NewzIntel.com

Category: Report

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Putin’s brain’: Aleksandr Dugin, the Russian ultra-nationalist who has endorsed Donald Trump

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kevin Riehle, Lecturer in Intelligence and Security Studies, Brunel University of London

    Aleksandr Dugin, sometimes referred to as “Putin’s brain” because of his ideological influence on Russian politics, endorsed the policies of Donald Trump in a CNN interview aired on March 30. Dugin said Trump’s America has a lot more in common with Putin’s Russia than most people think, adding: “Trumpists and the followers of Trump will understand much better what Russia is, who Putin is and the motivations of our politics.”

    Dugin made his name by espousing Russian nationalist and traditionalist – including antisemitic – themes, and publishing extensively on the centrality of Russia in world civilisation. So, this endorsement should be a warning of the disruptive nature of the Trump White House. It implies that Dugin believes Trump’s policies support Russian interests.

    Dugin began his career as an anti-communist activist in the 1980s. This was less because of an ideological antipathy for communism than his rejection of the internationalism that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union espoused. He also criticised the party for breaking from traditional – especially religious – values.

    Dugin proposes what he calls a “fourth political theory”. The first three, he claims, are Marxism, fascism and liberalism – all of which he thinks contain elements of error, especially their rejection of tradition and the subordination of culture to scientific thought.

    Dugin’s fourth political theory takes pieces from all three and discards the elements with which Dugin disagrees, especially the dwindling importance of traditional family and culture. The culmination is a melange of ideas that sometimes appear Marxist and sometimes fascist, but which always centre on the criticality of traditional Russian culture.

    His founding philosophy is traditionalism, which he views as a strength of Russia. Thus, he has become a strong supporter of the country’s president, Vladimir Putin, who emphasises traditional Russian values. Dugin and Putin align in their criticism of liberalist anti-religious individualism, which they claim destroys the values and culture on which society is based.

    Dugin has value for Putin because he advances the president’s objectives. Putin’s security goals are in part founded on the principle that political unity is strength and political division is weakness. If Russia can maintain political unity by whatever means necessary, it retains its perception of strength. And if a state opposed to Russia is divided internally, it can be portrayed as weak.

    The Russian government claims complete political unity inside Russia. Its spokespeople reinforce that claim by declaring, for example, the Russian electorate was so unified behind Putin that the 2024 Russian presidential election could have been skipped as an unnecessary expense. They also push a strained claim that the Russian population is unanimously behind the Ukraine war.

    Dugin energises voters behind Putin, basing his support on the philosophy of Russian greatness and cultural superiority, and the perception of Russian unity. His influence has been felt throughout the Russian government and society. He publishes prolifically, and lectures at universities and government agencies about the harms of western liberalism. He also served as an advisor to Sergey Naryshkin, currently director of the Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) of the Russian Federation.

    Dugin’s views support an expansionist Russia, especially in the direction of Ukraine. He questions the existence of Ukraine and promotes Russia’s war there wholeheartedly. But his support for the war led to an attempt on his life. On August 20 2022, a bomb exploded in a car owned by Dugin, killing his daughter, Darya, who was driving it back from a festival of Russian traditional art.

    Divide and conquer

    Russia applies the same principle of “unity equals strength” to its adversaries, but in reverse. Many Russian political thinkers try to emphasise political divisions in unfriendly states. They work hard to broaden existing disagreements and support disruptive political parties and groups.

    Such operations give the Russian government the ability to denigrate the foreign powers that Russia considers adversaries by making them look weak in the eyes of their own people – and more importantly, in the eyes of the Russian population.

    Dugin lays a philosophical foundation for foreign parties that oppose the European Union and western liberalism, and that disrupt political unity. His views have been adopted by far-right political groups such as the German National Democratic Party, the British National Party, Golden Dawn in Greece, Jobbik in Hungary, and the National Front in France.

    Dugin’s interview in which he endorsed Trump’s policies is likely to have been directly authorised by the Kremlin. He pushes a Kremlin-sponsored endorsement of Trump’s divisive – and thus weakening – effect on US politics.

    But Dugin’s extreme Russian nationalist rhetoric at times clashes with Putin’s attempts to include all peoples of Russia in a strong unified state, rather than only ethnic Russians. As it is a multi-ethnic state, Russian ethnic nationalism can obstruct Putin’s attempts at portraying strength through unity. The label “Putin’s brain” is only accurate sometimes.

    The Russian government uses Dugin when he is useful and separates itself from him when his extremism is inconvenient. Dugin is a tool who says many of the right things and facilitates Kremlin goals. His endorsement of Trump should be seen in its context: Russia attempting to strengthen itself at the expense of the US.

    Kevin Riehle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Putin’s brain’: Aleksandr Dugin, the Russian ultra-nationalist who has endorsed Donald Trump – https://theconversation.com/putins-brain-aleksandr-dugin-the-russian-ultra-nationalist-who-has-endorsed-donald-trump-253466

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The dark side of psychiatry – how it has been used to control societies

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Caitjan Gainty, Senior Lecturer in the History of Science, Technology and Medicine, King’s College London

    In his new book, No More Normal, psychiatrist Alastair Santhouse recalls an experience from the 1980s when he was a university student in the UK helping deliver supplies to “refuseniks” – Soviet citizens who were denied permission to leave the USSR. These people often faced harsh treatment, losing their jobs and becoming targets of harassment. Some were even diagnosed with a psychiatric condition called “sluggish schizophrenia”.

    By the time Santhouse encountered this diagnostic category, sluggish schizophrenia had been kicking around psychiatry in the Soviet Union for some time. It first entered the diagnostic lexicon in the 1930s, coined to describe cases in which adults diagnosed with schizophrenia had displayed no symptoms of the disorder in childhood.

    This notion of a symptomless disorder gave it tremendous value to Soviet officials in the 1970s and 80s, who wielded it ruthlessly against those who suddenly suffered from delusions of wanting a better society or hallucinatory desires to emigrate.

    But they weren’t the only ones to wield psychiatry to repress and control. “Punitive” or “political” psychiatry has proven to be quite a useful tool in many parts of the world. One well-known case is that of Chinese political activist Wang Wanxing, who marked the third anniversary of the 1989 pro-democracy student protests in Tiananmen Square by unfurling his own pro-democracy banner on that same spot.

    He was immediately arrested, jailed, and then diagnosed with “political monomania”: a “condition” characterised by the irrational failure to agree with the state. For treatment, he was confined for 13 years in a psychiatric hospital, part of the Ankang (“peace and health”) network of psychiatric institutions where dissidents like him were forcefully medicated and subjected to “treatments” such as electrified acupuncture.

    More recent applications of punitive psychiatry pop up periodically in our news feeds and disappear just as quickly. Some women who removed their headscarves or cut their hair as part of anti-government protests in Iran in 2022 were diagnosed with antisocial behaviour, forcefully institutionalised and subjected to “re-education”.

    Women in Iran who protested against wearing hijabs were sent for re-education.
    Alexandros Michailidis/Shutterstock

    In 2024, in Russia, an activist’s choice of T-shirt, bearing the slogan “I am against Putin”, was considered so problematic that it required the summoning of a “psychiatric emergency team”.

    As in the Soviet Union, the advantages of punitive psychiatry were not a little Orwellian: diagnosing a citizen with a mental illness made it easier to isolate their ideas, cut them off physically and discourage similar behaviour.

    Not just authoritarian regimes

    While authoritarian regimes certainly seem to wield it with the most abandon, punitive psychiatry has not been absent in the west. Indeed, at the height of the civil rights movement in the US, black activists protesting generations of racial prejudice and injustice were subjected to much the same diagnostic regime.

    One example was the pastor and activist Clennon W. King, Jr. who was arrested and confined to a mental institution in 1958 after he attempted to enrol at the all-white University of Mississippi for a summer course. It was an act so inconceivable that the state of Mississippi thought he must be insane.

    And, according to his FBI record, the militant civil rights leader Malcolm X was a “pre-psychotic paranoid schizophrenic”: a diagnosis made based on his activism and protest speech. As Jonathan Metzl has shown, the descriptors used to “diagnose” Malcolm X were later enshrined in the American Psychiatric Association’s 1968 updated definition of schizophrenia. Dissent in the US was as potentially pathological as dissent anywhere else.

    Though each of these cases undoubtedly constitutes a gross misuse of psychiatry, the practice of making distinctions between what constitutes normal and abnormal behaviour is fundamental to the discipline. And, as Metzl’s account of the shifting definition of schizophrenia implies, psychiatric disorders are especially sensitive to social change.

    Unlike most physical illnesses, psychiatric illnesses often have few physiological signs. Whereas a broken bone on an X-ray can be declared unambiguously broken, psychiatric problems are diagnosed in terms of constellations of symptoms, written on but not in the body, and recounted by patients in conversation with their therapist, or via a listing of these symptoms on one of the many diagnostic questionnaires that make up the psychiatric diagnostic arsenal.

    Psychiatry’s bible

    These are then matched to symptom clusters listed in psychiatry’s bible, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM). Though in the everyday practice of mental health, there is much more to this process, in theory, the closeness of this match designates the absence or presence of disease.

    That psychiatric diagnoses are unusually socially responsive is by and large unavoidable. Our mental health is itself socially specific, so much so that some have argued that something as apparently universal as depression, for example, is actually an illness specific to western or even just anglophone cultures.

    Whether that hypothesis is true or not has no bearing on whether depression is in fact real. It only suggests what psychiatry intrinsically acknowledges already: that mental health has a critically significant social component.

    As the use of psychiatry for these punitive purposes makes clear, this necessary malleability lends itself to abuse. The radical psychiatrists of the 1970s certainly believed so when they re-examined the very notion of normal, exposing its role in policing society and enforcing categories of exclusion. It’s how homosexuality ended up as a diagnosable psychiatric illness in the 1952 edition of the DSM – a pathology built by and for the norms of the American mainstream.

    But it’s a malleability that can also lead to change in the opposite direction, where society – we, you and I – revisit and change these boundaries. Homosexuality was removed from the DSM in 1973, not because of any new scientific information, but because of a targeted gay rights activist campaign and, more indirectly, the slow shift over the intervening decades toward greater social inclusion.

    In his book, Santhouse reflects on where we are now in psychiatry, at a time when there is, to quote his clever title, “no more normal”. Though the definition of normal is always in a state of flux, ours is a moment of diagnostic surfeit, in which mental health clinicians have had to cede space to a superabundance of resources that allow us – even encourage us – to diagnose ourselves.

    And that makes this an interesting moment: one in which we explicitly see our vision of mental health being remapped onto the shifting politics of identity and inclusion that permeate now. Insofar as this forces us to reckon with the social aspects of our mental health in a more explicit way than we are used to, perhaps this is no bad thing.

    Caitjan Gainty has received funding from the Wellcome Trust.

    – ref. The dark side of psychiatry – how it has been used to control societies – https://theconversation.com/the-dark-side-of-psychiatry-how-it-has-been-used-to-control-societies-248493

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why being ‘lazy’ at work might actually be a good thing

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Katrien Devolder, Director of Public Philosophy, Professor of Applied Ethics, University of Oxford

    Ground Picture/Shutterstock

    If you’re a young person today, you’ve probably felt the sting of being called lazy, or caught yourself wondering if you are. Do you sometimes feel guilty when not being productive, or find yourself pretending to be busy?

    You’re not alone. Self-doubt about productivity is very common and no wonder: we’re immersed in a culture that expects constant achievement. The perception of Gen Z (and Millennials) being “lazy” or “entitled” persists, making it easy to internalise these criticisms.

    Particularly in the era of working from home, it can be hard to shake the feeling of guilt when not being “productive”. Articles with titles like Am I Depressed or Lazy? reveals how commonly people (even highly successful ones) worry about being lazy.

    Laziness is not only seen as a personal shortcoming but also a moral one. This is the case across different cultures – references to the “badness” of laziness can be found in texts of all major religions. This moral dimension explains why being called “lazy” feels so much worse than being called “distracted” or “slow” — it implies a character flaw.

    But judging someone (or oneself) as lazy also reinforces a harmful myth that emerged from the Protestant work ethic and was further entrenched by capitalist values: that constant effort and productivity are the only paths to achievement and self-worth.

    This sustains a culture where everyone must always be trying harder, leading to anxiety, burnout and discrimination against those who work differently, or can’t keep up.

    Ready to make a change? The Quarter Life Glow-up is a new, six-week newsletter course from The Conversation’s UK and Canada editions.

    Every week, we’ll bring you research-backed advice and tools to help improve your relationships, your career, your free time and your mental health – no supplements or skincare required. Sign up here to start your glow-up at any time.

    These harms don’t affect everyone equally. If you’re from certain ethnic backgrounds, have a chronic health condition, or are struggling with homelessness or unemployment, you’re much more likely to be labelled “lazy”.

    Research shows that children from minority groups are more likely to be thought of as lazy in school, resulting in punishment instead of help. Employees with obesity are promoted less often due to assumptions about their “laziness”, and those who can’t take on extra work because of caring duties are often seen as not committed enough and miss out on professional development.

    What does it mean to be lazy?

    Given the serious consequences of labelling someone as lazy, we’d better make sure we understand what laziness is.

    What often seems implied by the judgement “you’re lazy” is: “You could achieve more if you tried harder”. But we can almost always achieve more by putting in more effort. If not always giving it our all is enough for laziness, then we’re all being lazy most of the time.

    The research I’m conducting aims to better understand and redefine “laziness”. I first explored how people commonly understand laziness, and then used philosophical analysis to identify which everyday understanding makes most sense. In doing so, I drew on various areas of philosophy that discuss the value of effort, virtue, and to what extent we can be blamed for behaving in a certain way due to lack of willpower.

    My analysis reveals that what is crucial for laziness is that you lack a good reason – a justification – for not trying harder, for limiting your effort.

    Consider these scenarios:

    • You do less than your role requires because you can’t be bothered,
    • You spend your weekend doing very little so that you’re ready for the week ahead,
    • You limit how hard you try because of a chronic health condition.

    On my understanding, only the first scenario involves true laziness. In the others, what might appear to be laziness is actually justified effort management: you have good reasons to rest or genuine limitations on how much effort you can exert.

    Laziness or strategy

    In my view, what truly matters isn’t how hard you try, but whether your efforts efficiently achieve what’s important to you. The following scenarios might look lazy, but are actually reasonable strategies for doing just that:

    • You resist pointless tasks to create time for deep thinking,
    • You set boundaries at work to avoid burnout,
    • You say “no” to tasks outside your role to resist the idea that we should always be striving to produce more,
    • You automate repetitive tasks to free up time for creative tasks.

    The tendency to judge others as lazy often stems from overvaluing effort, long hours and constant busyness. What’s really important is that our effort is directed at the right goal, recognising that it is a limited resource.

    What may look like laziness can actually be reframed as justified effort management.
    Rachata Teyparsit/Shutterstock

    Learning to distinguish between truly lazy behaviour and justified effort management can be liberating. It can allow you to more confidently resist the pressure to be constantly productive – and to do so without guilt.

    I’m not suggesting we should only think about what matters to us personally. Fulfilling responsibilities to colleagues, family and community is important. But within those boundaries, you can question the common idea that more productivity and trying harder is always better.

    And before labelling someone as lazy, consider whether there might be good reasons for their approach. Perhaps they’re making strategic choices about their energy, dealing with invisible challenges or prioritising differently.

    Sometimes, taking it easier isn’t laziness — it’s wisdom.

    Katrien Devolder does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why being ‘lazy’ at work might actually be a good thing – https://theconversation.com/why-being-lazy-at-work-might-actually-be-a-good-thing-248955

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Planned blackouts are becoming more common − and not having cash on hand could cost you

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jay L. Zagorsky, Associate Professor Questrom School of Business, Boston University

    Are you prepared for when the power goes out? To prevent massive wildfires in drought-prone, high-wind areas, electrical companies have begun preemptively shutting off electricity. These planned shutdowns are called public safety power shutoffs, abbreviated to PSPS, and they’re increasingly common. So far this year, we’ve seen them in Texas, New Mexico and California.

    Unlike regular power failures, which on average last only about two hours while a piece of broken equipment is repaired, a PSPS lasts until weather conditions improve, which could be days. And these shutoffs come at a steep price. In 2010 alone, they cost California over US$13 billion. A 2019 analysis of shutoffs in Placer County, California, found that they harmed 70% of local businesses.

    I am a business school professor who studies how people pay for things, including during emergencies. As I point out in my new book “The Power of Cash: Why Using Paper Money is Good for You and Society,” many people have abandoned paper money and switched to electronic payments such as credit cards and mobile apps. This can become a big problem during an emergency, since these systems need electricity to operate. The switch to electronic payments is making the world less resilient in the face of increasing numbers of major natural disasters.

    So if a public safety power shutoff strikes and you don’t have any cash, you may be doubly vulnerable. On the other hand, keeping cash can protect you – and not just you and your family, but also local businesses and your community. After all, keeping the economy moving during shutoffs reduces the financial damage they cause.

    Why do they keep turning off the power, anyway?

    It’s all about risk.

    The world has experienced a number of very destructive wildfires recently. In 2025, large parts of Los Angeles burned to the ground, with over 18,000 buildings destroyed or damaged. In 2023, wildfires in Hawaii killed over 100 people. Massive wildfires have also occurred recently in South Korea, Portugal and Australia.

    Governments, people whose houses burned and insurance companies are all looking for someone to blame and pay for the damage. Climate change, which is increasing the world’s average temperatures and drying out trees and grass, is setting the conditions. Since Mother Nature cannot be sued, utilities make handy scapegoats with deep pockets. Electrical utilities are sued because their power lines, transformers and other equipment often start blazes.

    So to prevent lawsuits as well as fires, power companies are increasingly turning off the power when the conditions are ripe for a catastrophic blaze. There’s no uniform set of standards for when to impose a shutdown, but in general, power companies do it when there are hot, dry and windy conditions. For example, a PSPS is triggered in Hawaii if there’s a drought, wind gusts are over 45 miles per hour and relative humidity is under 45%.

    Power shutoffs are a relatively new idea. They were proposed in California in 2008 and first allowed in 2012.

    Since then, power companies across the entire western U.S. from Texas to Hawaii have adopted these plans. Shutoff plans also stretch from southern border states such as Arizona to northern border states such as Idaho and Montana.

    Shutting off the power is a huge problem, since it causes massive disruption to communities. People depend on power to run medical equipment, work and keep communities safe. Even people with a desperate need for electricity, such as those on medical life support, are not immune to a safety shutoff.

    How to prepare for a PSPS

    As the world warms, the chance of being caught in a preemptive power shutoff increases. What can you do to minimize the impact?

    Having solar panels won’t protect you: Utilities shut off customers with solar panels to block those panels from pushing power onto the grid, since the whole goal is to shut off the grid. The only way for you to still have power is to buy a battery storage system and a transfer switch, which allows you to take your system completely off the grid. But this is very expensive.

    Getting a portable generator is only a partial solution for a multiday shutoff, since most last only six to 18 hours on a single tank of gas. Plus, generators run very hot, which creates its own fire risk.

    Another way to minimize the impact of both a power shutoff and a wildfire is to create a small disaster relief kit, or “go bag.” Creating one is relatively inexpensive. It should contain key items such as water, your medicines, some shelf-stable food – and importantly, some cash. Even some government websites forget to mention this.

    It’s also important to use paper money before a shutoff happens. I have all too frequently seen gas station attendants, supermarket checkout clerks and restaurant servers have no idea how to handle cash.

    Recently at my local supermarket, for example, I paid with a $20 bill. The cashier had to ask another employee which kinds of coins to use to make change. If people don’t know how to handle cash during normal times, it ceases to be useful during emergencies.

    As the world warms, public safety power shutoffs will occur more frequently. The shutoffs clearly highlight the trade-off between economic and social disruption versus preventing dangerous wildfires. These shutoffs show there are no easy solutions – only hard choices.

    There are a few sensible and easy steps to take to reduce the impact of these shutoffs. One is to understand that during one of the very moments you might really need to spend money, modern payment systems fail. Holding and frequently using old-fashioned cash is a simple and low-cost way to protect yourself and your family.

    Jay L. Zagorsky does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Planned blackouts are becoming more common − and not having cash on hand could cost you – https://theconversation.com/planned-blackouts-are-becoming-more-common-and-not-having-cash-on-hand-could-cost-you-253319

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: GOP lawmakers eye SNAP cuts, which would scale back benefits that help low-income people buy food at a time of high food prices

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Tracy Roof, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond

    A shopper who gets SNAP benefits shops for groceries at a supermarket in Bellflower, Calif., on Feb. 13, 2023. AP Photo/Allison Dinner

    Congress may soon consider whether to cut spending on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the main way the government helps low-income Americans put food on the table. The Conversation U.S. asked Tracy Roof, a political scientist who has researched the history of government nutrition programs, to explain what’s going on and why the effort to reduce spending on SNAP benefits, which can be used to purchase groceries, could falter.

    Why does it look like the federal government may cut SNAP spending?

    Conservative critics of SNAP believe that the U.S. spends too much on the program, which cost the federal government US$100 billion in the 2024 fiscal year.

    Federal spending on SNAP, however, has been falling since it peaked at $119 billion in 2022, before extra pandemic-related benefits ended.

    Some Republican lawmakers are calling for new changes that would cut spending on the program.

    Is there a SNAP budget?

    No.

    Today, SNAP helps nearly 42 million people put food on the table, including 1 in 5 children. Americans can usually qualify for SNAP benefits if their income is under 130% of the federal poverty line. In 2025, that would be $41,795 for a family of four and they have limited savings. Some eligibility guidelines can vary by state.

    The rules are complex. Most adults under the age of 60 are subject to work requirements if they are “able-bodied” and not caring for a child or incapacitated adult. If adults between the ages of 18 and 54 don’t log at least 20 hours of work or another approved activity, their benefits can be cut off. Immigrants without authorization to reside in the U.S. aren’t eligible for SNAP.

    Despite those restrictions on who can get SNAP benefits, there is no set limit to what the federal government can spend on the program. As more people become eligible due to their low incomes and therefore obtain benefits during economic downturns, this spending automatically increases. When the economy improves, it usually declines.

    States administer the program under federal government guidelines. The federal government covers the full cost of benefits low-income people receive through the program, but the states cover roughly half of the administrative costs.

    How can the federal government try to cut SNAP spending?

    There are two main paths to program cuts.

    One is through the farm bill, a legislative package Congress typically renews every four or five years that sets policies for SNAP and programs that support farmers’ incomes. The most recent farm bill expired in 2023. Congress has passed multiple one-year extensions on the measure because lawmakers have been unable to pass a new one.

    The latest extension will expire on Sept. 30, 2025.

    The other option is through the so-called budget reconciliation process underway in Congress. Right now, the primary Republican plan calls for extending $4.5 trillion in tax cuts passed in the first Trump administration and making up to $2 trillion in spending cuts over the next decade.

    The House took the first step in this process by narrowly passing a budget blueprint on Feb. 25. This plan requires the House Agriculture Committee to cut $230 billion in spending over 10 years. While it does not force the committee to cut SNAP specifically, the program accounts for $1 trillion of the $1.3 trillion spent over a decade that the committee oversees – leaving few alternatives.

    What kinds of changes might cut costs?

    Most Republicans appear to favor changing how benefits are calculated and imposing stricter work requirements.

    Today, the value of SNAP benefits that participants in the program can get are calculated based on the “thrifty food plan,” a blueprint for a low-cost, nutritionally adequate diet. A family of four, for example, can get benefits of up to $939 a month if they have no income.

    The Biden administration updated that plan in 2021 in a way that increased monthly SNAP benefits by 23%, not counting the short-term pandemic adjustments to the program. Republican lawmakers want to prevent future changes to the thrifty food plan that might again sharply increase benefits.

    Another proposal would roll back the 2021 change in the thrifty food plan. This would cut current benefits and save $274 billion over a decade. One hitch is that House Agriculture Committee Chair G.T. Thompson has promised no cuts to monthly SNAP benefits.

    Many Republicans would like to stiffen the work requirements by requiring work of recipients who are up to age 65 or are the parents of children who are more than six years old. They also could limit the ability of states to make exceptions in places that don’t have enough jobs.

    Other options include limiting states’ flexibility to offer benefits to people with incomes that are a little higher than 130% of the federal poverty level, capping the monthly benefit for larger households to the amount available to a family of six, and shifting more of the program’s costs to the states.

    Other proposals would crack down on fraud and benefit overpayments. Those steps would be likely to achieve a tiny fraction of the spending reductions the GOP seeks.

    How popular do you think these changes would be?

    The food insecurity rate, which reflects the number of people who worry about getting enough to eat or who report skipping meals or buying less nutritious food because of costs, has been high in recent years. Polls show most Americans support increasing SNAP benefits, not cutting them.

    Angry constituents have recently turned out to protest potential benefit cuts to programs such as Medicaid and SNAP at town hall meetings held by members of Congress.

    Food prices are climbing, and there are growing concerns that a recession could be around the corner. As in earlier downturns, that would probably mean that more people would be eligible for SNAP benefits.

    Food banks, already struggling to meet demand and facing federal spending cuts, have warned they will not be able to fill gaps caused by reduced SNAP spending or new limits on benefits.

    What are some of the obstacles in the way of huge cuts?

    Getting the House and the Senate to agree on a budget bill that curbs SNAP spending will be very tricky, to say the least.

    Republicans have a very small majority in the House and they would need almost every vote. There are seven House Republicans from areas where over 20% of all residents get SNAP benefits, making it hard for them to vote for changes that would reduce or restrict the program’s scale.

    Other House Republicans, especially those expressing concerns about the national debt, are likely to insist that this spending be cut. It is unclear who will win this tug-of-war.

    There’s another complication. If substantial SNAP cuts are made in the current budget process, it could make reaching a compromise on a new farm bill even harder than it’s been in recent years. And while the budget can be passed without any votes from Democrats in Congress, the farm bill will require some bipartisan support.

    Tracy Roof has previously received funding from Virginia Humanities and several foundations associated with presidential archives to study the history of the food stamp program.

    – ref. GOP lawmakers eye SNAP cuts, which would scale back benefits that help low-income people buy food at a time of high food prices – https://theconversation.com/gop-lawmakers-eye-snap-cuts-which-would-scale-back-benefits-that-help-low-income-people-buy-food-at-a-time-of-high-food-prices-208556

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: America the secular? What a changing religious landscape means for US politics

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By David Campbell, Packey J. Dee Professor of American Democracy, University of Notre Dame

    Conventional wisdom about nonreligious Americans’ voting misses some important distinctions. Sarah Rice/Getty Images

    After climbing for decades, the percentage of Americans with no religion has leveled off. For the past few years, the share of adults who identify as atheist, agnostic or “nothing in particular” has stood at about 29%, according to a major study the Pew Research Center released Feb. 26, 2025.

    But this hardly means that the “nones,” or their impact on American life, are going away. In fact, their sheer size makes it likely that they will increase in political prominence.

    It will presumably come as no surprise that many secular voters lean to the political left. It may, however, be surprising to learn that a fairly large number of nonreligious voters supported President Donald Trump in the 2020 and 2024 elections.

    If the above paragraph is a head-scratcher, that is because “nonreligious” and “secular” are often treated as two ways of saying the same thing. But as political scientists who study religion – and the lack thereof – we have found that there is a fundamental difference between the two. While conventional wisdom holds that religious voters are Republicans and nonreligious voters are Democrats, the reality is more complicated.

    Nonreligious vs. secular

    So, what is the difference between people who are nonreligious vs. those who are secular?

    The nonreligious tend to define themselves by what they are not: for example, not belonging to a religion, not attending worship services, not believing in God. In our surveys, many people without a religious affiliation do not cite any particular worldview or philosophy when asked what guides their life.

    Secular people, on the other hand, define themselves by what they are: someone who has embraced a humanistic and even scientific worldview. That is, when asked about where they find truth, they turn to sources such as science and philosophy instead of scripture and religious teachings. Often, they identify as atheist, agnostic or humanist.

    There are secular people, however, who also embrace some aspects of faith. Religiosity and secularity are not in a zero-sum relationship: more of one does not necessarily mean less of the other. In our research, we found many cases of people who belong to a religious congregation yet have a secular worldview: This describes many Jews, mainline Protestants and even Catholics, for example.

    4 groups

    To get a better sense of Americans’ views, for over a decade we have worked on developing questions to identify people with a secular outlook, while also asking about religious commitment, such as how often someone attends services. Our findings culminated in the 2021 book “Secular Surge: A New Fault Line in American Politics.”

    Based on the results, we can divide the U.S. population into four groups: Religionists, Nonreligionists, Secularists and Religious Secularists.

    The Religionists category includes people of all faiths. At 41%, this is the largest group in the United States, but they do not form a majority.

    Secularists make up 27% of the population – larger than the percentage of any single religious tradition. Evangelical Christians, for example, are 23% of the U.S. population, according to Pew, and Catholics are 19%.

    Another 14% of Americans are what we call Religious Secularists: people who identify with and participate in a religious community, yet have a secular worldview. They might attend worship services but consider their religion more as an expression of their culture than a source of teachings to inform their daily decision-making. Some Religious Secularists may describe themselves as agnostic or even atheist.

    Finally, 18% of Americans are Nonreligionists: These are people we described above as not having any religion in their lives, but neither do they have a secular worldview. They are defined by what they are not, not what they are.

    Political views

    These four groups vary in whether they are politically engaged – and if so, whom they support.

    In our book about America’s “secular surge” we used data from a nationwide survey in 2017. In 2021, we conducted a second wave of that survey.

    According to data from that survey that we analyzed for this article, Religionists and Secularists are about equally likely to get involved in politics: roughly 30% of both groups reported doing something political in the past 12 months, such as attending a rally, volunteering for a candidate or donating money. Nonreligionists were much less likely: only 17%.

    In fact, no matter the form of civic engagement – voting, volunteering – Nonreligionists were consistently the least likely to be involved. Only 30% of Nonreligionists report belonging to any sort of club or organization, while for the rest of the population, it is closer to 50%.

    In the same 2021 survey, we asked people to rate various politicians on a 0-100 scale, with a higher number meaning a more positive view.

    On average, Religionists rated Trump a 61, the highest of the four groups; Secularists give him the lowest score, at 14. Nonreligionists gave Trump 47 points.

    It would be wrong, however, to call the Nonreligionists an ideologically conservative group.

    Consider their ratings of Bernie Sanders, who caucuses with the Democratic Party but describes himself as a democratic socialist. For three of the groups, support for Sanders was the mirror opposite of their feelings toward Trump, a Republican. Secularists, for instance, gave the Vermont senator a relatively high score of 66, on average; Religionists’ feelings toward him are much cooler, at 32 points.

    By contrast, Nonreligionists gave a nearly identical rating to Trump and Sanders. Given that the two men are at opposite ideological poles, how could Nonreligionists rate them the same? We suspect it is because both figures challenge the status quo.

    In 2024, the Trump campaign worked to mobilize “low-propensity voters”: political jargon for people with the low levels of civic engagement often found among Nonreligionists. Not only are they politically disengaged, they are the most likely to combine being young, male, white and without a college degree.

    A ‘secular left’?

    Secularists, too, are disproportionately young and white. But in other ways they are very different from Nonreligionists. Secularists typically have a college degree and are evenly balanced between women and men. Typically, they are also liberal and highly engaged in politics.

    So how will they shape American politics? The answer may depend on whether Secularists cohere into a movement – a secular left to parallel the religious right.

    Today, highly religious conservatives are a vocal group within American politics, the core of the Republican Party. A generation ago, however, they were a disparate group of people from different Christian denominations, from Baptists to Pentecostals. Many of the religious groups that now march in common cause once had sharp disagreements.

    It remains to be seen whether secular voters will organize in a similar way. Either way, it is safe to say America’s religious composition has changed significantly.

    Don’t assume, however, that a turn away from religion necessarily means a sharp turn toward the political left. We’d caution that the story is more complicated. For now, secular voters lean to the left – but nonreligious voters are up for grabs.

    David Campbell and Geoffrey Layman received funding from the National Science Foundation.

    Geoffrey C. Layman and David E. Campbell received funding from the National Science Foundation.

    – ref. America the secular? What a changing religious landscape means for US politics – https://theconversation.com/america-the-secular-what-a-changing-religious-landscape-means-for-us-politics-249892

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Land reparations are possible − and over 225 US communities are already working to make amends for slavery and colonization

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sara Safransky, Associate Professor, Department of Human and Organizational Development, Vanderbilt University

    Ever since the United States government’s unfulfilled promise of giving every newly freed Black American “40 acres and a mule” after the Civil War, descendants of the enslaved have repeatedly proposed the idea of redistributing land to redress the nation’s legacies of slavery.

    Land-based reparations are also a form of redress for the territorial theft of colonialism.

    Around the world, politicians tend to dismiss calls for such initiatives as wishful thinking at best and discrimination at worst. Or else, they are swatted away as too complex to implement, legally and practically.

    Yet our research shows a growing number of municipalities and communities across the U.S. are quietly taking up the charge.

    We are geographers who since 2021 have been documenting and analyzing over 225 examples of reparative programs underway in U.S. cities, states and regions. Notably, over half of them center land return.

    These efforts show how working locally to grapple with the complexity of land-based reparations is a necessary and feasible part of the nation’s healing process.

    The Evanston effect

    Evanston, Illinois, launched the country’s first publicly funded housing reparations program in 2019.

    In its current form, Evanston’s Restorative Housing Program has provided disbursements to more than 200 recipients. All are Black residents of Evanston or direct descendants of residents who experienced housing discrimination between 1919 and 1969. Benefits include down payment assistance and mortgage assistance as well as funds to make home repairs and improvements.

    The goal is to redress the harm Evanston caused during these 50-plus years of racial discrimination in public schools, hospitals, buses and segregated residential zoning. During that same period, banks in Evanston, as in other U.S. cities, also refused to give Black residents mortgages, credit or insurance for homes in white neighborhoods.

    “I always said you can keep the mule,” program beneficiary Ron Butler told NBC News in 2024. “Give me the 40 acres in Evanston.”

    Reparations that focus on land, housing and property are about more than making amends for centuries of racial discrimination. They help to restore people’s self-determination, autonomy and freedom.

    Following Evanston’s lead, in 2021 a group of 11 U.S. mayors created Mayors Organized for Reparations and Equity, a coalition committed to developing pilot reparations programs. Members include Los Angeles, Austin and Asheville.

    The cities act as sites to generate ideas about how reparation initiatives could be scaled up nationally. Each mayor is advised by committees made up of representatives from local Black-led organizations.

    Colonial reparations

    In recent years the city of Eureka, in Northern California, has been returning some territory to its Native inhabitants.

    Indigenous people often call this process rematriation; it’s part of a broader effort to restore sovereignty and sacred relationships to their ancestral lands.

    In 2019, after years of petitioning by members of the Wiyot people, the Eureka City Council returned 200 acres of Tuluwat Island, a 280-acre island in Humboldt Bay where European settlers in 1860 massacred about 200 Wiyot women and children.

    “It’s a sovereignty issue, a self-governance issue,” said Wiyot tribal administrator Michelle Vassel in a November 2023 radio interview.

    Minneapolis’ sale of city lots to the Red Lake Nation for $1 in 2023 is another example of how city governments can make amends for past Indigenous displacement and removal. Plans to develop the low-cost lots include a cultural center for Red Lake people, an opioid treatment center and potentially housing.

    The Red Lake Reservation once included 3.3 million acres. The 1889 Dawes Act forced the Red Lake Band to cede all but 300,000 acres. The federal government later returned some land, but today the reservation is still only a quarter of its original size.

    Reparations are critical to racial equity

    These initiatives may sound like a drop in the bucket considering the vast harms committed over centuries of slavery and colonization. Yet they prove that governments can craft targeted, achievable and meaningful policies to address colonialism and enslavement.

    The state of Minnesota transferred Upper Sioux Agency State Park back to the Dakota people in 2023 in an effort to make amends for a war and historic slaughter there.
    AP Photo/Trisha Ahmed

    They also tackle a frequent critique of reparations, which is that slavery and colonialism happened centuries ago. Yet their effects continue to harm Black and Native communities generations later. Today, white households in the U.S. have roughly nine times the wealth of typical Black households.

    One explanation for this racial disparity is that Black households earn 20% less than their white counterparts. But a more meaningful driver is what scholars call the “intergenerational transmission chain” – that is, the role that gifts and inheritance play in wealth generation.

    That’s why reparations – with both land and money – are so critical to creating racial equity.

    Still, reparations programs do raise a host of complex, practical questions. Which kinds of historic racial injustice take priority, and what form should repair take? Who qualifies for the benefits?

    Community-based land reparations

    Reparations don’t have to come from the government.

    In recent years, more than a hundred community-based organizations across the U.S. have introduced their own initiatives to redistribute land and wealth to make amends for past injustices.

    Makoce Ikikcupi, in the Minnesota River Valley, is a community reparations program led by Dakota peoples. Since 2009, the group has been collecting funds to buy back portions of the Dakota homeland. One revenue source is voluntary contributions from descendants of Europeans who colonized that land. This fundraising strategy is sometimes called “real rent” or “back rent.”

    The group purchased its first 21-acre parcel of land in 2019, where it is building traditional earth lodges, with plans for several self-sustaining Dakota villages.

    “We consider our donation…‘back rent,’” reads the testimony of one monthly contributor, Josina Manu, on the group’s webpage. He calls the reclamation of Dakota land a “vital” step “towards creating a just world.”

    Fair compensation for eminent domain

    Many communities are also working together to repair the legacies of anti-Black racism.

    In the 1960s, the city of Athens, Georgia, used eminent domain to build dormitories for the University of Georgia. Paying below market value, it demolished an entire Black neighborhood called Linnentown.

    In early 2021, following petitioning from former Linnentown residents who’d lost their homes, the City Council unanimously passed a resolution recognizing their neighborhood’s destruction as “an act of institutionalized white racism and terrorism resulting in intergenerational Black poverty.”

    Because Georgia law prohibits government entities from making payments to individuals, a community group stepped in to organize compensation.

    The result is Athens Reparations Action, a coalition of churches and community organizations. Formed in 2021, it had raised $120,000 by 2024 to distribute among the 10 families who are Linnentown survivors and descendants.

    Backlash

    Our research also tracks legal challenges to the reparations initiatives we are studying.

    Conservative groups such as Judicial Watch have filed dozens of retaliatory lawsuits against several of them, including Evanston’s Restorative Housing Program. A 2024 class action complaint alleges that the program discriminates based on race, violating the equal protection clause of the U.S. Constitution.

    These legal challenges are part of the broader front of conservative-led assaults on voting rights, affirmative action and critical race theory. Like reparations, all are efforts to grapple with the U.S.’s historical mistreatment of Black, Indigenous and other people of color.

    Attacking those initiatives is an attempt to preserve what scholar Laura Pulido calls “white innocence.” We expect more of them under a second Trump term already defined by its assault on antidiscrimination policies and programs.

    So far, none of Trump’s decrees has targeted reparations specifically. For now, reparations are still legal and constitutional – and possible.

    Sara Safransky has received funding from the National Science Foundation, the Social Science Research Council, the Wenner-Gren Foundation, and the American Council of Learned Societies, however, I have not received funding from these organizations for the research project discussed in this article. The only grant I’ve received to fund this research is an internal grant from Vanderbilt University.

    Elsa Noterman has received funding from the National Science Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the British Academy. However, I have not received funding from these organizations for the research project discussed in this article. The only grant I have received to fund this research is an internal grant from Queen Mary University of London.

    Madeleine Lewis has received research funding from the Society for Community Research and Action. However, that funding is not related to the research project mentioned in the article.

    – ref. Land reparations are possible − and over 225 US communities are already working to make amends for slavery and colonization – https://theconversation.com/land-reparations-are-possible-and-over-225-us-communities-are-already-working-to-make-amends-for-slavery-and-colonization-246106

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada a 51st state? Here’s how American annexation could actually favour Canada

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Felix Arndt, Professor and John F. Wood Chair in Entrepreneurship, University of Guelph

    When United States President Donald Trump first floated the idea of annexing Canada, many observers rolled their eyes. The common assumption was that this proposal, like much of Trump’s bombast, amounted to little more than a fleeting soundbite.

    Yet, amid continuing public remarks about Canada becoming the 51st state and suggestions of genuine intent, the idea has become part of a broader conversation about North America’s future.

    The idea of the U.S. merging with Canada outright has not been received well in Canada, especially because Trump’s threats have been accompanied by economic warfare aimed at forcing Canada into submission. After all, the U.S. already has 50 states. Canada, with its population of about 40 million and its immense geographic size, would be an outsized “51st” by any comparison.

    But any serious analysis of this proposition quickly reveals that annexation would be far more complicated — and far less one-sided — than the label “51st state.”

    Our analysis is premised on an assumption that the U.S. remains a democratic system that has not turned into a pseudo-monarchy, in keeping with a Trump social media post in early February proclaiming “long live the King.”

    The most important takeaway from our analysis is that a unified country would need to inaugurate a new president and Parliament. The path towards the integration of the countries would have to start with closer economic integration, not the alienation currently in place.

    A multi-state reality

    As we argue in our newest self-published book Make America Greater? A Scenario of a Friendly Canada-U.S. Merger, Canada would not simply become part of the U.S. as a single state under the provisions of the American Constitution.

    Based on population and the distribution of power in U.S. Congress, Canada’s 10 provinces and three northern territories would almost certainly be carved into multiple states, perhaps nine or more.

    This is no small detail.

    America’s unique electoral arithmetic grants each state two senators, while seats in the House of Representatives depend on population size. With around 40 million new citizens, a unified North America would reshape the balance of power in both the Senate and the House.



    Read more:
    Canada as a 51st state? Republicans would never win another general election

    Critically, the new country formed via unification might end up looking far more like Canada than many Americans imagine.

    Why? Canadian voters lean more centrist — or even centre-left — than the average American does. Over time, that could tilt congressional priorities in favour of policies reflecting Canada’s taste for universal health care, stricter gun control and robust social welfare.

    The longstanding political tug-of-war in the U.S. could see its centre of gravity shift, likely to the chagrin of some more conservative segments of the existing union.

    Tariffs, politics and tensions

    Officials on both sides of the border are already locked in a dance of retaliatory tariffs.

    Each new measure escalates anxieties, threatening to derail one of the world’s largest bilateral trading relationships.

    Some might argue that if tariffs are putting negative pressures on the economy and roiling the markets, perhaps deeper integration — or even full-blown unification — could serve as a release valve. But the path towards a friendly merger is best taken step-by-step and starts with stronger economic integration, not alienation.



    Read more:
    Canada’s response to Trump’s tariffs was strategic, but there is room for improvement

    Forging a genuine union goes well beyond removing trade barriers. Canada and the U.S. differ on far more than just economics: from bilingualism laws to gun regulations, from health care to environmental policy, the two countries embody contrasting visions of how society should function.

    Canadians would expect to preserve elements of their social contract that many regard as superior to American norms — particularly their single-payer health-care system and comparatively strict firearms restrictions.

    A process genuinely aimed at integrating the two countries would take this into account. It would extend the United States-Mexico-Canada trade deal further to strengthen economic integration, elevate the rights of French and Spanish speakers in the U.S. in order to signal compatible cultural values and extend Medicare to show an appreciation of the common denominators of the two societies.

    Trump’s current rhetoric, however, does not seem to indicate a genuine desire for a unification.

    Why a merger could favour Canada

    As surprising as it seems, our analysis suggests that a unified North America could lean Canada’s way over time.

    Even if the American Electoral College were reimagined — or scrapped — Canadian provinces transformed into states would wield significant power, influencing everything from budget allocations to Supreme Court appointments.



    Read more:
    As Joe Biden becomes president, here’s an easy proposal for Electoral College reform

    What’s more, cultural convergence has an asymmetrical pull. Younger Americans show a growing appetite for social safety nets, while Canadians remain broadly wedded to their publicly funded health-care model.

    Over a few election cycles, these forces could converge into a more expansive welfare regime, something that would astonish traditional conservatives across the current 50 states.

    A combined North America would boast one of the largest economies on Earth, including abundant natural resources and technological innovation.

    The promise of frictionless trade, a single currency and vast internal markets might delight big business and certain multinational interests. Yet the path would be fraught.

    Constitutional arrangements, Indigenous rights, linguistic protections and environmental regulations — all areas in which Canadian norms diverge significantly from American precedents — would have to be reconciled.

    Canadians, proud of their universal healthcare, progressive climate policies and lower rates of gun violence, would worry about being subsumed by a more rambunctious, militarized neighbour. Americans, meanwhile, would fear they would be forced to adopt new taxes and policies at odds with their historic emphasis on individual freedoms.

    A country more closely resembling Canada

    Regardless of whether Trump’s annexation talk proves more than just bluster, the notion of a friendly U.S.–Canada merger invites reflection. It reminds us that North America’s two largest nations remain economically interlocked and geographically co-located, though culturally distinct.

    With tariffs in place and cross-border tensions mounting, creative solutions are worth examining, even if a merger can — at best — be seen as a long-term vision.

    A genuine offer of a merger would require that Canadians to be assured that if such a union did transpire, their voices might echo far more loudly than expected in the halls of Washington, D.C.

    And Americans — facing shifting demographics and changing societal values — may discover that the annexation Trump initiated could bring surprises that tilt the new country much closer to its northern neighbour’s ideals than to the status quo below the 49th parallel.

    Felix Arndt is an author of a book referred to in this article.

    Barak Aharonson is an author of a book with a similar topic.

    – ref. Canada a 51st state? Here’s how American annexation could actually favour Canada – https://theconversation.com/canada-a-51st-state-heres-how-american-annexation-could-actually-favour-canada-251547

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cannabis retail expansion in Canada came with only a small uptick in the number of consumers

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Michael J. Armstrong, Associate Professor, Operations Research, Brock University

    Ever since recreational cannabis was legalized across Canada in 2018, researchers have been studying what that decision changed for Canadians.

    We’ve learned, for example, that some patients immediately left the medical cannabis system, presumably to use recreational products instead. Conversely, legalization appeared to have no effect on Canadian alcohol sales.

    We’ve similarly seen how cannabis retailing has evolved since it became legal.

    Retailers suffered from product shortages during legalization’s first six months, but steadily expanded soon after. Canada went from having some 210 stores in April 2019 to 3,500 in April 2023. The ensuing competition pushed prices down 28 per cent during that period.

    Meanwhile, provincial governments have tried various regulatory approaches. Some initially restricted the number of stores to avoid tempting non-users. Québec still has 10 times fewer stores per capita than Ontario does as a result. Other provinces have set minimum prices to discourage people from overindulging. For example, Ontario won’t let wholesale prices drop below $2.28 per gram.

    These developments in business and government policy prompted my latest research. I wanted to understand what effect retail expansion had on cannabis use. To do this, I analyzed consumer responses on government surveys collected between 2019 to 2023. I then compared these responses to the recreational cannabis consumer price index and the numbers of licensed stores in each province.

    Did Canadians consume cannabis more widely, more frequently and at younger ages as it became more accessible and affordable? The answer was mostly no.

    More women and older adult consumers

    The percentage of men who used cannabis stayed around 28 per cent between 2019 and 2023 — despite retailers’ massive store growth and notable price cuts.

    But usage did grow slightly among women — rising from 21 per cent in 2019 to 23 per cent in 2023. My analysis suggests this was related to the increasing affordability of cannabis, not its retail convenience. More women consumed cannabis when prices fell, not when more shops opened.

    A similar contrast appeared between younger and older adults. Cannabis use among Canadians aged 25 and over crept upward from 21 to 23 per cent. That increase again seemed related to falling prices rather than expanding stores. Meanwhile, usage among those aged 16 to 24 varied year-to-year, but remained around 46 per cent.

    The average age of first-time use consequently rose from 19.2 in 2019 to 20.8 years old in 2023. This finding also seemed correlated with both falling prices and expanding stores.

    Same frequency, more edibles

    One thing that didn’t change much was frequency of use. About one-quarter of cannabis consumers used it five or more days per week in both 2019 and 2023.

    However, their product preferences shifted. The percentage who smoked dried cannabis decreased while the percentage of consumers who consumed edibles increased. Some consumers used both types of products, or used other products entirely — such as vapes. Both changes seemed related to prices rather than the number of retail stores. Consumers seemingly traded-up from basic dried cannabis to processed edibles as prices fell.

    So overall, Canada’s substantial retail developments came with only modest usage growth.

    The apparent relationships between usage and price might partly be coincidental. Product selection and quality also improved, so they likely contributed too. But falling prices do seem to be a plausible explanation for the increased cannabis consumption that was seen.

    The lack of relationship between stores and usage might seem surprising. After all, Canada experienced a 16-fold explosion in stores between 2019 and 2023. But this finding correlates with what my previous research found; it showed that between 2018 and 2020, there was a similar non-relationship between retail expansion of cannabis stores and usage.



    Read more:
    Cannabis store openings in Canada only slightly affected the number of users

    So, perhaps the main effect of retail stores was to draw existing users away from illegal dealers, rather than to tempt new ones.

    I suspect retailers probably influenced usage somewhat in their local neighbourhoods. For example, someone who walked by a new store daily on their way to work might have decided to try cannabis. But this effect would have been too small to appear in province-level measurements.

    Price restriction

    The findings from my study suggests some tentative lessons for regulators.

    If opening more stores has minimal impact on usage, there’s little need to limit their numbers. Provinces don’t need to ration store licenses, and municipalities (like Markham and Oakville in Ontario) don’t need to ban them.

    But since price declines tempt more consumers, it’s important for policymakers to prevent prices from getting too low.

    Other countries who are considering legalizing cannabis may want to consider these points, too.

    For example, medical cannabis use is surging in Australia, much like it was in Canada a decade ago. And Australia’s Green Party is campaigning for recreational legalization in the upcoming federal election. If that election produces a coalition government, legalization might be on its agenda. They could look at our policies and hopefully improve on them.

    Meanwhile in Germany, the previous government legalized recreational use, but not sales. So, Germans must grow their own plants or join a club that does. Commercial products are sold only through the country’s medical cannabis system. Unsurprisingly, medical use is soaring there. Based on what my research suggests, Germany will likely see similar usage growth, whether it allows stores or not. But allowing stores would mean consumers could buy products from licensed sources instead of illicit dealers.

    Canada’s cannabis legalization was controversial at the time. But some Canadians say it has become a memorable part of Justin Trudeau’s complicated legacy. Now that he’s no longer prime minister, that’s something he and his biographers can contemplate.

    Michael J. Armstrong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cannabis retail expansion in Canada came with only a small uptick in the number of consumers – https://theconversation.com/cannabis-retail-expansion-in-canada-came-with-only-a-small-uptick-in-the-number-of-consumers-252008

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Inside an urban terror network: book reveals how police finally cracked Pagad gang violence in Cape Town

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Irvin Kinnes, Associate Professor of Criminology, University of Cape Town

    A campaign against gangsterism in Cape Town, South Africa led by the People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (Pagad) turned violent in the mid-1990s when a group known as Pagad G-Force began what became known as an urban terrorism campaign. Lives on the Line, written by security analyst David Africa, is the true story of the secret team in the country’s crime intelligence division that waged a six-year battle against the terror group – and won. The terror campaign was brought to a standstill in 2002. Criminology professor Irvin Kinnes sets out why it’s a riveting read, a bold tell-all account by a brave author.

    What was the backdrop to the terror campaign?

    In 1995, one year after the country’s first democratic elections, a new law was passed creating the newly constituted South African Police Service. It was a tough year because the elements of the old order in the police service had great difficulty accepting the new democratic dispensation. But they had to collaborate with the people that they had tortured, jailed and, in some cases, maimed as a result of their role in political oppression in support of apartheid.

    The new centurions (police guardians of the new order) of democracy were not yet in place. A system of dual power emerged in the police, where some of the commanders that were appointed were former members of the liberation movements. They were seen as “plastic cops” because they did not train in the police academies around the country, but in the bush. Some subsequently attended various training academies. They were all integrated with other homeland police agencies from the Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei states and other “independent” homelands that had existed under apartheid. In total, 11 agencies combined to form the newly created and democratic police service in 1995.

    After 1994, many of the apartheid social controls such as restrictions on people’s movement, racially divided settlement and the death penalty were abolished. People were jubilant, hyper aware of their newly found rights.

    The police were not prepared to deal with such a rights-aware population. In addition, freedom also unleashed huge social challenges such as crime and particularly drug and gang crimes. In the immediate aftermath of the political negotiations that ended apartheid and prior to the elections, crime rates surged, especially in 1993. Not all of the crime was criminal: some of the events related to political crime with mass movements and political parties clashing with each other and with the police.

    The urban terror campaign, as labelled by members of the South African Police Service, extended from 1996-2002. This was also known as the Cape Flats war (referred to as the Pagad troubles by Africa) and was triggered by the campaign of the People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (Pagad). The organisation was initially made up of largely ordinary citizens across the religious divide, but later became almost exclusively Muslim led, and so was the G-Force.

    Pagad led several marches on the Cape Flats against drug dealers and gangsters. These marches resulted in the death on 4 August 1996 of one of the co-leaders of the Hard Living gang, Rashaad Staggie, by a huge crowd of Pagad members who were escorted by the police’s Public Order Unit.

    The execution resulted in a tit-for-tat killing between gang members and Pagad members.

    What was Pagad G-Force? What led to its formation?

    The Pagad G-Force were a group of men inside Pagad. They operated clandestinely outside its circle of influence of its public structures, but sometimes with its tacit support. Many of the members of the G-Force had received military training both inside and outside the borders of the country.

    Some people claimed they were trained in Afghanistan and Iran, and they were operators who were armed and could manage themselves against some of the threats that gang leaders had made against them. They were a tightly knit unit that was able to retain secrecy in most of their operations, guarding it against police infiltration – a battle they ultimately lost, as Africa’s book shows.

    The unit was accused of executing up to 30 senior gang leaders and drug dealers. Pagad would lead public marches against them and often publicly warned them to stop their drug dealing. This was followed by the homes of drug dealers being attacked. In many instances they were killed.

    What does the book reveal about why it took so long to end the terror campaign?

    There have been books that have attempted to document the Cape Flats war from different perspectives. But Africa tells the story from the inner sanctum of the state security apparatus that initially failed and eventually succeeded in penetrating the G-Force, Pagad and other formations.

    His book provides significant insights that makes other books on the subject pale in comparison. Fighting terrorism (urban or other) requires patience and deliberate skilled analysis of data, patterns and personalities. It requires skills of analysis built up over many years of sifting through behaviours and actions of individuals and organisations perpetrating such crimes.

    For the first time, we are made privy to the ideological reasoning and political thinking, strategising and implementation of police operations that was decidedly different from the old state thinking of actions against adversaries they were investigating.

    This was painstaking work and the level of co-operation between the new centurions of democracy in the police under the leadership of Africa and the old order. The old-order guardians were the same men and women in the old South African Police Force that had defended the apartheid government and did not trust the new police investigators from the liberation movements. They still had control of the police service in 1996. This was a recipe for creative and disruptive tensions, mistrust and outright sabotage of each other’s operations.

    What was the author’s involvement in the police efforts?

    The author was the head of a covert police intelligence team whose exclusive focus was to bring down the Pagad G-Force. He was central in conceptualising a new approach of working in a decontaminated group of intelligence officers made up of former liberation movement officers. Their job was to analyse information and turn it into actionable intelligence products that could be used to act against the Pagad G-Force.

    What was different about this approach was they produced court-ready evidence which police detectives could use in courts against the accused Pagad bombers. He led the fight for the new covert unit to have the necessary resources, support from their colleagues when it was required and most importantly, the support of the then national commissioner, Jackie Selebi.

    In this fight, Selebi quite clearly took sides and fully supported the actions of Africa and his colleagues to defeat Pagad’s G-Force. Africa makes this clear in his book and emphasises the support that was provided by Selebi.

    What are the key takeaways from the book about fighting similar campaigns of violence?

    The book puts together all the actors nationally and provincially and accords them the historical roles in each of their fields of expertise. It unravels the networks they spun to target, isolate, recruit and turn suspected G-Force operators.

    This look from within the war machine against Pagad raises many questions for any reader.

    It is a book for anyone who wants to understand the fight against terror, globally, regionally and locally, and what it really takes to bring people who commit such acts to justice.

    Lives on the Line confirms why it is so difficult to investigate organised crime and urban terrorists today.

    Irvin Kinnes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Inside an urban terror network: book reveals how police finally cracked Pagad gang violence in Cape Town – https://theconversation.com/inside-an-urban-terror-network-book-reveals-how-police-finally-cracked-pagad-gang-violence-in-cape-town-253447

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Signalgate’ was damaging to the Trump administration. It could be deadly for Yemeni civilians

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Sarah G. Phillips, Professor of Global Conflict and Development; Non-Resident Fellow at the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies (Yemen), University of Sydney

    The “Signalgate” story has received wall-to-wall coverage since Jeffrey Goldberg, the editor of The Atlantic, published explosive details about a Signal group chat where senior US officials discussed impending airstrikes against the Houthis in Yemen.

    Perhaps unsurprisingly, the coverage has focused on details of most concern to Western audiences, including the depth of the security breach, the classification status of the material that was shared, and the implications of sending war plans through a non-secure platform.

    But what are the implications of this for Yemen? In short, it helps the Houthis and hurts the civilians living under their control.

    Providing the Houthis with intelligence

    Yemeni civilians are caught in an impossible position. They have suffered from years of ruthless violence in a civil war that began with the Houthi capture of the capital, Sana’a, in 2014. The conflict grew even more violent when a Saudi-led (and Western-backed) military coalition entered the fray to back the Yemeni government the following year, imposing a crippling blockade that lasted until 2021.

    The war has caused a humanitarian disaster, with malnutrition rates among the highest in the world. The Houthis have consolidated their control over much of Yemen’s population through the weaponisation of food distribution and brutal repression of dissent.

    In early 2024, the Houthis then began attacking ships in the Red Sea, bringing retaliatory strikes by the United States, United Kingdom, and Israel. Each of these have caused further civilian casualties and harm.

    The Houthis (and their Iranian and Russian supporters) will draw comfort from the Signal chat group’s apparent confirmation the US strikes on March 15 were not a sign of the Trump administration’s intent to dislodge them from power:

    Vice President JD Vance (14 March, 08:16am ET): The strongest reason to do this is, as POTUS said, to send a message.

    Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth (14 March, 08:27am ET): This [is] not about the Houthis. I see it as two things: 1) Restoring Freedom of Navigation, a core national interest; and 2) Reestablish deterrence, which Biden cratered.

    The Houthis can withstand intermittent airstrikes – they have withstood airstrikes for over two decades.

    But a more substantial intervention — one that combines a coalition of local forces with guaranteed air support from Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates (with US support) — would pose a far greater threat to the Houthis.

    With this apparently not being considered, the Houthis may now feel emboldened to press-gang more people into military service before a fresh assault on the strategically important oil fields in Marib. This is the last major city in northern Yemen still under government control.

    The Houthis have tried to take Marib before, but were prevented by Yemeni troops supported by Saudi air cover. Controlling the oil fields in Marib is vital to the group’s ability to sustain itself economically.

    Putting Yemeni civilians at risk

    While the Trump administration claims the chat did not compromise sources and methods, Goldberg noted a US-based intelligence officer was named. The Atlantic removed their name for security reasons.

    The publication’s decision to remove this detail is a stark reminder of whose security matters — and whose doesn’t. The transcript reads:

    National Security Advisor Mike Waltz (15 March, 13:48pm ET): VP. Building collapsed. Had multiple positive ID…

    Waltz (15 March, 14.00pm ET): Typing too fast. The first target – their top missile guy – we had positive ID of him walking into his girlfriend’s building and it’s now collapsed.

    Putting aside the fact this was a residential building — it should not be an aside, but this is how most news coverage has been treating it — this detail is important to the Houthis.

    This is because Waltz confirms “multiple” sources had positively identified a target, which the Houthis may use to justify further crackdowns, forced disappearances and even executions of those they accuse of being spies.

    The Trump administration was clearly reckless in divulging this detail. But it’s striking The Atlantic did not consider the danger posed to Yemeni civilians by publishing it. Experts on the Houthis – and their methods of subjugation – could have quickly highlighted this point if they were consulted.

    From a Yemeni perspective, a named source may have even been preferable to the hazy, but authoritative, confirmation of US operational methods and sources. The lack of specificity in the transcript plays to the Houthis’ dragnet approach to extinguishing independent voices by forcibly disappearing people on fake allegations of espionage.

    These are typically aid workers, academics, minorities, journalists and members of civil society who are not vocally aligned with the group.

    These abductions have been occurring for years, but ramped up in the middle of 2024. Dozens of members of civil society and aid organisations (and potentially many more) were kidnapped last year. Some are confirmed to have died in detention; many others have not been heard from since.

    There are reports that abductions are already escalating in response to the latest US strikes.

    The ongoing abductions have had a chilling effect on the willingness of local and international aid providers to speak out against the Houthis. This has helped the Houthis consolidate their control over the flow of humanitarian assistance (particularly food), which they divert based on political, rather than needs-based, calculations as a means of coercing compliance.

    Yemeni civilians are seldom, if ever, a consideration in the geopolitical machinations that concern their country. The reflexive prioritisation of Western security interests exposed in the group chat – and the publication of these details – condemns them to further insecurity.

    Sarah G. Phillips receives funding from The Australian Research Council as a Future Fellow (FT200100539), and is a Non-Resident Fellow at the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies.

    – ref. ‘Signalgate’ was damaging to the Trump administration. It could be deadly for Yemeni civilians – https://theconversation.com/signalgate-was-damaging-to-the-trump-administration-it-could-be-deadly-for-yemeni-civilians-253524

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Free open access needs to be the norm for Canadian research

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Richard Hayman, Associate Professor & Digital Initiatives Librarian, Mount Royal University

    Public access to research generates new ideas, informs policy decisions and fuels innovation and technological development. Open access to knowledge helps address social issues, enhance democracy and reduce inequality.

    These are key reasons why publicly funded research should be available to the public.

    Millions of research dollars

    The federal government’s 2024 budget shows that Canadian taxpayers have funded over $16 billion in research and development since 2016. Each year, millions of those research dollars flow from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).

    These publicly funded federal agencies each offer unique grants and programs covering different research disciplines. When they work in unison, such as when setting research guidelines and policies that apply across all three agencies like the one described in this article, they are collectively known as the Tri-Agency. This money is an investment is Canada’s future, and researchers and their institutions rely on Tri-Agency funding to conduct and share their research.

    In 2015, the Tri-Agency implemented its open access (OA) policy requiring that most published research articles funded by Tri-Agency grants should be openly available in some format, and free to anyone anywhere, with no sharing or distribution restrictions.

    For Canadians and readers around the world, that means no subscription fees or paywalls. This mandate enshrined the principle that publicly funded research should be available to the public. It reached across disciplines by including research supported by all three funding bodies.

    Strengthening the open access mandate

    Following consultation with researchers, institutions, publishers, libraries, Indigenous advisers and others, the Tri-Agency released a draft revision of its open access policy in February 2025. This update explicitly mentions that Canadians at large are part of the research audience.

    Key improvements include eliminating the 12-month embargo period that allowed publishers to delay open access, and requiring researchers to use open copyright licenses (like Creative Commons). Authors must also maintain copyright over their works, including secondary publishing rights. Together these provisions ensure that research can be accessed, shared and used.

    The Tri-Agency plans to implement the new policy in January 2026, leaving some time for final revisions. This presents an opportunity to make the mandate even stronger.

    There is a need for researchers seeking national funding to commit to reporting on the openness of their research.
    (Shutterstock)

    Creating opportunities from open policy pitfalls

    Unfortunately, the revised policy repeats some mistakes from the past. Addressing just two key areas will improve accountability and transparency, and reinforce the commitment to making publicly funded research available to the public.

    1. Meaningful monitoring and reporting: A weakness in the existing and revised policy is a lack of effective compliance measures. Research evidence shows that mandating open access reinforces compliance compared to just recommending that authors to make their research open. Many Canadian researchers are meeting this mandate, but overall the Tri-Agency has a significant open access compliance problem.

    Even the Tri-Agency itself doesn’t know whether authors are meeting the current mandate.

    After a decade, the mandate doesn’t seem to be very effective. And nothing in the proposed revisions empowers authors or institutions to track and report on the open access status of their publications, or demonstrate they’ve met their open access expectations.



    Read more:
    Why we need open-source science innovation — not patents and paywalls

    Instead of repeating past shortcomings, a commitment to reporting and monitoring at organizational and Tri-Agency levels would help. There’s an opportunity here for collaboration.

    The Tri-Agency could commit to monitoring open access outcomes, and researchers seeking national funding could commit to reporting on the openness of their research. This would improve adherence, allow the Tri-Agency to highlight the benefits of public research funding, give Canadian researchers some time in the spotlight and strengthen public trust in our institutions.

    2. Reduce financial barriers and incentivize open access: Academic publishing is dominated by a small group of commercial scholarly publishers who profit by controlling access and distribution of research articles. These same publishers have successfully monetized open access by using article processing charges, or APCs.

    Under this model, authors must pay an extra publication fee to the journal to make their article open access, and many researchers are using research funds to pay expensive fees instead of directing that money toward more research. Similar to compliance rates, the Tri-Agency doesn’t know how much of their funding is being redirected to publishers as publication fees.

    These fees benefit for-profit publishers but are a barrier to research sharing. This is not the first call to remove the fees, and Canadian researchers themselves question whether research funds should be used to pay these costs. Worldwide, increasing publication costs are straining research funds and increasing inequities around who gets to publish.

    We have an opportunity to implement real change by requiring free open access in the updated mandate. With nearly 100 open research repositories registered in Canada, and over 13,000 fee-less journals registered in the Directory of Open Journals, paying to publish is unnecessary. The Tri-Agency could also limit the use of agency funding to pay these fees.

    Now is the time to act

    I am an academic librarian engaged in open publishing, and a researcher subject to the same funding mandate. In my professional opinion the policy updates prove that the Tri-Agency is committed to change.

    Now is the time to make the open access mandate stronger, by improved monitoring and by directing researchers toward free open access publishing options.

    The power to make these changes and put solutions in place all rests with the Tri-Agency. It’s in their hands. The fact that this policy is being revised right now means it’s the perfect time to explicitly support free and open access to research paid for by Canadians.

    As the Tri-Agency weighs feedback from recent public consultations, let us hope that policy-makers, universities, libraries, publishers and individual researchers will come together to make free and open access the norm.

    Richard Hayman has received SSHRC funding in the past. The views expressed here are his own and in no way influenced by SSHRC or any other organisation.

    – ref. Free open access needs to be the norm for Canadian research – https://theconversation.com/free-open-access-needs-to-be-the-norm-for-canadian-research-252584

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: US earthquake safety relies on federal employees’ expertise

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jonathan P. Stewart, Professor of Engineering, University of California, Los Angeles

    The 6.9 magnitude Loma Prieta earthquake near San Francisco in 1989 caused about $6.8 billion in damage and 63 deaths. J.K. Nakata/U.S. Geological Survey

    Earthquakes and the damage they cause are apolitical. Collectively, we either prepare for future earthquakes or the population eventually pays the price. The earthquakes that struck Myanmar on March 28, 2025, collapsing buildings and causing over 2,000 deaths, were a sobering reminder of the risks and the need for preparation.

    In the U.S., this preparation hinges in large part on the expertise of scientists and engineers in federal agencies who develop earthquake hazard models and contribute to the creation of building codes designed to ensure homes, high-rises and other structures won’t collapse when the ground shakes.

    Local communities and states decide whether to adopt building code documents. But those documents and other essential resources are developed through programs supported by federal agencies working in partnership with practicing engineers and earthquake experts at universities.

    This essential federal role is illustrated by two programs that we work closely with as an earthquake engineer and a disaster management expert whose work focuses on seismic risk.

    Improving building codes

    First, seismologists and earthquake engineers at the U.S. Geological Survey, or USGS, produce the National Seismic Hazard Model. These maps, based on research into earthquake sources such as faults and how seismic waves move through the earth’s crust, are used to determine the forces that structures in each community should be designed to resist.

    A steering committee of earthquake experts from the private sector and universities works with USGS to ensure that the National Seismic Hazard Model implements the best available science.

    In this 2023 update of the national seismic risk map, red areas have the greatest chance of a damaging earthquake occurring within 100 years.
    USGS

    Second, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA, supports the process for periodically updating building codes. That includes supporting the work of the National Institute of Building Sciences’ Provisions Update Committee, which recommends building code revisions based on investigations of earthquake damage.

    More broadly, FEMA, the USGS, the National Institute of Standards and Technology and the National Science Foundation work together through the National Earthquake Hazards Reduction Program to advance earthquake science and turn knowledge of earthquake risks into safer standards, better building design and education. Some of those agencies have been threatened by potential job and funding cuts under the Trump administration, and others face uncertainty regarding continuation of federal support for their work.

    It is in large part because of the National Seismic Hazard Model and regularly updated building codes that U.S. buildings designed to meet modern code requirements are considered among the safest in the world, despite substantial seismic hazards in several states.

    This paradigm has been made possible by the technical expertise and lack of political agendas among the federal staff. Without that professionalism, we believe experts from outside the federal government would be less likely to donate their time.

    The impacts of these and other programs are well documented. We can point to the limited fatalities from U.S. earthquakes such as the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake near San Francisco, the 1994 Northridge earthquake in Los Angeles and the 2001 Nisqually earthquake near Seattle. Powerful earthquakes in countries lacking seismic preparedness, often due to lack of adoption or enforcement of building codes, have produced much greater devastation and loss of life.

    The US has long relied on people with expertise

    These programs and the federal agencies supporting them have benefited from a high level of staff expertise because hiring and advancement processes have been divorced from politics and focused on qualifications and merit.

    This has not always been the case.

    For much of early U.S. history, federal jobs were awarded through a patronage system, where political loyalty determined employment. As described in “The Federal Civil Service System and The Problem of Bureaucracy,” this system led to widespread corruption and dysfunction, with officials focused more on managing quid pro quo patronage than governing effectively. That peaked in 1881 with President James Garfield’s assassination by Charles Guiteau, a disgruntled supporter who had been denied a government appointment.

    The passage of the Pendleton Act by Congress in 1883 shifted federal employment to a merit-based system. This preference for a merit-based system was reinforced in the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978. It states as national policy that “to provide the people of the United States with a competent, honest, and productive workforce … and to improve the quality of public service, Federal personnel management should be implemented consistent with merit system principles.”

    The shift away from a patronage system produced a more stable and efficient federal workforce, which has enabled improvements in many critical areas, including seismic safety and disaster response.

    Merit-based civil service matters for safety

    While the work of these federal employees often goes unnoticed, the benefits are demonstrable and widespread. That becomes most apparent when disasters strike and buildings that meet modern code requirements remain standing.

    A merit-based civil service is not just a democratic ideal but a proven necessity for the safety and security of the American people, one we hope will continue well into the future. This can be achieved by retaining federal scientists and engineers and supporting the essential work of federal agencies.

    Jonathan P. Stewart has received funding from NSF and USGS. He is the chair of the Steering Committee for the National Seismic Hazard Model, a member of the National Institute of Building Sciences’ Provisions Update Committee, and a member of the federal Advisory Committee for Earthquake Hazard Reduction (ACEHR). His contributions to this article draw upon his experience and do not reflect the views of the Steering Committee, Provisions Update Committee, or ACEHR.

    Lucy Arendt has received funding from NSF and the Applied Technology Council. She is a member and current chair of the federal Advisory Committee for Earthquake Hazard Reduction (ACEHR). Her contributions to this article reflect her professional expertise and do not reflect the views of ACEHR.

    – ref. US earthquake safety relies on federal employees’ expertise – https://theconversation.com/us-earthquake-safety-relies-on-federal-employees-expertise-253402

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to talk with children about Canada-U.S. tensions

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jean-François Bureau, Professor, School of Psychology, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

    Mainstream public discourse in the first months of 2025 have been dominated by tensions between Canada and United States. These include references to Canada becoming annexed as the 51st American state and the trade war, with threats and the application of tariffs by the U.S. and counter-tariffs by Canada.

    While this political climate brings uncertainty at an international level, it comes with fear of job loss for many Canadians at a time when the cost of living is already straining many families’ finances.



    Read more:
    Canadians are feeling increasingly powerless amid economic struggles and rising inequality

    These topics may appear to be concerns for adults, but children may also feel the effects. As psychology researchers studying parent-child relationships and child mental health, we believe it is important to consider children’s potential fears and anxiety in the current political climate.

    Here, we explain why it’s important to address this topic with children, and how parents can do so in a reassuring and informative manner.

    Children’s concerns and emotions

    While the economy and politics could seem like topics that children would not really care about, recent research suggests that many children and youth actually worry about these topics.

    Back in 2020, American parents of children aged six to 17 years old were asked to rate their child’s anxiety about political news, in terms of voting issues covered in media since the 2016 election. According to the study by psychology researcher Nicole E. Caporino and colleagues, 36 per cent of children worried about the U.S. getting into war, and 37 per cent worried about their family’s finances.

    Studies suggest children worry about issues affecting their families.
    (Shutterstock)

    Similarly, studies elsewhere suggest children and youth worry about issues affecting their families. Based on these numbers, we can assume that many Canadian children also worry about the current Canada-U.S. political climate.

    Of course, it’s worth remembering not all families experience political and economic events in the same way. For example, children whose families face economic precarity are likely already living with stressors affecting their households like unemployment or food insecurity. Current tensions may also exacerbate children’s existing concerns.

    Given that children may be concerned and worried, some parents may intuitively seek to avoid the topic with children to avoid provoking more distress. However, discussing a stressful event can actually decrease the distress felt towards it.

    When children are able to talk about what concerns them with their parents, they learn important emotional regulation and coping skills. For example, they learn how to identify and understand their emotions, and how to regulate those emotions. Discussions between parents and children also help foster a climate of trust, in which children feel like they can rely on their parents in moments of need.

    Noticing, tackling children’s anxiety and fears

    Children may not always have the words to articulate their concerns in the same way that adults do. Parents should watch for anxiety symptoms in their children, which may manifest in various ways, including having mood changes, being more irritable or sad, having difficulty sleeping, being more clingy than usual, or withdrawing from activities. There are also signs that may be harder to spot.

    We present five ways to address the situation with your children:

    1. Use direct questions to understand how children feel. Direct questions can help understand how children feel. For example, you may ask: “What have you heard about what’s happening?” or “How do you feel about it?” These questions can help understand what specifically is scary to them.

    Children could be worried about no longer seeing family in the U.S., or some may even fear a military clash.
    (Shutterstock)

    This is especially important given that children tend to worry about different things than adults. For example, younger children with family in the U.S. may worry they will no longer be able to see their family members anymore. Older children may be worried about a parent losing a job, the country’s economic instability or environmental impacts. Some children may even fear a military clash.

    2. Be sensitive to how the conflict is presented. In the media, it is common to refer to the diplomatic and economic tensions as a “trade war.” While adults understand that trade wars do not involve military attacks, this concept is much more abstract for children.

    Hearing the word “war” may trigger difficult images for them, including armed soldiers, weapons and devastation. This is especially true for children with lived experience of war, political conflict or displacement.



    Read more:
    Coronavirus isn’t the end of ‘childhood innocence,’ but an opportunity to rethink children’s rights

    It’s important to reframe the conflict in ways that children can understand. For example, parents can compare the conflict between two children. Parents might say: “You know when there are two children upset with each other at school, and they have a big disagreement. Sometimes it can take a lot of time to find a solution that works for everyone. The conflict between Canada and the U.S. is a bit like that. It could take a lot of time and trouble to find a solution.”

    3. Avoid misinformation. When discussing these topics, parents should seek to clarify any misinformation and provide reassurance. They should also help ensure children receive information from credible sources rather than social media or peers, who may sensationalize or misinterpret events. Providing factual but age-appropriate explanations is a key ingredient in mitigating fear and uncertainty.

    4. Focus on co-operation and opportunities instead of boycotting.

    Many Canadian families are choosing to boycott American products. In order to ease the emotional burden on children, it can be helpful to reframe the boycott as an opportunity for co-operation. For instance, parents can highlight how they are trying to support local businesses.

    Similarly, for families with resources to travel, changes in travel plans can be framed as a way to discover new places. A parent might frame it as: “This year, instead of going to the beach, we’re going to be exploring some incredible places closer to home. We’re going to have so much fun trying new things!” This approach creates curiosity and control, not anxiety. It can also be beneficial for children’s development to learn to be more flexible with change.



    Read more:
    When Canadian snowbirds don’t flock south, the costs are more than financial

    5. Create a sense of normalcy and routine. As important as it is to validate children’s fears, it is equally important to help them maintain a sense of normalcy. Families should strive to balance discussions about the trade war and its potential ramifications with more light, mundane topics. Similarly, limiting the time that children watch the news or when it is audible can help limit further concerns from developing.

    Routines are also beneficial for children’s development and well-being. Maintaining a predictable schedule, such as a bedtime routine, can help children feel safe and less anxious. Focus on adding fun and soothing activities to the daily routine. This lets children know life goes on.

    Navigating turbulent times

    As the trade war with the U.S. plays out, parents should consider how it may impact their children’s emotions and sense of safety. Even serious conflicts such as this one don’t last forever, and solutions will come.

    In the meantime, parents can help children cope with these challenging times by offering age-appropriate explanations and encouraging resilience.

    Jean-François Bureau receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, and the Consortium National de Formation en Santé.

    Audrey-Ann Deneault receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, and the Centre de recherche universitaire sur les jeunes et les familles.

    – ref. How to talk with children about Canada-U.S. tensions – https://theconversation.com/how-to-talk-with-children-about-canada-u-s-tensions-252435

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Thanks to social media platforms, election interference is more insidious and pervasive than ever

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andrew Buzzell, Postdoctoral Fellow, Rotman Institute of Philosophy, Western University

    Seemingly innocuous conversations, informed by online campaigns, could interfere with elections. (Matt Quinn/Unsplash), CC BY

    Election interference is a much broader phenomenon than is often assumed. Once limited to intimidation, voter fraud or hacking, election interference includes more mundane, pervasive and ubiquitous interactions. A seemingly innocuous and casual chat with a neighbour or barista could now be considered part of a hostile influence campaign.

    From this perspective, interference is less about how ballots are cast and more about shaping the motivations, intentions and contexts in which voters think about politics. Yet those same processes, debates, persuasions and messy arguments are integral to democracy.

    If “election interference” encompasses all efforts to influence opinion, do we risk diluting its meaning, creating a new hollow accusation like “fake news?” More importantly, if this broad view is right, it raises difficult new challenges beyond the narrow measures of election law.

    Blurred lines

    Germany recently accused Elon Musk of meddling in their February election, claiming that his prominent endorsement of the Alternative for Germany party on X was an illegal foreign donation. During the 2022 Brazilian election, misinformation on WhatsApp and Telegram swayed voter intentions, and the Superior Electoral Court frequently requested that content be taken down.

    Much of this content was homegrown, produced, endorsed and circulated by Brazilians themselves. If such content was traditional journalism, existing laws and standards could be applied. But when it resembles ordinary political speech, many see takedowns as censorship. Blurred lines between citizen speech and journalism complicate the laws and policies designed to address clearly defined electioneering.

    During the 2020 Taiwan elections, officials worried that pro-unification memes came not only from Chinese-controlled bots and paid posters (itself a form of election interference), but were trending because the TikTok algorithm systematically prioritized it.

    And in the United States, the legislative push to ban TikTok gained momentum alongside political concern that an apparent uptick in anti-Israel sentiment was caused by covert manipulation of TikTok’s algorithm.

    Broader concerns

    Concerns about election interference should extend the focus beyond the ballot to include information vulnerabilities. Politicians of all stripes have called for action on deceptive speech, but there is little agreement on the nature of the problem, especially across partisan divides

    Complaints about fake news are as likely to be strategic as sincere. News isn’t just about facts, it’s about what matters and why, and as such, media regulation should not solely be determined by the legal system. There is the risk that any effort to control content used to interfere with elections (propaganda, disinformation, fakes) will be inescapably partisan, thus unacceptable in democracies.

    The European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA) notes some of these concerns. The act indicates that monitoring and reporting about societal risks and public transparency databases will be required. It establishes “trusted flaggers” (experts and civil society groups) to help moderate content. It doesn’t mention elections, but voices concerns that platforms may be “used to disseminate or amplify misleading or deceptive content, including disinformation,” which can undermine fundamental rights.

    The DSA is new but already facing friction. The U.S. has indicated that enforcement may undermine free speech. Other issues include the absence of funding, the lack of standards for transparency databases and growing mistrust in the very idea of flagging. Flagging posts has been criticized for conflating editorship with censorship

    Free speech

    There are two schools of thought in competition with each other pertaining to free speech. The first defines it as freedom from interference with the media environment, and the view that the response to bad speech should be more and better speech, not censure.

    Currently, too much speech is circulating, along with the power given to algorithms and human moderators to make sense of it. This suggests a different ideal — the freedom to be informed and in control of our information environments, to feel authentically represented and to have fair dealings with speech platforms. Translating these to policies and slogans is much harder than a hands-off approach to media regulation.

    Overwhelmed with information, consumers favour brands, curators, editors, tastemakers, vibes and tribes that align with their personal values. If there is a shift in values, consumers cancel, unfollow and disconnect — and then replace the source.

    Trust-breaking disrupts the systems we use to filter, verify and contextualize information. This is exemplified in “firehose of falsehood” tactics and hack-and-leak operations that simultaneously sow distrust and weaponize predictable reactions.

    Scales of influence

    For every internationally important election or referendum, there are hundreds of local contests, municipal elections, internal party nominations and the like that shape political realities just as meaningfully. Influencers operating at small scales can have outsized effects that ripple through broader constituencies. A post on a local forum might spark a thousand invisible offline conversations.

    These broad concerns about vulnerabilities in our media systems matter all the time, not just during elections. Political representation requires trust in the media that inform us about what other people and communities think and care about. These reflections are distorted by online social media platforms and messaging apps.

    We will have to eventually consider something like a “made in Canada” Digital Services Act that can give voters a voice in the kind of information environment they want. There’s much to be learned from the EU’s early lessons, especially as they respond to American tech companies that control so much of the online information space.

    Andrew Buzzell received funding from SSHRC.

    – ref. Thanks to social media platforms, election interference is more insidious and pervasive than ever – https://theconversation.com/thanks-to-social-media-platforms-election-interference-is-more-insidious-and-pervasive-than-ever-251764

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Stone tool discovery in China shows people in East Asia were innovating during the Middle Paleolithic, like in Europe and Middle East

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ben Marwick, Professor of Archaeology, University of Washington

    The artifacts found at Longtan, southwest China, were as old as 60,000 years. Qijun Ruan

    New technologies today often involve electronic devices that are smaller and smarter than before. During the Middle Paleolithic, when Neanderthals were modern humans’ neighbors, new technologies meant something quite different: new kinds of stone tools that were smaller but could be used for many tasks and lasted for a long time.

    Archaeologists like me are interested in the Middle Paleolithic – a period spanning 250,000 to 30,000 years ago – because it includes the first appearance of our species, our arrival into many parts of the world for the first time, and our invention of many new kinds of stone tools.

    Illustration of a typical Quina scraper and related tools. The toolmaker would flake pieces of stone off the core to carefully shape the Quina scraper.
    Pei-Yuan Xiao

    In our study just published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, a team of international collaborators and I describe our discovery in China of the first complete example of a Middle Paleolithic technology previously seen only in Europe and the Middle East.

    Archaeologists have thought that ancient people in East Asia completely skipped the Middle Paleolithic. Our discovery challenges the long-standing notion that while ancient people in Europe and Africa were inventing new tools during this period, people of East Asia stuck to only the most basic tools that remained unchanged for thousands of years.

    The Quina tool kit from Longtan. (A–D) Quina scrapers. (E–G) Quina cores. (H-J) Resharpening flakes showing Quina retouch at the near end of the top face. (K) Small tool made on resharpening flake.
    Hao Li

    Quina scrapers helped hunters process kills

    The tool we’ve identified is called a Quina scraper. This type of stone tool is well known from archaeological sites in Europe and the Middle East.

    Quina scrapers are typically quite thick and asymmetrical, with a broad and sharp working edge that shows clear signs of being used and resharpened multiple times. This shape results in durable cutting edges, ideal for long cycles of use followed by resharpening.

    People used Quina scrapers to scrape and cut soft materials, such as meat and animal skins, and medium-hard materials, such as wood. We know this from tiny scratches and chips on the scrapers that match traces caused by working these materials in experiments using contemporary stone tools.

    European archaeologists believe that Quina scrapers were invented to meet the needs of highly mobile hunters living in cool and dry climates. These hunters were focused on seasonal migratory prey such as reindeer, giant deer, horse and bison. Quina scrapers would have helped them process their kills into food and other resources – for example, to extract marrow.

    A. Map showing the location of the discovery of the Quina tool kit in China, at the southern margin of the Hengduan Mountains of the Tibetan Plateau. B. View of the landscape showing the Longtan archaeological site.
    Hao Li, CC BY-ND

    First find of a Quina tool in East Asia

    Our team, led by Hao Li of the Institute of Tibetan Plateau Research and Qijun Ruan of the Yunnan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, excavated Quina scrapers and related stone tools from the Longtan archaeological site in southwest China.

    Bo Li collects samples from Longtan for luminescence dating at his laboratory at the University of Wollongong.
    Qijun Ruan

    Our colleague Bo Li at the University of Wollongong used optical luminescence dating methods on the layers of earth that contained the artifacts. This technique can identify how much time has passed since each individual sand grain was last exposed to the Sun. Dating many individual grains in a sample is important because tree roots, insects or other animals can mix younger sediments down into older ones.

    After we identified and removed intrusive younger grains, we found the layers containing the artifacts were 50,000 to 60,000 years old. This is roughly the same time Quina scrapers were being used in Europe at Neanderthal sites.

    Keliang Zhao from China’s Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology looked at pollen grains from the Longtan excavations. He found that the Middle Paleolithic people of Longtan lived in a relatively open forest-grassland environment and a dry and cool climate. This environment is similar to that of Quina sites in Europe.

    Davide Delpiano, Marco Peresani and Marie-Hélène Moncel, experts on European Middle Paleolithic tools, joined our team to help with the comparison of the Chinese and European specimens and confirm their similarities.

    Hélène Monod, from Universidad Rovira i Virgili in Spain, looked at our Quina scrapers under the microscope and found traces on them from scraping and scratching bones, antlers and wood. She also found polish from using the tools on meat, hides and soft plants.

    Who lived in East Asia during this period?

    Our new discovery of Quina scrapers joins another recent find of a different kind of Middle Paleolithic technology in East Asia: Levallois tools from Guanyindong Cave in Guizhou Province in south-central China. Levallois tools result from a distinctive multistep sequence that efficiently produces lots of useful cutting tools, with minimal wasted stone. Taken together, these two finds make a strong case that Middle Paleolithic technologies were present in East Asia.

    But why are we only just finding this Quina tool kit now, when it has been known in Europe for such a long time?

    One reason is that archaeologists have been looking in Europe for longer than almost anywhere else in the world. Another reason Middle Paleolithic evidence appears rare in East Asia is because what now seem to be less typical variations of the Quina tool kit previously found in China had been overlooked, likely due to archaeologists’ narrow definitions based on European examples.

    The Quina tools at Longtan are among the earliest artifacts from that site, which makes it hard for researchers to determine the origins of this new technology. Was it introduced by visitors from Europe? Or did local people in East Asia independently invent it?

    The research team shows off the Longtan artifacts.
    Hao Li

    To answer these questions, we hope to find more Quina scrapers at sites with deeper – meaning older – layers than Longtan. If older layers hold what look like the remnants of experiments in stone toolmaking that would eventually result in Quina tools, it suggests Quina tools were invented locally. If deeper layers have dissimilar tools, that suggests Quina technology was introduced from a neighboring group.

    We also hope future work will reveal who made these tools. Our excavations at Longtan did not find any human bone or DNA that could help us identify the toolmakers.

    During the Middle Paleolithic, there were multiple human species that could make tools like this. It could have been modern humans like us. But it could also have been Neanderthals. Considering that the Quina technology in Europe is directly associated with Neanderthals, this seems likely. But it could also have been Denisovans, an extinct species similar to modern humans found during this time in Siberia, the Tibetan Plateau and Laos, or even a new human species that hasn’t been seen before.

    Whoever was making and using these Quina scrapers, they were able to be inventive and flexible with their technology, adapting to their changing environment.

    Ben Marwick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Stone tool discovery in China shows people in East Asia were innovating during the Middle Paleolithic, like in Europe and Middle East – https://theconversation.com/stone-tool-discovery-in-china-shows-people-in-east-asia-were-innovating-during-the-middle-paleolithic-like-in-europe-and-middle-east-252868

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Marine Le Pen’s victim narrative is already being constructed – but there are ways to stop her criminal conviction benefitting her

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aurelien Mondon, Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of Bath

    Marine Le Pen, figurehead of France’s Rassemblement National (RN), one of the most established far-right parties in Europe, has been found guilty of embezzling funds from the European parliament.

    During her time as an MEP between 2004 and 2017, Le Pen and her team paid party staff with funds that should have gone to European parliamentary aides. The ruling estimates that a total of €2.9 million (£2.4 million) in European parliament funds were involved in the crimes and that Le Pen personally embezzled €474,000 of that total.

    She has been sentenced to four years in prison, two of which would be electronic monitoring. She is also unlikely to see the inside of a cell for the other two years as she is appealing her conviction.

    More importantly, perhaps, is the fact that she has been banned from holding public office for five years. Crucially, the ban is to start immediately, meaning that even with an appeal, Le Pen is highly unlikely to be able to stand as a candidate in the next presidential election in 2027.

    For many in the RN, the court’s decision will be a major blow. The party appears to have lost the candidate they believed was on course for victory in 2027. However, others will no doubt see this as a chance to distance the party further from the Le Pen name, following the death of Marine Le Pen’s father Jean-Marie Le Pen earlier this year.

    This process has been in motion for some time. Jordan Bardella took over from Le Pen as president of the party in 2022 and has clearly been waiting and preparing for this eventuality. Allegations were first levelled at Le Pen many years ago and her crimes relate to her time as an MEP between 2004 and 2017. He has been the plan B option throughout her trial.

    Bardella led the RN to victory in the 2024 European election in France. He also managed to send a record number of parliamentarians to the National Assembly after French president Emmanuel Macron called a snap election just weeks later.

    This was, nevertheless, a somewhat disappointing outcome as many on the far right had started to imagine Bardella as prime minister. Since failing to meet this expectation, his leadership has come under more scrutiny. His reaction to Le Pen’s sidelining will be watched carefully.

    Playing the victim

    Overall, it is good news to see corruption being taken seriously and justice being served. However, Le Pen’s conviction comes after years of embezzlement which has allowed the far right to build its strength. All this has come on the back of a system it has vowed to destroy. As such, it feels like too little too late.

    Furthermore, this decision, and the fact that it is tied to the European Union, is likely to feed into typical far-right propaganda on the domestic stage. Le Pen and the party will play the victim, blaming Le Pen’s fate on a wide conspiracy organised by something akin to the deep state operating via Brussels.

    The deep levels of distrust in public institutions and mainstream politics are likely to play a role here. Le Pen will aim to paint the decision of an independent court as the political assassination of the “champion of the people”.

    She could become a martyr, turning her cause into a revolt against “the system”. Bardella has already said that Le Pen’s conviction amounted to the “execution” of democracy.

    Crucially, though, this outcome isn’t inevitable. Whether such a narrative takes hold is a choice that is very much in the hands of mainstream elite actors. Those who have a privileged access to shaping public discourse, such as journalists, politicians and experts will therefore play a key role.

    Instead of giving pride of place to Le Pen and the far right in a tempting sensationalising coverage, the mainstream media must turn to serious analysis. This would involve removing the focus from individuals and putting it on the wider issues at hand. That would lessen the potential for a narrative of victimisation to take hold.

    Beyond providing an accurate picture of the case itself, good coverage should predominantly focus on politics rather than on the spectacle the RN will inevitably try to construct as a diversion tactic. This would mean engaging seriously with what the RN actually proposes as a model of society: one that is not against the “elite” and for the people, but merely in favour of a different elite taking control at the head of a top-down authoritarian state.

    This would then allow voters to understand that the far right is not on their side, but on the side of power, wealth and hierarchies. Those who oppose such a takeover could go some way to fix the damage that has been done with carelessly associating these parties with “populism”.

    Finally, good coverage would also mean shifting the agenda away from the far right and its pet issues. Had politicians – left, right and centre – not continuously used the far right as a diversion from their own failures to tackle the many crises their countries face, the far right would not be as powerful as it seems.

    As opinion polls show, when people are asked what are their biggest concerns personally, issues core to the far right such as immigration are low. Instead, it is issues that would require radical measures to tackle economic and social insecurity which are prioritised.

    The far right offers nothing to address these – only division to make citizens powerless to fight back. Now that Le Pen is out of the picture, it is a good time to shift the agenda back to democracy and hope.

    Aurelien Mondon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Marine Le Pen’s victim narrative is already being constructed – but there are ways to stop her criminal conviction benefitting her – https://theconversation.com/marine-le-pens-victim-narrative-is-already-being-constructed-but-there-are-ways-to-stop-her-criminal-conviction-benefitting-her-253469

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Idarucizumab, levetiracetam, ustekinumab: how do drugs get their names and why are they so hard to pronounce?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Craig Russell, Lecturer, Pharmacy, Aston University

    Asier Romero/Shutterstock

    If you’ve ever tried discussing medicines with friends or family and found yourself stumbling over the pronunciation — or even resorting to snapping a photo of the medicine’s packaging to show your pharmacist, instead of remembering the name — you’ve probably wondered: where do drug names come from, and why can’t they be easier to remember?

    Occasionally, drug names are short and snappy. But more often, they seem more like something from Greek or Norse mythology. While these names may seem overwhelming at first, they’re chosen with purpose, not as a way for big pharma to show off.

    Naming a new drug can resemble watching a yacht race or an American football game for the first time — chaotic and confusing, with rules and a structure that only those involved truly understand. To the untrained eye, it might seem random, but there’s a method to the madness. So, how are these names chosen?

    Most drugs typically have three names: a chemical name, a generic name, and a brand name. Each serves a different purpose.

    An example of this is the branded drug Viagra. Its generic name is sildenafil and its chemical name is 5-[2-ethoxy-5-(4-methylpiperazin-1-ylsulfonyl)phenyl]-1-methyl-3-propyl-1,6-dihydro-7H-pyrazolo[4,3-d]pyrimidin-7-one.

    In this example, it is clear why the chemical name is not practical for everyday use. But why have a brand name and a generic name?

    The brand name is assigned by the pharmaceutical company that develops, patents and markets the medicine. These names are chosen to be catchy and easy to remember, helping in marketing and recognition. They are usually easy to pronounce.

    Once a patent expires, other manufacturers can market the same drug under a generic name, as long as it meets the same standards of quality, safety and effectiveness.

    To avoid confusion

    Generic names were introduced in the 1950s and are the official, non-proprietary names for the active drug. Each drug has only one generic name, which ensures clear communication and standardisation worldwide.

    Pharmaceutical companies must follow strict guidelines when naming drugs, which are set by the World Health Organization’s (WHO) International Non-proprietary Names system.

    In the US, the United States Adopted Names Council assigns generic drug names in collaboration with the WHO. This ensures that drugs with similar functions have similar-sounding names.

    Generic drug names often incorporate stems or suffixes that denote the drug’s mechanism of action, chemical structure or target receptor, and a prefix that differentiates it from drugs in the same family.

    This is why lots of drug names share the same ending. Examples include cholesterol medicines ending in -statin, Ace inhibitors for reducing blood pressure ending in -pril, monoclonal antibody drugs ending in -mab, and tyrosine kinase inhibitors (mainly used in cancer treatment) ending in -tinib.

    Despite all of this, there are still lots of drugs that are easy to mix up. Medicines that look or sound alike (known in the field as “Lasa medicines”) are a leading contributor to medication errors. So, recognising where there is risk is important.

    It is particularly important to consider the sound of the name and not just how it appears when written. Examples of Lasa medicines are Losec (omeprazole) and Lasix (furosemide), and Maprocin (ciprofloxacin) and Macrocin (erythromycin). To avoid confusion, prescriptions and labels include both the brand and generic names to help differentiate between similar-sounding medications.

    Patients should be educated about their medicines and how to use them, including the importance of checking the name and appearance of the medication before taking it.

    Craig Russell receives funding from BBSRC.

    – ref. Idarucizumab, levetiracetam, ustekinumab: how do drugs get their names and why are they so hard to pronounce? – https://theconversation.com/idarucizumab-levetiracetam-ustekinumab-how-do-drugs-get-their-names-and-why-are-they-so-hard-to-pronounce-252049

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Protein is being added to yoghurt, bread and even coffee – but is it really good for our health?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aisling Pigott, Lecturer, Dietetics, Cardiff Metropolitan University

    Not all of these protein-enhanced food products are healthy. MAYA Lab/ Shutterstock

    Protein intake dominates fitness advice. Whether you want to build muscle, improve your fitness or watch your weight, the common advice handed out by everyone from fitness influencers to doctors is that we need more protein.

    But while protein does play an essential role in maintaining our muscle mass and overall health, all this increased attention on the importance of protein in the media and fitness circles has sparked a surge in products marketed specifically for their protein content. Some chocolate bars, ice cream, pizza, coffee and even alcoholic beverages now market themselves as protein foods.

    But our enthusiasm for protein might have gone too far. While protein is certainly important for our health, most of us don’t need these protein-enhanced foods as a regular feature in our diet. Not to mention that this marketing may lead to a “halo effect,” where consumers mistakenly equate high protein content with overall nutritional value. This effect can lead to the perception of protein-rich foods being inherently nutritious – even though many may not be.

    Protein is essential for maintaining muscle mass and immune function.

    Nutrition guidelines recommend people aim to eat around 0.75g of protein per kilogram of body weight. But some evidence suggests this recommendation may be an underestimate – and that the recommendation should be around 1.2g-1.6g per kg of body weight per day

    There’s also a strong body of evidence that suggests the amount of protein we need changes depending on our health. For instance, people need to eat more protein when they’re recovering from an illness. Research also shows that older adults should be aiming for at least 1.2g per kg of body weight in order to combat age-related muscle loss.

    Athletes also need to eat a greater amount of protein to support their training and recovery. Moreover, with the rising popularity of weight-loss drugs, strategies increasingly emphasise protein intake to minimise muscle loss while losing weight.

    But just because protein is good for maintaining muscle mass, that doesn’t mean more is better. In fact, it seems that even when we consume large amounts of protein, only a some of this is actually used by the body.

    Most of us probably need a little more protein than current guidelines suggest, but less than is often promoted by wellness influencers on social media (with some even suggesting we need up to 3g of protein per kg of body weight).

    Ironically, the necessary amount of protein suggested by emerging evidence (1.2g-1.6g per kg of body weight per day) is close to what the average protein consumption already is in most western countries.

    It’s better to try and eat a bit of protein from a whole food source at each meal.
    Margouillat Photo/ Shutterstock

    Most people can probably benefit from being more protein aware – not about how much protein they’re consuming, but about the quality and frequency of their protein choices. Ideally, we should aim to consume small amounts of protein-rich foods more often during the day.

    Current evidence suggests around 20g-30g of protein (around a handful of a protein source) at each meal supports muscle maintenance alongside physical activity.

    In an ideal world, this protein would come from whole foods (such as nuts, seeds, milk, eggs and legumes). But fortified protein products may have their space as a quick and easy snack – especially for those who may struggle to eat this much protein at each meal. It’s important to eat these foods in moderation, however.

    Ultra-processed products

    Supermarkets are full of “protein-enhanced” products. But while these products may contain additional protein, they may also contain additional sugars or carbohydrates.

    For example, protein milk often contains double the protein of regular milk. It does this by removing water or adding dried milk.

    Protein bars are another example. But depending on the brand you choose, alongside their additional protein content they may also be high in sugar.

    Many protein-fortified products share another common trait: they fall into the category of ultra-processed foods. Ultra-processed foods are commercially made products that include ingredients you wouldn’t typically find in your own kitchen.

    Research shows regularly consuming ultra-processed foods is consistently linked with poorer health outcomes – such as cardiovascular diseases and diabetes. Current discussions around ultra-processed foods suggests uncertainty regarding whether it’s the processing itself, the poor nutritional quality of these foods or the combination of both of these factors that contribute to these negative health outcomes.

    Another issue with protein-enhanced products is that while they do indeed contain extra protein, some products may lack fibre, vitamins and essential minerals. A lack of fibre in modern diets is currently one of the biggest contributors to population-wide ill-health.

    All foods have their place within a balanced diet. But protein is only one component of overall nutritional health. The rise in protein-fortified foods as health foods is concerning.

    Protein-enhanced products are occasional foods that might support meeting protein intake, but they should not be mistaken for universally healthy foods. For people looking to reach their protein goals, choose a variety of protein sources, consider the role of convenience foods within the context of whole diet and think about other nutrients like fibre to really maximise health.

    Aisling Pigott receives funding from RCBC Wales (as part of Health Care Research Wales)

    – ref. Protein is being added to yoghurt, bread and even coffee – but is it really good for our health? – https://theconversation.com/protein-is-being-added-to-yoghurt-bread-and-even-coffee-but-is-it-really-good-for-our-health-252236

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Colombia’s fragile peace process in danger as guerrilla violence rises

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dale Pankhurst, PhD Candidate and Tutor in the School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen’s University Belfast

    Colombia has experienced an upsurge in political and criminal violence over the past few months. In late February, the National Liberation Army (ELN) leftist guerrilla insurgent group carried out four bombings in Cúcuta, a city on the border with Venezuela. Several people were left injured by the attacks, and 1,200 soldiers were subsequently deployed across the city.

    Then, in early March, dissidents from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) Marxist-Leninist rebel group captured 29 members of the security forces in the Cauca region, including a police lieutenant colonel and an army major. The renegade faction expressed anger at government efforts to eradicate 8,000 hectares of coca in the area.

    Colombia’s fragile peace process, in which the government has sought to bring the country’s multiple armed groups to the negotiating table, looks to be in danger. Some leftist insurgent groups remain active, while drug cartels and offshoots of Colombia’s former right-wing paramilitaries, such as the Clan del Golfo, continue to expand their influence.

    Colombia suffered Latin America’s longest-running insurgency. In the 1960s, Farc emerged with the goal of overthrowing the Colombian state and establishing a communist government.

    It wasn’t until the late 1990s, when the drug trade emerged as a funding source, that the Farc insurgency became a serious threat to Colombia’s government. Farc took over large parts of rural Colombia, forcing state control to retreat to the urban centres of regional towns and cities. By 2001, Farc was operating in the periphery of Colombia’s capital, Bogotá.

    At the same time, the Colombian security forces also battled other left-wing insurgent forces. These included the 19th of April Movement (M-19), the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) and the ELN, which is now Colombia’s largest active guerrilla insurgent group.

    In response to the revolutionary Marxist threat, anti-insurgent paramilitaries coalesced under the banner of the United Self-Defense Forces. These paramilitary groups both collaborated and conflicted with the state, before the vast majority disbanded through a government demobilisation programme between 2002 and 2006.

    It is estimated that the decades-long armed conflict in Colombia resulted in the deaths of over a quarter of a million people, with many more injured and displaced from their homes. Tens of thousands are still missing.

    The insurgency was officially brought to an end in 2016, when the Colombian government signed a peace agreement with Farc. The group was to be demobilised, victims of the conflict would receive justice, and the government promised significant investment in rural areas previously under Farc control.

    It also guaranteed seats for former Farc rebels in the Colombian Senate and House of Representatives for two terms, starting in 2018. In its new incarnation as a political party, Farc would then have to secure seats through engaging in elections.

    Despite the peace agreement and demobilisation programmes, there are a variety of armed groups across Colombia still intent on collapsing the peace process. The ELN, for example, has rejected every peace deal since its inception in 1964.

    It continues to carry out attacks and seeks to control territory throughout Colombia, particularly in regions where the drug trade proliferates. In 2019, the ELN carried out a suicide car bombing at the General Santander National Police Academy in Bogotá, killing 21 people as police cadets readied for their graduation ceremony.

    Several Farc fronts also rejected the 2016 peace agreement and formed their own dissident factions, including the so-called Central General Staff and the Segunda Marquetalia. Farc dissidents and the ELN have clashed over the years, but have both used neighbouring Venezuela as a launch pad to conduct attacks into Colombia.

    Demobilised Farc combatants face assassinations and threats from dissident rebel factions who view former militants that are now pro-peace as traitors. These threats may encourage some demobilised groups to rearm in the future.

    Alongside the growing insurgent threat, Colombia’s security forces are also dealing with neo-paramilitary factions which are, like the remaining dissident guerrillas, heavily involved in drug trafficking.

    Groups such as the Clan del Golfo seek to generate wealth and power through criminality while also attacking rebel groups such as the ELN and Farc dissidents. These neo-paramilitary groups have an estimated membership of 6,000 volunteers spread throughout Colombia.

    Establishing ‘total peace’

    Following the 2022 election of Colombia’s president, Gustavo Petro, a new peace strategy was announced that was designed to disarm and demobilise the remaining leftist insurgents, neo-paramilitary factions and organised crime cartels. Petro, himself a former M-19 guerrilla and the country’s first leftist president, sought to use his plan for “total peace” to end Colombia’s remaining violent campaigns.

    It was hoped that peace talks between Petro’s government and rebel factions may have produced better outcomes than previous attempts due to Petro’s left-wing politics and his history as a rebel combatant in the 1980s. However, attempts at establishing peace have repeatedly collapsed.

    The decision by the US president, Donald Trump, to cut foreign aid to Colombia has also heightened fears that groups such as the ELN will benefit as a result. The funding that has been slashed primarily focused on helping communities living in poverty and isolation as well as supporting anti-gang and pro-peace programmes.

    Government initiatives to secure peace continue to stall. But community organisations at a regional and local level have achieved success in transitioning demobilised combatants back into civilian life.

    Groups such as the Medellín-based Peace Classrooms Foundation have used the experiences of former paramilitary members and rebels to warn of the dangers of violence. These groups may hold the key to addressing some of the social injustices that encourage dissent and violence in Colombia.

    The continued violence in Colombia should remind anyone with an interest in wanting peace to succeed that the internal armed conflict is far from settled.

    Dale Pankhurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Colombia’s fragile peace process in danger as guerrilla violence rises – https://theconversation.com/colombias-fragile-peace-process-in-danger-as-guerrilla-violence-rises-252582

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Britons and Europeans really think about immigration – new analysis

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Kumar, Senior Research Fellow, ODI Global

    Shutterstock

    When we hear about immigration from politicians and media across Europe, the story is almost always negative. In some countries, this is old news. The UK tabloid press has printed thousands of anti-migrant articles over the last two decades. Anti-immigrant rhetoric has been a feature of Danish politics since the early 1990s. In contrast, Viktor Orban’s extreme, racist and Islamophobic rhetoric – adopted largely from 2015 – marks Hungary out as a relative newcomer.

    Across Europe, refugees and other migrants are routinely represented as a problem or “crisis”. It would be natural to assume, then, that the public feels the same way – that attitudes to immigration are negative, possibly worsening. Politicians routinely imply this when they say they must introduce strict immigration rules in response to public concerns.

    Opinion polls regularly show that the European public disapprove of the government’s handling of immigration and may see levels as too high. But long-term European Social Survey (ESS) data – the latest of which came out at the end of 2024 – shows positive trends.

    Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.

    Sign up for our weekly politics newsletter, delivered every Friday.

    At ODI Europe, my colleagues and I have been studying public attitudes and political narratives around migration across Europe for five years. Our analysis has found that, compared to 20 years ago, more Europeans (in many, but not all countries) feel immigration makes their country a better place to live.

    Positive attitudes have particularly increased in Ireland, the UK, Norway, Spain, the Netherlands, Belgium and Switzerland. Similar positive trends emerge when the public is asked about the economic and cultural impacts of immigration.

    The UK is among the countries with the least anti-immigration views in Europe. While in 2002-03 only 27% of the British public felt immigration had a positive impact on the economy, this has jumped to 66% in 2023-24. However, it is a drop from the 69% who felt immigration had a positive economic impact in the previous survey round (2020-22).

    The UK also topped the table in the last World Values Survey as a country that is highly accepting of immigration and particularly welcoming of the cultural diversity it brings.



    Read more:
    The UK now ranks as one of the most socially liberal countries in Europe – new research

    The Migration Observatory finds that a majority of the British public favours making immigration easier for workers coming into the NHS, care work and other jobs where there are shortages.

    Researchers from the think tank British Future have found that most of the public would prefer current levels of international student migration to stay the same or increase. International students currently make up 40% of net migration to the country.

    Why the differences?

    The disparity between what we hear about public attitudes and what the data actually shows merits some explanation.

    We know that people’s attitudes on migration are largely stable, based on deeply held values and mainly formed when young. People’s attitudes are relatively slow to change. Generational change is likely key to explaining the long-term positive trends in this area. On the other hand, the salience of immigration – whether the public see immigration as a top issue of concern – can fluctuate dramatically, driven by media attention and political narratives.

    This sounds incongruous given the rise of the far right in some European countries. However, we know that austerity policies, economic insecurity and economic decline are key factors driving the far-right vote.

    Researchers have also uncovered a “reverse backlash” effect. This is where greater success of populist radical right parties is actually accompanied by more citizens reporting positive attitudes on immigration, specifically because they want to distance themselves from radical right views.

    Negative trends

    What does stand out in the latest round of ESS data is that more negative trends are emerging across multiple countries simultaneously. This is most notable in Ireland, the UK, the Netherlands and Poland, but also in Iceland and France.

    In Ireland, there is a substantial ten percentage point fall from the previous survey round (2020-22) in respondents reporting that immigration makes their country a better place to live. The UK sees a five percentage point fall (from 68% to 63%) on the same question – still a significant positive majority compared to only 17% who feel immigration makes the UK a worse place to live – but a notable shift nonetheless.

    This could be a temporary fluctuation, like the kind seen in Sweden and Germany, between 2018-19 and 2020-22. Both countries took in high numbers of refugees during Europe’s so-called “refugee crisis”, which may have led to an uptick of concern around the impact of immigration. However, these fluctuations can be minor and short-lived.

    Another possibility is that we are finally seeing public attitudes shift in line with the more hostile, anti-immigrant environment that has been nurtured by politicians and media. This could be the start of another generational shift – possibly a reflection of the fact that some far-right groups are proving to be particularly popular with younger voters.

    These dips may prove temporary – if not, we risk squandering the public good of a positive European public precisely at a time when Europe needs immigration the most.

    Claire Kumar via ODI Global – has received funding from IKEA Foundation for this research work.

    – ref. What Britons and Europeans really think about immigration – new analysis – https://theconversation.com/what-britons-and-europeans-really-think-about-immigration-new-analysis-252268

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Looking for a job? Understanding how you make career decisions can help

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Julia Yates, Professor of Organisational Psychology, City St George’s, University of London

    Mix and Match Studio/Shutterstock

    If you’re getting ready to leave school or university and are trying to figure out your future career, you may well have been given the advice to start with some self-exploration. This means thinking about what you are like as a person and what you want from a job.

    After this, you can identify a short list of possible options, research them in depth, and make a rational choice to pursue the one that best meets your needs. Once you have made a decision, then you can start applying for jobs.

    But in my personal and professional experience as a career coach and researcher, this traditional approach to career choice is rarely how it works in practice. This is a normative model, meaning it shows us how decisions ought to be made and assumes that we are all completely logical, rational decision-makers.

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:

    In practice, we know that people rarely make decisions logically and rationally, particularly when it comes to complex and significant decisions such as choosing a career path.

    And while normative models can, in theory, help us to make better decisions, we know that normative models are only useful in practice if they are somewhat aligned with people’s natural instincts.

    Figuring it out

    I interviewed 40 recent graduates who are currently working. I asked them to think back to a time when they had no clue what they wanted to do. They talked me through how they went from having no idea at all about their future path to their current employment.

    The graduates had studied different subjects and were now working in a wide range of positions and industries, but their career decision-making stories followed a surprisingly similar trajectory. Rather than considering what range of jobs might suit them, they started with a single appealing career idea.

    Considering one occupation at a time reduces the amount of brain power required: it’s much easier to decide yes or no to a single option than to compare the pros and cons of a handful.

    This approach also helps to allay career anxiety, as it allows people to do some fairly in-depth research before they commit. It downplays the significance of the first job they take, so they feel that it doesn’t really matter if they get it wrong and don’t enjoy the job after working there a while.

    If this analysis suggested that the job seemed suitable enough, they would next do some in-depth research, often by actually applying for jobs. If not, they would go back and find another occupation to consider.

    The application process can provide more information about a career.
    Zivica Kerkez/Shutterstock

    Through the application process they would learn more about the culture and the people within the sector and they would get some external feedback on whether their skills were a good match for the job (in the form of job offer or a rejection, for example).

    Summaya, one of the graduates I spoke to, is now a recruitment consultant. “I studied psychology at university … I knew from the beginning that I didn’t want to go into psychology as a career, but I quite liked the idea of understanding people,” she said.

    She explained that she decided to look into careers in HR, “because it’s quite well paid and obviously it’s not really psychology, but there are sort of hints of psychology within it”. Summaya found that she could get a job in recruitment with no need for additional qualifications beyond her degree. She said:

    The moment I decided was probably when I applied to my current company, and I had my first interview with them and they explained the job to me. Before that point, I had no idea really … I think, at that moment where I kind of understood, and I was like, oh, I think I’d actually really like doing this job.

    Bound by experience

    This process – considering one career option at a time and using the application process as a way to find out more – capitalises on a gut instinct to identify one occupation from thousands, but relies on rational logic to make a final choice. The process of introspection takes place within the much easier, bounded context of one particular occupation. This helps make the whole process of choosing a career less demanding.

    This approach has a couple of key limitations. First, if you’re young, your available options are constrained by your experiences. While some students might have been introduced to a wide range of career ideas, others, because their life experiences have been more limited, have a much narrower pool of options to choose from.

    And while the apply-and-decide approach makes some logical sense, in practice it can lead to graduates devolving the responsibility of their career choice to recruiters.

    Understanding this process can help young people make better career choices. It might prompt you to get more experience in the workplace, to broaden your horizons and to develop a realistic idea of different roles. It might help you to take a bit more ownership of the decision. Applying for a job may be a good way to find out more, but leaving the choice in the hands of the recruiters is risky.

    We can downplay the significance of a first job. This generation of young people are going to be working for a long time. There’s no harm in trying a few things out before you make a longer-term commitment.

    Julia Yates does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Looking for a job? Understanding how you make career decisions can help – https://theconversation.com/looking-for-a-job-understanding-how-you-make-career-decisions-can-help-247408

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Beijing plans to bounce back against Trump’s tariffs

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chee Meng Tan, Assistant Professor of Business Economics, University of Nottingham

    China’s president Xi Jinping recently held a meeting with 40 leaders of multinational companies, including BMW and AstraZeneca.

    In contrast to Donald Trump’s rhetoric, Xi told the top level executives that globalisation was not going away. Xi is attempting to boost foreign investment in China, which has dropped in the last few years, and build new relationships that will offset Trump’s tariffs on many Chinese goods.

    In the March 28 meeting, Xi “vowed to improve market access” and assured corporate leaders that “lines of communication” between them and the Chinese government are open.

    Xi is hoping to build on an anti-Trump bounce and inspire businesses to back Beijing as some signs emerged that China’s economy was doing a little better than expected in early 2025. Industrial production went up by 5.9% in January and February. Credit growth, which measures the amount of loans banks give out, also appears to be picking up, suggesting that businesses might be growing in China.

    Retail sales, which are a major economic marker indicating consumer spending, has risen by up to 4% in January and February this year, compared to last year.

    Beijing is also willing to create further stimulus packages to sustain China’s economic growth, which might lift consumer confidence further.

    But this is hampered by a real estate crisis that began in 2021. What followed was an already high local government debt that was exacerbated by the property crisis, and high youth unemployment that existed since 2023.

    The big question then is what are the factors that could lead to a more buoyant outlook in China’s economic fortunes?

    Beijing’s policy resolve

    According to a Bloomberg report, China has traditionally relied on cheap loans and subsidies to boost economic sectors in infrastructure, manufacturing, and the property market. However, those times are over.

    The problem is China has produced more goods to sell than people are willing to buy. In the past, Beijing relied on the west to purchase its products, but with rising protectionism and looming tariffs stemming from a Donald Trump-led US, US consumption of Chinese goods is likely to fall.

    And if another key market in the form of the EU were to take a cue from Trump’s economic playbook and impose more tariffs on China, then Chinese hope for sales in the west for economic growth may not materialise.

    Beijing’s surest way of boosting sales is through domestic consumption. This isn’t easy as China’s domestic spending remains relatively low at 40% of the country’s GDP, which is about 20% lower than the global average. And if Beijing wants cautious consumers to spend amid a relatively weak economic outlook, it needs to do more to raise consumer confidence.

    Although China did introduce a stimulus package in September 2024, it has resolved to do more. In an early March 2025 speech in the Chinese parliament, Chinese premier Li Qiang promised a “special action plan” to vigorously raise domestic consumption for 2025. Several weeks later Li reiterated in the China Development Forum that Beijing would roll out more stimulus packages when the need arose.

    These assurances are likely to have helped improve market sentiment, and the fact that China’s GDP growth target was also set at an ambitious level of around 5%, might signal Beijing’s confidence and resolve that the economy will improve.

    China’s AI revolution

    In the past, China was considered a copycat nation known for manufacturing shanzai, or fake and pirated products. This difficulty in innovating and reliance on the designs of others largely lay with an education system steeped in rote learning, and a top-down culture with a conformist approach.

    This is why experts thought China would struggle when the US decided to introduce restrictions on Chinese access semiconductor and AI technologies. However, despite these restrictions, China has managed to develop a highly capable AI model of its own in the form of DeepSeek, which was unveiled early this year, and immediately boosted China’s image as an innovator.

    Unlike other AI models, DeepSeek was apparently made at a fraction of the cost of other traditional AI models such as ChatGPT, and may have a more efficient coding scheme that allows for quicker problem solving. This has prompted Donald Trump to coin DeepSeek’s development as a wake-up call for the US tech industry.

    Many AI startups in China are now revamping their business models to compete with DeepSeek, following widespread adoption of the latter’s technology. As the AI revolution in China could potentially reduce costs and thereby boost efficiency in the financial sector.

    Following Trump’s return to the Oval Office, investors across the globe have been trying to reduce their reliance on the US by looking for investment opportunities elsewhere. This isn’t entirely surprising given Trump’s knack for the unpredictable, and how new US tariffs have been applied to a host of US allies such as Mexico, Canada, and the European Union.

    While Trump is striking an increasingly protectionist tone, China is taking the opposite approach. Trump’s penchant for tariffs and disregard for the economic interest of US allies may mean Beijing might not need to do too much to attract more nations and businesses to consider turning towards Chinese markets.

    Chee Meng Tan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Beijing plans to bounce back against Trump’s tariffs – https://theconversation.com/how-beijing-plans-to-bounce-back-against-trumps-tariffs-253086

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Inner London residents told me their food waste problems – composting definitely isn’t the answer

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sayed Elhoushy, Senior Lecturer in Marketing, Queen Mary University of London

    “It’s always frustrated me that we can’t compost here – even though I get why. Tower blocks just aren’t built for it,” said Alexandra, a 42-year-old Tower Hamlets resident, living on the ninth floor. She gestures toward the tall buildings in her neighbourhood. Her frustration is shared by many, where food waste collection from blocks of flats remains a challenge.

    Tower Hamlets in east London is England’s most densely populated borough, with more than 15,000 people per square kilometre. More than 81% of its residents live in high-rise flats, and 30% of its rubbish is food waste.

    For residents like Alexandra, the lack of options is disappointing. “When I first moved here, I looked into food waste disposal, but there weren’t many options for people in flats,” she says. Unfortunately, her experience reflects a wider problem.

    According to the UK waste charity Wrap, nearly a quarter of the UK’s food production is wasted each year – that’s over 6.4 million tonnes of edible food worth £21 billion, enough to feed the country for nearly three months. Households contribute approximately 60% of this waste, which not only costs money but also fuels climate change.

    London authorities have introduced reduction and recycling plans (RRPs) to tackle food waste and increase recycling. These efforts align with the mayor’s London-wide strategy to halve food waste by 2030. While these targets are ambitious, their implementation in high-rise boroughs such as Tower Hamlets remains a challenge.

    The communal bins overflowing with rubbish and recycling waste in London Borough of Tower Hamlets, April 2024.
    I Wei Huang/Shutterstock

    For many residents, food waste is both an environmental issue and a logistical nightmare. “We tried compost bins in our building, but rats and foxes loved them more than we did,” laughed Aisha, a resident I interviewed at a community centre in March 2023.

    Limited space makes traditional composting methods such as wormeries (small-scale systems where worms break down organic waste into compost) unfeasible. The people I interviewed explained that community-led schemes often struggle due to limited participation in the first place, contamination from improper waste disposal and pest control issues including attracting rats and foxes.

    In my work as a sustainability marketing researcher, I’m investigating alternatives and researching how best to maintain sustainable consumer behaviour.

    Co-creation – in this case, designing solutions with the residents trying to tackle food waste – is so important, but often overlooked. By talking directly to the people involved, a plan will end up being much more effective because people trust it more and engage with it more willingly.

    In 2023, I led a six-month behaviour change research project with East London Garden Society, a community-driven initiative focused on promoting gardening and environmental sustainability in east London. I interviewed 15 Tower Hamlets residents, listened to numerous community meetings and analysed community discussions to uncover the real barriers to food waste reduction.

    My findings were clear: residents don’t just want tips – they want a voice.

    As 64-year-old Maryam put it: “I really appreciate that you’re taking a resident-first approach, gathering feedback and understanding experiences. That’s how you’ll find what truly works.”

    By placing residents at the centre, we can ensure that solutions are built to last. But co-creation alone is not enough – residents need systematic changes, such as better infrastructure.

    The role of technology

    A 2024 study shows how technology is reshaping the food system from production to consumption. Apps such as Olio help consumers share surplus food and reduce waste.

    Some composting machines or food waste processors are compact enough for household kitchens, requiring no garden. Residents can use the resulting compost to grow small plants on their balconies or add it to their green waste bin – this process is made easier by the reduction in volume.

    Larger compost machines can turn organic food waste into nutrient-rich soil in just 24 hours, reducing its volume by up to 80% – while these can handle organic waste from multiple high-rise buildings, they need to be installed in a bigger shared community space.

    In Tower Hamlets, where space is limited, compact technology offers a convenient solution. But, as we found in our research, it’s not without its challenges.

    As Frank, a man who lives on a top-floor flat, explained: “This machine is much quicker than traditional composting, but what about the cost and the electricity it uses?” While smart technologies offer convenience, some Tower Hamlets residents raised concerns about energy consumption and costs – so there is a trade-off between ease and energy efficiency.



    Read more:
    Most food waste happens at home – new research reveals the best ways to reduce it

    Surprisingly, composting technology, often seen as the eco-friendly solution, may be worsening the food waste crisis. As a marketing expert, I spoke directly with many consumers at Tower Hamlets.

    One told me that composting makes them feel “less guilty” about throwing out food. When composting serves as a licence to waste, it can increase the amount of food that is discarded.

    Making composting easy diverts waste from landfills, but that doesn’t address root causes including simply buying too much food in the first place. To reduce food waste, technology must promote behavioural change such as better meal planning and waste monitoring. Knowing how much food waste they produce, compared to their neighbours, can encourage people to change their behaviour.

    So many cities face the same problems, with densely populated communities living in flats without gardens. Without co-creating practical solutions with residents, achieving waste reduction goals will be tough.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Sayed Elhoushy received funding from the East London Garden Society (£3000) for the Food Waste Pilot Project (#10239808) (Nov 1, 2022 – Feb 28, 2023) and from the SBM Small Grant Fund (£2,500) (Apr 3 – Jul 14, 2023).

    – ref. Inner London residents told me their food waste problems – composting definitely isn’t the answer – https://theconversation.com/inner-london-residents-told-me-their-food-waste-problems-composting-definitely-isnt-the-answer-250160

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a new wave of fighter jets could transform aerial combat

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Bacci, Senior Research Fellow, Oxford Thermofluids Laboratory, University of Oxford

    The most advanced fighter jets in the world are known as “fifth generation”. They contain technologies developed in the first part of the 21st century. Examples of fifth generation fighter jets include America’s F-35 Lightning II and F-22 Raptor, China’s Chengdu J-20 and Russia’s Sukhoi SU-57.

    Now, however, nations are moving ahead with the sixth generation of combat jets. In the past few months, China has flown its J36 and J50 prototype jets. Meanwhile, the US has selected Boeing to build a new fighter aircraft called the F-47.

    As with previous generations, the sixth will incorporate major advances in aircraft design, onboard electronics (avionics) and weapon systems.

    But how will the new generation of jets stand out from the previous one? Future combat jets will not see dramatic increases in maximum speed, nor in flight performance. Instead, the true innovations will be in how these systems operate and achieve dominance in aerial combat.

    Like the fifth generation, the sixth will be dominated by stealth technology. This helps fighters jets to reduce their chances of being detected by infrared and radar sensors, to the point that when their signatures are eventually picked up, the opponent has no time to act.

    Stealth is achieved through particular shapes of airframe (such as diamond shapes) and coatings on the aircraft – called radar absorbing materials. The airframe is the fundamental structural framework of an aircraft, encompassing the fuselage, wings, tail assembly and landing gear.

    The diamond-like shapes that already characterise fifth generation jets are likely to remain in the upcoming generation of fighter, but they will evolve.

    A common feature we’re likely to see is the reduction or complete removal of vertical tails at the back of the aircraft and their control surfaces. In current aircraft, these tails provide directional stability and control in flight, allowing the aircraft to maintain its course and manoeuvre.

    However, sixth generation jets could achieve this control with the help of thrust vectoring – the ability to manipulate the direction of engines and therefore the direction of thrust (the force that moves the jet through the air).

    The role of vertical tails could also be partially replaced by devices called fluidic actuators. These apply forces to the the wing by blowing high speed and high pressure air on different parts of it.

    F-35 Lightning II fighter aircraft. Vertical tails can be seen at the rear of this fifth generation jet.
    US Air Force / Paul Holcomb

    The removal of the vertical tails would contribute to the fighter’s stealth. The new generation of fighters is also likely to see the use of novel radar absorbing materials with advanced capabilities.

    We’ll see the introduction of what are known as adaptive cycle engines on sixth generation fighters. These engines will feature what’s known as a three stream design, which refers to the airstreams blowing through the engine. Current jets have two airstreams: one that passes through the core of the engine, and another that bypasses the core.

    The development of a third stream provides an extra source of air flow to increase the engine’s fuel efficiency and performance. This will allow both the capability to cruise efficiently at supersonic speed and deliver a high thrust during combat.

    It is likely that China and the US will build two separate fighters with different airframes. One will have a bigger airframe, designed for use in an area like the Pacific Ocean region. Here, the ability to fly further and carry a heavier payload will be key, because of the distances involved. Airframes designed for this region will therefore be larger.

    Another fighter jet carrying a smaller airframe will be designed for use in areas such as Europe where agility and manoeuvrability will be more important.

    The next wave of jets will have a system in the cockpit that gathers lots of information from other aircraft, ground surveillance stations and satellites. It would then integrate this data to give an enhanced situational awareness to the pilot. This system would also able to actively jam enemy sensors.

    Another key feature will be the deployment of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (Ucavs), a form of drone aircraft. The piloted fighter jet would be able to control a variety of Ucavs, ranging from loyal wingmen to cheaper, unpiloted fighter jets that will assist the mission, including protecting the piloted fighter.

    This will all be the responsibility of something called the advanced digital cockpit, a software-driven system that will use virtual reality and allow the pilot to effectively become a battle manager. Artificial intelligence (AI) will be a key feature of the support systems for the drones. This will allow them to be controlled with complete autonomy. The pilot will assign the main task – such as, “attack that enemy jet in that sector” – and the system will carry out the mission without any further input.

    Another advancement will be the weapon systems, with the adoption of missiles that not only will be capable of travelling at hypersonic speeds, but will also incorporate stealth features. This will further reduce the reaction times of enemy forces. Directed energy weapons systems, such as laser weapons, could potentially appear in later stages, as this technology is under study.

    Under America’s sixth generation fighter programme, the US Navy is working on a separate jet called the F/A-XX, complementing the F-47.

    The UK, Italy and Japan are also working on a jet project known as the global combat air programme (GCAP). This will replace the Eurofighter Typhoon in service with the UK and Italy and the Mitsubishi F-2 in service with Japan.

    Germany, Spain and France are working on a fighter programme called the future combat air system (FCAS). This could supersede Germany and Spain’s Typhoons and France’s Rafale.

    The path for sixth generation fighter jets seems to have already been traced, but uncertainties remain. The feasibility of some of the characteristics described and development times and costs are not yet well defined. This interval of time was more than ten years for fifth generation fighter jets – and the sixth is going to be far more complex in terms of requirements and capability.

    A new generation of fighter jet is expected to remain on active duty for something like 30 years. But warfare across the world evolves rapidly. It is unclear whether the design requirements we are fixing today remain relevant over the coming years.

    David Bacci is affiliated with Cranfeild Defence & Security (CRanfield University) – Visiting Research Fellow

    – ref. How a new wave of fighter jets could transform aerial combat – https://theconversation.com/how-a-new-wave-of-fighter-jets-could-transform-aerial-combat-252949

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The lore of ‘lore’ – how fandoms created an online phenomenon from an Old English word

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate McNicholas Smith, Lecturer in Television Theory, University of Westminster

    steved_np3/Shutterstock

    The term “lore” has, well, a whole lot of lore. Now essential online slang, the word can be traced back to Old English, where it referred primarily to learning, as in the act of teaching or being taught.

    Over time, lore came to be associated with more informal knowledge, passed on through word of mouth. The term “folklore,” the “lore of the people”, was coined by the British writer William J. Thoms in 1846. As a result, lore largely slipped out of common usage. By 2024, however, it had made the shortlist for the Oxford word of the year (the title was taken by “brainrot”).

    So, how did “lore” come to hold such contemporary relevance? And what does it mean today? The answer can be found, at least in part, in fandom, where “lore” is used to refer to the body of knowledge that exists around a person, fictional universe or character.

    Fandom has long facilitated deep dives into media in which fans analyse, discuss and track their favourite storylines and character arcs. This has been particularly true of the science fiction and fantasy genres, due to their complex and expansive narrative universes.

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:

    In 1969, science fiction fan and writer Bjo Trimble self-published the first edition of Star Trek Concordance. It was an unofficial reference book for the television series featuring timelines, plot summaries, character biographies and more – information that might now be described as Star Trek lore.

    Since then, fans of Star Trek and countless other television shows have continued to create zines, write fan fiction, organise conventions and develop vast and ongoing archives of fan-works. Through such practices, fans develop what media expert Henry Jenkins has described as collective intelligence, as each fan contributes small parts of knowledge to a whole – or, to the lore.

    Fandom has, of course, come a long way since the early days of Star Trek. Fan activities have now moved online, where their reach and visibility has significantly increased. Television has changed too, shifting towards the narrative complexity and innovation made possible, in part, by the active engagements of fandoms.

    Where fandom was once a niche (and often derided) activity, in recent years fan culture has gone mainstream. From direct communication between fans and producers to the creative possibilities of transmedia storytelling (where productions circulate official content across platforms in ways that echo fan-ish expansions of narrative worlds) media is increasingly inviting audiences to participate in the investigating, cataloguing and circulating of lore.

    Pop lore – from K-pop to Gaylor Swift

    A powerful example of lore inspiring transmedia storytelling can be found in K-pop.
    Well known South Korean bands engage with their fans not only through their music, but also with “concepts” (themes that span styling, music and other media) and ever-expanding storytelling universes.

    Take, for example, mega-boyband BTS’s meta narrative of the Bangtan Universe. It’s a fictional alternate universe which spans music videos, webtoons (digital comics), short films, mobile games, books and more. This kind of cross-platform storytelling encourages BTS fans to piece together the “lore” of the respective universe.

    Storytelling is also central to the popularity of singer-songwriter Taylor Swift, described by Teen Vogue as “the queen of easter eggs”. These hidden messages and inter-textual references can be found in the star’s lyrics, videos, fashion, interviews and even manicures, and produce an expansive archive of Swift lore.

    A subsection of Swift lore is known as Gaylor – where fans collate “evidence” that they believe shows that Swift is queer. It is, in part, an example of the expansive possibilities of fandom for queer audiences. But it also speaks to the ethical tensions of fandom and parasocial relationships, as fan-created lore can develop into [invasive expectations](https://www.them.us/story/taylor-swift-end-of-gaylorism](https://www.them.us/story/taylor-swift-end-of-gaylorism) of celebrities.

    Dropping lore on TikTok

    As digital media has grown to become part of our daily lives, “lore” has grown too. Today it goes beyond fictional universes and celebrities to also include everyday people and their online stories.

    YouTube first invited users to “broadcast yourself” in 2005, and opportunities to do so have only expanded since then, notably with the rise of TikTok.



    Read more:
    YouTube was born from a failed dating site – 20 years on, the world’s biggest video platform faces new challenges

    On TikTok, some users tell stories about their lives and experiences, or their “lore”. In these short videos, lore is “dropped” (revealed) about notable events, defining experiences, relationships (such as ex-lore) and family stories (such as dad lore).

    These playful retellings remake real life through narrative conventions of heroism, romance and comic misadventure, while other videos offer ironic commentary on lore-dropping itself.

    There is at once authenticity, performance and play here. Stories are, in part, ephemeral, as lore comes and goes in the fast-paced flow of digital content. Circulating via hashtags, however, stories are connected, responded to and remade, facilitating digital intimacies.

    The circulation of lore is, at once, user generated and algorithmically curated. In the context of what researchers have described as the datalogical turn (where big data and adaptive algorithms become increasingly central to shaping and understanding society) and the rise of affective capitalism (in which feelings, desires and experiences are capitalised on for economic gain), personal lore also becomes valuable data to be commodified.

    Lore then, is an old word with a distinctly contemporary iteration. It’s representative of the ever-expanding convergences of digital media, identity and intimacy.

    Kate McNicholas Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The lore of ‘lore’ – how fandoms created an online phenomenon from an Old English word – https://theconversation.com/the-lore-of-lore-how-fandoms-created-an-online-phenomenon-from-an-old-english-word-252577

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Margot Robbie’s Wuthering Heights dress is inaccurate, but not because it’s white – an expert explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Danielle Mariann Dove, Surrey Future Fellow and Lecturer in English Literature, University of Surrey

    The tiered ‘polonaise’ style dress would have been popular with women like Cathy Earnshaw during the period the book was set. Wikimedia, CC BY

    The upcoming Wuthering Heights adaptation by Saltburn director Emerald Fennell has courted controversy since it was first announced, with Fennell’s choice of leading lady and man drawing internet critics.

    Playing tragic heroine Catherine Earnshaw is the 34-year-old blonde Margot Robbie, and as tortured Heathcliff will be fellow Aussie, the 27-year-old Jacob Elordi. If you’re familiar with Emily Brontë’s 1847 novel then you know the ages, vibes and looks are just off.

    Now online fans of the book are aghast in response to a series of leaked photographs of Margot Robbie wearing an elaborate white wedding gown.

    Some were quick to point out the historical inaccuracy of the wedding gown, while others argued that “the tradition of a white wedding dress wouldn’t have come around until after the story took place”.

    But is that really true? And what would Catherine Earnshaw have actually worn on her wedding day in the late-18th century?

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Most 18th-century brides would have probably worn their Sunday best on their wedding day. This was their finest day dress in the current fashion.

    While it may have been an expensive dress, it wouldn’t necessarily have been a purpose-made wedding gown – unless the bride was very wealthy. Significantly, and unlike most wedding dresses today, the gown would also have been worn again on other social occasions.

    Brontë tells us nothing about Cathy’s wedding clothes and very little about Cathy and Edgar Linton’s wedding day, which takes place in 1783. However, as the bride of a wealthy landowner she would likely have chosen to have a wedding gown specially made for the occasion in rich silk or satin.

    The dress would have been a testament to her new family’s social standing. It would likely have featured a tightly fitted bodice with a low, round neckline characteristic of the period, a sash, and close-fitting, three-quarter length sleeves with a frill.

    The wide skirts would have been open to reveal a longer petticoat underneath, or they might have been looped up with ribbons to form three layers in the popular “polonaise” style of the day.

    By contrast, the wedding dress that Margot Robbie has been pictured wearing is much more reminiscent of the silhouette in vogue in 1840.

    In fact, it appears to take direct inspiration from Queen Victoria’s wedding gown which she wore to marry Albert in February of that year – almost six decades after Cathy’s fictional wedding takes place. Like Queen Victoria’s wedding gown, Robbie’s features a similar off-the-shoulder neckline, short, puffed sleeves and a deep V-shaped bodice.

    A white dress?

    Queen Victoria is often credited with having started the trend for wearing a white wedding dress. But while she certainly helped to popularise the white gown in the 1840s, she was by no means the sole originator of the tradition. Women were married wearing white long before she chose to do so and they continued to marry wearing dresses of other colours long after.

    In 1875, for example, the magazine Beeton’s Young Englishwoman advised one of its readers who wrote in asking for bridal fashion advice, that a grey wedding dress of “Japanese silk would be pretty”, and suggested a silk gown of “pale blue or pale mauve” which “would be useful afterwards”.

    Contrary to popular belief that white wedding dresses were not in vogue until the Victorian period, white and silver were in fact the preferred colours for wedding gowns in the 18th century.

    The preference for a white or silver wedding dress over a coloured gown can be seen in Oliver Goldsmith’s 1768 comedy play, The Good Natur’d Man, when Garnet, a lady’s maid, tells the soon-to-be married Olivia: “I wish you could take the white and silver [gown] to be married in. It’s the worst luck in the world, in anything but white.”

    The historical inaccuracy of Robbie’s Wuthering Heights wedding dress stems not from its colour, then, but primarily from its problematic silhouette.

    Of course, historical accuracy is not necessarily the end goal for film directors. Rather, Robbie’s anachronistic wedding gown appears to exemplify a broader trend in historical drama (think Bridgerton) towards a kind of strategic inaccuracy, in which producers and costume designers prioritise experimentation over strict fidelity to period detail.

    For all we know, Fennell might have decided to set the adaptation around the time of the novel’s publication rather than its original late-18th and early-19th century setting. Even more intriguingly, she might be using the wedding dress to signal the adaptation’s more modern inflections.

    Robbie’s wedding dress and cathedral-length veil wouldn’t look out of place at a contemporary wedding. Basque, or drop waist, wedding dresses dominated New York bridal fashion week in October 2024 and are poised to become a major trend in 2025 having been adopted by celebrities such as actor Millie Bobby Brown and podcaster Alex Cooper. Perhaps Fennell’s Cathy is just extremely fashion forward.

    Danielle Mariann Dove does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Margot Robbie’s Wuthering Heights dress is inaccurate, but not because it’s white – an expert explains – https://theconversation.com/margot-robbies-wuthering-heights-dress-is-inaccurate-but-not-because-its-white-an-expert-explains-253461

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Elisapie’s Juno-winning album: Promoting Inuktitut through music

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Richard Compton, Professor, Department of Linguistics, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

    Singer Elisapie’s fourth album, Inuktitut, was nominated for adult alternative album of the year and album of the year at the 2025 Juno Awards, and won best adult alternative album at the Juno Awards Gala, March 29.

    The album features covers of 10 pop and classic rock songs, including the Rolling Stones’s “Wild Horses” and Metallica’s “The Unforgiven,” re-imagined in Inuktitut. Inuktitut is the first language of 33,790 Inuit in Canada, according to the 2021 Census.

    Elisapie’s nomination offers a good opportunity to reflect on the situation of Inuktitut and how creative work, including music, helps promote it.

    Our work touches on the inter-generational transmission of Inuktitut. We share perspectives as a Qallunaaq (non-Inuk) linguist (Richard) and as an Inuk school teacher (Sarah) in Nunavik, with Sarah’s personal experiences in the community highlighted.

    Together, we have co-taught courses for Inuit teachers in Puvirnituq and Ivujivik. We are also both affiliated with a research group focused on Indigenous education based at Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue.

    Elisapie’s ‘Isumagijunnaitaungituq’ (The Unforgiven)

    Music in Inuktitut

    Sarah notes that:

    I was amazed that [Elisapie] could make the long words in Inuktitut fit with the rhythm of the music; she did it so precisely. It took me back to the 1980s, when I was growing up. It would have been nice if songs like these had been interpreted back then. It’s been a long time coming, but it shows that nothing is impossible. The songs sound so natural in Inuktitut.

    On the day we talked about this story, Sarah remembered:

    I was at the Snow Festival yesterday [in Puvirnituq], and some of the teenagers knew all the words to her songs and were singing along. We didn’t have that when I was growing up.

    She remembers first seeing Elisapie sing in the early 1990s at one of the first snow festivals in Puvirnituq.

    Elisapie’s album has also sparked interest outside of Canada, with stories in such venues as Rolling Stone, Vogue and Le Monde.

    Beyond how Elisapie beautifully interprets the songs, creative choices like using throat singing on the first track, “Isumagijunnaitaungituq (The Unforgiven),” and stunning music videos showcasing life in the North brings the language to a wider audience.

    The album’s cover art features the word Inuktitut, ᐃᓄᒃᑎᑐᑦ, in syllabics — a writing system originally use for Cree and adapted to Inuktitut, where the individual symbols represent consonants and the way they point represents vowels.

    Elisapie’s ‘Taimangalimaaq’ (Time After Time)

    Diversity of the Inuit language

    The word Inuktitut itself means “like the Inuit,” and is the name for part of a wider language continuum spoken across the North American Arctic. This language continuum includes Iñupiaq in Alaska, Uummarmiutun, Sallirmiutun and Inuinnaqtun in the Western Canadian Arctic, Inuktitut in the Eastern Arctic, Inuttut in Labrador and Kalaallisut in Greenland.

    This abundance of names reflects a diversity of varieties, each with their own pronunciations and differences in grammar and vocabulary stretching across Inuit Nunangat, the Inuit homeland.

    Speakers in each community look to their Elders as models of how the language should be spoken. While this multiplicity of dialects poses challenges for translation and creating teaching materials, each variety marks local identity and links generations.

    This diversity also fascinates linguists, as each variety attests to a different way of organizing the unconscious rules of grammar in the human mind.

    For instance, Inuktitut has a rich system of tense markers on verbs, signalling events that just happened, happened earlier today, before today or long ago. Inuinnaqtun, to the west, lacks most of these tense markers, but instead allows more complex combinations of sounds.

    A role model for youth

    Sarah stresses the importance of Elisapie’s music for the language:

    It’s so impressive that people like Elisapie are doing such amazing things with the language. She grew up around the same time as me and when I was in school there were so few teaching materials in Inuktitut, and we focused more on speaking than reading and writing. Even if her main goal might not have been to promote the language, she’s doing it, because kids listen to her. More teenagers are willing to sing in Inuktitut now because they have role models like her and Beatrice Deer.

    Deer is an Inuk and Mohawk musician from Quaqtaq, Nunavik, who also sings in Inuktitut, as well as English and French.

    Indigenous language education rights

    In Canada, all levels of government have failed to provide adequate access to education in Indigenous languages, even in regions where Indigenous Peoples form the majority.

    In Nunavik, where Elisapie is from, 90 per cent of the population (12,590 out of 14,050) identifies as Inuit and 87 per cent (12,245 out of 14,050) report Inuktitut as their first language. And yet Inuktitut is only the primary language of instruction up until Grade 3.

    About promoting Inuktitut, Sarah says:

    We’re lucky that in most of the villages in Nunavik, the language is still strong. But it’s still concerning that some people have started speaking in English to their kids. What we really need to promote it is to have school in Inuktitut from kindergarten to the end of high school [secondary 5 in Québec]. That’s why a group of Inuit teachers, including me, visited Greenland to learn more about their education system. They’ve had schools in their language for almost 200 years. We just started in the ‘50s.

    While bilingualism may bring economic benefits, the lack of support for Indigenous languages often results in a situation where bilingualism robs children of the chance to fully develop in their first language.

    Right to education in Indigenous language

    In addition to violating Indigenous Peoples’ inherent right to get an education in their language (see the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples), current education policies also go against recommendations of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

    UNESCO recommends that Indigenous minority languages be taught as the primary language in school for the first six to eight years, as this has been shown to contribute to children’s well-being and self-esteem.

    Unfortunately, Canada’s official language laws continue to place the two colonial languages of English and French above Indigenous languages, particularly in education funding.



    Read more:
    Ancestral languages are essential to Indigenous identities in Canada

    New challenges have also emerged for maintaining and extending the domains in which Inuktitut is used. Once cut off from high-speed internet, new satellite technology has brought access to more Inuit communities, along with new economic opportunities.

    However, this connectivity also brings an avalanche of English content, from viral videos and streaming platforms to social networks and mobile games.

    Vital for promoting Inuktitut

    It is in this changing linguistic and media landscape where Inuktitut language and cultural production, like Elisapie’s album, are vital for promoting Inuktitut.

    Children and teenagers need content that speaks to them — things they see as new, fun, cool and representing their generation. This includes music, comic books, novels, video games and even Hockey Night in Canada in Inuktitut.

    So whether Elisapie’s music is being played in community radio stations, featured in an episode of CBC’s North of North or streamed as a music video on social media, it serves the added role of taking up a little more space for Inuktitut in people’s daily lives.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published on March 28, 2025. It clarifies Elisapie was nominated for two awards and won best adult alternative.

    Richard Compton receives funding in the form of research grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. He holds the Canada Research Chair in Transmission and Knowledge of the Inuit Language.

    Sarah Angiyou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Elisapie’s Juno-winning album: Promoting Inuktitut through music – https://theconversation.com/elisapies-juno-winning-album-promoting-inuktitut-through-music-251774

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Governments must ensure caregivers have support to keep doing their vital work

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Heather Aldersey, Professor and Canada Research Chair (Disability Inclusive Development), Queen’s University, Ontario

    People with disabilities and their families often have an even greater need for support over time, especially if a disability is progressive or family members experience their own health challenges. (Shutterstock)

    April 1 marks National Caregivers Day in Canada. The day is meant to recognize the carers who provide vital care and support to those in need.

    We all need care and support to navigate challenges in life. Help can come from formal support (paid professionals and government programs), and from natural support networks (family, friends and neighbours).

    People with disabilities and their families often have an even greater need for support over time, especially if a disability is progressive or family members experience their own health challenges due to aging.

    The Canadian Centre for Caregiving Excellence (CCCE) released its National Caregiving Strategy on Feb. 18, stating that caregiving is the next frontier in Canadian public policy. As the CCCE’s executive director, Liv Mendelsohn, said: “Millions of Canadians are navigating caregiving with minimal support, and it’s simply unacceptable.”

    This article’s co-author, Donna Thomson, is a caregiver, author and educator. She is the mother of two grown children, one who has severe cerebral palsy and medical complexity. Thomson also helped care for her mother who lived with dementia until she passed away in the summer of 2018 at the age of 96.

    Family caregivers often need support themselves in order to keep working both inside and outside of the home. Parents of adult children with developmental disabilities in Canada are hardly ever asked: “What do you do for your son or daughter that paid helpers cannot?” Even less often, that question might be followed by: “Wow, that’s a lot. Would you like some support to continue doing those things?”

    With a federal election on the horizon, Canadians can call on their governments to improve support for caregivers.
    (Shutterstock)

    Importance of natural caregivers

    Our research recognizes that both formal and informal supports are essential in enabling people with disabilities and their families to live their best lives. We want to understand how individuals, families, organizations and communities can best come together to get people with disabilities and their families the types of supports they need and want, when they need and want them.

    Over the course of our research, we conducted a document and literature review, alongside interviews and focus groups with people with disabilities, family members and formal disability support providers. We identified that family or friend caregivers often support a person they care for with a sense of love and commitment to a depth that is rare in formal support relationships.

    Unbound by professional obligations, safety standards or employer/funder priorities, these natural supporters can often be vocal advocates for the best interests of those they are supporting.

    However, sometimes finding and sustaining natural support in the community doesn’t come easily for people with disabilities and their families. In those instances, organizations and facilitators (formal supports), can help broker the creation and maintenance of natural support networks.

    Community organizations offering formal supports and supporting the creation and maintenance of natural supports can sometimes be beholden to funder obligations. This can limit the flexibility and adaptability required to best meet the needs of those they support.

    Additionally, organizations are often constrained by safety considerations, aversion to risk or the challenges posed by overly bureaucratic systems. Sometimes, this can mean the support provided to a person or family does not directly respond to what the individual or family needs. Even more frustrating is that waiting times can be so long to access formal supports that identified needs or priorities change in the meantime.

    Sometimes, finding and sustaining natural support in the community doesn’t come easily for people with disabilities and their families.
    (Shutterstock)

    CCCE’s caregiving strategy

    The CCCE strategy is a recognition that care work makes all other work possible. It echoes our research findings that both paid and unpaid caregivers need financial support as well as targeted programs and services.

    The strategy calls upon the Canadian government to make caregiving a priority while ensuring a sustainable care provider workforce.

    Supports are also a provincial issue. For example, in Ontario, the Ministry for Children, Community and Social Services has published a framework that offers a long-term vision for transforming developmental services so people with developmental disabilities fully participate in their communities and are supported to live their lives.

    Care and support can also be a gender issue, given that in Canada and around the world the majority of both formal and informal support is being provided by women and girls.

    Missing perspectives

    Our research also highlighted a notable gap in the research landscape. Research on natural support in Canada is often not explicit about or does not incorporate understandings of natural support from the perspectives of Indigenous, Black, rural, LGBTQ+ and other marginalized groups.

    People belonging to these groups may have their own needs and experiences that relate to navigating natural and formal support systems in Canada. Future-focused research agendas into natural supports, such as those proposed in the CCCE strategy’s recommendations, must intentionally seek to understand support and care experiences from these perspectives.

    At the Global Disability Summit taking place this week in Berlin from April 2-3, we will join voices from around the world to call on national leaders and decision-makers to ensure disability policies translate into tangible actions and inclusive practices.

    Our research shows the deep, important impact of federal and provincial policy and funding both for formal and natural supports to flourish. With a federal election on the horizon, Canadians can call on their governments to improve support for caregivers, ensure support systems are in place and flexible enough to respond to individual and family needs, and enable natural support networks to flourish.

    This is important, because the care we give to each other, regardless of age or ability, is what will sustain us as families.

    This article was co-authored by Donna Thomson, a caregiver, author and educator.

    Heather Aldersey receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Universities Canada, and the Mastercard Foundation.

    – ref. Governments must ensure caregivers have support to keep doing their vital work – https://theconversation.com/governments-must-ensure-caregivers-have-support-to-keep-doing-their-vital-work-249829

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Violent attempt to set fire to Muslim woman in Ajax exposes persistent Islamophobia in Canada

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nadiya N. Ali, Assistant Professor, Sociology, Trent University

    The National Council of Canadian Muslims’ senior advocacy officer Fatema Abdalla read the survivor’s statement about what happened at a news conference last week. ‘I don’t feel safe for my daughters,’ the statement reads, ‘all of whom wear hijab.’ NCCM/Instagram

    A 25-year-old woman recently attempted to set a Muslim woman on fire in Ajax, Ont.

    Afterwards, the survivor provided a statement, which was read for her at a news conference. In it, she described her visit to her “favourite quiet corner of the library” as ordinary and routine. This ordinary moment, however, turned nightmarish and extraordinary in an instant.

    According to the survivor, the attacker attempted to yank her hijab off. She hurled objects at her head, including scissors and a metal object. The attacker then poured an unknown liquid on her hijab and flicked her lighter several times, allegedly attempting to light the fabric ablaze. Library staff and security intervened before any more harm could take place.

    Afterwards, the survivor, a mother of two girls, explained that she’s unable to quell her terror. She said: “I can’t stop thinking: what if the lighter had worked? What if my hijab had caught fire?” But most of all, she’s terrified for her hijab-wearing daughters’ safety in public spaces.

    No one should feel unsafe in public spaces. However, for racialized people, public space in North America is fraught with heightened risks. It’s shaped by a deep undercurrent of white anxieties propping up the racial order of society.

    This incident is not an isolated act of violence. It is situated within a broader social climate that normalizes the policing of how racialized people “should” enter and occupy public spaces.

    We are two scholars and community organizers who have long been working on issues related to Islamophobia and racism. The traumatic event in Ajax highlights the persistent and deeply ingrained nature of gendered Islamophobia in Canada and beyond.

    Whether through horrific displays of public violence like this one, or legislative action like Bill 21 in Québec, the bodies of Muslim women have long been battlegrounds for white supremacist anxieties and ideologies.

    White panic

    While we don’t yet know the attacker’s affiliations or what inspired her to commit this act of terror, this incident echoes racist aspirations for “purity.”

    Racial anxiety about the inflow of multiple generations of Muslims is integral to the way Islamophobia channels white supremacist panic over the growing population of Muslims in Canada — and the attack in Ajax is no exception.

    White supremacist anxieties about demographic changes are articulated most clearly and directly in the “Great Replacement Theory” (and variations of it) that vilifies racialized people, asserting a drive to preserve “white innocence,” tied to eugenic fantasies of purifying North America and Europe.

    Muslims, in this racist ideology, figure as foreign invaders, a demographic threat and as “provocateurs” who are trying to overtake the white population through immigration and reproduction — or as some white supremacists call it, “baby Jihad.”

    The changing demographics of Ajax

    Over the past decade, Ajax — in Durham region east of Toronto — has seen significant demographic changes, with an overall growth rate of about 15 per cent. The town is home to more than 125,000 people and about 14 per cent of them are Muslim.

    The growth of Muslim communities is situated within a broader shift. A substantial portion of the population increase has been driven by a diverse group of racialized communities so that now, 65 per cent of the total population of Ajax would be considered racialized.

    The new population has infused new life to Ajax, and the Durham region more broadly. It seems, however, that not everyone is happy about this growth.

    Gendered Islamophobia

    The bodies of Muslim women have long been objectified, serving as a site where white racial anxieties are projected and enacted. Taken up as a sort of Trojan horse, their perceived ability to give birth and reproduce culture is weaponized against them. After all, they hold the power to propagate this “dangerous other,” and dislodge the order of whiteness.

    Jasmin Zine, a critical Muslim studies scholar, has used and developed the term “gendered Islamophobia” to explain the way the bodies and practices of Muslim women are produced as racial problems. Muslim women in public spaces are constructed as hazardous cultural contaminants, polluting the public square and threatening the purity of the (white) nation with their very existence.

    The responses to this perception of contamination take multiple forms. In Québec, for instance, Muslim women are being aggressively foreclosed from participation in public spaces and institutions with laws like Bill 21 and Bill 94.

    ‘Unprovoked attack:’ Racism in public life

    The Durham Police are calling this an “unprovoked attack.” But the provocation is precisely what needs to be named. Of course, the victim did not actively provoke the attacker. But it’s important to ask how our social arrangements prime and sustain the currents that produce Muslim women as provocations on sight.

    This phenomenon of “unprovoked” attacks on visibly Muslim women in public spaces is far too common in Canada. These have ranged from a devastating physical assault in a mall parking lot in Edmonton to a knife attack on the TTC in Toronto, the fatal act of terror in London, Ont. against a family simply taking a walk together to this recent attack in Ajax. Muslim women around the country are rightly asking if public spaces are safe for them.

    Racialized individuals must navigate what Black studies scholar George Lipsitz describes as “privileged moral geographies.”

    For instance, the frame of “disorderly conduct” often serves as a common tool to mark the “wrong ways” in which racialized individuals assert their presence in public settings. This includes the regulation of what foods are deemed appropriate for public consumption, the enforcement of norms around personal space, noise and loitering.

    The catch, however, is that when you are already racialized as a “cultural pollutant,” “conduct” merely fuels the racist climate that already marks you as an improper subject by sheer existence.

    Have another samosa?

    Standard sociological contact theory says greater exposure to diversity breeds opportunity for intergroup contact, which is presumed to foster tolerance.

    Canadians like to believe in our multicultural country — that another samosa party or heritage night is all we need to confront intolerance and prejudice.

    However, what contact theory frames get wrong is the assumption of the public as a neutral site of engagement where people all have equal access to participation.

    Public space is already and always infused with racial logic that neutralizes and naturalizes certain bodies while amplifying and bloating other bodies with objectifying scripts. This perpetually and always produces them as out of place — and as problems that disrupt the order of the public square.

    Until we confront the entrenched racialized ideas that govern public space, creating a landscape where some are seen as natural occupants while others are made alien, true inclusivity and safety will remain out of reach.

    Kaley-Ann Freier, age 25, of Ajax has been charged with assault with a weapon for the attack.

    Nadiya N. Ali has received funding from The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC)

    Nadia Hasan receives research funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. Violent attempt to set fire to Muslim woman in Ajax exposes persistent Islamophobia in Canada – https://theconversation.com/violent-attempt-to-set-fire-to-muslim-woman-in-ajax-exposes-persistent-islamophobia-in-canada-253002

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –