22-year-old master’s student in construction engineering, that day shattered everything I understood about my future. I was glued to my phone, refreshing news updates in a frantic attempt to make sense of the chaos.
The distant echoes of explosions rumbled through the city, shaking windows and setting off endless car alarms. Air raid sirens wailed, their sound slicing through the early morning stillness. Outside, people hurried past with suitcases, their faces pale and tense, while others lined up at pharmacies and ATMs, their hands trembling as they stocked up on essentials.
My family and friends sent frantic messages (Are you safe? Are you leaving? What do we do?) but no one had an answer. Fear settled in like a second skin, thick and suffocating. The streets, once familiar, now felt unrecognisable, transformed by the weight of uncertainty.
We were all touched by the war, including my family. My father, who is a scientist and professor of Mykolaiv University of Shipbuilding, voluntarily joined the military forces to fight for Ukraine and give my family the possibility to work and study while the war raged outside.
Meanwhile, my hometown, Mykolaiv – previously a strategically important shipbuilding and port city on the Black Sea – became a key stepping-stone for Russian forces on the road to Odesa. It is very close to currently occupied territories and the frontline.
The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.
Controlling access to the city and its bridges was crucial in the battle for Ukraine. The destruction of these bridges cut off vital supply routes, leaving Mykolaiv isolated and struggling to hold the line. What were once ordinary crossings became symbols of survival, as the city fought to stay connected and withstand the siege.
As my home was attacked, I realised something fundamental: bridges were not just engineering projects. They were lifelines.
Engineering hope
Rebuilding bridges and roads is about more than repairing physical structures; it is about restoring security, economic stability and vital connections between communities. A collapsed bridge isolates people from essential services, disrupting supply chains and deepening vulnerability. The war has exposed just how critical Ukraine’s infrastructure is for survival.
Mykolaiv is one of the hardest-hit regions. According to the Ukrainian government, more than 20 bridges were destroyed or severely damaged by Russian attacks, including the Inhul Bridge, a vital artery for the city.
The Snihurivka Bridge, another key crossing, was also wiped out, leaving thousands stranded without reliable access to healthcare and supplies. For months, humanitarian aid and commerce were forced onto alternative, unreliable routes, further isolating communities. The reconstruction of key bridges in my home region has allowed life to resume, but the scale of the challenge across the country remains immense.
Elsewhere, the destruction has been just as devastating.. The Irpin Bridge, north-west of Kyiv, which once carried 40,000 vehicles a day, became a symbol of both loss and survival. Ukrainian forces had to destroy the bridge to stop Russian advances on Kyiv. Thousands of civilians fled across its wreckage under fire.
Science: a light in the dark
Fast forward to the autumn of 2022. Ukraine’s power grid was under relentlessattack. Entire cities were plunged into darkness. I sat at my desk in Lviv, in western Ukraine, where I have been working on my PhD thesis. My laptop battery was draining and a single candle flickered beside me. I was writing a research paper on strengthening methods for buildings and infrastructure. Yet, all around me real infrastructure was collapsing, making my work feel disconnected from reality.
Laptop battery draining and a single candle flickers during one of the regular power cuts. Nadiia Kopiika
The city had endured weeks of missile strikes targeting critical infrastructure and power cuts became part of daily life. Simple tasks like boiling water for tea, charging a phone, or even sending an email became unpredictable challenges. The hum of generators filled the streets and people lined up at charging stations trying to stay connected. The darkness wasn’t just outside, it seeped into everything, a constant reminder that the war was never far away.
At that moment, a question struck me: what if science could help rebuild Ukraine? Could research, something that had once felt so theoretical, actually make a difference in the aftermath of war?
The project aimed to not only repair what was damaged but to build better infrastructure: homes that are more resilient, more sustainable and ready for future crises. Mitoulis recalled that the whole idea for BridgeUkraine was born out of a deeply personal moment:
I first thought of BridgeUkraine when I spoke with my former MSc student, Marat Khodzhaiev, who was in Ukraine when the war started. He was stranded in his house and at risk of missing the opportunity to graduate from his MSc course in the UK. All bridges around him had collapsed, there was no escape route. His wife was pregnant at the time. That call made me realise the urgent need, not only to rebuild infrastructure, but also to support and empower Ukrainian engineers to build their future. BridgeUkraine became more than just a research alliance, it became a mission that ensures that Ukraine’s recovery will be driven by its own people, equipped with the best knowledge and tools to rebuild their country.
The KSE Institute estimates that more than 300 bridges across Ukraine require urgent reconstruction, with damages exceeding US$2.6 billion. But this isn’t all about infrastructure; it is about securing Ukraine’s independence and ensuring that its economy and society can function even under the most difficult conditions. Every bridge rebuilt is a step toward recovery, a restored connection between families and communities, and a symbol of resilience.
To address these challenges, rebuilding Ukraine’s infrastructure cannot follow conventional methods. The sheer scale of destruction demands a new approach, one that not only restores what was lost but strengthens the country for the future.
At BridgeUkraine, we are developing solutions that prioritise resilience over quick fixes. Instead of rebuilding vulnerable structures, we are integrating sustainable materials, climate-adaptive engineering, and strategic planning to ensure that Ukraine’s transport networks are built to last.
Rebuilding fairly and efficiently
A comprehensive assessment conducted by the government of Ukraine, the World Bank Group, the European Commission, and the United Nations estimates that the total cost of Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery stands at approximately €506 billion (US$524bn) over the next decade. This underscores the necessity for continued and enhanced international support to address the extensive needs arising from the conflict.
There are no academic guidelines on how to rebuild after such destruction. What is the most effective way to approach reconstruction in this context? We quickly came to the realisation that conventional methods were too slow and rigid to address the urgent and widespread damage.
Our research team wanted to re-imagine how to rebuild infrastructure and homes that are resilient to future challenges, from war-related destruction to climate-induced disasters. As Mitoulis told me:
Rebuilding infrastructure is not just about restoring roads and bridges, it’s about rebuilding lives. Our approach is centred on people, ensuring that the infrastructure is designed by Ukrainians, for Ukrainians. It must not only reconnect communities but also support economic recovery and long-term resilience.
But such ethical reconstruction must be inclusive, sustainable and community-driven, ensuring that those who depend on infrastructure have a say in how it is rebuilt.
Reconstruction must be a participatory, creative effort – one that rebuilds cities with beauty and meaning, connecting them to their past while preparing for the future. Too often, post-war recovery efforts have been dictated by external donors, prioritising short-term economic gains over long-term resilience.
People like me, who have grown up in these places, understand the culture, the rhythm of daily life, and the importance of preserving identity as well as buildings. We want to see our cities restored in a way that reflects our history and spirit.
For example, in post-second world war Warsaw, reconstruction efforts initially ignored the city’s historical character in favour of Soviet-style urban planning. It was only through the persistence of local architects and historians that parts of the Old Town were painstakingly restored to reflect their original designs.
Ukraine cannot afford such myopic, profit-driven decision-making. Instead, it must empower local communities, integrating their knowledge, needs and skills into the reconstruction process.
This vision started to take shape through workshop discussions with experts in geography and urban planning. Everyone agreed on the need for an adaptable transportation system where modular designs and relocatable, prefabricated bridges (like the Mabey bridge in US) could respond to evolving demands and disruptions.
Similarly, at the ReBuild Ukraine 2024 conference leading engineers, policymakers and researchers showcased groundbreaking technologies designed to accelerate reconstruction while reducing long-term environmental and economic risks (for example, nature-based solutions, 3D-printing, Virtual Reality and Building Informational Modelling).
Revolutionising damage assessment with AI, radar and satellite imagery
But to effectively plan for recovery and reconstruction, it’s crucial to first accurately characterise the damage. A clear picture of what has been destroyed allows for smarter decisions, prioritising the most urgent repairs and using resources effectively.
Our latest research, published in Automation in Construction, introduces a faster, more precise way to assess damage to key infrastructure, particularly bridges. Bringing together expertise from a large multidisciplinary team, we developed a new approach that combines satellite images and radar and artificial intelligence to swiftly and accurately analyse damage.
This technology allowed us to assess the condition of bridges remotely, without having to be onsite in dangerous or inaccessible areas. By providing rapid, data-driven insights, our method helps ensure that reconstruction efforts start where they are needed most, speeding up recovery and making rebuilding efforts more effective.
We tested this approach on numerous bridges in the Irpin region of Ukraine, and the results were striking. It significantly improved both the speed and accuracy of damage assessments. Using Sentinel-1 SAR images (radar satellite images from the European Space Agency’s Copernicus program), crowdsourced data (photos and reports from people on the ground), and high-resolution imagery, we developed a comprehensive approach for damage detection and classification.
This approach works on multiple levels: it provides a big-picture view of damage across entire regions while also zooming in on specific structural issues in individual bridge components. By combining satellite data with detailed images, our method makes damage assessments more precise, faster and safer, ensuring that reconstruction efforts focus on the most critical areas first.
These findings can play a crucial role in damage and needs assessment such as those conducted by the World Bank.
Sustainable infrastructure
In war zones, destruction often affects vital humanitarian and evacuation corridors, making it essential to prioritise reconstruction based on factors such as the national importance of a bridge, its role in border crossings, and its impact on social services.
But rebuilding after a disaster is also an opportunity to create something stronger, smarter, built to last – and with a sustainable focus.
From the first day of the invasion, Nadiia began volunteering at Lviv Polytechnic National University helping to weave camouflage nets. @kathryn_moskalyuk
Given Ukraine’s commitment to net-zero emissions and resilience, we expanded our research [and published a study] which introduced an innovative model for rebuilding infrastructure that can withstand future hazards while minimising carbon emissions. At its core, the model features a “smart prioritisation system” that helps decision-makers allocate resources effectively. It assesses key factors such as repair urgency, community impact and long-term durability, ensuring that rebuilding efforts provide the greatest benefits where they are needed most.
For example, when assessing damaged structures, the system prioritises projects that will provide the most long-term benefits. That might mean restoring energy systems to prevent future blackouts or repairing bridges that serve as key evacuation routes and economic lifelines.
As Stanislav Gvozdikov, deputy director of Euro-integration Process at Ukraine’s State Road Research Institute, told me: “Every bridge we restore, every road we reopen, isn’t just about infrastructure, it’s about restoring life, reconnecting families and ensuring that communities have the resilience to withstand whatever comes next.”
This is already a reality near my home town, Mykolaiv, where newly rebuilt bridges have restored transport links and also revived local economies, giving people hope for the future.
But no one rebuilds a country alone.
The UK-Ukraine 100-year agreement, announced in February 2025, underscored a deep commitment to Ukraine’s security, economic resilience, and post-war reconstruction. The partnership recognises the importance of cooperation between the UK and Ukraine to strengthen technological innovation and to increase collaboration in transport more widely.
I’ve also had the privilege of working with some of the brightest minds in the field, including more than 50 practitioners, consultants, academics, institutions and international bodies. This alliance of experts was united by a shared vision: to change the way the world approaches post-war reconstruction.
A key part of this mission is training engineers, equipping them with the latest knowledge in damage assessment, resilience-based and people-centred design and international standards to lead Ukraine’s reconstruction.
We come from different backgrounds – engineering, economics, policy, humanitarian efforts, and governmental bodies. But we all share the same motivation in wanting to help our country.
Leading researchers from Ukraine specialising in AI technologies, infrastructure engineering, sustainable and energy-saving buildings or climate change, are also members of BridgeUkraine. AI-specialist, Ivan Izonin has spoken passionately about how he believes that the collaborative efforts we have started “will lay the foundation for large-scale scientific projects that will be pivotal in post-war reconstruction…”. While Natalya Shakhovska , also a specialist in AI, recalled: “My activity in the BridgeUkraine alliance gave me the opportunity to align my research to critical infrastructure assessment, enabled by my AI modelling…Today I really feel included, I understand that my expertise is helping [my country’s recovery]”
Another enthusiastic Ukrainian researcher, Khrystyna Myroniuk, who specialises in building physics, told me how the collaboration had given her the opportunity to continue her “research on sustainable housing solutions for Ukraine”.
Stopping the brain drain
One of the most critical challenges facing Ukraine today, aside from the physical destruction, is the brain drain – the mass exodus of skilled professionals who left the country in search of safety and better opportunities abroad.
This trend has had a significant impact on the country’s ability to rebuild. Engineers, architects and other highly trained specialists have long been a pillar of Ukraine’s development. But the war has forced many to leave, with no clear path back to contribute to the reconstruction effort. BridgeUkraine is helping to reverse this trend by offering a compelling reason for these skilled professionals to return.
Our engagement with Ukrainian engineers then sparked another idea: what if we trained local professionals to apply our expertise, equipping them to drive this transformation within their engineering communities?
This ensures that Ukraine’s recovery is driven by its own people, equipped with the latest global knowledge. By bridging the knowledge gap and integrating the best methods and ideas from across Europe, Ukraine can position itself as a leader in resilient infrastructure design.
Our research was taken up by the Ministry of Restoration of Ukraine. Stanislav Gvozdikov collaborated with us to launch a joint programme of Continuing Professional Development seminars for engineers designed to help them stay up to date with the latest knowledge and skills in their field. To date, our expertise has been shared with over 1,500 Ukrainians.
Argyroudis emphasised to me how critical the role of engineers will be in Ukraine’s reconstruction, saying: “It’s about rebuilding Ukrainian identity as a country.”
The ultimate goal is to build a culture of innovation and self-reliance among local professionals who have the expertise and passion to drive this change.
Professionals can now contribute to projects and be part of a larger community of practice, which brings together engineers, academics and international partners.
I am, personally, incredibly proud to have had the privilege, over the past two years, to help empower Ukrainians to develop world-leading research that accelerates their country’s recovery.
Shaping tomorrow
My hometown, Mykolaiv, still bears the scars of war. Returning there, I saw firsthand what was lost. But also what could be rebuilt. War has taken, and continues to take so much, but it has also forged a new generation of engineers who understand that our profession is no longer just about calculations and designs. It is about resilience, survival and national recovery.
Three years ago, I would have imagined a very different career for myself. But today, I know that engineering is more than my profession, it is my mission.
I am committed to ethical and inclusive infrastructure recovery in Ukraine, because science must be the foundation of national resilience. Ethical reconstruction must prioritise people over profits, creating systems that empower and strengthen communities.
Ukraine’s recovery is about setting a global precedent for post-conflict reconstruction. Our research, training programs and commitment to innovation are laying the groundwork for a stronger, more connected Ukraine, offering a paradigm shift to the war-torn world. Because rebuilding is about more than replacing the past. It is about creating a future that can withstand whatever comes next.
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Nadiia Kopiika receives funding from British Academy. She is affiliated with University of Birmingham, UK and Lviv Polytechnic National University, Ukraine.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nigel Mulligan, Lecturer in Psychotherapy, School of Nursing, Psychotherapy and Community Health, Dublin City University
Imagine a therapist could live in your pocket. They’d be on hand for every wobble, every meltdown, every crisis – no matter where or when. They’d be cheap and accessible, so no more worries about finding the money for expensive therapy or lingering on a waiting list for months for NHS treatment. Sounds too good to be true?
Maybe, but few can deny the appeal of AI therapy, which uses artificial intelligence, like chatbots and digital platforms, to provide mental health support, guidance, coping strategies and structured exercises, often mimicking talk therapy.
The growing popularity of AI therapy may be troublingsome experts but it’s understandable why so many people are turning to this convenient and cost-effective resource for mental health support.
In the UK, an NHS mental health referral can take 18 weeks or longer. According to 2025 data from the British Medical Association: “Services are not currently resourced to meet the increased demand, resulting in long waits and high thresholds for treatment; latest estimates put the mental health waiting list at one million people.
It’s perhaps no wonder then that a growing number of young people, in particular, are turning to AI chatbots to help them cope with mental health issues.
But, while AI can prove beneficial for some – often as a supplement to human therapy – it isn’t an effective substitute for a human therapist. And it could even prove dangerous.
Psychotherapy, known as the “talking cure”, uses dialogue to explore thoughts and feelings to help clients understand and address mental health challenges. Psychotherapists are now using AI tools to improve their work in mental health treatment. For example, software such as ChatGPT is being used by therapists to carry out client assessments. They enter details of the client, such as their sex, age, and psychological issues. In response, the chatbot collates the information to create a treatment plan for the therapist to follow.
But, although AI is proving helpful for some therapists, people turning to chatbots for help with mental health crises might find the lack of human supervision and input far less useful.
Lack of Humanity
Chatbots can simulate empathy, but don’t understand or feel emotions. Human therapists can provide emotional nuance, intuition and a personal connection, which chatbots currently cannot replicate in a meaningful way. Chatbots also have a limited ability to understand complex emotions and can struggle with understanding the complexity of human emotions, particularly when the situation involves deep trauma, cultural context or complex mental health issues.
Chatbots, then, are unsuitable for those with severe mental health issues. The software may provide some support for less severe cases, but they aren’t equipped to deal with severe mental health crises, such as suicidal thoughts or self-harm. Human therapists, however, are trained to recognise and respond to these situations with appropriate interventions.
While chatbots can be programmed to provide some personalised advice, they may not be able to adapt as effectively as a human therapist can. Human therapists tailor their approach to the unique needs and experiences of each person. Chatbots rely on algorithms to interpret user input, but miscommunication can happen due to nuances in language or context. For example, chatbots may struggle to recognise or appropriately respond to cultural differences, which are an important aspect of therapy. A lack of cultural competence in a chatbot could alienate and even harm users from different backgrounds.
So while chatbot therapists can be a helpful supplement to traditional therapy, they are not a complete replacement, especially when it comes to more serious mental health needs. Human psychotherapy provides a supportive, safe space for clients to slow down, reflect, and explore their thoughts and feelings with expert guidance. Human therapists are held accountable through ethical guidelines and professional standards.
Some people might become overly dependent on chatbot therapists, potentially avoiding traditional therapy with human professionals. This could lead to a delay in receiving more comprehensive care when needed, making vulnerable people more isolated rather than easing their suffering.
The talking cure in psychotherapy is a process of fostering human potential for greater self-awareness and personal growth. These apps will never be able to replace the therapeutic relationship developed as part of human psychotherapy. Rather, there’s a risk that these apps could limit users’ connections with other humans, potentially exacerbating the suffering of those with mental health issues – the opposite of what psychotherapy intends to achieve.
Nigel Mulligan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Eddy Maloka, the South African historian, diplomat and academic, argues in his latest book the case for South Africa to forge a “second republic”. What is meant by this is left undefined, but emerges as the making of a new constitution, establishing new institutions.
Maloka’s argument is that South Africa’s transformation since 1994 – the overthrow of an unjust political, economic and social order – has benefited only a few.
Today the country is in crisis – “think load-shedding (power cuts), potholes, economic decline, rampant corruption, collapsing state institutions etc” (p.ii).
This is not unusual, he avers. It is customary for post-revolutionary countries to encounter a crisis. South Africa must now overcome its own and move to a higher stage of development. It can do this by
reconstituting itself into a second republic.
As a social scientist, I have enjoyed Maloka’s previous work, notably his valuable history of South Africa’s Communist Party.
But his latest offering, The Case For a Second Republic – South Africa’s Second Chance, disappoints as ill-thought out, unable to rise above liberation movement theology. It fails to pull together its many interesting ruminations into a coherent whole.
Nonetheless, it is worth exploring his central argument about the need for South Africa to have a new start. It is one which has substantial popular currency – rarely spelt out in detail, but often expressed on social media, radio chat shows and in speeches by politicians who should know better.
Justification for a second republic
The storyline usually goes something like this: the former liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), and the National Party, which had been running South Africa since 1948, negotiated a political settlement in 1994. This has been undermined by the economic compromises which were agreed behind the scenes by large-scale capital and the ANC.
The incoming ANC elite was bought off with goodies such as directorships proffered by large firms, so that capitalism could continue much as usual.
The result has been that, despite the transfer of political power, the structure of the economy has been little changed. Whites continue to enjoy the major portion of the country’s wealth. Although the black elite has been enriched, the black majority continues to carry the burden of massive unemployment, poverty and inequality. It follows that South Africa needs to revisit the political settlement made in 1994.
Because there are significant elements of truth in this analysis, it has gained considerable traction. Witness the call by former president Jacob Zuma’s uMkhonto we Sizwe party for the rewriting of the constitution. Zuma argues parliament should call the shots without being subject to the judgments of the constitutional court.
It’s a tempting call. However, it’s too simplistic. Yes, much of South Africa is broken, but there’s no easy way to fix it – and certainly not by an ill-informed transition to a second republic in the way Maloka suggests.
Out with the old, in with the new
The call for a second republic, declares Maloka, is a call for a strategic break with the 1994 dispensation. He cites the examples of African countries like Mali (where an attempt to re-found the state was made after a military coup in 2021) and Kenya, where after the political violence that followed the 2007 elections, there was an effort to revisit the constitutional foundations of the post-colonial state.
In both cases, new constitutions were drawn up and approved by electorates voting in referenda. In both cases, the re-foundation was principally about the state –
how it is constituted, its territorial governance, the powers of the executive, the separation of powers, and so forth.
But then Maloka admits that the re-foundation process is always going to be contested, and there is no guarantee that it will succeed.
Maloka views the liberation struggle as having been intended to establish a state based on “people’s power”, a vision endorsed by the ANC’s erstwhile Reconstruction and Development Plan. However, once it came into office, state power was appropriated by Leaders (capital “L”) acting only in their own interests. The people were disempowered, and now wait passively for government to deliver services to them.
There is therefore an urgent need for a post-1994 paradigm. This should:
re-mobilise people politically at a local level, so that they address local problems themselves
install a technocratic and meritocratic state led by performance-driven leaders
allow the direct election of representatives to provide for a parliament that holds the state to account.
Refounding the South African state
How to achieve all this?
Our approach should not be piecemeal … we should be decisive and overhaul the entire dispensation to align it with the times.
People’s power must be its central pillar. To do this, Maloka makes just three major recommendations.
First, he wants the machinery of government to be restructured. Provinces have not proved their worth. They should now be merged into the current system of local government, which could be incorporated into a new three tier state system (although we are not told how), with street committees as its third tier.
Second, the existing electoral system of proportional representation has made parliament and provincial legislatures accountable to party bosses, not the people. A reformed electoral system providing for public representatives and the president to be “directly elected” is necessary. (He dodges more precise discussion of electoral reform.)
Third, for these changes to be achieved, Maloka calls for the drawing up of a new constitution that should be validated through a national referendum. This should be achieved within two years.
No need for a second republic
What is so remarkable about Maloka’s book is that after delivering punchy critiques of the state of South Africa today, it fails to come up with a substantive case for a second republic, which is laid bare as an empty slogan.
If Maloka were to read paragraph 4 of chapter 3 of the existing constitution, he would find that there is already a carefully laid out provision for how bills to amend the constitution may be passed.
Why is it that this process cannot achieve the sort of changes that Maloka wants? If there is a need for wider social dialogue (there may well be), how is this to be achieved? He does not tell us.
However, there is a far more fundamental objection to his call for a second republic. That is that it would call into question the very foundation of the present constitution – its statement of the principles on which the democratic state is founded: human dignity and equality; non-racialism and non-sexism; supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law; and universal suffrage. The bill of rights affirms and protects all these values.
If Maloka wants to jettison these, he should tell us. As it is, his call for a second republic would put them up for grabs.
Roger Southall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A Palestinian woman cries while sitting on the rubble of her home, which was destroyed in an Israeli strike on March 18, 2025.Eyad Baba/AFP via Getty Images
Thirty years ago in Israel, advocating for genocide could land you in prison.
In April 1994, an Israeli rabbi named Ido Alba published an article that read, in part, “In war, as long as the war has not been decided, it is a commandment to kill every non-Jew from the nation one is fighting against, even women and children. Even when they do not directly endanger the one killing them, there is concern that they may assist the enemy in the continuation of the war.”
Now the legal system is ignoring similar rhetoric.
In December 2023, following the Hamas attack on Oct. 7, 2023, which resulted in the killing of approximately 1,200 Israeli civilians, soldiers and migrant workers, Rabbi Moshe Ratt, who’s seen as a public intellectual among Israeli West Bank settlers, composed a long post on Facebook.
In it, he noted that in the past, some people may have struggled with the morality of destroying an entire people, including women and children. Now they don’t. Obliquely referring to the Palestinians, he added, “Some nations have descended into such depths of evil and corruption that the only solution is to eradicate them completely, leaving no trace.”
Ratt’s and Vaturi’s words went unpunished. In fact, genocidal rhetoric like theirs – in which the entire destruction of a people is proposed – has become more common in Israel.
They date back to the 1930s, and have gained steam – and more public acceptance – as prospects for peace fell apart in the 1990s, existential anxiety among Israelis has grown, and religious Zionists have gained more political power in the 21st century.
Repeated violence and attacks can fuel existential anxiety among settlers, along with fantasies of achieving “permanent security” or absolute safety against future threats. Among Jewish Israelis, the collective memory of persecution – culminating in the genocide of European Jews during the Holocaust – has added another important layer to the longing for permanent security.
Biblical genocidal stories
In Israel, there’s also a history of biblical justifications for violence and genocide. This sort of rhetoric has waxed and waned over time; it’ll often exist on the margins in times of relative peace, but move into the mainstream during periods of violence and existential anxiety.
This created an opening for political leaders to use biblical texts to promote political goals.
The Bible contains some explicit narratives of annihilation. The most well known is the story of Amalek, a nomadic people identified in the Book of Deuteronomy as the archenemy of the Israelites. In Chapter 25, Moses commanded the Israelites to “blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven.” A related commandment involves the annihilation of the Seven Nations of Canaan, which inhabited the “promised land” when the Israelites conquered it. In Chapter 20, the Israelites are commanded: “You shall not leave a single soul alive. Completely destroy.”
Throughout Jewish history, these edicts and stories have generally been interpreted as historical accounts or as metaphors, not commands to commit genocide.
However, settlers of lands occupied by indigenous peoples – not just in Israel, but in other countries, too – have deployed these texts to condone mass violence. For example, in colonial America, Puritan settlers justified massacres of Native Americans by comparing them with Amalek.
During the Arab-Israeli war in 1948, Israeli army education officers distributed texts to soldiers that read, “In biblical times, Saul exterminated all of Amalek, men and women, youth and elderly, and even sheep and cattle.” The materials also noted that “biblical Joshua was commanded to annihilate the nations of the land and was forbidden to make any treaties with them.”
For religious Zionists, the state of Israel is a sacred endeavor. They’ve generally been less interested than secular Zionists in adhering to international norms and taking geopolitical considerations into account when pushing for the settlement of contested territories.
After 1967, religious settler movements were emboldened. Groups such as Gush Emunim pushed the government to settle the newly occupied territories, which included the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. For these religious Zionists, the settlement project is not simply a land grab: Settlers are taking land that the Bible has promised to them.
In 1980, Israel Hess, who then held the official position as rabbi of Israel’s Bar-Ilan University, wrote in the student bulletin, “In a war between Israel and Amalek, it is a commandment to kill and annihilate infants and babies. And who is Amalek? Anyone who launches a war against the Jews.” These words triggered public backlash and prompted protests from several secular Zionist politicians.
Existential fears grow
In the 1990s, calls for widespread violence were largely marginalized, since there was hope for a political compromise with the Palestinians.
After these talks failed, however, the rhetoric and ideas of religious Zionists continued to migrate to the political center, particularly during and after the Palestinian uprising known as the Second Intifada. Taking place from 2000 to 2005, the uprising involving a series of suicide attacks in Israeli cities profoundly shocked the Jewish Israeli public, spurring the reemergence of deep existential anxiety.
Rescue workers rush an injured Israeli woman from the scene of a Palestinian suicide bombing on Jan. 27, 2002, in Jerusalem. Getty Images
With no peaceful solution for the conflict on the horizon, Israeli and Palestinian figures who viewed politics through a theological framework kept accumulating power.
In 2014, Ayelet Shaked, then a member of the Knesset and later the minister of justice, shared an article on social media that read, “The Palestinian people declared war on us, and we have to fight back … and in wars the enemy is usually an entire people, with its old men and women, its cities and villages, its property and infrastructure.”
Meanwhile, the dean of Quranic studies at the Islamic University of Gaza said in a 2015 television interview, “All Jews in Palestine today are fair game – even the women.”
As each side retaliated against the other, annihilation started to sound like a reasonable solution – a process that historian Yoav Di-Capua has termed “genocidal mirroring.”
The perfect storm
This mirroring does not imply a symmetry. Israel, with its superior military capabilities, has a significantly greater capacity to inflict harm on Palestinians.
The government formed in Israel following the 2022 election was unprecedented. For the first time in the nation’s history, the government depended upon ultranationalist religious factions, such as one called Jewish Power. The party has three official rabbis who advise its politicians. One of them, Dov Lior, is a prominent advocate of the idea that Palestinians are Amalek. Another, Yisrael Ariel, has written that the Torah’s commandment “Thou shalt not kill” does not apply to non-Jews.
As Rabbi Eliyahu Mali, the head of a military program for religious students in Jaffa, said in March 2024:
“If you don’t kill them first, they will kill you. The terrorists of today are the children of the previous operation whom you kept alive, and the women are those who produce the terrorists … Do not try to outsmart the Torah. The Torah tells you: ‘Do not keep alive any soul,’ so you should not keep alive any soul.”
Some secular Israelis joined in. Danny Neuman, a former football star and television commentator, said on TV in December 2023, “I am telling you, in Gaza, without exception, they are all terrorists, sons of dogs. They must be exterminated, all of them killed.”
Kinneret Barashi, a lawyer and a television host, tweeted in February 2025, “Every trace of the murderous mutations in Gaza must be erased, from the delivery rooms to the last elderly person in Gaza.”
These statements coincide with a grim reality on the ground. Since the Oct. 7 attacks, Israeli retaliation in Gaza has cost the lives of more than 64,000 Palestinians. Public health experts estimate that the obliteration of infrastructure and corresponding starvation, lack of access to medical care and spread of infectious diseases, could bring the death toll to the hundreds of thousands.
Meanwhile, large swaths of the Israeli public appear to support the mass expulsion of Palestinians and condone the concept of genocide in the abstract, according to a recent poll I commissioned through the Israeli polling firm Geocartography.
In the representative sample of Jewish Israelis who were polled from March 10-11, 2025, 82% supported the forced expulsion of Gaza’s population to other countries, while 56% endorsed the expulsion of Israel’s Arab citizens. By comparison, according to a 2003 poll, only 46% supported the “transfer of Palestinian residents of the occupied territories,” and just 31% supported the “transfer of Israel’s Arab citizens.”
Moreover, in my poll I relayed a story from the Book of Joshua, in which the ancient Israelites conquered the city of Jericho and killed all of its inhabitants. When I asked respondents whether the Israeli army, when conquering an enemy city, should act similarly to the Israelites when they conquered Jericho, 47% of respondents said they should.
Tamir Sorek previously received funding from the Fullbright Program and the Alexander Von Humboldt Foundation.
A portrait of President Donald Trump in the ‘America’s Presidents’ exhibition at the Smithsonian Institution’s National Portrait Gallery.Win McNamee/Getty Images
I teach history in Connecticut, but I grew up in Oklahoma and Kansas, where my interest in the subject was sparked by visits to local museums.
I fondly remember trips to the Fellow-Reeves Museum in Wichita, Kansas, and the National Cowboy & Western Heritage Museum in Oklahoma City. A 1908 photograph of my great-grandparents picking cotton has been used as a poster by the Oklahoma Historical Society.
This love of learning history continued into my years as a graduate student of history, when I would spend hours at the Smithsonian Institution’s National Air and Space Museum learning about the history of human flight and ballooning. As a professor, I’ve integrated the institution’s exhibits into my history courses.
The Trump administration, however, is not happy with the way the Smithsonian Institution and other U.S. museums are portraying history.
On March 27, 2025, the president issued an executive order, “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History,” which asserted, “Over the past decade, Americans have witnessed a concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our Nation’s history, replacing objective facts with a distorted narrative driven by ideology rather than truth. Under this historical revision, our Nation’s unparalleled legacy of advancing liberty, individual rights, and human happiness is reconstructed as inherently racist, sexist, oppressive, or otherwise irredeemably flawed.”
Trump singled out a few museums, including the Smithsonian, dedicating a whole section of the order on “saving” the institution from “divisive, race-centered ideology.”
Of course, history is contested. There will always be a variety of views about what should be included and excluded from America’s story. For example, in my own research, I found that Prohibition-era school boards in the 1920s argued over whether it was appropriate for history textbooks to include pictures of soldiers drinking to illustrate the 1791 Whiskey Rebellion.
But most recent debates center on how much attention should be given to the history of the nation’s accomplishments over its darker chapters. The Smithsonian, as a national institution that receives most of its funds from the federal government, has sometimes found itself in the crosshairs.
America’s historical repository
The Smithsonian Institution was founded in 1846 thanks to its namesake, British chemist James Smithson.
Smithson willed his estate to his nephew and stated that if his nephew died without an heir, the money – roughly US$15 million in today’s dollars – would be donated to the U.S. to found “an establishment for the increase and diffusion of knowledge.”
The idea of a national institution dedicated to history, science and learning was contentious from the start.
In her book “The Stranger and the Statesman,” historian Nina Burleigh shows how Smithson’s bequest was nearly lost due to battles between competing interests.
Southern plantation owners and western frontiersmen, including President Andrew Jackson, saw the establishment of a national museum as an unnecessary assertion of federal power. They also challenged the very idea of accepting a gift from a non-American and thought that it was beneath the dignity of the government to confer immortality on someone simply because of a large donation.
In the end, a group led by congressman and former president John Quincy Adams ensured Smithson’s vision was realized. Adams felt that the country was failing to live up to its early promise. He thought a national museum was an important way to burnish the ideals of the young republic and educate the public.
Today the Smithsonian runs 14 education and research centers, the National Zoo and 21 museums, including the National Portrait Gallery and the National Museum of African American History and Culture, which was created with bipartisan support during President George W. Bush’s administration.
In the introduction to his book “Smithsonian’s History of America in 101 Objects,” cultural anthropologist Richard Kurin talks about how the institution has also supported hundreds of small and large institutions outside of the nation’s capital.
In 2024, the Smithsonian sent over 2 million artifacts on loan to museums in 52 U.S. states and territories and 33 foreign countries. It also partners with over 200 affiliate museums. YouGov has periodically tracked Americans’ approval of the Smithsonian, which has held steady at roughly 68% approval and 2% disapproval since 2020.
Smithsonian in the crosshairs
Precursors to the Trump administration’s efforts to reshape the Smithsonian took place in the 1990s.
In 1991, the Smithsonian American Art Museum, which was then known as the National Museum of American Art, created an exhibition titled “The West as America, Reinterpreting Images of the Frontier, 1820-1920.” Conservatives complained that the museum portrayed western expansion as a tale of conquest and destruction, rather than one of progress and nation-building. The Wall Street Journal editorialized that the exhibit represented “an entirely hostile ideological assault on the nation’s founding and history.”
The exhibition proved popular: Attendance to the National Museum of American Art was 60% higher than it had been during the same period the year prior. But the debate raised questions about whether public museums were able to express ideas that are critical of the U.S. without risk of censorship.
In 1994, controversy again erupted, this time at the National Air and Space Museum over a forthcoming exhibition centered on the Enola Gay, the plane that dropped the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima 50 years prior.
Should the exhibition explore the loss of Japanese lives? Or emphasize the U.S. war victory?
Veterans groups insisted that the atomic bomb ended the war and saved 1 million American lives, and demanded the removal of photographs of the destruction and a melted Japanese school lunch box from the exhibit. Meanwhile, other activists protested the exhibition by arguing that a symbol of human destruction shouldn’t be commemorated at an institution that’s supposed to celebrate human achievement.
Protesters demonstrate against the opening of the Enola Gay exhibit outside the Smithsonian Institution’s National Air and Space Museum in 1995. Joyce Naltchayan/AFP via Getty Images
Republicans won the House in 1994 and threatened cuts to the Smithsonian’s budget over the Enola Gay exhibition, compelling curators to walk a tightrope. In the end, the fuselage of the Enola Gay was displayed in the Smithsonian’s National Air and Space Museum. But the exhibit would not tell the full story of the plane’s role in the war from a myriad of perspectives.
Trump enters the fray
In 2019, The New York Times launched the 1619 project, which aimed to reframe the country’s history by placing slavery and its consequences at its very center. The first Trump administration quickly responded by forming its 1776 commission. In January 2021, it produced a report critiquing the 1619 project, claiming that an emphasis on the country’s history of racism and slavery was counterproductive to promoting “patriotic education.”
That same year, Trump pledged to build “a vast outdoor park that will feature the statues of the greatest Americans to ever live,” with 250 statues to mark the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.
President Joe Biden rescinded the order in 2021. Trump reissued it after retaking the White House, and pointed to figures he’d like to see included, such as Christopher Columbus, George Washington, Betsy Ross, Sitting Bull, Bob Hope, Thurgood Marshall and Whitney Houston.
I don’t think there is anything wrong with honoring Americans, though I think a focus on celebrities and major figures clouds the fascinating histories of ordinary Americans. I also find it troubling that there seems to be such a concerted effort to so forcefully shape the teaching and understanding of history via threats and bullying. Yale historian Jason Stanley has written about how aspiring authoritarian governments seek to control historical narratives and discourage an exploration of the complexities of the past.
Historical scholarship requires an openness to debate and a willingness to embrace new findings and perspectives. It also involves the humility to accept that no one – least of all the government – has a monopoly on the truth.
In his executive order, Trump noted that “Museums in our Nation’s capital should be places where individuals go to learn.” I share that view. Doing so, however, means not dismantling history, but instead complicating the story – in all its messy glory.
The Conversation U.S. receives funding from the Smithsonian Institution.
Jennifer Tucker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The U.S. operates one of the largest and most punitive criminal justice systems in the world. On any given day, 1.9 million people are incarcerated in more than 6,000 federal, state and local facilities. Another 3.7 million remain under what scholars call “correctional control” through probation or parole supervision.
That means one out of every 60 Americans is entangled in the system — one of the highest rates globally.
Yet despite its vast reach, the criminal justice system often fails at its most basic goal: preventing people from being rearrested, reconvicted or reincarcerated. Criminal justice experts call this “recidivism.” About 68% of people who leave prison in any given year are rearrested within three years, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics.
It’s certainly easy to blame individuals for getting rearrested or reincarcerated. But if you take a closer look at life after release – which often includes employment discrimination, housing barriers and exclusion from basic social services – recidivism seems less like a personal failure, I would argue, and more the workings of a broken system.
As a sociologist, I know that people are rarely given a “second chance” after conviction. Instead, they must navigate a web of legally imposed restrictions. Roughly 19 million people in the U.S. have a felony record, subjecting them to thousands of “collateral consequences,” in the words of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. These restrictions dictate everything from what jobs they can take to where they can live.
I’ve recently undertaken research to understand the scale of this issue, aided by my former undergraduate student Skylar Hathorn, who is set to begin a master’s degree in the fall. What we found was sobering. As sociologist Reuben Miller and historian Amanda Alexander have put it, people convicted of felonies are transformed into “carceral citizens.”
Why probation and parole are part of the problem
Probation is community supervision, typically imposed by courts as an alternative to incarceration, and parole is a type of prison release under community supervision. While community supervision was originally designed to help those convicted of crimes reintegrate into society – through mentorship, supportive services and other resources – today, in my view, it largely functions as a punitive surveillance system.
Instead of helping people reintegrate, the system enforces rules – such as forbidding contact with friends or family members who have criminal records – which create new challenges for people trying to rebuild their lives after prison. As one individual from my recent study on reentry put it, “That shit ain’t helping nobody.”
On average, people under community supervision must comply with 10 to 20 conditions, such as mandatory drug tests, regular check-ins with supervising officers, or curfews. These requirements are typically set at the state, county or city level, and can be supplemented with “discretionary” or “special” conditions imposed by court or parole officials.
But while community supervision is supposed to encourage reintegration and personal responsibility, its conditions are often unrealistic, creating hidden traps rather than pathways to success.
For example, imagine you’re lucky enough to find a decent job despite having a criminal record – but your probation officer schedules weekly meetings during your work hours. Do you skip work and risk losing your job? Or miss the meeting and risk a violation? Research shows that this dilemma is common. In one study of almost 4,000 people on probation, 55% missed at least one meeting with their parole officer, increasing their risk of reincarceration.
What if you aren’t able to find a job or can’t afford to pay the supervision fees charged each month? Does contact with a family member who happens to have a criminal record defy a condition of your supervision? Will a speeding ticket land you in jail, since you aren’t supposed to have any contact with law enforcement? What happens if you struggle with addiction and fail a drug test? Or what if you forget to charge your electronic ankle monitor — will your parole officer suspect foul play?
Depending on the conditions of your release, all of these seemingly minor snags could land you back behind bars. That’s why some scholars describe this system as a “parole- and probation-to-prison pipeline.” According to recent estimates, 35% to 40% of yearly prison admissions are of people who were on community supervision at their time of rearrest. In some states, over half of all prison entries are of people on either parole or probation.
State-level success stories – and failures
Importantly, if you’re on probation or parole, your chances of being sent back to prison are very different depending on where you live. You can see just how different by visiting the Justice Outcomes Explorer, a new data dashboard created by the Criminal Justice Administrative Records System. For example, among Idahoans who began a term of probation in 2018, roughly 16.6% were sent to prison within a year. Among Minnesotans, it was just 1.6%.
According to the Justice Outcomes Explorer, parole outcomes are even worse, though yet again they vary by state. Among those released on parole in 2018 from Utah prisons, roughly 51.6% were reincarcerated within a year. In California, that number was less than 7%. Although some variation may come from differences in data collection, much of it reflects policy choices.
Part of the problem is that probation and parole offices vary considerably. For instance, some states cap how long someone may remain on parole, while others allow parole boards to extend that time indefinitely. This creates a system where, in effect, parole boards operate as resentencing entities. Differences in supervision fees, restrictions on associating with others, and the use of electronic monitoring also vary by state.
Research suggests that Americans under community supervision must comply with many more conditions than they did just a few decades ago, which raises the question: Does any of this work?
For example, one study compared people who were randomly placed under intensive probation supervision — requiring more office check-ins, home visits and drug tests — with those under traditional supervision. Researchers found that while both groups committed new crimes at the same rate, those under intensive supervision received technical violations – such as failing a drug test or not following curfew – more often, and were incarcerated more.
In another rigorous study out of Kansas, using what researchers call a “natural experiment,” legal scholar Ryan Sakoda found that post-release supervision significantly increased reincarceration rates. This suggests that community supervision keeps people trapped in the system, rather than helping them escape it.
In fact, according to estimates from the Council of State Governments, almost one-quarter of all prison admissions are due to technical violations of supervision, not new crimes. And even progressive states can enforce technical rules rigidly. For instance, Massachusetts sends a relatively small number of people back to prison or jail while they are on parole. But after retrieving data from a public records request, Skylar and I found that between 2020 and 2022, roughly 80% of all parole revocations were due to technical violations.
That said, the overall number of people admitted to U.S. prisons for technical violations has fallen significantly over the past few years. In 2018, roughly 133,000 people were admitted to prison for technical violations. By 2021, that number was around 89,000 – a decrease of about 33%.
Rethinking community supervision
Historically, community supervision wasn’t intended to be a form of punishment — it’s supposed to help individuals reintegrate. But that’s not the way it currently works. If states are serious about reducing crime, they should think about reinventing the system.
In 2021, New York implemented the “Less is More” Community Supervision and Revocation Reform Act, which reformed parole and reduced incarceration for technical violations. The act limits jail time for such violations to 30 days, allows early parole release and requires court hearings within 30 days. Within the first month of being enacted, the number of technical parole violators had fallen by 40%. By April 2022, technical violators only made up 1.7% of the daily state jail population. They had previously made up about 5% on average.
Along with policies that prevent criminalization in the first place, states that want to prevent recidivism could consider dedicating more resources to programs that help people with life after release. Offering supports such as housing and even direct cash assistance would help people reintegrate into society and create safer communities, research indicates.
On a similar note, criminal records limit access to a range of resources and opportunities such as housing, higher education, voting and social benefits like basic food assistance.
Simply having a criminal record also reduces the likelihood – by roughly 60% – that someone receives a callback after applying for a job. That’s why Skylar and I support automatic criminal record expungement, among other structural reforms.
Put plainly: Research points toward a system in need of comprehensive solutions. Without them, many will remain in the incarceration trap.
Skylar Hathorn, a recent graduate of Suffolk University and master’s student starting in September 2025, contributed to this article.
Lucius Couloute has previously received funding from Mayors for a Guaranteed Income to carry out independent research on the impacts of direct cash transfers in the lives of formerly incarcerated people. Lucius is also a board member of the Prison Policy Initiative.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rita V. Burke, Associate Professor of Clinical Population and Public Health Sciences, University of Southern California
The fires first erupted on Jan. 7, 2025, in the Pacific Palisades, a small enclave of Los Angeles, and in Eaton Canyon, where the tight-knit community of Altadena is nestled in the foothills just north of Pasadena. Fierce winds pushed the flames through neighborhoods, making this one of the top five most destructive wildfires in California history.
In the immediate aftermath of this disaster, much of the focus has been, rightfully, on lives lost, homes damaged or destroyed, and the ability to maintain livelihoods. But noticeably missing from most media coverage have been the consequences of the wildfires for children and discussion of the unique challenges they face surrounding disasters.
But when the destruction impacts your own community, it hits differently. Like many others, we were directly affected by the school closures and poor air quality in the Los Angeles area.
We both had friends and colleagues who suffered property damage in the fires, including Rita’s best friend who lost her home in the Altadena fire. Our work, which focuses on disaster recovery and resilience in children, suddenly felt deeply personal.
We are currently studying the effect of wildfires on families and what factors help children recover faster and lead to more resilient lives.
The importance of schools
School districts across the region closed their doors due to dangerous air quality and structural damage. This included the Los Angeles Unified School District, which is the second-largest in the nation, serving over 500,000 students. Some schools were destroyed, while others were left with hazardous conditions, including toxic ash from burned homes. Even when schools reopened, many parents and caregivers were worried about sending their children back into classrooms that might not be safe.
According to the Education Recovery Scorecard, as of spring 2024 the average U.S. student remained nearly half a grade level behind prepandemic achievement in math and reading, which points to the long-term impacts of school closures.
Rita’s best friend who lost her home shared that when it came to her children, her immediate priority “was getting them back into some type of normalcy.”
To her, this meant sending them back to school, but this wasn’t possible right away. “With the holidays and then the fires, my daughter was out of school for almost two months,” she said.
Her concerns about her children echo those of many parents in the wake of disasters.
After the 2020 Slater Fire in Happy Camp, California, a rural town about 25 miles south of the Oregon border, we conducted focus groups with children who had lost homes and schools.
Our study found that despite experiencing profound loss, many of the children expressed gratitude for their communities and an eagerness to rebuild. Their perspectives revealed both resilience and critical gaps in disaster response – gaps that we see unfolding in Los Angeles today.
One of the biggest lessons from the Slater Fire and other disasters is that children recover best when they are given a sense of stability and normalcy as quickly as possible. The faster children can return to a routine, the better their emotional and academic outcomes tend to be. Schools, child care facilities and structured activities all play a crucial role in this process.
Helping children cope with stress
To assist parents and caregivers in navigating difficult conversations after a natural disaster, substantial research has explored how to talk to kids about disasters.
For families navigating the emotional toll of this disaster, open conversations are key. Avoiding the topic in an attempt to protect children can make them more anxious. Instead, caregivers should create space for children to express their emotions and ask questions. Children’s responses to trauma vary based on their age and experiences, but common reactions may include anxiety about future wildfires, trouble sleeping, and withdrawing from activities they once enjoyed.
Children need help from the adults in their lives to cope with stress after a natural disaster.
Children may react differently, and it is important to be on the lookout for signs of stress. Younger children between ages 1 and 5 may become more irritable and may exhibit signs of developmental regression.
Tweens and teens may also find comfort in the shared experience with their friends. Rita’s best friend shared that her 11-year-old daughter and 10 of her friends named their chat group “70% homeless,” a telling reflection of how they are processing the disaster together.
Caring for our children after a disaster
Organizations such as Project:Camp, a nonprofit that provides pop-up camps for children affected by disasters, have stepped in to offer immediate child care relief in Eagle Rock, California, about 8 miles from Altadena. These programs not only support children’s mental health by offering structured, trauma-informed care in a fun environment, but they also give caregivers the time and space necessary to begin rebuilding their lives.
The services provided by these sorts of programs can serve as models that can be incorporated into the planning process for cities and counties. This allows more time for adults to focus on recovery needs while limiting the time that children must spend alone.
For families still struggling after the LA fires, we recommend talking to school counselors, seeking community support and contacting local disaster relief programs.
Looking ahead
Rebuilding after a disaster is about more than just reconstructing homes and infrastructure. It’s about restoring a sense of security for families, especially children.
If there is one thing our research has taught us, it is that children are incredibly resilient. But resilience is not built in isolation. Rather, it comes from strong support systems, thoughtful policies and communities that put their youngest members first in times of crisis. Prioritizing schools and child care centers in recovery plans helps to ensure that children can return to safe, supportive environments as soon as possible.
Rita V. Burke received funding from funding from the Natural Hazards Center at the University of Colorado Boulder with the Support of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Science Foundation for this work. She is also funded by the Department of Health and Human Services Administration for Strategic Preparedness and Response. She is also Chair of the Board of Advisors for Project:Camp.
Santina Contreras receives funding from the Natural Hazards Center at the University of Colorado Boulder with the Support of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Science Foundation.
