Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Opening address by President Viola Amherd at the Ukraine Mine Action Conference UMAC2024

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport

    Bern, 17.10.2024 – Opening address by President Viola Amherd, head of the Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport (DDPS), at the Ukraine Mine Action Conference UMAC2024, Lausanne, Thursday, 17 October 2024.

    Check against delivery

    Prime Minister,
    Excellencies,
    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    It is an honour to welcome you, Mr Prime Minister, to Lausanne today, and to open this conference with you.

    The next two days will be dedicated to one of the most pressing humanitarian issues of our time: humanitarian demining.

    Mines, cluster munitions and explosive remnants of war have a devastating impact: they claim thousands of lives every year, make land impassable, resources inaccessible and hamper economic development.

    Every improvised explosive device that we defuse is a step towards security, progress and a better life – this is the conviction that lies at the heart of our efforts.

    Today, humanitarian mine action is faced with major challenges.

    The Ottawa Convention bans anti-personnel mines, because they kill and maim indiscriminately. While the initial success of the Convention inspired optimism, in recent years this has given way to a certain disillusionment.

    Since 2014, the number of victims has started to rise again. Ongoing armed conflicts, such as Russia’s military aggression in Ukraine, bring new contamination from mines and other weapons. The effects of urban warfare and the use of improvised explosive devices are particularly severe.

    These developments reflect the global situation, which is marked by growing geopolitical tensions.

    This makes it all the more important, especially in view of the rising number of victims, to continue our efforts to improve the protection of the civilian population from the dangers of mines and other remnants of war.

    Humanitarian demining is not only a matter of safety, but also a precondition for recovery, in particular for the resumption of agricultural production and the education of children.

    I call on all states to join the Ottawa Convention and the Convention on Cluster Munitions, and to support them to the best of their abilities.

    Excellencies,
    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Four months ago, the international community met on the Bürgenstock for the Summit on Peace in Ukraine. At the opening, I spoke of our goal to set in motion a process that will lead to a just and lasting peace in Ukraine.

    The current conference follows on from this, because living in peace also means being free from the fear of mines and remnants of war.
    Switzerland has been committed to humanitarian demining for over 30 years. We support projects in affected countries and deploy specialist military personnel.

    We are also committed to the diplomatic, legal and practical implementation of the relevant conventions around the world.

    We are determined to continue to do our part in Ukraine as well.

    Almost a quarter of Ukraine’s territory is contaminated with explosive ordnance.
    Last year we decided to make one hundred million francs available for humanitarian mine action in Ukraine (from 2024 to 2027).

    The Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) and the Fondation suisse de déminage (FSD) are primarily responsible for implementing this programme.

    Projects will be developed in close cooperation with Ukraine’s civilian authorities. They will include mine and explosive ordnance clearance, the promotion of standards and quality in mine clearance, training, and operational and material support.

    Last year, provided the State Emergency Service of Ukraine (SESU) with a remote-controlled demining machine from the Digger Foundation.

    This year, we will deliver three more machines from Global Clearance Solutions and provide local training and support.

    This will enable Ukraine to carry out effective and safe demining operations independently in the future.

    Excellencies,
    Ladies and gentlemen,

    For today’s Ukraine Mine Action Conference here in Lausanne, we have set ourselves the following goals:

    –    We aim to raise awareness of the importance of humanitarian mine action in Ukraine and worldwide.
    –    Stimulate further support going forward, based on the Ukrainian Mine Action Strategy, which provides guidance for current and future partnerships.
    –    And showcase innovative solutions that will make mine clearance safer and more effective worldwide.

    Three thematic areas were defined in the run-up to the Ukraine Mine Action Conference: people, partners and progress.

    First, the people: In the face of the immense suffering and lasting damage caused by mines, cluster munitions and explosive remnants of war, we must act decisively.

    Contamination in conflict areas also affects many countries not involved in the conflict. For example, food prices are rising in many countries because Ukrainian land cannot be used safely and productively.

    Then, the partners: Our aim is for other countries that are also affected by mines or that are providing aid to share their experiences with Ukraine and its partners.

    For mine action to be effective, governments, international organisations, NGOs, the private sector and the scientific community must work closely together – and they are all gathered here in Lausanne today.

    And finally, progress: We must work continuously to make humanitarian mine action safer and more effective.

    We need to find innovative solutions, for example by combining the use of artificial intelligence, powerful drones and robots.

    The resources we use to clear mines in Ukraine today are also an investment to improve humanitarian demining globally in the future.

    Excellences,
    Ladies and gentlemen,

    Humanitarian demining is part of Switzerland’s humanitarian tradition. We want to help alleviate suffering and enable sustainable development.

    That is also the aim of this conference, which we have organised together with Ukraine.

    In closing, I would like to express my sincere thanks to all of you for your dedication and commitment.

    Your presence here underscores the crucial support that is so urgently needed and that the people living in mine-affected countries deserve.

    Thank you very much.


    Address for enquiries

    DDPS Communication
    Federal Palace East
    CH-3003 Bern


    Publisher

    Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sports
    http://www.vbs.admin.ch

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Humanitarian mine clearance: Confederation establishes comprehensive partnership with Ukraine’s civil protection service and Swiss mine clearance company

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport

    Bern, 17.10.2024 – In order to reduce the danger posed by mines and other explosive ordnance in Ukraine, the Swiss government is supporting Ukraine’s civil protection service through a partnership with the Swiss company Global Clearance Solutions (GCS). The partnership involves supplying three mine clearance systems to Ukraine alongside a comprehensive training, mentoring and logistics package. The package, which amounts to CHF 4.6 million, is being funded by the federal government and underlines the importance of humanitarian mine clearance for the country’s recovery.

    Mines and other explosive ordnance in the ground pose a danger to the civilian population, restrict agricultural work and hinder the reconstruction of a country. In Ukraine, around 139,000 square kilometres of land are estimated to be contaminated by mines and other explosive ordnance. That is equivalent to about three and a half times the surface area of Switzerland. Humanitarian mine clearance in Ukraine is therefore a priority for Switzerland. For that reason, the federal government has signed a contract with the Swiss company Global Clearance Solutions (GCS) for the delivery of three mine clearance systems to the State Emergency Service of Ukraine (SESU). The package, which includes a training and mentoring programme, is worth CHF 4.6 million.

    The project aims to strengthen the capacities of the Ukrainian civil authorities so that humanitarian demining operations can be carried out more safely, efficiently and effectively. In addition to the delivery of the three demining systems, the contract includes an extensive training, mentoring and logistics package. GCS has its own maintenance centre and operations team in Ukraine, enabling the company to provide extensive training and deploy the demining systems sustainably and efficiently.

    The partnership and the demining systems are being financed out of the CHF 100 million that the Federal Council made available on 29 September 2023 to support humanitarian mine clearance in Ukraine. The total amount will be funded equally by the DDPS and the FDFA. Through this support package, Switzerland is providing its expertise to help overcome an immense humanitarian challenge. In addition, Switzerland, under the lead of President Viola Amherd and Federal Councillor Ignazio Cassis, is jointly hosting the Ukraine Mine Action Conference with Ukraine in Lausanne on 17 and 18 October. The importance of mine clearance for Ukraine’s recovery will be discussed at the conference.

    The federal government is working closely with the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) on humanitarian mine clearance in Ukraine. The GICHD is supporting the Ukrainian authorities in developing a national demining programme. In addition, the federal government is supporting the demining work of the Swiss Foundation for Mine Action (FSD) on the ground in Ukraine. A year ago, the DDPS presented Ukraine with a remote-controlled demining machine from the Swiss DIGGER Foundation.


    Address for enquiries

    DDPS Communications
    +41 58 464 50 58
    kommunikation@gs-vbs.admin.ch

    FDFA Communications
    +41 58 460 55 55

    Global Clearance Solutions
    +41 55 511 15 00
    media@gcs.ch


    Publisher

    Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sports
    http://www.vbs.admin.ch

    Defence
    http://www.vtg.admin.ch

    State Secretariat for Security Policy
    https://www.sepos.admin.ch/de

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK strikes at the heart of Russian energy revenues funding Putin’s war

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    The UK has today unleashed the largest package of sanctions to date against Putin’s shadow fleet of oil tankers.

    • Fresh sanctions unleashed against 18 Russian oil tankers and 4 liquified natural gas tankers – the largest sanctions action to date against Putin’s shadow fleet. 

    • The Foreign Secretary continues his personal mission to crack down on the full spectrum of Russian malign activity.  

    • The US and Canada sign up to the shadow fleet ‘Call to Action’ launched by UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer in July, bringing the total number of signatories to 47.

    The UK has today unleashed the largest package of sanctions to date against Putin’s shadow fleet of oil tankers.18 more shadow fleet ships will be barred from UK ports and unable to access world-leading British maritime services, bringing the total number of oil tankers sanctioned to 43. 

    The shadow fleet seeks to undermine sanctions and poses a clear and present danger. Environmental risks, such as oil spills, on our coastlines as a result of its flagrant violation of basic safety standards, but also risks to the security of global trade – the lifeblood of economic growth. 

    At the European Political Community Summit in July, the Prime Minister announced the shadow fleet call to action. Today the US and Canada have joined 44 European countries plus the EU in working together to tackle the risks posed by the shadow fleet. 

    The UK’s relentless action against the shadow fleet is putting grit into the system and starving Putin’s war machine of crucial revenues. The oil tankers targeted today have transported an estimated $4.9 billion in the last year alone. A significant number of the ships targeted by the UK to date have been forced to sit idling uselessly outside ports across the world, unable to continue pouring money into Putin’s war chest. 

    Sovcomflot, Russia’s largest shipping company, has been left desperately scrambling to rename and offload its vessels to dodge UK sanctions. Today we have targeted even more of its ships, further turning the screw on the mechanisms the Kremlin uses to fund its illegal war.  

    Alongside action against the shadow fleet, the UK is sanctioning 4 more LNG tankers and Russian gas company Rusgazdobycha JSC. We are continuing to ratchet up pressure on the beleaguered Russian gas industry, with flagship company Gazprom posting a significant net loss of $6.9 billion in 2023 – its first annual loss in more than 20 years.

    Foreign Secretary, David Lammy said:

    We must combat malign Russian activity at every turn, whether illicit tactics to bolster Putin’s war chest, their use of cyber-attacks or barbarism on the front line in Ukraine. 

    The UK is leading the charge against Putin’s desperate and dangerous attempts to cling on to his energy revenues, with his shadow fleet placing coastlines across Europe and the world in jeopardy. 

    I have made it my personal mission to constrain the Kremlin, closing the net around Putin and his mafia state using every tool at my disposal.

    This new shadow fleet package comes in the weeks following recent UK actions to sanction both Russian cyber-crime gang Evil Corp, and Russian troops found to be using chemical weapons on the front lines in Ukraine. It represents the latest in a drumbeat of activity, with each package designed to target a distinct aspect of Russia’s malign behavior and reinforce the UK’s commitment to global security and the rule of law.

    Background

    Sanctioned today are: 

    • NS BORA (IMO 9412335) 

    • ATLAS (IMO 9413573) 

    • MOSKOVSKY PROSPECT (IMO 9511521) 

    • NS ARCTIC (IMO 9413547) 

    • CALLISTO (IMO 9299692) 

    • SCF BAIKAL (IMO 9422457) 

    • SCF SAMOTLOR (IMO 9421972) 

    • SUVOROVSKY PROSPECT (IMO 9522324) 

    • EASTERN PEARL (IMO 9285859) 

    • KUDOS STARS (IMO 9288710) 

    • SEA FIDELITY (IMO 9285835) 

    • STRATOS AURORA (IMO 9288708) 

    • TURBO VOYAGER (IMO 9299898) 

    • AZURE CELESTE (IMO 9288722) 

    • VARUNA (IMO 9332810) 

    • SAI BABA (IMO 9321691) 

    • ARTEMIS (IMO 9317949) 

    • ANTAEUS (IMO 9299733) 

    • MARSHAL VASILEVSKIY (IMO 9778313) 

    • VELIKIY NOVGOROD (IMO 9630004) 

    • MULAN (IMO 9864837) 

    • EVEREST ENERGY (IMO 9243148) 

    • RUSGAZDOBYCHA JSC 

    Today’s announcement comes as the United States and Canada have united in support of the European Political Community (EPC) Call to Action , demonstrating their shared determination to address the risks that the shadow fleet poses to the environment, maritime safety and security in Europe and beyond, the integrity of international seaborne trade, and respect for international maritime law. 

    Separately, the UK is taking steps to combat malign, Russian-backed maritime activity near the UK:  

    • The Department for Transport is working alongside the Joint Maritime Security Centre (JMSC) and the Maritime and Coastguard Agency (MCA) to challenge shadow fleet vessels with suspected dubious insurance to provide details of their insurance status as they pass through the English Channel. 

    • Any actor that facilitates and supports Russia’s malign activities could be exposing themselves to sanctions

    Ships specified under the Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) Regulations 2019 are prohibited from entering a port in the UK, may be given a movement or a port entry direction, can be detained, and will be refused permission to register on the UK Ship Register or have its existing registration terminated. In addition, the Oil Price Cap exception is not applicable to services in relation to specified ships, or to the supply or delivery of Russian oil or oil products in specified ships 

    The Office for Financial Sanctions Implementation has published guidance on the Russian Oil Services ban. Limited exceptions apply and licences may be granted for specified ships, as set out in Part 7 of the Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) Regulations 2019

    Media enquiries

    Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

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    Contact the FCDO Communication Team via email (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 17 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Press release – European Parliament Press Kit for the European Council of 17 and 18 October 2024

    Source: European Parliament

    European Parliament President Roberta Metsola will represent the European Parliament at the summit, where she will address the heads of state or government at 10.00 and hold a press conference after her speech.

    When: Press conference at around 11.00 on 17 October

    Where: European Council press room and via Parliament’s webstreaming or EbS.

    At their meeting in Brussels, heads of state or government will discuss how the EU can continue supporting Kyiv against Russian aggression, and the EU’s response to the latest events in the Middle East, where Israeli forces continue their attacks on Gaza and in Lebanon, while Iran has launched missiles against Israel. EU leaders will also focus on making the European economy more competitive, following the publication of Mario Draghi’s report, which calls for a boost in public investment and wide-ranging economic reforms. They will also discuss ways to manage migration flows and ensure border protection, climate change and biodiversity, and the situation in Georgia, Moldova, Venezuela and Sudan.

    Hamas terrorist attacks against Israel / Escalating violence in the Middle East

    President Metsola marked the one-year anniversary of terrorist attacks in Israel at the opening of the 7-10 October plenary session in Strasbourg. Recalling the horror of that day “that will live in infamy”, President Metsola said nothing could ever justify the indiscriminate mass murder, rape, kidnapping and torture that occurred one year ago. Since then, too few have been able to make it back to their loved ones – “this house will continue to do what we can to help bring them all home”, she said.

    The 7 October attacks triggered a cycle of war, death and devastation that has seen thousands killed in Gaza, and instability across the region, President Metsola stated. In remembering all those lost and taken, the President added that “Parliament’s calls for the immediate release of the remaining hostages will remain steadfast, our calls for ceasefire will remain resolute, and our efforts towards de-escalation will remain strong.” The work for real, dignified, long-term and sustainable peace will remain unwavering, she concluded. MEPs held a minute of silence in memory of all the innocent lives lost.

    In a resolution adopted on 25 April, MEPs strongly condemn the Iranian drone and missile attack on Israel and call for further sanctions against Iran. Parliament voices serious concern over the escalation and threat to regional security. MEPs reiterate their full support for the security of the State of Israel and its citizens and condemn the simultaneous rocket launches carried out by Iran’s proxies Hezbollah in Lebanon and Houthi rebels in Yemen against the Golan Heights and Israeli territory before and during the Iranian attack.

    At the same time, they deplore the attack on the Iranian consulate in the Syrian capital Damascus on 1 April, which is widely attributed to Israel. The resolution recalls the importance of the principle of the inviolability of diplomatic and consular premises, which must be respected in all cases under international law.

    Further reading

    Parliament marks one year from the October 7th attacks in Israel

    Parliament condemns Iran’s attack on Israel and calls for de-escalation

    Parliament calls on Israel to open all crossings to Gaza for humanitarian aid

    Israel-Hamas war: MEPs call for a permanent ceasefire under two conditions


    MEPs condemn Hamas attack on Israel and call for a humanitarian pause

    Resolution: The despicable terrorist attacks by Hamas against Israel, Israel’s right to defend itself in line with humanitarian and international law and the humanitarian situation in Gaza

    President Metsola at the European Council: EU must remain coherent and united

    Leading MEPs condemn attack by Hamas terrorists against Israel

    MEPs to contact

    David McALLISTER, (EPP, DE), Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

    Marie-Agnes STRACK-ZIMMERMANN (Renew, DE), Chair of the Subcommittee on Security and Defence

    Russia’s war against Ukraine

    On 14 October, MEPs on the Trade Committee endorsed the Commission’s proposal to support Ukraine with an exceptional Macro-Financial Assistance (MFA) loan of up to €35 billion. This is the EU’s contribution under the G7’s initiative to support Ukraine with up to $50 billion (approximately €45 billion) to address Ukraine’s urgent financing needs in the face of Russia’s brutal war of aggression. The repayment of this exceptional MFA loan and of the loans from other G7 countries will come from the extraordinary revenues made from immobilised Russian Central Bank assets, and enabled by the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism, newly established under the Commission’s proposal. The plenary vote is scheduled during next week’s session in Strasbourg.

    In a resolution adopted on 19 September, MEPs want EU countries to lift current restrictions hindering Ukraine from using Western weapons systems against legitimate military targets in Russia. The text states that if current restrictions are not lifted, Ukraine cannot fully exercise its right to self-defence and remains exposed to attacks on its population and infrastructure. Parliament underlines that insufficient deliveries of ammunition and restrictions on their use risks offsetting the impact of efforts made to date, and deplores that EU countries are offering less bilateral military aid to Ukraine. MEPs reiterate their call for member states to fulfil their March 2023 commitment to deliver one million rounds of ammunition to Ukraine, and to accelerate the delivery of weapons, air defence systems and ammunition, including TAURUS missiles. They also restate their position that all EU countries and NATO allies should collectively and individually commit to annual military support for Ukraine of no less than 0.25% of their GDP.

    While calling on the EU and its member states to actively work towards achieving the broadest possible international support for Ukraine and identifying a peaceful solution to the war, MEPs say that any resolution must be based on full respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. They also view holding Russia accountable for war crimes and reparations, and other payments by Moscow, as essential aspects of any solution. To this end, MEPs want the EU and like-minded partners to establish a sound legal regime to confiscate Russian state-owned assets frozen by the EU as part of efforts to compensate Ukraine for the massive damage it has suffered.

    With Russia’s war against Ukraine raging on, Parliament reconfirmed on 17 July its view that the EU must continue to support Kyiv for as long as it takes until victory. The resolution, which sets out the newly-elected European Parliament’s first official position on Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, restates MEPs’ continued support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. It calls on the EU to maintain and extend its sanctions policy against Russia and Belarus, monitor and review its effectiveness and impact, and systematically tackle the issue of EU-based companies, third parties, and third countries that circumvent sanctions.

    Further reading

    Ukraine: Trade Committee endorses financial support backed by Russian assets

    MEPs: Ukraine must be able to strike legitimate military targets in Russia

    Newly elected Parliament reaffirms its strong support for Ukraine

    MEPs approve trade support measures for Ukraine with protection for EU farmers

    Joint Statement by the Presidents of the European Union Institutions on the occasion of the 2 year anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine

    Parliament calls on the EU to give Ukraine whatever it needs to defeat Russia

    EU sanctions: new rules to crack down on violations

    MEPs: EU must actively support Russia’s democratic opposition

    Yulia Navalnaya: “If you want to defeat Putin, fight his criminal gang”

    Debate 12 March 2024: Preparation of the European Council meeting of 21 and 22 March 2024

    Debate 13 March 2024: Need to address the urgent concerns surrounding Ukrainian children forcibly deported to Russia

    Parliament wants tougher enforcement of EU sanctions against Russia

    A long-term solution for Ukraine’s funding needs

    How the EU is supporting Ukraine

    EU stands with Ukraine

    MEPs to contact

    David McALLISTER, (EPP, DE) Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

    Marie-Agnes STRACK-ZIMMERMANN (Renew, DE), Chair of the Subcommittee on Security and Defence

    Karin KARLSBRO (Renew, SE), rapporteur on macro-financial assistance to Ukraine

    Competitiveness

    On 17 September, Mario Draghi outlined his blueprint for making Europe more competitive through closer cooperation in core areas and massive investment in shared objectives.

    Mr Draghi said that the EU needed to focus on three crucial issues: closing the innovation gap with the US and China; developing a joint plan to link the goal of decarbonisation with increased competitiveness; and boosting Europe’s security and reducing its dependence on foreign economic powers. A fit-for-purpose competitiveness agenda would require annual funding of between EUR 750 – EUR 800 billion for projects whose objectives were already agreed upon by the EU. Some of this money could come from private sources, but some would also need to be secured through public investment, including by new common debt issued specifically to fund key joint projects, Mr Draghi said.

    In a debate following Mr Draghi’s address, many MEPs agreed with his analysis that the EU economy must urgently change course. The EU should focus, they argued, on competition and innovation in key industries, along with more public and private investments in social, green and digital transformations. Some MEPs called for greater sovereignty and freer markets, and stressed that fighting climate change sabotages the EU economy. Others observed that growth is compatible with clean innovative technologies and social investment, to help citizens to learn new skills.

    Further reading

    Draghi to MEPs: “Europe faces a choice between exit, paralysis, or integration”

    MEPs adopt plans to boost Europe’s Net-Zero technology production

    New EU fiscal rules approved by MEPs

    MEPs to contact

    Borys Budka (EPP, PL), Chair Committee on Industry, Research and Energy

    Migration

    During a press point with the Estonian Prime Minister on 16 October, EP President Roberta Metsola stressed that it is “important that we implement the migration pact. We need to be fair with those eligible for protection, firm with those who are not, and harsh with smugglers and malign states like Belarus or Russia who seek to exploit those most vulnerable. Only a coordinated European approach can ensure the integrity of our borderless Schengen area.”

    On 9 October, Parliament debated how to strengthen the security of Europe’s external borders and the need for a comprehensive approach and enhanced Frontex support. You can watch the debate here. On 7 October, MEPs discussed the reintroduction of internal border controls in a number of member states and its impact on the Schengen Area. Watch the debate here.

    On 10 April, MEPs approved the new Migration and Asylum Pact. The package consists of ten legislative texts to reform the European migration and asylum policy and was agreed with EU member states. You can find the adopted texts here and watch the plenary debate here.

    Further reading

    MEPs approve the new Migration and Asylum Pact

    MEP to contact

    Javier ZARZALEJOS (EPP, ES), Chair of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

    Foreign affairs: Georgia, Moldova, Venezuela, Sudan

    In a resolution adopted on 9 October, MEPs say current democratic backsliding in Georgia effectively puts the country’s integration with the EU on hold. The text highlights how the ruling Georgian Dream party has pushed an increasingly authoritarian agenda, including on media freedom and LGBTQ+ rights. Coupled with changes to the country’s electoral legislation and growing anti-EU rhetoric, MEPs say these laws violate the freedom of expression, censor media, impose restrictions on critical voices in civil society and the NGO sector and discriminate against vulnerable people. They also make clear that unless the legislation is rescinded, progress cannot be made in Georgia’s relations with the EU.

    Against the backdrop of the continuing decline of Georgia’s democracy, Parliament demands that all EU funding provided to the Georgian government be frozen until the undemocratic laws are repealed. Any future funding of the Georgian government can only be disbursed under strict conditions, MEPs argue.

    On 9 October, MEPs adopted a resolution issuing a strong warning against continued Russian attempts to derail Moldova’s pro-European trajectory. The text vehemently condemns Russia’s escalating malicious activities, interference and hybrid operations ahead of Moldovans going to the polls to vote in the country’s presidential election and constitutional referendum on EU integration on 20 October. MEPs highlight the role played by a plethora of malicious actors, including pro-Russian Moldovan oligarchs and Russia’s state-funded RT network, in carrying out voter fraud schemes as well as cyber operations and information warfare. They also call on the EU and its member states to ensure that all necessary assistance is provided to Moldova to strengthen its institutional mechanisms and ability to respond to hybrid threats.

    The European Parliament reaffirms its support for Moldova’s path towards EU accession, calling on the European Commission to include the country in the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA III) and to prioritise funding for EU candidate countries in the next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) for 2028-2034. With EU accession talks with Moldova already having begun, MEPs call for a faster screening process and the timely organisation of the subsequent intergovernmental conferences.

    In a resolution adopted on 19 September, Parliament says the EU should do its utmost to ensure that Edmundo González Urrutia, the legitimate and democratically elected President of Venezuela, can take office on 10 January 2025. MEPs “strongly condemn and fully reject the electoral fraud orchestrated by the regime-controlled National Electoral Council, which refused to make public the official result.” They recognise Edmundo González Urrutia as the country’s legitimate and democratically elected president, and María Corina Machado as the leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela. They also strongly condemn the Venezuelan Government’s issuance of an arrest warrant for Mr González.

    On 8 October, MEPs held a plenary debate on the situation in Sudan. You can watch the debate here.

    Further reading

    Parliament says Georgia’s democracy is at risk

    Resolution: The democratic backsliding and threats to political pluralism in Georgia

    Parliament condemns Russia’s interference in Moldova

    Resolution: Strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian interference ahead of the upcoming presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on EU integration

    Venezuela: MEPs recognise Edmundo González as President

    Resolution: Situation in Venezuela

    MEPs to contact

    David McALLISTER, (EPP, DE) Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

    Nils UŠAKOVS (S&D, LV), Chair of the Delegation to the EU-Armenia Parliamentary Partnership Committee, the EU-Azerbaijan Parliamentary Cooperation Committee and the EU-Georgia Parliamentary Association Committee

    Climate change and biodiversity

    A Parliament delegation will attend the UN Climate Change Conference (COP29) in Baku, Azerbaijan between 18 and 22 November 2024. MEPs will also adopt a resolution during the 13-14 November plenary session, which will constitute the delegation’s mandate for talks with international partners.

    Parliament will also send a delegation to the UN Biodiversity Conference (COP16) in Cali, Colombia, between 28 and 31 October 2024.

    MEPs to contact

    Lídia PEREIRA (EPP, PT), Chair of the delegation to the COP29 UN Climate Change Conference, Baku, Azerbaijan

    Antonio DECARO (S&D, IT), Chair of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Calian continues to respond to growing demand for global defence solutions

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    OTTAWA, Ontario, Oct. 17, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Calian Group Ltd. (TSX: CGY), closed fiscal year 2024 ending September 30, having signed several defence contracts in the fourth quarter valued at approximately $29 million, further solidifying its position as a trusted partner in the global defence industry. These new contracts align with Calian’s mission to equip, prepare and protect military personnel as global military spending continues to surge amid war, geopolitical instability and the heightened need for new and advanced technologies.

    Global defence budgets continue to rise and are projected to reach $2.5 trillion by 2028 according to Markets and Markets. Throughout FY2024, Calian continued to win contracts to support key global defence initiatives that enhance military readiness and operational effectiveness. Closing out Q4, Calian was selected to provide Canada and NATO members with operational and training support, defence manufacturing, engineering support and technical expertise.

    “As the world faces continued unrest, Calian is more dedicated than ever to delivering cutting-edge defence solutions to ensure the preparedness and safety of Canadian, NATO and allied personnel,” said Kevin Ford, CEO, Calian. “Our recent contract signings reflect the growing trust our global partners place in Calian to support critical global defence initiatives. As we move into FY2025, we remain focused on helping our allies prepare for the complex challenges that lie ahead, equipping them with the tools and expertise needed to safeguard national and global security.”

    In a 2024 McKinsey & Company report they indicated that following the invasion of Ukraine, NATO member states have announced plans to spend significantly more on defence in the coming years. It goes on to add that if actual spending stays in line with the latest announcements made by European governments, their analysis estimates that cumulative defence spending could increase by €700 billion to €800 billion between 2022 and 2028, with total European spending reaching as much as €500 billion per year in 2028. With Calian’s recent acquisition of U.K.’s Mabway, combined with its leadership in providing defence readiness expertise for NATO countries, Calian is uniquely positioned going into FY2025 to support these increasing demands.

    With over 40 years of experience delivering defence solutions to Canada and its global allies, Calian provides a broad portfolio of services, including military training, simulation, healthcare, cybersecurity and complex systems integration. These recent Q4 contract signings reinforce Calian’s commitment to helping military forces remain ready and resilient in today’s fast-changing security environment.

    Learn more about how Calian delivers confidence for military customers, no matter their needs: https://www.calian.com/defence/.

    About Calian
    http://www.calian.com
    We keep the world moving forward. Calian® helps people communicate, innovate, learn and lead safe and healthy lives. Every day, our employees live our values of customer commitment, integrity, innovation, respect and teamwork to engineer reliable solutions that solve complex challenges. That’s Confidence. Engineered. A stable and growing 40-year company, we are headquartered in Ottawa with offices and projects spanning North American, European and international markets. Visit calian.com to learn about innovative healthcare, communications, learning and cybersecurity solutions.

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Poland: Staff Concluding Statement of the 2024 Article IV Mission

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    October 17, 2024

    A Concluding Statement describes the preliminary findings of IMF staff at the end of an official staff visit (or ‘mission’), in most cases to a member country. Missions are undertaken as part of regular (usually annual) consultations under Article IV of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement, in the context of a request to use IMF resources (borrow from the IMF), as part of discussions of staff monitored programs, or as part of other staff monitoring of economic developments.

    The authorities have consented to the publication of this statement. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF Executive Board for discussion and decision.

    Washington, DC – October 17, 2024:

    An International Monetary Fund mission visited Warsaw during October 8-17 in the context of the 2024 Article IV consultation.

    Poland’s near-term outlook is positive and has improved relative to last year despite ongoing sluggish growth across Europe and Russia’s war in Ukraine. A consumption-led recovery is underway, and the outlook is further supported by recently unlocked NextGen EU Funds (NGEU). Inflation has declined helped by a tight monetary stance, and its descent to the target range by close to end-2025 is on track, provided prudent policies are maintained. Policy priorities for the near- and medium-term include balancing the mix of monetary and fiscal policy , preserving debt sustainability, while strengthening the economy to face longer-term challenges. Specifically:

    • Monetary policy is appropriately tight and interest rate cuts should commence only when there is clear evidence that wage growth is decelerating, and inflation is firmly on track towards the target.

    • The medium-term Fiscal Structural Plan is welcome and it targets sufficient cumulative fiscal consolidation by 2028, meeting the EU’s new fiscal rules. The full set of measures to achieve this is yet to be identified.

    • Bringing more of the authorities’ medium-term deficit reduction plans up front in 2025 would build more resilience against future shocks, reduce debt, and support more rapid interest rate reductions, which would foster private sector investment and growth while still bringing inflation to target.

    • Population ageing, diminishing cost-competitiveness, and climate transition present significant challenges to Poland’s export-driven growth model. Thus, medium-term growth is expected to decline, unless structural reforms are deepened and progress on the energy transition accelerates.

    Economic growth is accelerating in 2024 led by recovering domestic demand. Private consumption has picked up as strong nominal wage growth coupled with lower inflation led to a sharp rebound in real wages. Fixed investment also continued its gradual recovery though remaining as a share of GDP below pre-pandemic levels. Net exports, however, are imposing some drag as imports recovered on the back of higher consumption while exports are held back by weak demand from the Euro Area. As a result, growth is expected at 3 percent in 2024 up from around 0 in 2023.

    The near-term outlook is positive due to the ongoing cyclical recovery in consumption and investment, and the absorption of EU funds. Growth is expected to accelerate to 3.5 percent in 2025 and 3.4 percent in 2026. Real and nominal wage growth are expected to gradually decelerate, while profits are expected to continue declining as firms have limited capacity to pass-through increases in wage costs into prices given that the output gap remains negative. Stronger consumption, normalization of inventories, lagged impact of the appreciation of the real exchange rate, and release of EU funds are expected to support imports and with it a narrowing in the current account surplus.

    Over the medium term, growth is expected to moderate and converge to potential as the support from rebounding consumption and NGEU funds subside. Growth will decelerate to slightly below 3 percent by 2029 as EU-financed investments decline and the population ages. Productivity is expected to modestly recover from the impact of recent labor hoarding. However, productivity growth is not expected to return to pre-pandemic levels given that much of the productivity gap with advanced economies has already been closed.

    Amidst high uncertainty, risks remain elevated and tilted towards lower growth and higher inflation. A slower-than-expected recovery in the Euro Area, delayed absorption of EU funds, and heightened geopolitical tensions could dampen the recovery. At the same time, risks to inflation remain elevated from the tight labor market against the backdrop of accelerating domestic demand and potential supply-side shocks. There are also upside risks to growth including a stronger-than-expected catalytic role from EU funds on private investment and productivity, a larger-than-expected workforce from higher immigration, and potential nearshoring as a result of geoeconomic fragmentation. Risks are well mitigated by ample foreign exchange reserves, a flexible exchange rate, modest debt levels, and robust financial sector buffers.

    Monetary policy is appropriately tight.While the policy rate was kept on hold at 5.75 percent since November 2023, the monetary stance has tightened as inflation expectations declined. This is appropriate because inflation is well above the central bank inflation target. The momentum of core inflation is elevated in the context of strong wages growth amid still-tight labor market and substantial wage increases in the public sector.

    Monetary policy should remain tight at least through 2025 with rate cuts commencing only when data and forecasts confirm that inflation is on a clear downward path towards the target. Absent surprises, both core and headline inflation should peak in year-on-year terms before mid-2025, significantly above the target, before moderating around the upper end of the target range of 2.5±1 percent by end-2025. However, uncertainty on the inflation trajectory is substantial, including due to uncertainty regarding energy prices, developments in the labor market, and the pace of economic recovery. While, monetary policy should remain both data-dependent and forward-looking, the current context warrants placing significant weight on realized inflation declining towards the target over several months on the back of decelerating wages. On this basis, there may be scope for limited and gradual policy rate cuts to start around mid-2025.

    Near-term growth acceleration presents an opportunity to rebuild buffers and help complete the disinflation process by tightening fiscal policies. The general government (GG) deficit is projected to widen from 5.1 percent of GDP in 2023 to 5.7 percent of GDP in

    2024, due to expansionary policies resulting in a fiscal impulse of 0.4 percent of GDP. The 2025 budget targets a slightly lower GG deficit of 5.5 percent of GDP largely owing to higher growth. Staff recommends a tighter fiscal stance by around 0.5 percent of GDP. This can be still achievable within the 2025 budget by saving possible revenue overperformance and limiting non-priority spending. Such a shift would lower debt, thereby rebuilding fiscal space to mitigate against future shocks. It would also lift some of the burden from tight monetary policies to rein in inflation, potentially freeing space for additional policy rate cuts.

    Fiscal consolidation should be anchored in a clear medium-term plan to stabilize debt. The recently published Fiscal Structural Plan is an important and welcome step in this regard as it targets appropriate fiscal balances by 2028 – entailing an adjustment of about 2½ percent of GDP from 2024 in terms of the structural fiscal balance – that would allow exiting the EU’s Excessive Deficit Procedure while stabilizing debt at levels close to 60 percent of GDP notwithstanding large increases in spending on defense. Fully identifying the necessary fiscal measures now and bringing more of the planned fiscal consolidation upfront into 2025 would help strengthen its credibility.

    Potential measures that would support consolidation while also further reducing inequality include: i) raising Personal Income Tax revenues by increasing progressivity to bring them more in line with EU peers , ii) addressing the preferential and regressive treatment of the self-employed, iii) better targeting of social benefits to more effectively support the vulnerable, iv) raising property tax revenues closer to EU comparators, and v) taxing more non-essential items at the standard VAT rate. In this context, raising the PIT tax-exempt threshold, which is under consideration, would require even stronger consolidation measures to offset the fiscal cost. Finally, aligning the retirement age for men and women and then adjusting it over time in line with longevity would help limit the expected shortfall in pensions’ adequacy over the longer-term.

    The authorities have made commendable progress in strengthening the fiscal framework. They have expanded the coverage of the stabilizing expenditure rule and improved oversight over extrabudgetary funds. Establishing a fiscal council as planned would further strengthen accountability and governance.

    Financial sector policies should safeguard the nascent credit recovery, building on a robust banking system. Systemic risks to the financial sector have moderated, with the banking sector being well-capitalized and liquid. Past prudential policies have focused on buttressing stability through regulatory tightening. At the same time banks had to face large costs of legal risks and regulatory burdens such as mortgage credit holidays. Together with weak credit demand and serious legal and regulatory uncertainties, this has created further headwinds for new credit resulting in one of the steepest declines in private sector credit-to-GDP in the EU. Moving forward, policy makers should: (i) take into account the impact of possible further tightening of regulations on the nascent credit recovery, while enhancing regulatory stability; (ii) proactively reduce legal risks to financial sector stability, including by exploring legislative solutions; (iii) even the playing field for private sector credit by replacing the bank asset tax in a manner that eliminates the preferential treatment of public debt` and (iv) allow the mortgage credit holiday to expire.

    After two decades of impressive income convergence, Poland’s growth model needs to adjust to new economic conditions. Exports, especially to the EU, have played a significant role in Poland’s success. However, sizable real appreciation over the past two years weighs on cost-competitiveness. Meanwhile, the regional growth outlook remains subdued, and geopolitical conflicts and geoeconomic fragmentation present headwinds to penetrating new markets. In addition, shallow domestic capital markets and low savings weigh on investment, with population ageing posing a substantial drag on the future size of the workforce. To sustain growth, policies should focus on: i) deepening capital markets (including steps towards a capital market union within the EU), ii) lowering barriers to resource reallocation (for example by strengthening re-skilling programs for adults), iii) fostering innovation capacity (including by promoting private equity and venture capital), and iv) supporting higher labor participation especially for women (by ensuring adequate child and elderly care). The new program supporting young parents’ return to the labor market aims to address this gap. Building on the successful absorption of refugees from Ukraine into the Polish labor market, ongoing efforts to enhance the integration of immigrants can further help contain labor shortages.

    The government’s new decarbonization targets are appropriate; meeting these while safeguarding competitiveness and social cohesion will require strong measures.

    Significant progress has been made on climate mitigation, but more is needed given Poland’s costly dependence on coal, which also undercuts competitiveness. The recent draft energy strategy update outlines additional policy targets and measures for bringing emissions in line with EU climate goals. Its success will be supported by EU funds, and depends on removing barriers to private investment in renewable energy, including by adopting EU legislation on faster permitting for green projects, liberalizing regulations for onshore windfarms, and prioritizing NextGen EU funds for expanding electricity grids. Extending carbon pricing to transportation and heating would also be important for reducing emissions; an early and gradual introduction would help limit adjustment costs. The authorities must address social challenges from the climate transition by cushioning the social impact on coal mining regions and reducing energy poverty.

    The mission thanks the authorities and other counterparts for the fruitful discussions.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/17/CS-poland-2024

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI: WhiteBIT Achieves the Highest Level of PCI DSS Certification for Payment Data Security

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    VILNIUS, Lithuania, Oct. 17, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — WhiteBIT cryptocurrency exchange has once again confirmed its commitment to top-tier security standards by successfully passing the Payment Card Industry Data Security Standard (PCI DSS) certification. The company achieved the highest Level 1 certification.

    This certification verifies that the WhiteBIT platform adheres to the best practices for storing, processing, and transmitting payment card data, ensuring the privacy and security of its users’ financial information. Payment data on WhiteBIT is securely protected from cyber attacks and online fraud, allowing customers to safely perform bank card transactions (deposit/withdraw funds) using methods like Apple Pay and Google Pay.

    “The security of our customers has always been a top priority at WhiteBIT. We set a high standard for cybersecurity and work tirelessly to safeguard our users’ data against potential threats,” said Volodymyr Nosov. “Today, over 5 million clients trust us, and we continually implement innovative solutions to ensure their safety and the transparency of our processes.”

    Benefits of PCI DSS Certification for WhiteBIT Crypto Exchange:

    1. Enhanced Fraud Protection: The certification ensures that WhiteBIT implements advanced security measures, such as encryption, tokenization, access controls, and monitoring, to protect and process payment card data. This greatly reduces the risk of data breaches and cybercrime.
    2. Data Privacy: WhiteBIT handles card data in line with top industry standards, ensuring clients’ sensitive information remains secure and confidential.
    3. Wider Range of Trusted Payment Options: PCI DSS certification enables the integration of multiple secure payment methods, including bank cards from various payment systems. Additionally, all payment providers partnered with WhiteBIT are also required to comply with PCI DSS standards.
    4. Global Recognition: Certification proves that WhiteBIT adheres to international security practices, which is a key consideration for global partners and investors.

    PCI DSS certification highlights WhiteBIT’s commitment to user safety, allowing customers to confidently use their bank cards on the platform without concerns over data breaches.

    To maintain PCI DSS certification, WhiteBIT undergoes an independent audit annually, assessing its compliance with 12 core security principles. This audit is conducted by an accredited third-party organization.

    In addition, WhiteBIT performs external penetration testing of its platform to identify and address any potential vulnerabilities.

    About PCI DSS

    PCI DSS (Payment Card Industry Data Security Standard) is a global security standard established by the payment card industry to protect cardholder data. It was developed by five major payment networks: Visa, Mastercard, American Express, Discover, and JCB. The standard encompasses over 300 criteria related to various aspects of information security, organized into 12 key principles. There are four levels of certification, determined by the annual volume of transactions processed.

    About WhiteBIT

    WhiteBIT is one of the largest centralized cryptocurrency exchanges in Europe, founded in Ukraine in 2018. The platform offers more than 580 trading pairs, 270+ assets, and supports 10 national currencies. WhiteBIT partners with global payment system Visa, the e-sports platform FACEIT, and the telecom operator lifecell. It also supports FC Barcelona (Spain), Trabzonspor (Turkey), and the Ukrainian national football team. Additionally, WhiteBIT collaborates with the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The company’s mission is to promote the widespread adoption of blockchain technology in Ukraine and around the world.

    Contact

    WhiteBit
    WhiteBit Team
    pr@whitebit.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: A new generation of telescopes will probe the ‘unknown unknowns’ that could transform our knowledge of the universe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Richard Massey, Professor of extragalactic astrophysics (dark matter and cosmology), Durham University

    Illustration of the Extremely Large Telescope, currently under construction in Chile’s Atacama desert. ESO, CC BY

    In recent decades, we’ve learnt huge amounts about the universe and its history. The rapidly developing technology of telescopes – both on Earth and in space – has been a key part of this process, and those that are due to start operating over the next two decades should push the boundaries of our understanding of cosmology much further.

    All observatories have a list of science objectives before they switch on, but it is their unexpected discoveries that can have the biggest impact. Many surprise advances in cosmology were driven by new technology, and the next telescopes have powerful capabilities.

    Still, there are gaps, such as a lack of upcoming space telescopes for ultraviolet and visible light astronomy. Politics and national interests have slowed scientific progress. Financial belts are tightening at even the most famous observatories.


    This is article is part of our series Cosmology in crisis? which uncovers the greatest problems facing cosmologists today – and discusses the implications of solving them.


    The biggest new telescopes are being built in the mountains of Chile. The Extremely Large Telescope (ELT) will house a mirror the size of four tennis courts, under a huge dome in the Atacama desert.

    Reflecting telescopes like ELT work by using a primary mirror to collect light from the night sky, then reflecting it off other mirrors to a camera. Larger mirrors collect more light and see fainter objects.

    The Extremely Large Telescope under construction atop the Cerro Amazones peak in northern Chile.

    Another ground-based telescope under construction in Chile is the Vera C. Rubin telescope. Rubin’s camera is the largest ever built: the size of a small car and weighing about three tonnes. Its 3,200 megapixels will photograph the whole sky every three days to spot moving objects. Over the course of 10 years, these photographs will be combined to form a massive time-lapse video of the universe.

    Astronomy used to be a physically demanding job, requiring travel to remote telescopes in dark sites –- but many astronomers began working from home long before COVID. In the late 20th century, major ground observatories started to put in place technology to allow astronomers to control telescopes for observations at night, even when they were not there in person. Remote observing is now commonplace, carried out via the internet.

    Expect the unexpected

    The view of any telescope on the ground is limited, though, even if it’s on top of a mountain. Launching telescopes into space can get around these limitations.

    The Hubble Space Telescope’s operational history began when the space shuttle lifted it above the atmosphere on April 25 1990. Hubble got the full 1960s sci-fi treatment: a rocket to launch it, gyroscopes to point it, and electronic cameras instead of photographic film. But one plan fell through: for Hubble to host a commuting astronaut-astronomer, working decidedly away from home.

    Hubble was designed to take a census of the Milky Way and its neighbouring galaxies. Its successor, the James Webb Space Telescope, would study even more distant galaxies.

    Both telescopes have revolutionised our understanding of the universe, but in ways nobody foresaw. Hubble’s original plans mention none of the discoveries now seen as its greatest hits: plumes of water erupting from Jupiter’s moon Europa, the vortex around black holes, invisible dark matter that holds the universe together, and the dark energy that is pulling it apart.

    The Hubble Space Telescope being deployed from the space shuttle in April 1990.
    Nasa/Smithsonian Institution/Lockheed Corporation

    Webb, launched on December 25 2021, now spends a third of its time looking at planets around other stars that weren’t even known about when it was designed.

    The stated goal of an expensive telescope is usually just a sales pitch to space agencies, governments and (shhh…) taxpayers. The Webb telescope should achieve its original science goals, but astronomers have always known that seeing further, finer or in more colours can achieve so much more. The unexpected discoveries by telescopes are often more significant than the science objectives stated at the outset.

    Taking the long view

    For scientists, it’s a relief that telescopes go beyond their brief, because Hubble and Webb both took more than 25 years from napkin to launch. In that time, new scientific questions arise.

    Building a large space telescope typically takes about two decades. The Chandra and XMM-Newton space telescopes took 23 years and 15 years to build, respectively. They were designed to observe X-rays coming from hot gas around black holes and galaxy clusters, and were launched very close together in 1999.

    They were followed by Japan’s Hitomi X-ray satellite, which took 18 years to build, and the German eRosita instrument on Russia’s Spektr-RG space observatory, which took 20 years.

    Similar timescales apply to the European Space Agency’s Hipparcos and Gaia space telescopes, which have mapped all the stars in the Milky Way. The Cobe and Planck missions to study the microwave-light afterglow of the Big Bang also took two decades. Precise dates depend how you count, and a few exceptions have been “faster, better, cheaper”, but national space agencies are generally risk averse and slow when developing these projects.

    Chandra and XMM-Newton were launched to study X-rays from hot gas around black holes.
    ESO, Esa/Hubble, M. Kornmesser, CC BY

    The latest space telescopes are therefore millennials. They were designed at a time when astronomers had measured the universe’s newborn expansion following the Big Bang, and also its old-age, accelerating expansion. Their main goal now is to fill the gap –- because, surprisingly, interpolations from early times to late times don’t meet in the middle.

    The measured rates for the expansion of the universe are inconsistent, as are results for the clumpiness of matter in the cosmos. Both measurements create challenges for our theories of how the universe evolved.

    Observing the middle age of the universe requires telescopes operating at long wavelengths, because light from distant galaxies is stretched by the time it reaches us. So, Webb has infrared zoom cameras, while the European Space Agency’s Euclid space telescope, launched in 2023, and Nasa’s Nancy Grace Roman telescope, which is set to launch in 2026, both have infrared wide-angle views.

    Three buses come along at once

    Most stars shine in ultraviolet and infrared colours that are blocked by the Earth’s atmosphere, as well as the colours our eyes evolved to see.

    Extra colours are useful. For example, we can weigh stars on the other side of our galaxy because massive stars are bright in infrared, while smaller ones are faint – and they stay that way throughout their lifetimes. However, we know where stars are being born because only young stars emit ultraviolet light.

    In addition, independent measurements of the same thing are vital for rigorous science. Infrared telescopes, for example, can work together and have already made surprising discoveries. But it’s not great for diversity that the Webb, Euclid and Roman space telescopes all see infrared colours.

    Hubble’s visible light camera has just been switched off due to budget cuts. Nasa will not swing back to ultraviolet wavelengths until the 2030s, with the Ultraviolet Explorer and Habitable Worlds Observatory.

    Earthly politics gets in the way, too. Data from China’s Hubble-class space telescope, Xuntian, is unlikely to be shared internationally. And in protest at Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in February 2022 Germany switched off its eRosita X-ray instrument that had been operating perfectly, in collaboration with Russia, a million miles from Earth.

    Cheap commercial launches may save the day. Euclid was to have lifted off on a Russian Soyuz rocket from a European Space Agency spaceport in French Guiana. When Russia ended operations there in tit-for-tat reprisals, Euclid’s launch was successfully switched at the last minute to a SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket.

    If large telescopes can also be folded inside shoebox-size “cubesat” satellites, the lower cost would make it viable for them to fail. Tolerating risk creates a virtuous circle that makes missions even cheaper.

    Telescopes are also being tried in innovative locations such as giant helium balloons and aeroplanes. One day, they might also be deployed on the Moon, where the environment is advantageous for certain types of astronomy.

    But perhaps the most unusual telescope technology, which may bring the most unexpected discoveries, is gravitational wave detectors. Gravitational waves are not part of the electromagnetic spectrum, so we can’t see them. They are distortions, or “ripples”, in spacetime caused by some of the most violent and energetic processes in the universe. These might include a collision between two neutron stars (dense objects formed when massive stars run out of fuel), or a neutron star merging with a black hole.

    If telescopes are our eyes, gravitational wave detectors are our ears. But again, current gravitational wave detectors on Earth are mere dry runs for the ones astronomers will ultimately deploy in space.

    Asked what the next generation of observatories will discover, I have no idea. And that’s a good thing. The best science experiments shouldn’t just tell us about the things we expect to find, but also about the unknown unknowns.

    Richard Massey receives funding from the UK Space Agency to support Euclid, and leads UK involvement in the SuperBIT balloon-born telescope.

    ref. A new generation of telescopes will probe the ‘unknown unknowns’ that could transform our knowledge of the universe – https://theconversation.com/a-new-generation-of-telescopes-will-probe-the-unknown-unknowns-that-could-transform-our-knowledge-of-the-universe-240078

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why America is buying up the Premier League – and what it means for the future of football

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kieran Maguire, Senior Teacher in Accountancy and member of Football Industries Group, University of Liverpool

    When the Premier League broke away from the rest of English football in 1992, its 22 clubs generated £205 million in its debut season, and the average player earned £2,050 a week. Thirty years later, despite having two fewer clubs, the league’s revenue had increased by 2,850% to £6.1 billion and the average player earned £93,000 a week.

    At the heart of this extraordinary growth is an American revolution. In the Premier League’s inaugural season, football was still in recovery from the horrors of the stadium disasters at Hillsborough and Heysel. Owners tended to be from the local area and with a business background. The only foreign owner was Sam Hamman at Wimbledon, a Lebanese millionaire who bought the club on a whim having reportedly been much more interested in tennis. The season ended with Manchester United (under Alex Ferguson) winning the English game’s top league for the first time in 26 years.

    Now, if the bid for Everton by the Friedkin Group (TFG) is ratified, 11 of the 20 Premier League clubs will be controlled or part-owned by American investors. The US – long seen as football’s final frontier when it comes to the men’s game – suddenly can’t get enough of English “soccer”.

    Four of the Premier League’s “big six” are American-owned – Manchester United, Liverpool, Arsenal and Chelsea – while a fifth, Manchester City, has a significant US minority shareholding. Aston Villa, Fulham, Bournemouth, Crystal Palace, West Ham and Ipswich Town also have varying degrees of American ownership.

    And it’s not even just the glamour clubs at the top of the tree. American investment has also been significant lower down the football pyramid, led by the high-profile acquisition of then non-league Wrexham by Hollywood actors Ryan Reynolds and Rob McElhenny, and Birmingham City’s purchase by US investors including seven-time Super Bowl winner Tom Brady. American investment in football has reached places as geographically diverse as Carlisle and Crawley in England, and Aberdeen and Edinburgh in Scotland.

    So why the American obsession with English football? And how real are concerns that these US owners could collude to “Americanise” the traditions of the Premier League – whether by reducing the risk of relegation, introducing some form of “draft pick” system, or moving matches and even clubs to other cities?

    The Premier League’s first US owner

    Manchester United was the first Premier League club to come under American ownership – after a row about a horse.

    In 2005, United was owned by a variety of investors including Irish businessmen and racehorse owners John Magnier and J.P. McManus. Their erstwhile friend Ferguson, the United manager, thought he co-owned the champion racehorse Rock of Gibraltar with them – a stallion worth millions in stud rights. They disagreed – and their bitter dispute was such that Magnier and McManus decided to sell their shares in the football club.

    The Miami-based Glazer family – already involved in sport as owners of NFL franchise the Tampa Bay Buccaneers – had already been buying up small tranches of shares in United, but the sudden availability of the Irish shares allowed Malcolm Glazer to acquire a controlling stake for £790 million (around £1.5 billion at today’s prices).

    The fact Glazer did not actually have sufficient funds to pay for these shares was a solvable problem. In the some-might-say commercially naive world of top-flight English football before the Premier League, Manchester United was a club without debt, paying its way without leveraging its position as one of the world’s most famous football clubs. Glazer saw the opportunity this presented and arranged a leveraged buy-out (LBO), whereby the football club borrowed more than £600 million secured on its own assets to, in effect, “buy itself” in 2005.

    Despite the need to meet the high interest costs to fund the LBO, United continued winning trophies under Ferguson – including three Premier League titles in a row in 2007, 2008 and 2009, as well as a Champions League victory in 2008. Amid this success, the club felt that ticket prices were too low and set about increasing them, with matchday revenue increasing from £66 million in 2004/05 to over £101 million by 2007/08.

    Commercial income was another area the Glazers were keen to increase. United set up offices in London and adopted a global approach to finding new official branding deals ranging from snacks to tractor and tyre suppliers – doubling revenues from this income source too.

    But in this new, more aggressive world of “sweating the asset”, the debts lingered – and most United fans remained deeply suspicious of their American owners. (Following their father’s death in 2014, the club was co-owned by his six children, with brothers Avram and Joel Glazer becoming co-chairmen.)

    Today, despite its partial listing on the New York Stock Exchange and the February 2024 sale of 27.7% of the club to British billionaire Sir Jim Ratcliffe for a reputed £1.25 billion, United still has borrowings of more than £546 million, having paid cumulative interest costs of £969 million since the takeover in 2005. But with the club now valued at US$6.55 billion (around £5bn), it represents a very smart investment for the Glazer family.

    Indeed, while the prices being paid for football clubs across Europe have reached record levels, they are still seen as cheap investments compared with US sports’ leading franchises. Forbes’s annual list of the world’s most valuable sports teams has American football (NFL), baseball (MLB) and basketball (NBA) teams occupying the top ten positions, with only three Premier League clubs – Manchester United, Liverpool and Manchester City – in the top 50.

    With NFL teams having an average franchise value of US$5.1 billion and NBA $3.9 billion, many English football clubs still look like a bargain from the other side of the pond.

    The risk of relegation

    The latest to join this US bandwagon, TFG – a Texas-based portfolio of companies run by American businessman and film producer Dan Friedkin – is reported to have offered £400m to buy Everton, despite the club’s poor financial state.

    “The Toffees” have been hit by loss of sponsorships as well as two sets of points deductions for breaching the Premier League’s financial rules, leading to revenue losses from lower league positions. While the new stadium being built at Liverpool’s Bramley-Moore dock has been yet another financial constraint, it will at least increase matchday income from the start of next season.

    Everton’s new stadium at Bramley-Moore dock will open in time for the start of the 2025-26 season.
    Phil Silverman / Shutterstock

    A wider reason for the relative bargain in valuations of European football clubs is the risk of relegation – something that is not part of the closed leagues of most US sports. While the threat of relegation (and promise of promotion) has always been an integral part of English and European football, the jeopardy this brings for supporters – and a club’s finances – does not exist in the NFL, NBA, Major League Soccer and similar competitions.

    The Premier League, with its three relegation spots at the end of each season, has featured 51 different clubs since it launched in 1992. Only six clubs – Arsenal, Spurs, Chelsea, Manchester United, Liverpool and Everton – have been ever present, with Arsenal now approaching 100 years of consecutive top-flight football.

    Other Premier League clubs have experienced the dramatic cost-benefit of relegation and promotion. Oldham Athletic, who were in the Premier League for its first two seasons, now languish in the fifth tier of the game, outside the English Football League (EFL). In contrast, Luton Town, who were in the fifth tier as recently as 2014, were promoted to the Premier League in 2023 – only to be relegated at the end of last season.

    While it is difficult to compare football clubs with basketball and American football teams, the financial difference between having an open league, with relegation, and a closed league becomes apparent when you look at women’s football on both sides of the Atlantic.

    Angel City, a women’s soccer team based in Los Angeles, only entered the National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL) in 2022 and is yet to win an NWSL trophy. But last month, the club was sold for US$250 million (£188m) to Disney’s CEO Bob Iger and TV journalist Willow Bay – the most expensive takeover in the history of women’s professional sport.

    In comparison, Chelsea – seven-time winners of the English Women’s Super League and one of the most successful sides in Europe – valued its women’s team at £150 million ($US196m) earlier this summer. While there are a number of factors to this price differential, the confidence that Angel City will always be a member of the big league of US soccer clubs – and share very equally in its revenue – will have made its new owners very confident in the long-term soundness of their deal.

    The story of Angel City FC, the most expensive team in women’s sport.

    A further attraction for American investors is the potential to enter two markets – one mature (men’s football) and one effectively a start-up (the women’s game) – in a single purchase. In the US, the top men’s and women’s clubs are completely separate. But in Europe, most top-flight women’s teams are affiliated to men’s clubs – with the exception of eight-time Women’s Champions League winners Olympique Lyonnais Feminin, which split from the French men’s club when Korean-American businesswoman Michele Kang bought a majority stake in the women’s team in February 2024).

    While interest in, and hence value of, the WSL is now growing fast, the women’s game in England is dwarfed by viewer ratings for the Premier League – the most watched sporting league in the world, viewed by an estimated 1.87 billion people every week across 189 countries.

    These figures dwarf even the NFL which, while currently still the most valuable of all sporting leagues in terms of its broadcasting deals, must be looking at the growth of the Premier League with some jealousy. This may explain why some US franchise owners, such as Stan Kroenke, the Glazer family, Fenway Sports Group and Billy Foley, have subsequently purchased Premier League football clubs.

    Ironically, for many spectators around the world, it is the intensity and competitiveness of most Premier League matches – brought on in part by the threat of relegation and prize of European qualification – that makes it so captivating. However, billionaire investors like guaranteed numbers and dislike risk – especially the degree of financial risk that exists in the Premier League and English Football League.

    European not-so-Super League

    In April 2021, 12 leading European clubs (six from England plus three each from Spain and Italy) announced the creation of the European Super League (ESL). This new mid-week competition was to be a high-revenue generating, closed competition with (eventually) 15 permanent teams and five annual additions qualifying from Europe. According to one of the driving forces behind the plan, Manchester United co-chairman Joel Glazer:

    By bringing together the world’s greatest clubs and players to play each other throughout the season, the Super League will open a new chapter for European football, ensuring world-class competition and facilities, and increased financial support for the wider football pyramid.

    The problem facing the Premier League’s “big six” clubs – and their ambitious owners – is there are currently only four slots available to play in the Champions League. So, their thinking went, why not take away the risk of not qualifying? However, the proposal was swiftly condemned by fans around Europe, together with football’s governing bodies and leagues – all of whom saw the ESL proposal as a threat to the quality and integrity of their domestic leagues. Following some large fan protests, including at Chelsea’s Stamford Bridge, Manchester City was the first club to withdraw – followed, within a couple of days, by the rest of the English clubs.

    Under the terms of the ESL proposals, founding member clubs would have been guaranteed participation in the competition forever. Guaranteed participation means guaranteed revenues. The current financial gap between the “big six” and the other members of the Premier League, which in 2022/23 averaged £396 million, would have widened rapidly.

    For example, these clubs would have been able to sell the broadcast rights for some of their ESL home fixtures direct to fans, instead of via a broadcaster. All of a sudden, that database of fans who have downloaded the official club app, or are on a mailing list, becomes far more valuable. These are the people most willing to watch their favourite team on a pay-per-view basis, further increasing revenues.

    At the same time, a planned ESL wage cap would have stopped players taking all these increased revenues in the form of higher wages, allowing these clubs to become more profitable and their ownership even more lucrative.

    American-owned Manchester United and Liverpool had previously tried to enhance the value of their investments during the COVID lockdowns era via ProjectBig Picture – proposals to reduce the size of the Premier League and scrap one of the two domestic cup competitions, thus freeing up time for the bigger clubs to arrange more lucrative tours and European matches against high-profile opposition.

    Most importantly, Project Big Picture would have resulted in changing the governance of the domestic game. Under its proposals, the “big six” clubs would have enjoyed enhanced voting rights, and therefore been able to significantly influence how the domestic game was governed.

    Any attempt to increase the concentration of power raises concerns of lower competitive balance, whereby fewer teams are in the running to win the title and fewer games are meaningful. This is a problem facing some other major European football leagues including France’s Ligue 1, where interest among broadcasters has dwindled amid the perceived dominance of Paris St-Germain.

    So while to date, American-led attempts to change the structure of the Premier League have been foiled, it’s unlikely such ideas have gone away for good. The near-universal fear of fans – even those who welcome an injection of extra cash from a new billionaire owner – is that the spectacle of the league will only be diminished if such plans ever succeed.

    And there is evidence from the women’s game that the US closed league format is coming under more pressure from football’s global forces. The NWSL recently announced it is removing the draft system that is designed (as with the NFL and NBA) to build in jeopardy and competitive balance when there is no risk of relegation.

    Top US women’s football clubs are losing some of their leading players to other leagues, in part because European clubs are not bound by the same artificial rules of employment. In a truly global professional sport such as football, international competition will always tend to destabilise closed leagues.

    Why do they keep buying these clubs?

    Does this mean that American and other wealthy owners of Premier League clubs seeking to reduce their risks are ultimately fighting a losing battle? And if so, given the potential risks involved in owning a football club – both financial and even personal – why do they keep buying them?

    The motivations are part-financial, part technological and, as has always been the case with sports ownership, part-vanity.

    The American economy has grown far faster than that of the EU or UK in recent years. Consequently, there are many beneficiaries of this growth who have surplus cash, and here football becomes an attractive proposition. In fact, football clubs are more resilient to recessions than other industries, holding their value better as they are effectively monopoly suppliers for their fans who have brand loyalty that exists in few other industries.

    From 1993 to 2018, a period during which the UK economy more than doubled, the total value of Premier League clubs grew 30 times larger. And many fans are tied to supporting one club, helping to make the biggest clubs more resilient to economic changes than other industries. While football, like many parts of the entertainment industry, was hit by lockdown during Covid, no clubs went out of business, despite the challenges of matches being played in empty stadiums.

    Added to this, the exchange rates for US dollars have been very favourable until recently, making US investments in the UK and Europe cheaper for American investors.



    This article is part of Conversation Insights.

    Our co-editors commission long-form journalism, working with academics from many different backgrounds who are engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.


    So, while Manchester United fans would argue that the Glazer family have not been good for the club, United has been good for the Glazers. And Fenway Sports Group (FSG), who bought Liverpool for £300 million in 2010, have recouped almost all of that money in smaller share sales while remaining majority owners of Liverpool.

    Despite this, the £2.5 billion price paid for Chelsea by the US Clearlake-Todd Boehly consortium in May 2022 took markets by surprise.

    The sale – which came after the UK government froze the assets of the club’s Russian oligarch owner, Roman Abramovich, following the invasion of Ukraine – went through less than a year after Newcastle United had been sold by Sports Direct founder Mike Ashley to the Saudi Arabian Public Investment Fund for £305 million – approximately twice that club’s annual revenues. Yet Clearlake-Boehly were willing to pay over five times Chelsea’s annual revenues to acquire the club, even though it was in a precarious financial position.

    Clearlake is a private equity group whose main aim is to make profits for their investors. But unlike most such investors, who tend to focus on cost-cutting, the Chelsea ownership came in with a high-spending strategy using new financial structuring ideas, such as offering longer player contracts to avoid falling foul of football’s profitability and sustainability rules (although this loophole has since been closed with Uefa, European football’s governing body, limiting contract lengths for financial regulation purposes to five years).

    Chelsea’s location in the one of the most expensive areas of London, combined with its on-field success under Abramovich, all added to the attraction, of course. But there are other reasons why Clearlake, along with billionaire businessman Boehly, were willing to stump up so much for the club.

    From Hollywood to the metaverse

    While some British football fans may have viewed the Ted Lasso TV show as an enjoyable if slightly twee fictional account of American involvement in English soccer, it has enhanced the attraction of the sport in the US. So too Welcome To Wrexham – the fly-on-the-wall series covering the (to date) two promotions of Wales’s oldest football club under the unlikely Hollywood stewardship of Reynolds and McElhenney.

    Welcome To Wrexham, season one trailer.

    The growth in US interest in English football is reflected in the record-breaking Premier League media rights deal in 2022, with NBC Sports reportedly paying $2.7 billion (£2.06bn) for its latest six-year deal.

    But as well as football offering one of increasingly few “live shared TV experiences” that carry lucrative advertising slots, there may also be more opportunity for more behind-the-scenes coverage of the Premier League – as has long been seen in US coverage of NBA games, for example, where players are interviewed in the locker room straight after games.

    According to Manchester United’s latest annual report, the club now has a “global community of 1.1 billion fans and followers”. Such numbers mean its owners, and many others, are bullish about the potential of the metaverse in terms of offering a matchday experience that could be similar to attending a match, without physically travelling to Manchester.

    Their neighbours Manchester City, part-owned by American private equity company Silverlake, broke new (virtual) ground by signing a metaverse deal with Sony in 2022. Virtual reality could give fans around the world the feeling of attending a live match, sitting next to their friends and singing along with the rest of the crowd (for a pay-per-view fee).

    Some investors are even confident that advancements in Abba-style avatar technology could one day allow fans to watch live 3D simulations of Premier League matches in stadiums all over the world. Having first-mover advantage by being in the elite club of owners who can make use of such technology could prove ever more rewarding.

    More immediately, there are some indications that competitive matches involving England’s top men’s football teams could soon take place in US or other venues. Boehly, Chelsea’s co-owner, has already suggested adopting some US sports staples such as an All-Star match to further boost revenues. Indeed, back in 2008, the Premier League tentatively discussed a “39th game” taking place overseas, but that idea was quickly shelved.

    The American owners of Birmingham City were keen to play this season’s EFL League One match against Wrexham in the US, but again this proposal did not get far. Liverpool’s chairman Tom Werner says he is determined to see matches take place overseas, and recent changes to world governing body Fifa’s rulebook could make it easier for this proposal to succeed.

    The potential benefits of hosting games overseas include higher matchday revenues, increased brand awareness, and enhanced broadcast rights. While there is likely to be significant opposition from local fans, at least American owners know they would not face the same hostility about rising matchday prices in the US as they have encountered in England.

    When the Argentinian legend Lionel Messi signed for new MLS franchise Inter Miami in 2023, season ticket prices nearly doubled on his account. And while there is vocal opposition to higher ticket prices in England, this is not borne out in terms of lower attendances for matches against high-calibre opposition – as evidenced by Aston Villa charging up to £97 for last week’s Champions League meeting with Bayern Munich.

    Villa’s director of operations, Chris Heck, defended the prices by saying that difficult decisions had to be made if the club was to be competitive.

    Manchester United’s matchday revenue per EPL season (£m)


    Kieran Maguire/Christina Philippou, CC BY

    For much of the 2010s, with broadcast revenues increasing rapidly, many Premier League owners made little effort to stoke hostilities with their loyal fan bases by putting up ticket prices. Indeed, Manchester United generated little more from matchday income in the 2021-22 season, as football emerged from the pandemic, than the club had in 2010-11 (see chart above).

    However, this uneasy truce between fans and owners has ceased. The relative flatlining of broadcast revenues since 2017, along with cost control rules that are starting to affect clubs’ ability to spend money on player signings and wages, has changed club appetites for dampened ticket prices. This has resulted in noticeable rises in individual ticket and season ticket prices by some clubs.

    However, season ticket and other local “legacy” fans generate little money compared with the more lucrative overseas and tourist fans. They may only watch their favourite team live once a season, but when they visit, they are far more likely not only to pay higher matchday prices, but to spend more on merchandise, catering and other offerings from the club.

    Today’s breed of commercially aware, profit-seeking US Premier League owners – pioneered by the Glazer family, who saw that “sweating the asset” meant more than watching football players sprinting hard – understand there is a lot more value to come from English football teams. The clubs’ loyal local supporters may not like it, but English football’s American-led revolution is not done yet.



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    Kieran Maguire has taught courses and presented on football finance for the Professional Footballers Association, League Managers Association, FIFA and national football associations in Europe.

    Christina Philippou is affiliated with the RAF FA, and Premier League education programs.

    ref. Why America is buying up the Premier League – and what it means for the future of football – https://theconversation.com/why-america-is-buying-up-the-premier-league-and-what-it-means-for-the-future-of-football-240695

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Joint Statement on Arctic Security and Defence 

    Source: Government of Canada News

    Under the auspice of the Northern Defence Dialogue meeting held on the margins of the NATO Defence Ministers’ Meeting on 17 October 2024…

    October 17, 2024 – Brussels, Belgium – National Defence / Canadian Armed Forces

    Under the auspice of the Northern Defence Dialogue meeting held on the margins of the NATO Defence Ministers’ Meeting on 17 October 2024, the defence ministers of Canada, Denmark together with the Foreign Minister of the Faroe Islands and a representative from Greenland, Finland, Norway, and Sweden, and representatives from Iceland and the United States reaffirm their shared commitment to enhanced collaboration on security and defence in the Arctic.

    In a rapidly changing geopolitical landscape marked by new challenges, the region has become a growing global point of focus. Climate change is having profound effects on the strategic and operational environment and growing access to the Arctic’s resource potential is enticing new non-Arctic actors to the region. Potential adversaries are rapidly developing their militaries’ ability to operate both in the High North and the circumpolar Arctic region. Among its many negative consequences, Russia’s illegal and unprovoked further invasion of Ukraine has caused grave impediments to international cooperation and degraded the Euro-Atlantic security environment.

    These unprecedented challenges underline the need to foster deepened collaboration among the like-minded Arctic states. The accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO significantly strengthens NATO’s collective defence posture and capabilities in the region. As all like-minded Arctic states now belong to the Alliance, we affirm our leading role in NATO’s work relating to the region and stress the importance of maintaining a credible deterrence and defence in the entire Euro-Atlantic area—including our northern regions—as well as cooperation with our other NATO Allies to this end.

    At this Northern Defence Dialogue meeting, building on the work of and aiming to also strengthen NATO, we discussed:

    • Our situational awareness of the threat environment in the Arctic, and opportunities to enhance information and intelligence sharing in order to establish a common operating picture;
    • Emerging threats, risks, and geopolitical challenges from potential adversaries at both the national and international level;
    • Our capabilities to deter and, if necessary, defend against threats posed by our potential adversaries in the region, and our commitment to mutual participation in joint operations and exercises to enhance interoperability; and,
    • Ways to increase collaboration to address common threats and challenges posed to the region.

    Our countries’ common ambition to maintain low tension in the region has served as the foundation of our multilateral Arctic relations and will continue to guide our cooperation in the future. Guided by the core principles of multilateral cooperation, territorial integrity, and maintaining the rules-based international order, we are committed to strengthening our collaboration to address complex global challenges and maintain the Arctic as a stable, peaceful, and prosperous region.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: International appeal for humanitarian demining in Ukraine adopted in Lausanne

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport

    Bern, 17.10.2024 – The first day of the Ukraine Mine Action Conference 2024 ended today with the presentation of the Lausanne Call for Action, which reaffirms the support of the majority of the countries present for humanitarian demining in Ukraine and around the world. The appeal calls for the needs of victims and disabled people to be addressed and promoting partnership and innovation to increase effectiveness in mine action. The conference, held in Lausanne at the EHL Hospitality Business School, brings together representatives of states, international organisations and partners in humanitarian demining.

    61 delegations met on 17 and 18 October 2024 in Lausanne for the Ukraine Mine Action Conference 2024 (UMAC2024). At the end of the first high-level day, the Lausanne Call for Action was adopted, calling for concrete action by states on humanitarian demining in Ukraine. This includes, for example, the swift and safe rehabilitation of agricultural areas, the economic and social reintegration of victims with disabilities, the promotion of international cooperation between the various partners active on the ground, and the exchange of experience and knowledge to foster innovative methods and technologies that increase the effectiveness of mine action at a global level. The text was presented by Switzerland and Ukraine, together with Croatia, which hosted the last mine action conference, and Japan, which will host the 2025 edition.

    Civil population, partnerships and innovation at centre of debate

    The event, hosted jointly by Switzerland and Ukraine, features debates and discussions based on three pillars – people, partners and progress – with the aim of highlighting the crucial importance of humanitarian demining as an integral part of the country’s economic and social reconstruction. The conference was opened by the Swiss president, Viola Amherd and the Ukrainian prime minister, Denys Shmyhal. The Swiss president emphasised in her speech that humanitarian demining is a priority for Switzerland: “Humanitarian demining is not only a security issue, but also a prerequisite for recovery, especially for the restoration of agricultural production and children’s education.”

    Also speaking at UMAC2024 will be figures from the scientific community and civil society, such as British photographer Giles Duley, a landmine survivor and UN Global Advocate for persons with disabilities in conflict situations and peacebuilding situations, and philanthropist Howard G. Buffett, chairman and CEO of the Howard G. Buffett foundation.

    Switzerland’s concrete support for humanitarian demining

    During the conference, the head of the FDFA, Ignazio Cassis, reiterated the importance of international cooperation in humanitarian demining and reaffirmed Switzerland’s commitment to the reconstruction of Ukraine, based on the Lugano Principles adopted in 2022. He also pointed out that the Federal Council decided last week to grant an additional CHF 30 million to the Fondation suisse de déminage (FSD) to extend its activities in the Kharkiv and Kherson regions until 2027. “Thanks to partners such as FSD and the International Centre for Humanitarian Demining, Switzerland is providing direct, effective support in Ukraine,” said Cassis. Since February 2022, the Swiss federal government has implemented various measures to support those affected by the war and allocated around CHF 3.7 billion. Last year the Federal Council approved CHF 100 million in support over four years, earmarked exclusively for mine action in Ukraine.

    Switzerland reiterates solidarity with Ukraine

    At the UMAC2024, a delegation from the Federal Council, led by President Viola Amherd, met with Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal. The meeting was dedicated to possible steps towards peace, reconstruction and solidarity with Ukraine in the face of the energy shortage in the upcoming winter months. The Swiss delegation, which included Federal Councillor Ignazio Cassis, emphasised Switzerland’s continued and long-term solidarity with Ukraine.

    Following the Summit on Peace in Ukraine at the Bürgenstock resort in June, the two sides discussed further possible substantive steps towards a lasting and just peace in Ukraine. For Switzerland, it is clear that any solution must respect international law and the UN Charter. Switzerland remains ready to offer its good offices with the aim of supporting firm steps towards the inclusion of both parties. The thematic follow-up conference scheduled to be held in Montreal at the end of October on the human dimension, the fate of prisoners of war, arbitrarily detained civilians and abducted children was also discussed. A further important topic of discussion was Switzerland’s support for Ukraine and the reconstruction effort, to which the Federal Council attaches strategic importance.

    The Vaud cantonal police are implementing the necessary security measures for the UMAC2024, adapted to the assessment of the situation and in close cooperation with the Federal Office of Police (fedpol). The Swiss Armed Forces provide them with support, in particular in the areas of personnel transport, logistics, air surveillance and air transport.


    Address for enquiries

    FDFA Communication
    Federal Palace West Wing
    CH-3003 Bern, Switzerland
    Tel. Press service: +41 58 460 55 55
    E-mail: kommunikation@eda.admin.ch
    Twitter: @SwissMFA


    Publisher

    Federal Department of Foreign Affairs
    https://www.eda.admin.ch/eda/en/home.html

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Minister for Development speech at Chatham House

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    UK Minister for Development outlines a new “modern approach to development” in first major speech at Chatham House today

    It is an immense honour and privilege to be here today for the first time as Minister for Development and for Women and Equalities.

    Chatham House of course has a long history of being at the cutting edge of foreign policy and development thinking. It is the perfect place to share my vision for a modern approach to international development. I am delighted to see so many of you here, including so many of our partners – from Gates, to Gavi, to the Global Fund.

    I am proud to be able to say to you all – Britain is back on the world stage, with a minister at the top table, advocating for projects and assistance to advance that goal just mentioned of a world free from poverty on a liveable planet.

    [political content redacted]

    Today is the ‘International Day for the Eradication of Poverty’. Between the late 1990s and the early2020s, the world did make headway in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Lives saved and lives changed.

    Many of these gains can never be undone. But as was mentioned the geopolitical challenges now are stark – and progress against the Sustainable Development Goals is stalling.

    We do live in a multipolar world with intense competition. We need to adapt and respond to to that world. The world is different – first – because over the last four years, the number of people in humanitarian need has doubled. A vicious cycle of an unprecedented profusion of conflicts and the climate crisis, which is now compounding the suffering of some of the most vulnerable people in the world. And many women, girls, and marginalised people are experiencing a devastating roll-back of hard-won rights, services, and democratic freedoms.

    I saw this first-hand during my recent trip to South Sudan. In the horrendous conditions of the camp in Bentiu for internally displaced people, I heard heart-breaking accounts from those who were forced to flee the brutal civil war in Sudan, as well as meeting people suffering from South Sudan’s own humanitarian emergency, caused by the legacy of civil war and the climate crisis.

    The conflict in Sudan has now forced more people from their homes than any other conflict – some ten million people. It has pushed nearly nine million people into emergency or famine levels of food insecurity, and as I raised at the UN last month – there is a real risk that without global action to prevent it, the worst famine in several generations could happen on the world’s watch.

    Around the globe, millions of people, who long to return home are beginning to despair that they ever will – including the Syrian refugees I met in Jordan, still there over a decade after they fled the conflict, and so many communities enduring such suffering – from the DRC, to Yemen, Ukraine, and Myanmar, to Gaza and the wider Middle East.

    In all this, political efforts have been vital to get aid in – including our reinstatement of £21m of UK funding to UNRWA, as the only Agency able to deliver at scale in Gaza, and the further £10-million of wider humanitarian support for Lebanon we announced earlier this month.

    By the end of this decade, unless more action is taken, some two-thirds of those living in extreme poverty will be living in fragile and conflict-affected states. At the same time courageous humanitarian aid workers on the front lines of getting help to them around the globe are under attack.

    We have a moral imperative to help turn things around. People everywhere – including the British people – understand instinctively that this is the right thing to do, Compassion, fairness, and refusing to look the other way when someone is in need are all British values. And action is in all our interests as well.

    The new government’s commitment to tackle irregular migration at source is important for those who would otherwise be forced to leave their homes, and important for people in the UK too. That is why, during the European Political Community meeting, the Prime Minister announced up to £84 million for projects across Africa and the Middle East – to address the factors that end up pushing people into small boats.

    The world is also changing because we see new leadership from the likes of President Lula of Brazil, and Prime Minister Mia Mottley of Barbados, on everything from reforming the global financial system, to tackling hunger and poverty around the world – through the emerging G20 Global Alliance for which I was so proud to announce UK support in Brazil.

    I have seen leadership among the women forest rangers who I met in Sulawesi in September. Visiting them gave me an inspiring reminder of the difference we can make to our planet and to peoples’ lives, when we work together as genuine partners – where action to preserve forests also promotes sustainable livelihoods, and where economic development goes hand in hand with combatting climate disaster.

    Today’s world is very different. But as our Foreign Secretary set out, our progressive, realistic approach draws on the same spirit that Ernest Bevin and Robin Cook animated and energised. For our country to once again lead on development, we will need a new, modern approach, based on genuine partnership, trust, and respect.

    It will mean recognising that for our partners, tackling the climate and nature crises is not separate from promoting economic growth and meeting humanitarian need, but intrinsic to both. And it will mean making good on our word, not leaving our partners high and dry and making the most of British talent and expertise to improve peoples’ lives, now and in the future.

    [political content redacted]

    We have to turn the page, if we are genuinely to work in partnership again. Consider that asylum costs, which have spiralled in recent years, at present account for almost 30% of our development spending while the backlog has soared, with people waiting years to receive a decision – which the Home Secretary is now taking action to rectify.

    Consider too that so much of our country’s current international climate finance commitment was backloaded into these final two years – but we are now committed to make good on the promise that the UK will get help to those who need it.

    [political content redacted]

    While we do not underestimate the significance or the complexity of these challenges in the shorter term. Neither should we underestimate our ability to respond under pressure in the long term. The UK has been ambitious on international development before. I am determined it will be again. Of course, that starts with boosting the effectiveness of our efforts.

    I want to thank everyone from the sector who fed into the White Paper, and the civil servants who worked so hard – and I want to reassure you that I value it, as a diagnosis of the problems we face and how UK development can help meet them.

    But I must be clear that we must now prioritise, and provide the strategy and the plan that has been lacking – and that is what I am now building. A core element of this is increasing our capability and capacity.

    The Development Review, led by Baroness Minouche Shafik, is about building on the breadth and depth of development experience, expertise, and innovation represented here today. In addition, we will work closely with the Independent Commission for Aid Impact – making sure our official development assistance reaches those who need it most, and where and when it is most effective.

    [political content redacted]

    Yet we must go further still if we are to shift our approach, quite determinedly – so it is truly modern. First and foremost – that means genuine partnership. Britain is back. Back in business. Back on the world stage.

    And back pursuing our mission of a world free from poverty, on a liveable planet. And my message is that we will work with others, in good faith, to build genuine partnership, underpinned by our respect for other governments, organisations, communities, and individuals.

    That means building shared plans for the future – not imposing our own, and – to quote the Prime Minister – listening a lot more, speaking a bit less.

    This is exactly the approach the Foreign Secretary is taking – as he recently set out so movingly in his speech at Kew Gardens, to friends from across the Commonwealth, and at the United Nations in New York.

    Currently, we are seeing those nations which were unable to industrialise bearing the brunt of the climate crisis – with a terrible cycle of floods, droughts, and hurricanes. Because climate and development are interlinked and interdependent, we will put tackling the climate and nature crisis at the heart of everything we do. Domestically, this government has an ambitious climate policy.

    The drive for cheaper, cleaner power, being led by Ed Miliband, will not only bring down bills here, help us achieve energy security, and meet our goals to decarbonise – it also gives us credibility and expertise abroad, as we lead the response to the climate and nature crisis both bilaterally and through multilateral organisations.

    Secondly – we will champion reform for a global, multilateral system that includes everyone, works for everyone, and is fit for the future.

    [political content redacted]

    That means not just listening to our partners, as a priority – but making sure we take action together. When it comes to the humanitarian and development system that is so stretched, we look forward to seeing Tom Fletcher making the most of his new role as UN Relief Chief, and to working with our partners to take a less siloed, more joined up approach – across everything from climate, to the needs of women and girls, to humanitarian relief.

    And when it comes to finance, time and again, we have heard from small islands and other vulnerable states, how difficult it is to access what they need to pursue their ambitions and priorities, escape the trap of unsustainable debt, and get on a sustainable footing.

    That is why, in his speech to the UN General Assembly, the Prime Minister set out the case for accelerating reform of the multilateral development banks, including shouldering more risk so they can unlock hundreds of billions of dollars so they can do more to unlock hundreds of billions of dollars and do more to build a more sustainable economy and help the poorest.

    Next week I will go to the World Bank Annual Meetings in Washington so they to press them to shoulder more risk so they can unlock the money that is so desperately needed. We will work with our partners – including fragile and climate vulnerable states to help them access more, better-quality, well-targeted, multiannual finance, including for adaptation, through a global financial system that is reformed and ready for the future, and through wider global forums where they have greater representation in the bodies that help shape our shared future – including the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

    We will champion financial innovation – from the insurance and guarantees our partners are seeking, to the Climate Resilient Debt Clauses promoted by the UK, that we are calling on all creditors to offer in their current and future lending.

    Both within government and working with the financial services industry, we will make sure there is more to come – including helping countries tackle the barriers to investment that choke off the flow of private finance.

    On so many fronts, from trade to taxation – globally, momentum is now building for the sort of change we need to see, and we are committed to making the most of every opportunity to urge it ahead.

    That is why at the UN, the Prime Minister called on all donors to make the most of the International Development Association replenishment, as a critical milestone in the fight against poverty.

    It can be bigger, better, and help more people, especially those in fragile states and conflict zones. So, on that basis, under this new government, the UK will be ambitious too – increasing our pledge, and encouraging others to play their part. And as the Prime Minister highlighted at the UN in recent weeks, there are measures that we can crack on with right now, to unlock further resources for sustainability, resilience, and renewal – like a new levy on global shipping that takes account of the true cost of emissions, and puts the proceeds cutting them even further, and helping communities cope with their impacts.

    Third – we will make sure the UK’s expertise and ideas are at the heart of reliable development partnerships. When we work together across development and diplomacy, we maximise our impact – in everything from helping countries harness the opportunities of renewable energy, to reversing the vicious cycle of conflict, to empowering women and girls. This government will be proactive about all that the UK has to offer the world. Our country is brimming with talent and brilliance.

    We are home to research and innovation on everything from nutritious and resilient crops, to new medicines and vaccines, cleaner mining, and emerging technologies. We have world-class universities, finance institutions, and expertise in leveraging private capital into low-income emerging countries – including through BII.

    Both within government and in the City of London, we will make sure there is more to come, Including helping countries tackle the barriers that choke off the flow of private finance.

    We also of course harbour top-tier businesses ready to share their insights and innovation with peers around the world. And we harbour dedicated volunteers in everything from health to education, to search and rescue, to the protection of nature – and so much more.

    We are determined to put this talent and commitment to work, making sure we can connect British expertise and British solutions with international partners, in the spirit of collaboration and partnership.

    And as the Member of Parliament representing a large part of Oxford, a city full of people who have dedicated their entire working lives to serving others in need, this is personal priority for me.

    Fourthly – in doing all of this, the new government will be confident in publicly championing the power of international development – so we all feel the benefits of working together to make headway.

    At a time when the Prime Minister and Chancellor have set us all a challenge to grow our economy and bring opportunity to people across our country, we know our partners around the world share these goals for their countries and their people as well – from clean energy, to protecting and restoring nature – land and sea – and from trade, to tackling illicit finance.

    So that means no more apologising for making progress where we can, and more recognition that putting our best foot forward, in all we do at home and around the world, is in everyone’s best interests.

    Finally – I want to emphasise how much I look forward to working with all of you in the months and years ahead. In the last fourteen weeks, I have seen what development can achieve. From promoting green growth in Indonesia to helping keeping Syrian girls in school in Jordan, to promoting a literal life-line in South Sudan.

    I have seen how the UK can promote modern partnerships – at big global meetings from Rio to New York to Hamburg. And time and again, I have been reminded that as Mandela said, our human compassion binds us to one another, not in pity or paternalism, but in pursuit of our common purpose – of relieving suffering, and reinvigorating hope for our shared future by working towards it together.

    Mandela also said that together, as you all know, we could make poverty history. Well, much has changed since that time, twenty years ago, under a Labour government – for good and for bad.

    But it remains the case that the only way we can tackle shared challenges – from getting help to those in need, to preventing global health crises –i s by working towards it together.

    That is the only way we can make the most of shared opportunities – from reforming the global financial system, to healing the natural world. And that is the only way we can make good on the promises we have made at home as well – from the first duty of government to keep our nation safe, to our mission to grow our economy, so we bring opportunity to all.

    Sadly, there are forces hell-bent on setting the Global North in opposition to the Global South. Yet partnership is part and parcel of how we overcome them, and make sure that those of us who care about our shared future are able to work towards it together – ministers and civil servants, everyone here today, medics, firefighters, teachers volunteering their services, brave journalists, and people up and down our country – including our proud diasporas doing so much for our communities here and their families overseas.

    The British people understand this deeply, and it is extraordinary that even in such challenging times, people find a way to help – I have no doubt that the compassion of the British people will shine through once again now.

    Today, I am delighted to announce that the government will match public donations to a new Disaster Emergency Committee appeal, to help charities do more to get life-saving help to civilians caught up in the conflict in the Middle East, across Gaza, Lebanon and the West Bank, people who find themselves in desperate need of humanitarian relief. This support builds on the humanitarian aid this government has announced for Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, since July. We will match public donations to the new appeal up to £10 million – and together, we will make a difference.

    Updates to this page

    Published 17 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Canadian Armed Forces and Partner Nations gather at CFB Gagetown for Exercise ARDENT DEFENDER

    Source: Government of Canada News (2)

    Over 400 members of the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), alongside soldiers from nine partner nations, are participating in Exercise ARDENT DEFENDER 2024…

    October 17, 2024 – Ottawa – National Defence / Canadian Armed Forces

    Over 400 members of the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), alongside soldiers from nine partner nations, are participating in Exercise ARDENT DEFENDER 2024, a Canadian Army-led international counter-explosive exercise, at 5th Canadian Division Support Base Gagetown in Oromocto, New Brunswick.

    The exercise brings together forces from Canada, Australia, Austria, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America. This training provides an opportunity to strengthen skills and build capacity to counter and dispose of explosive threats, as well as exploit capabilities to counter future threats.

    This year, emerging technologies, such as Uncrewed Aerial Systems and Additive Manufacturing, will be leveraged and integrated into the training to demonstrate ways to enhance operational efficiency and security on a unified front against adversaries.

    Exercise ARDENT DEFENDER is a key activity that allows the CAF and partner nations to incorporate lessons observed from Ukraine and adapt their training.

    “Interoperability is crucial to the Canadian Army’s ability to fulfill Government of Canada objectives, ensure readiness, respond to emerging threats, and meet defence priorities. Exercise ARDENT DEFENDER highlights our commitment to collective security efforts alongside our NATO allies and partner nations.”

    Lieutenant-General Michael Wright, Commander Canadian Army

    Lt Jerome Downey
    Public Affairs Officer, Exercise ARDENT DEFENDER
    Phone: 438-468-7439
    Email: jerome.downey@forces.gc.ca

    Media Relations
    Department of National Defence
    Phone: 613-904-3333
    Email: mlo-blm@forces.gc.ca

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: We Can Do Better

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    October 17, 2024

    Thank you, Andrea, for your kind words. And thanks to all of you for coming.

    Five years ago in this hall I delivered my first curtain-raiser as head of the IMF.

    At that time my main concern was a synchronized slowdown in global growth. Only months later it paled in comparison with the sudden shock of the pandemic, followed by other dramatic events—the tragic wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, the cost-of-living crisis, and a further fracturing of the global economy.

    Next week, the world’s finance ministers and central bank governors will converge here to reflect on where we are, where we are headed, and what to do about it. Let me offer you a preview of what this conversation will look like.

    First, we will cherish the good news—and rightly so, because we haven’t had much of it lately. The big global inflation wave is in retreat. A combination of resolute monetary policy action, easing supply chain constraints, and moderating food and energy prices is guiding us back in the direction of price stability.

    And this has been done without tipping the global economy into recession and large-scale job losses—something we saw during the pandemic and after past inflation episodes, and which many feared we would see again. Both the US and euro area labor markets, to take two examples, are cooling in an orderly manner.

    This is a big achievement.

    Where did this resilience come from? Answer: from strong policy and institutional foundations built over time, and from international policy cooperation as countries learned to act fast and act together. We are benefiting from central bank independence in advanced economies and many emerging markets; years of prudential reforms in banking; progress made in building fiscal institutions; and capacity development worldwide.

    But, despite the good news, don’t expect any victory parties next week—for at least three reasons:

    • For one thing, inflation rates may be falling, but the higher price level that we feel in our wallets is here to stay. Families are hurting, people are angry. Advanced economies saw inflation rates at once-in-a-generation highs. So too did many emerging market economies. But look how bad the situation was for the low-income countries. At the country level and at the level of individuals, inflation always hits the poor the hardest.
    • Even worse, we are in a difficult geopolitical environment. We are all very worried about the expanding conflict in the Middle East and its potential to destabilize regional economies and global oil and gas markets. Its humanitarian impact, alongside the prolonged wars in Ukraine and elsewhere, is heartbreaking.
    • And on top of it all, this is happening at a time when our forecasts point to an unforgiving combination of low growth andhigh debt—a difficult future.

    Let’s take a closer look: medium-term growth is forecast to be lackluster—not sharply lower than pre-pandemic, but far from good enough. Not enough to eradicate world poverty. Nor to create the number of jobs we require. Nor to generate the tax revenues that governments need to service heavy debt loads while attending to vast investment needs, including the green transition.

    The picture is made more troubling by high and rising public debt—way higher than before the pandemic, even after the brief but significant fall in debt-to-GDP as inflation lifted nominal GDP. And do please notice the shaded area in the chart—what it shows is that, in a severe but plausible adverse scenario, debt could climb some 20 percentage points of GDP above our baseline.

    What does this mean for “fiscal space”? To answer this, let’s look at the share of government revenue consumed by interest payments. This is where high debt, high interest rates, and low growth come together—because it is growth that generates the revenues governments need to function and invest. As debt increases, fiscal space contracts disproportionately more in low-income countries—not all debt burdens are made the same.

    And fiscal space keeps shrinking. Just look at the frightening evolution of the interest-to-revenue ratio over time. We can immediately see how the tough spending choices have become tougher with higher debt payments. Schools or climate? Digital connectivity or roads and bridges? That is what it comes down to.

    To make matters worse, we live in deeply troubled times. The peace dividend from the end of the Cold War is increasingly at risk. In a world of more wars and more insecurity, defense expenditures may well keep rising while aid budgets fall further behind the growing needs of developing countries.

    Not only is development assistance too small, but major players, driven by national security concerns, are increasingly resorting to industrial policy and protectionism, creating one trade restriction after another. Going forward, trade will not be the same engine of growth as before. It is the fracturing I warned of back in 2019—but worse. It is like pouring cold water on an already-lukewarm world economy.

    My message today: we can do better.

    As Ajay Banga, President of the World Bank and my dear colleague from across the street, likes to say: forecasts are not destiny. There is plenty we can and must do to lift our growth potential, reduce debt, and build a more resilient world economy.

    Let me start with the domestic agenda. Governments must work to reduce debt and rebuild buffers for the next shock—which will surely come, and maybe sooner than we expect. Budgets need to be consolidated—credibly, yet gradually in most countries. This will involve difficult choices on how to raise revenues and make spending more efficient, while also making sure that policy actions are well-explained to earn the trust of the people.

    Here is the problem though: fiscal restraint is never popular. And, as a new paper by IMF staff shows, it’s only getting harder. Across a wide sample of countries, political discourse increasingly favors fiscal expansion. Even the traditionally fiscally conservative political parties are developing a taste for borrow-to-spend. Fiscal reforms are not easy, but they are necessary and they can enhance inclusion and opportunity. Countries have shown that it can be done.

    Ultimately, over the medium term, growth is key—to deliver jobs, tax revenues, fiscal space, and debt sustainability. Everywhere I go, I hear the same: an aspiration for higher growth and better opportunities. The question is: how?

    Answer: focus on reforms—there is no time to waste:

    • First area of reforms: make job markets work for people. We confront a world of deeply uneven demography: surging young populations in some places, aging societies elsewhere. Economic migration can help, but only up to a point given the anxieties in many countries. So too can supportive steps to help get more women into the workforce. Above all, there is a need for reforms to enhance skill sets and match the right people to the right jobs.
    • Second area: mobilize capital. There is an abundance of it globally, but often not in the right places or right types of investments—just think of all the money from all corners of the globe poured into liquid but less-productive assets in a few major financial centers. Putting savings to work for maximum economic benefit requires policymakers to focus on eliminating barriers such as weak investment environments and shallow capital markets. Financial sector oversight must not only ensure stability and resilience, but also encourage prudent risk-taking and value creation.
    • Third area: enhance productivity. This is what yields more output per unit of input, and there are many ways to raise it, from improving governance and institutions to cutting red tape to harnessing the power of AI. More and better spending on education and R&D help. Among advanced economies, those that lead on innovation show what works: venture capital industries, ecosystems that bring not only financing but knowledge, advice, and professional networks—screening new ideas, identifying winners, feeding them from birth to graduation. There are many lessons for others to learn.

    Globally, the pace of reforms has been slowing since the global financial crisis as discontent has risen.

    But progress is possible. A new IMF study shows that resistance to reforms is often driven by beliefs and misperceptions about the reforms themselves as well as the distributional effects. Reforms are best developed through two-way dialogue with the public, with measures to mitigate the impact on those who risk losing out. We have learnt how much this matters.

    As policymakers pursue reforms at home, they must also look outward.

    There is much that countries can do together as members of an integrated economic community, each benefitting from its own comparative advantage.

    The forces of technology, trade, and capital mobility have delivered a hugely valuable degree of interconnectedness.

    Yet still, we live in a mistrustful, fragmented world where national security has risen to the top of the list of concerns for many countries. This has happened before—but never in a time of such high economic co-dependence.

    My argument is that we must not allow this reality to become an excuse to do nothing to prevent a further fracturing of the global economy. Quite the opposite. My appeal during these Annual Meetings will be: let us work together, in an enlightened way, to lift our collective prospects.

    Let us not take the global tensions as given, but rather resolve to work to lower the geopolitical temperature and attend to the tasks that can only be tackled together:

    • Exhibit one: trade, which has lowered prices, improved quality, and created jobs. Thus far, trade has shown remarkable resilience in the face of new barriers, often flowing around them via third countries. But such redirection is not efficient, nor can we assume it will continue indefinitely. Countries would do well to recognize that the rules-based global trading system delivered many benefits and is worth preserving.
    • Two: climate, where we face an existential challenge, with countries that contributed the least to global emissions now first to suffer. Unexpectedly fast global warming should be ringing alarm bells. The glaciers are melting, the icecaps crumbling. Adverse weather events have telegraphed a frightening message from the future. We know what we must do: create fiscal space for the green transition, eliminate fossil-fuel subsidies, and get capital to where it is most needed. But we must do it!
    • Three: artificial intelligence, our single best shot at higher productivity. IMF research finds that AI, if managed well, has the potential to lift world growth by up to 0.8 percentage points—with that alone, we would go to a higher growth path than in the years before the pandemic. Yet AI is urgently in need of regulatory and ethical codes that are fundamentally global. Why? Because AI is borderless—it is already on smartphones everywhere. We better hurry. This technology will not wait!

    In all these areas and many more, the bottom line is that countries need to relearn how to work together. And institutions like the IMF—born from the basic idea that pooling resources together is efficient—play a vital role.

    In my first term as Managing Director—an unprecedented crisis period—we acted decisively to help our membership. We provided one trillion dollars’ worth of liquidity, and we delivered critical economic analysis and advice that helped policymakers synchronize their actions.

    Now, in the first days of my second term we have delivered again.

    Our Executive Board, in full consensus, has just approved important reforms that reinforce our strong financial position and directly benefit our membership. We are reducing charges and surcharges on our regular lending, and putting in place a comprehensive package that secures our concessional lending capacity to support low-income countries.

    And on November 1 our Board will welcome a third Director for Sub-Saharan Africa, ensuring more voice for what has been an underrepresented region.

    Combined with the fifty percent quota increase agreed at our last Annual Meetings, these actions give us the strength to continue to deliver high value-added to a membership that engages not out of charity but self-interest.

    It is the value we bring to our members that has resulted in our membership growing—and on that note, a very warm welcome to the Principality of Liechtenstein as it joins us as our 191st member!

    From our founding at Bretton Woods in the dark days of 1944 to today, the IMF has established a tradition of adapting to the changing world around it. Today, I give you my word: this will continue. We will stand with our members, always looking for the most impactful ways to serve.

    By the time I complete my second term at the helm of the IMF, I will have led it for most of this decade. And if I were granted one wish, it would simply be this: let not this decade be remembered as one where we allowed conflict to get in the way of existential tasks, storing up vast costs and potential calamity for those to follow. Let it be remembered as a time when we rose above our differences for the good of all.

    For our mutual prosperity—and ultimately for our survival—I say we can do better: let there be peace on earth and a revival of cooperation.

    Thank you!

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Mayada Ghazala

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/17/sp101724-annual-meetings-2024-curtain-raiser

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Defense News: CNO Press Briefing: Atlantic Council

    Source: United States Navy

    GENERAL JAMES L. JONES: Good morning, everybody. And welcome to today’s event with Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Lisa Franchetti—chief of naval operations of the world’s finest Navy, I might add—to discuss her 2024 Navigation Plan for America’s Warfighting [Navy].

    My name is Jim Jones, and I serve as executive chairman emeritus here at the Atlantic Council and as chairman of the Scowcroft Center. So, on behalf of the Scowcroft Center and the Atlantic Council, as well as its Forward Defense Program, I would like to welcome you to this exciting fourth installment of our 2024 Commander Series.

    As we all know, since its origin the United States has relied on her Navy to maintain global maritime dominance, ensuring freedom of navigation, the ability to project US power across the globe and played a critical role in the nation’s strategic deterrent capabilities. As we continue into this era of strategic competition with peer or near-peer adversaries, potential adversaries, namely China and Russia, and the threat landscape evolves, the Navy faces many challenges, and its capabilities are stretched across the world.

    The Navy, and I might add the Marine Corps—you’re not going to get away with a commandant introducing you without mentioning the Marine Corps—but the Navy and her Marines must be ready for the possibility of war in the near future. But beyond that, it will need to continue to enhance its long-term advantage to deter future aggression and ensure a major contribution to global stability. A critical component in the effectiveness of this strategy will be leveraging technological innovation to maintain a ready and modern force. The Navy will need to invest in newer platforms, newer weapon systems, and embrace robotic and autonomous systems as well.

    The key advantage that the United States holds over its adversaries is the strong alliance network the US maintains. The Navy must continue to strengthen these relationships, to enhance collective security, deter adversarial aggression by improving interoperability with joint and allied forces. With so many threats looming on the not-so-distant horizon, it is also imperative that the Navy has a forward-thinking strategic vision that leverages all the advantages the United States holds, and enables the readiness to respond in competition, crisis, and conflict if necessary.

    And so today, we’re extremely fortunate to be joined by the 33rd Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Lisa Franchetti, who will discuss her recently published Navigation Plan for America’s Warfighting Navy. This is her strategic guidance for the US fleet during her tenure. A native of Pittsford, New York, Admiral Franchetti is a graduate of the Medill School of Journalism and was commissioned through Northwestern University NROTC program in 1985. She earned her Surface Warfare qualification on the USS Shenandoah, went on to command at all levels, including Naval Reserve, Central Point, Oregon, USS Ross, Destroyer Squadron 21, US Naval Forces Korea, Carrier Strike Group 9 and 15, the US Sixth Fleet in Italy, and Striking and Support Forces NATO in Portugal.

    In addition to command, she has worked across the Navy and the joint force with emphasis on strategy, international engagement, and interagency collaboration, serving as the director Strategy, Plans, and Policy, J-5, and most recently as the vice chief of naval operations. As chief of naval operations, Admiral Franchetti is responsible for the command, use of resources, and operational efficiency of the naval operating forces and the Navy’s shore activities assigned by the secretary of the navy.

    Admiral Franchetti, we look forward to hearing from you today, and we’re very grateful for your presence here. After the admiral’s keynote remarks, she will be joined by Dan Lamothe for a moderated discussion. Dan has held a long career as a journalist and has written extensively about the armed forces for more than fifteen years. Since 2014, he has been covering the United States military and the Pentagon for The Washington Post. Dan, thank you very much for joining us today.

    I would also like to thank everyone attending this conversation with the admiral, whether in person or virtually. [Convenings] such [as] these are integral to the Atlantic Council’s [Scowcroft] Center for Strategy and Security, which works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and her allies and partners. Consistent with that mission, Forward Defense generates ideas and connects stakeholders in the defense ecosystem to promote an enduring military advantage for the United States, her allies, and partners. Its work identifies the defense strategies, capabilities, and resources of the United States needed to deter and, if necessary, prevail in any future conflict.

    I would like to extend a special thanks to Saab Corporation and Michael Anderson, who, unfortunately, couldn’t be here today but is usually in attendance. Saab and the Atlantic Council launched the Commander Series back in 2009. The vision was to establish a flagship speakers forum for senior military and defense leaders to discuss the most important security challenges, both now and in the future. Over the years, the program has become one of the Council’s main institutions. And we’re thankful to Saab for their continued support and collaborations. Before I turn it over to Admiral Franchetti for her keynote remarks, I’d like to remind everybody that this event is public and on the record. Thank you all for joining the Atlantic Council for what I know will be a captivating conversation.

    Admiral Franchetti, without any further ado, the floor is yours. Welcome.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Well, thank you, General Jones, for your kind introduction and warm welcome. And I also want to thank the Atlantic Council for letting me be part of the Commander Series. It’s an incredible opportunity. And I’m very excited to have the opportunity to speak with all of you today.

    So, as General Jones just mentioned, I recently released my Navigation Plan for America’s Warfighting Navy, which is my overarching strategic guidance to the Navy to make our nation’s fleet more ready for potential conflict with the PRC by 2027, while also enhancing our Navy’s long-term warfighting advantage. But before I talk a little bit more about that, I want to talk about the why—the why behind the NAVPLAN, and what your navy is doing all around the world to protect our nation’s security and prosperity, to deter any would-be adversary, and to always be ready to fight and win decisively, if called to do so.

    As you all know, our Navy—our nation is and always has been a maritime nation. Seventy percent of our planet is made up of water. Eighty percent of the world’s population lives within two hundred kilometers of the coastline. Ninety percent of the global economy moves by sea. And 95 percent of international communications and about ten trillion dollars of financial transactions transit via undersea fiber optic cables every single day. In the United States alone, seaborn trade carries more tonnage in value than any other mode of transportation each year, generating about $5.4 trillion annually and supporting thirty-one million American jobs. And when our access to the sea is impacted, so too is our economy, our national security, and really our way of life.

    And I could think about a lot of different examples over the past years that demonstrate that intimate connection. Just think back to the impacts of COVID-19, the grounding of the Ever Given in the Suez Canal, and now Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, and even the port strikes on the east and west coast—gulf coast just a few weeks ago. It’s really clear that the seas are the lifeblood of our nation. And since the days of the Revolutionary War, as General Jones pointed out, our Navy and our Marine Corps team has protected and guaranteed our access to that sea. And on Sunday, we just celebrated our 249th birthday.

    I think the events of this year and the actions taken by your Navy-Marine Corps team in the Indo-Pacific, in the Mediterranean, in the Red Sea, and beyond really underscore the enduring importance of American naval power throughout our nation’s history. With an average of about 110 ships and seventy thousand sailors and Marines deployed on any given day, the Navy-Marine Corps team is operating forward, defending our homeland, and keeping open the sea lines of communication that fuel our economy. In the Indo-Pacific right now, the USS George Washington Carrier Strike Group and the America Amphibious Readiness Group, with the 31st MEU embarked, are working alongside allies and partners to sustain a free and open regional order and enhance our collective interoperability.

    In the Baltic, the Atlantic, the high north, and the Mediterranean, our navies continue to work alongside NATO and other partner navies to defend NATO and to support Ukraine as they defend their country and their democracy, to further deter Russian aggression, and to ensure that Russia’s continued unjustified and horrific invasion of the sovereign nation of Ukraine is a strategic failure. And in the eastern Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the western Indian Ocean, our naval forces—including aircraft carrier strike groups, amphibious readiness groups, submarines and multiple destroyers—working alongside allies and partners, are containing the Israel-Hamas conflict, deterring others, especially Iran and its proxies, from escalating hostilities into regional war, and continuing to support Israel’s defense.

    Over the last few weeks, more American destroyers—the Bulkeley, the Frank E. PetersenMichael Murphy, and the Cole—have joined about a dozen other naval assets over the last year in knocking down Iranian and Houthi-launched ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and drones in defense of the rules-based international order, in defense of innocent civilian mariners, and in defense of Israel. The ability of our forces to seamlessly operate in any theater speaks to the value our Navy has provided to our nation for the last 249 years.

    We operate in a unique domain. It’s a domain that knows no boundaries. It’s a domain that transcends lines that are drawn on a map, and one in which the Navy provides agile, flexible options and decision space to our nation’s leaders every single day. I could not be more proud of that Navy team. It’s the active and reserve sailors. It’s our civilians. And it’s our families. There’s no other Navy in the world that can operate at this scale. No other Navy in the world can train, deploy, and sustain such a lethal, globally deployed, combat credible force at the pace, the scale, and the tempo that we do.

    And while all that we have achieved these past 249 years has filled me with confidence, I know that we cannot take our foot off the gas, because there’s no doubt that our nation is at an inflection point in history. We are facing a changing and challenging security environment, a changing character of war, and real challenges in ship, submarine, aircraft, construction and maintenance, munitions production, recruiting, and infrastructure maintenance. All while acknowledging the industrial and budgetary constraints complicating our efforts to address these challenges.

    I’ve already talked a little bit about the security environment, but I want to expand on how that’s changed a little bit more. As we are seeing, the rules-based international order that we have upheld, protected, and defended for over three-quarters of a century is under threat, in every ocean. The People’s Republic of China is our pacing challenge and presents a complex, multi-domain and multi-axis threat. I am eyes wide open that the challenge posed by the PRC to our Navy goes well beyond just the size of the PLAN fleet.

    It includes gray zone and economic campaigns, expansion of dual-use infrastructure like airfields and ports, and dual-use forces like the Chinese maritime militia, and a growing nuclear arsenal. It’s backed by a massive defense industrial base, which is on a wartime footing and includes the world’s largest shipbuilding capacity. The growing capabilities, capacity, and reach of the PRC military, along with its increasingly aggressive behavior in the East and South China Seas, underscore what Chairman Xi has told his forces, that they should be ready for war by 2027.

    The PRC is not our only competitor. Russia continues to be an acute threat. Iran, a stabling actor in the Middle East. And we are seeing increasing alignment of these competitors, the PRC, Russia, Iran, North Korea, violent extremist organizations, and globally sponsored terrorist organizations like Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, ISIS-K, and more. In addition to this dynamic security environment, we’re also facing a changing character of war, with advancements in battlefield innovation and cheaper, more accessible technology available to state and nonstate actors alike. We’re all learning a great deal from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the continued Houthi ballistic missile, cruise missile, and drone attacks in the Red Sea.

    To get after all these challenges, I would love to have the resources and the industrial base capacity to just expand the size of our force overnight. And I acknowledge the need for a larger, more lethal force. But it’s no secret to any of you that we are facing financial and industrial headwinds at getting, what I like to call, more players on the field. Our budget falls short of the 3 to 5 percent increase above inflation needed to support the Navy’s growth. And we’ve had continuing resolutions for fourteen of the past fifteen years, which stifle our momentum and slow any progress in delivering the warfighting capability and capacity needed to meet the needs of today and tomorrow.

    And while we’re investing significant resources to address our industrial base challenges, change will not happen overnight. We cannot manifest a bigger Navy—a bigger traditional Navy in just a few short years. So as I came into this position, I took all of this in—the changing security environment, the changing character of war, and our own challenges—and that is what provided the context that framed my Navigation Plan. It’s a plan that lays out where we need to go to make our Navy more ready for potential conflict anytime and anywhere. As the CNO who will be at the helm into 2027, I am compelled to do more, and do more faster, to ensure that our Navy is more ready. I can’t stand still as we work to secure long-term investments for our force.

    And so my Navigation Plan essentially parks these known challenges in a box. I’m still going to work on them, but they’re not the only thing I’m going to think about. And it helps me set a course to make strategic gains in the fastest time possible with the resources I can influence. It builds on America’s Warfighting Navy, a document that I released in January that lays out my priorities of warfighting, warfighters, and the foundation that supports them. And the NAVPLAN continues where my predecessor’s 2022 NAVPLAN left off. It lays out my plan to raise our fleet’s baseline level of readiness and put more players on the field—platforms that are ready with the requisite capabilities, weapons, and sustainment, and people that are ready with the right mindset, skills, tools, and training.

    And it does that really in two ways. First, by implementing what I call Project 33, seven key areas in which we need to accelerate, areas where I will invest my personal time and resources and put my thumb on the scale to urgently move the needle, with 2027 as our North Star. And second, by expanding the Navy’s contribution to the joint warfighting ecosystem. This is all about building enduring warfighting advantage by investing in key capabilities and creating the layered effects that the Navy can contribute across all domains, to those of the joint force and those of our allies and partners. This is fundamental to my vision of how we will deter and, if necessary, fight and win our future wars.

    So, going back to the first I’d like to briefly just touch on these seven equally important Project 33 targets, as they align to my priorities of warfighting, warfighters, and the foundation that supports them.

    Under warfighting, my first target is readying our platforms.

    The second target is operationalizing robotic and autonomous systems.

    My third target is fighting from the Maritime Operations Center. That’s our command and control nerve center and it will help synchronize how we deliver effects as a Navy and as a broader joint and combined force.

    Under the warfighters’ bucket, my fourth target is recruiting and retaining talented people.

    My fifth target is delivering the quality of service that our sailors and their families deserve.

    My sixth target is investing in warfighter competency, making our live virtual constructive training as reliable, realistic, and as relevant as possible.

    And finally in the foundation bucket, my seventh target is restoring the critical infrastructure that generates, sustains, and postures our force to fight, prioritizing the Pacific theater.

    Together, these seven targets—really, stretch goals—they represent my plan to make strategic gains in the fastest time possible with the resources I can influence. I know that moving out with purpose and urgency on these targets will deter the PRC and any other potential adversary, and make us even more ready to fight and win decisively should that deterrence fail.

    I’d like to end with just a few comments about the joint warfighting ecosystem I mentioned before because my Navigation Plan is critical to expanding our Navy’s contribution to it. I know that our Navy will never fight alone, so we are laser-focused on developing and integrating key Navy capabilities with those of our joint teammates and of our allies and partners, because it’s the aggregate effects that we deliver collectively that will matter.

    The joint warfighting ecosystem is all about pooling and creating those aggregate effects. It’s a system in which a capability enables and then is enabled by each of its participants. It’s on display in the Middle East right now, and I know it’s one that Admiral Paparo will leverage in the Indo-Pacific.

    Achieving these objectives in my Navigation Plan is an all-hands-on-deck effort where everyone has a role to play—industry, Congress, academia, our joint teammates, our allies and partners, and of course our sailors and our civilians. So I would like to thank all of you here for your interest in our Navy, and I would like to thank you for all that you have done to support our Navy team and will continue to do in the future to support America’s warfighting Navy.

    I have a clock in my office that tells me that there are 807 days left until 1 January 2027. There is no time to waste, and your Navy is ready to get after it. Thank you very much, and I look forward to discussion today. Thank you.

    Dan.

    DAN LAMOTHE: All right. Good morning, everyone.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Good morning.

    DAN LAMOTHE: Thank you for your time today, ma’am.

    You just spent several minutes articulating your plan. I know you must have spent a lot of time planning that. This town often sees plans that run into headwinds, run into real-life events. Can you walk us through a bit what you think you can do to make this plan durable, make this happen, kind of clear-eyed, noting the headwinds, the budgetary constraints, and other things like that?

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Yeah. Well, thank you. And again, thanks for the chance to talk a little bit about the plan today.

    You know, I think this plan is a little bit different from some of the plans that we have had in the past, and I worked to make sure that it would be durable and it would stick. And I really spent about the last year working on this plan alongside all of our four-star commanders, our fleet commanders, our type commanders to really get after what are the things that we need to do and what we do we need to do to think, act, and operate differently to stay ahead of the challenges that we have with the resources that we can influence right now.

    And so when you look at the plan, it’s very focused—I would say it’s different in a few ways from previous plans.

    First, it’s focused on 2027. It’s focused on the PRC. So I’ve set my priorities, my sight. It’s narrowly focused on getting after those challenges.

    The other thing is that it really builds on Navigation Plan 2022, in which we had about eighteen different areas which we were really focused on and a lot of structure was put in place with single accountable individuals to drive progress in each one of those areas. I took a look, I took a fix, and I said, all right, here’s where we are based on NAVPLAN 2022, and here are seven areas where I think we can really put our foot on the gas and accelerate our progress in those to be real gamechangers in what we need to be able to do in the future.

    I think the last thing I would say what’s different about it is that it does have this single accountable individual responsible for each one of the targets that we’re trying to get after. And what we’ve found through our perform-to-plan and naval sustainment systems, processes have been put in place, if you have a stretch goal, a single accountable individual, and a cadence of accountability, that drives success.

    And the Navigation Plan will change my focus. It changes where I go, what I visit, what reports I get, what meetings I go to. And so my personal attention will be on these Project 33 goals as well as building the capabilities I talk about as the key capabilities for warfighting advantage that will get us where we need to be in the future.

    DAN LAMOTHE: OK. One of your stated goals is boosting surge readiness to 80 percent. I know talking to a lot of analysts in this town, they raise concerns whether real-life events, physics, other things would really challenge this. And I know you’ve raised previously the aircraft as a kind of parallel. Do you see 80 percent as aspirational, achievable, both? And I guess, how do you put your foot on the gas with that?

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Thanks. This is one of the most important—all seven are equally important, but you know, I’ve long said that we need to get more players on the field. There’s a lot of ways to do that. You know, one is to buy new ones. One is to get them in and out of maintenance on time, which is—that’s why I put this goal in here. One is to use what you have differently.

    I am focused on this, because the aviation example is really illustrative of what we know we can achieve. So in 2018, Secretary Mattis challenged our aviation community to get F/A-18 readiness up from 50 percent readiness/availability to 80 percent. And over the process of these—the last couple of years, and now six years on, we’ve been able to sustain 80 percent readiness in the F/A-18s because of the processes that we put in place, data-driven, daily drumbeats of accountability to make sure that we understood what the readiness was, what the barriers were to achieving that readiness, and moving forward.

    They’ve been able to scale that now through other type model series, and we’ve expanded it to the submarine force and also the surface force. So it’s a stretch goal, but I am committed and the team is committed to going after that stretch goal. So we are putting all those—we have, actually, all those processes in place now, and I’m really looking forward to that.

    I will just give another example, a metric in surface that might be useful. So, you know, on-time completion of maintenance availabilities is really important. So if you think back in 2022 we had about 27 percent completion on time, 2023 we moved it up into the 30 percents, and this year we’ll be up to 67 percent. So we put in a lot of procedures to be able to plan maintenance availabilities early in a surface, a submarine, and aviation, making sure we understand what parts we need, having available pool of parts, investing in those parts so they can be there on time; planning our stuff—maintenance availabilities at least six months ahead of time and locking them in to let industry know what’s coming and also get those parts on order. Those are some of the things we’re doing.

    So these are stretch goals, but I am confident that we’re going to work hard to get after them. And if we don’t make exactly 80 percent, we’re going to be farther along the road than we would be if I hadn’t set such an ambitious goal.

    DAN LAMOTHE: OK.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: And I will say all the communities are locked hands on these goals, so we are all committed to working together to get after them.

    DAN LAMOTHE: A lot of discussions about the future of the Navy tend to focus on ship numbers. I heard in your comments there you kind of addressed that head on. To what do you—what degree do you consider that construct limiting, and to what degree do you consider that construct necessary? You know, I—there’s a pragmatic aspect to this, but numbers are numbers, and I’m sure that’s something that you get an earful on a lot as well.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Certainly. Well, I fully acknowledge that we need a larger, more lethal Navy. You know, we have multiple assessments that say that we need to have a larger Navy, and I really want to work closely, you know, with Congress, with industry to be able to deliver that Navy that we need. And that’s a really important thing.

    But the size of the Navy is not the only thing that matters. I think if you look at that future warfighting ecosystem, it’s really about the effects you can deliver with that Navy from a widely dispersed, disaggregated force integrated with all of the other forces of our joint force, whether it’s cyber, space, Air Force, Army, Marines. You can definitely envision a different type of warfighting environment where all of those effects are layered together, and that is really how we’re going to beat any adversary.

    So, to me, it’s both. We need to focus on getting the fleet that we need with the capabilities we need, but we also need to understand how we’re going to better integrate them with the joint force and alongside our allies and partners. And really, how do we build that interoperability from the ground up with allies and partners through both weapons systems but also exercises, and make sure that we can really plug and play, plug and fight any time that we need to be able to do that?

    DAN LAMOTHE: OK. Thank you.

    Let’s talk some current ops and maybe tie it back to the plan a bit. The Navy’s been extremely busy in the Red Sea and other parts of the Middle East over the last year. You know, I think a lot of us are tracking ship movements and things like that on a level that, you know, is not always common. What is the service learning as a result as seemingly almost daily sailors are knocking, you know, munitions out of the sky? And how long do you think the service can keep this up? It seems to me that there would be concern as this stretches on on magazine depth and also on just, you know, as you’re trying to pivot elsewhere this seemingly doesn’t go away.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Well, first, I couldn’t be more proud of our Navy and Marine Corps team that’s out there. As I said earlier, you know, from day one we’ve been there to deter further escalation. And you know, I’m very proud of all of our ships—working alongside allies and partners, I would add—there in the Red Sea and in the—in the Indian Ocean to really uphold that rules-based international order.

    I think we’re learning a lot by being in the Red Sea. First, the value of allies and partners. And again, all of these exercises and training that we do all around the world, that’s enabled us to work together to get after this challenge.

    I would say a few other things. First, that our sailors are confident in their weapons system. And that’s really a testament to the development of these weapons systems over the last many years, but also to the training, the certification, all of the work we do to get our sailors, our ships, our aircraft, everything ready to go before they head into harm’s way. And our systems have performed as designed. So, again, it’s a real testament to the designers, the engineers, and now our people who are able to employ them effectively.

    I think the other thing that we’re learning is that we’ve been able to observe all of the different engagements, everything that the Houthis have used, all of their Iranian-supplied weapons systems, and we’ve been able to look at their tactics that they’re using. We’ve been able to use data and extract that information from our weapons systems, bring that back here to the US in a matter of hours. And getting that to our engineers; to our warfighting development centers where they develop tactics, techniques, and procedures; this has been really a gamechangers because then all the experts can work together, understand what’s going on. As tactics evolve, then we can introduce different tactics, adjustments to radars, whatever it is we need to do to be able to get after that.

    I’ll just give a small example. When I was out visiting one of our ships, I got to promote a fire controlman second class to first class. And he was a technician who worked with a gun weapons system, and he had an idea about how he could make the gun more effective against Houthi threats. And he wrote up his idea, he sent it back to the technical authorities, they validated it, and they put it out the rest of the fleet because it was a better way to use the gun and more effective. And so we got to put technology into the hands of a warfighter; we got him to think about how to think, act, and operate differently; and he was really a pioneer in innovating there on the battlefield.

    I always like to say in Ukraine they innovate on the battlefield every single day. They take what they have and they use it differently. We need to be able to do the same. So I think that’s another lesson that we’ve learned there.

    DAN LAMOTHE: OK.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: And to your last point about, you know, are we concerned about our sustainability to be there, of course, our job is to be there, and that is what we train our people to do. So I’m very proud to be able to do that mission. And we’re continuing to work, again, to invest in the munitions as I talk about the foundation—munitions, bases, infrastructure—all those things we need to generate and sustain the force, committed to getting after that.

    DAN LAMOTHE: All right.

    And I think we have just time for one more question. We’ve seen the Abraham Lincoln Strike Group extended. We’ve seen the Marine Expeditionary Unit extended along with the ARG. As we see this extend, you know, it occurs to me we don’t necessarily have a follow-on ARG new behind it. To what degree are you concerned about being able to sustain the tempo out there?

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Well, as you know, we train, deploy, and certify all of our forces to be able to meet the requirements that are set forth, you know, by the secretary. We’re a globally deployed force, and I think that’s one of the greatest things about the flexibility of our Navy. We can generate the forces, we can send them where they need to go, and allow the secretary to be able to move them between the different theaters to get after the missions that we have. So I’m confident in our ability to do that.

    I am very focused on readiness for all of our ships. You know, when you think about in the big picture what are my priorities, first, Columbia, our number-one acquisition priority. But after that, readiness, capability, and then capacity. I’m really focused on readiness and getting after all of these maintenance challenges that have caused some of the delays in the past, whether it’s in our amphibious force or in any one of our platforms. So, again, that’s how we’re going to get after this. And that’s why that’s a key part of our Navigation Plan.

    DAN LAMOTHE: OK. Thank you all for your time today. I’d ask you to remain seated so that the admiral can depart for another meeting.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Thank you very much.

    DAN LAMOTHE: All right.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Thank you.

    DAN LAMOTHE: Thank you.

    LISA FRANCHETTI: Oh, thanks. That was fun.

    DAN LAMOTHE: Thank you.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Europe: United in Ukraine’s Recovery: EC-EIB-UNDP partnership is driving reconstruction and building resilience

    Source: European Investment Bank

    Ivana Živković emphasised: “While the resilience of Ukrainians fills me with hope, the continuous attacks threaten to erase the hard-won gains from our joint recovery efforts. We must remain steadfast in our support for Ukraine and ensure that the lessons learned here are reflected in our response. Trust among our partnerships has enabled us to respond swiftly and effectively to the needs of Ukraine. Our focus is not just on rebuilding infrastructure but on empowering local communities to lead their own recovery. This is how we ensure resilience and sustainability.”

    These recovery projects are supported by international partners but are fully managed by local governments, whose leadership is crucial to their success, as they are tailored to each community’s needs. Two Ukrainian mayors shared details of the recovery projects currently underway in their regions, showcasing Ukraine’s resilient spirit that thrives even in the smallest communities. Both leaders exemplify proactive local governance as they address the challenges of recovering from war damages, accommodating displaced persons, and developing their villages to flourish amid ongoing adversities and the pressures of modern urbanisation trends.

    Mykhailo Demchenko, Head of the Stryzhavka Territorial Community in Vinnytsia Region, said: “In Stryzhavka, we are working on key projects that include the construction of a new administrative building and major repairs to two local schools recently inaugurated. These initiatives, part of the Ukraine Recovery Programme, are essential for restoring not only infrastructure but also community spirit and functionality. With support from the EU Delegation, the EIB and UNDP, we’re building a brighter future for our residents and the internally displaced persons (IDPs) we are hosting.”

    Ruslan Yaremchuk, Head of the Palanka Territorial Community in Cherkasy Region stated: “Our community is focused on rebuilding educational institutions that were severely damaged during the war, including the Palanka Lyceum and Horodetska Secondary School. We are also renovating the Palanka kindergarten, ensuring that our youngest residents have a safe place to learn. These projects, with a total investment of over €4 million, are vital for the long-term resilience of Palanka.”

    Recovery efforts and long-term reforms are vital 

    The event’s panel discussion was moderated by Kristina Mikulova, head of the EIB Regional Hub for Eastern Europe and focused on the evolving needs of Ukraine. Vsevolod Chentsov, Head of the Mission of Ukraine to the European Union, highlighted the country’s urgent priorities, particularly ahead of the upcoming winter: The ongoing Russian missile and drone strikes have devastated 9 GW of Ukraine’s energy generation capacity, leaving us in an urgent and critical situation. The European Union’s financial backing, which has already provided €2 billion in aid, and the contributions from member states, including funds from frozen Russian assets, are crucial to preventing a worst-case scenario this winter.”

    Anna Jarosz Friis, Director of the Ukraine Service at DG NEAR, emphasised the European Commission’s commitment to supporting Ukraine through the Ukraine Facility 2024-2027, which aims to address both immediate recovery needs and long-term reforms. Violaine Silvestro von Kameke, Principal Advisor at the EIB, illustrated the tangible impact of recent projects she inaugurated, showcasing how EIB framework loans have improved lives across more than 120 communities. Additionally, Jaco Cilliers, UNDP Resident Representative in Ukraine, shared valuable insights from UNDP’s extensive crisis response work, drawing parallels between Ukraine’s early recovery efforts and similar initiatives in other fragile environments worldwide.

    Looking ahead: building a resilient future for Ukraine

    As Ukraine navigates the ongoing challenges posed by the war, international support remains crucial. The EU-EIB-UNDP partnership will continue to play a pivotal role in meeting both immediate recovery needs and long-term investment goals, particularly as Ukraine strives for EU accession. The event highlighted the progress made so far, while acknowledging the long road ahead for rebuilding a resilient and sustainable Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Strengthening the competitiveness of Europe’s agricultural sector – E-001491/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    1. The Common Agricultural Policy has a plethora of tools to support and improve the competitiveness of European farmers. Beyond direct income support with different complementary payments for farmers facing specific challenges, access to finance via financial instruments and support for innovation as well as farm advisory services. The Commission will continue its focus on strengthening the EU food system’s competitiveness, resilience, and sustainability. In its first 100 days, the Commission will publish a communication on a Vision for Agriculture and Food outlining a long-term perspective for the sector and addressing imbalances in the food chain. This communication will take stock of the recommendations from the recent report of the Strategic Dialogue on the future of EU Agriculture[1], present a first assessment of feasible proposals and build bridges with other policy areas, in order to ensure the long-term competitiveness and sustainability of EU agriculture, highlighting its strategic role in the new geopolitical context.

    2. The enlargement process will need to be carefully managed so that the internal market and a common agricultural policy are maintained, avoiding undue shocks and with careful consideration of competitive pressure. It will therefore require a thorough impact assessment of its long-term effects on the viability of agriculture in the EU-27 and in the acceding countries to properly address any identified challenges. The enlargement process will also take time and is merit-based, which will allow for gradual integration of Ukraine in order to mitigate any unwanted shocks Finally, as any candidate country, Ukraine will have to apply the EU acquis in full at accession. This includes all EU requirements in the area of agriculture in force at that time.

    Last updated: 16 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Governor Talk – Ukraine: Effective Central Banking Amid Unprecedented Uncertainty

    Source: International Monetary Fund – IMF (video statements)

    National Bank of Ukraine Governor Andriy Pyshnyy will draw on his experience to describe monetary policy implementation, maintaining financial stability, and Ukraine’s strong economic performance following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. He will also share how Ukraine’s lessons can extend to a global landscape increasingly characterized by unprecedented shocks, where policymakers worldwide seek to reconcile needs for innovative thinking and unconventional approaches with the imperatives of maintaining central bank independence and credibility.

    With Andriy Pyshnyy, Governor of the National Bank of Ukraine

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VibjPzhgOYo

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: Lebanon, Gaza, Occupied Palestinian Territory & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (16 Oct 2024)

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Noon Briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    -Secretary-General
    -UNIFIL
    -Lebanon
    -Gaza
    -Occupied Palestinian Territory
    -Syria
    -Cyprus
    -Ukraine
    -Sudan
    -South Sudan
    -World food day
    -Briefings today
    -Briefings tomorrow

    SECRETARY-GENERAL
    This morning, the Secretary-General spoke to the Fifth Committee of the General Assembly on the proposed programme budget for 2025. He said that in a context of major global shocks, the United Nations is more needed than ever — with our unmatched convening power.
    He added that the 2025 programme budget proposal reflects the priorities set out in the Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations.
    The Secretary-General also said that the Organization will continue to work to cement its reforms. Some of the proposals he highlighted include continued investment in sustainable development; human rights; boosting support for the unprecedented humanitarian challenges in Gaza; advancing peace and security; and strengthening the UN’s capacities in investigation and ethics.

    UNIFIL
    The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon or UNIFIL reports that intense exchanges of fire along and beyond the Blue Line continued over the past 24 hours.
    UNIFIL recorded 58 air violations – the highest number for a 24-hour period since 8 October 2023. UNIFIL also detected 1,279 projectiles across the Blue Line, the third highest since 8 October 2023. 1,208, originated from south of the Blue Line, 71 from the north.
    The mission also reported that indirect fire and firing from close to UN positions caused material damage to UN equipment and facilities near Dayr Amis in Sector West and Shab’a in Sector East. Fortunately, no peacekeepers were wounded in these incidents.
    These incidents continue to put UN peacekeepers, who are serving in southern Lebanon to support the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701 (2006), at serious risk. The UN reiterates that the safety and security of UN personnel and property must be ensured by all actors on the ground and that the inviolability of UN premises must be respected at all times. 
    Meanwhile, the Special Coordinator for Lebanon, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, continues her intensive engagements with all actors to urge an immediate ceasefire and that space be given for a diplomatic solution in line with Security Council Resolution 1701. Following further strikes that resulted in civilian deaths today, near Nabatiyeh, the Special Coordinator emphasized in a statement that violations of international humanitarian law are utterly unacceptable. Civilians and civilian infrastructure must be protected at all times.
    The Secretary-General again condemns the loss of civilian lives.

    LEBANON
    Today, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says that multiple airstrikes were reported in Nabatiyeh and nearby areas in southern Lebanon. So far, according to local authorities, six fatalities have been confirmed, including the mayor of Nabatiyeh, as well as members of the Disaster Risk Management Unit killed in the strike on the municipality building during a relief management meeting.
    The UN’s health partners tell us that the violence continues to push an already overwhelmed health system to the brink, with devasting impacts on medical care amid huge health needs.
    Since 17 September, the World Health Organization says that it has verified 23 attacks on health care.
    It also flags the impact of intense bombardment and insecurity which are forcing a growing number of health facilities to shut down, particularly in the south.
    Out of 207 primary health care centres and dispensaries in conflict-affected areas, 100 are now closed.
    Despite the challenges, WHO and its partners continue to support Lebanese health authorities and to provide medical supplies for trauma care, cholera prevention. WHO also continues to coordinate with the Lebanese Red Cross and hospitals to equip blood banks with adequate supplies and is working with the Ministry of Public Health of Lebanon to establish trauma centres within the existing hospitals.
    On education, Lebanese authorities report that 77 per cent of public schools cannot provide education services due to either being used as collective shelters or being in directly affected areas.
    Meanwhile, the UN and partners continue to support the response, including by providing food, shelter, water, sanitation and hygiene assistance – but they warn that they are facing operational challenges due to the volatile security situation.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=16%20October%202024

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nxpq-u89-e0

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend Iceland on Progress in Gender Equality, Raise Questions on Domestic and Gender-Based Violence and on Religious Affairs

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the sixth periodic report of Iceland on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, with Committee Experts commending Iceland for achieving impressive results in gender equality, while asking questions on domestic and gender-based violence and on religious affairs.

    A Committee Expert said over the past decade, Iceland had made significant progress in promoting civil and political rights, including by addressing several of the Committee’s previous concluding observations.  Notably, Iceland had achieved impressive results in gender equality, with significant representation of women in political leadership, both in Parliament and local governance. 

    Several Experts asked about domestic and gender-based violence.  One Expert asked what specific measures had been taken to continue to raise awareness among the population of domestic violence, including awareness raising campaigns for migrant women?  What had been the impact of these measures on improving the criminal justice response to domestic violence?  Another Expert asked who investigated and prosecuted cases of gender-based violence? An Expert asked if there were any specialised bodies with personnel who had been sensitised to the issue of gender-based violence? 

    An Expert noted that the Evangelical Lutheran Church was recognised as Iceland’s national church and had been granted legal status.  There were concerns that the Church’s status resulted in unequal financial support, compared to other religious organizations.  What measures were in place to ensure that the Constitutional recognition of the Church did not affect the equal enjoyment of rights guaranteed under the Covenant for organizations of other beliefs, particularly when it came to State funding?  How was it ensured that other groups were consulted when developing policies pertaining to religious matters?  What mechanisms were in place to allow children to change their religious affiliation before the age of 16? 

    The delegation said over the past several years, the Icelandic Government had focused strongly on efforts to prevent gender-based violence, including awareness raising campaigns and action plans. There was a gender equality fund, with bi-annual allocations.  Funding had been provided to a women’s shelter in the north of Iceland.  An awareness-raising campaign would take place in the north, drawing particular attention to the women’s shelter.  The Icelandic Government had focused strongly on efforts to prevent gender-based violence with legislative amendments.  New provisions on digital sexual violence and stalking had been added to the Penal Code in 2021.  A new definition of rape was defined in 2018, emphasising consent.

    The delegation said registered religious or philosophical organizations received the same amount of funding as the national church of Iceland.  If both parents belonged to the same religious organization, the child was automatically registered in that same organization.  If the parents’ religious organizations differed, the child was not registered in any and the parents were required to reach an agreement when registering their child.  Children who reached the age of 12 were required to sign the declaration on their religious affiliation with their parents.  At the age of 16, children could register or de-register from a religious organization without parental involvement.

    Introducing the report, Ragna Bjarnadóttir, Director General at the Ministry of Justice of Iceland and head of the delegation, said a significant step towards advancing human rights at home was taken in June this year when the Parliament passed a law establishing a national human rights institution which would become operational on 1 January 2025.  In 2020, a new Act on Gender Equality was enacted, which included the first-ever provision on multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination.  Additionally, Iceland had adopted two Anti-Discrimination Acts that aimed to ensure equal treatment both within and outside the labour market. 

    In concluding remarks, Ms. Bjarnadóttir thanked the Committee for the robust discussion.  The State awaited the concluding observations of the Committee with enthusiasm and would do everything possible to make improvements.

    In her concluding remarks, Tania María Abdo Rocholl, Committee Chairperson, thanked everyone who had participated in the dialogue.  The Committee had discussed many different issues relating to the rights enshrined in the Covenant. 

    The delegation of Iceland was made up of representatives of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour; the Ministry of Justice; and the Permanent Mission of Iceland to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-second session is being held from 14 October to 7 November 2024. All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m. on Thursday, 17 October, to begin its consideration of the second periodic report of Pakistan (CCPR/C/PAK/2).

    Report

    The Committee has before it the sixth periodic report of Iceland (CCPR/C/ISL/6)

    Presentation of Report

    RAGNA BJARNADÓTTIR, Director General at the Ministry of Justice of Iceland and head of the delegation, said Guðmundur Ingi Guðbrandsson, Minister of Social Affairs and Labour, who was meant to lead Iceland’s delegation sent his highest regards, having had to return to Iceland for parliamentary elections which had been called for November. 

    A significant step towards advancing human rights at home was taken in June this year when the Parliament passed a law establishing a national human rights institution which would become operational on 1 January 2025.  Promoting equality and non-discrimination continued to be a core priority for Iceland.  Iceland had ranked first on the Global Gender Gap Index for 15 years in a row and continued to advance equality and drive progress through legislative amendments, policies and increased coordination and monitoring.  In 2020, a new Act on Gender Equality was enacted, which included the first-ever provision on multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. 

    Additionally, Iceland had adopted two Anti-Discrimination Acts that aimed to ensure equal treatment both within and outside the labour market.  The State had implemented measures to promote gender equality, including through the implementation of equal pay certification. However, challenges persisted, particularly due to gender segregation in the labour market and the undervaluation of women-dominated sectors.  The focus was now shifting from pay equity, to different jobs of equal value based on factors such as education, skills, responsibility, and effort. 

    Important steps had also been taken to improve the right to work of citizens from countries outside the European Economic Area, including by granting unlimited work permits to all residents holding a humanitarian residence permit.  The advancement of the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons was another key priority area. Recent important legal milestones included the enactment of the Gender Autonomy Act, and in 2022, the Parliament adopted the first comprehensive action plan on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons rights and equality.  These advancements propelled Iceland from ranking number 18 on the ILGA-Europe rainbow map to second place in six years.

    Regrettably, sexual and gender-based violence remained one of Iceland’s most pressing human rights challenges.  In recent years, the State had introduced several new policies and legislative reforms to address this scourge, including important amendments to the General Penal Code. In 2018 the definition of rape was amended to strengthen the legal protection for victims and survivors. Additionally, in 2021, new provisions on stalking and digital sexual violence entered into force. 

    In May 2023, a bill was passed to amend the Act on Health Care Workers to clarify their permission to inform the police when survivors of domestic violence sought related health services.  In 2021, amendments were made to the General Penal Code to further increase judicial protection of victims and survivors of trafficking.  At the start of 2024, a new inter-ministerial steering committee was established to develop a new action plan to combat trafficking in persons. 

    Several changes had been made to improve the rights of prisoners, including by giving more convicted individuals the right to serve their sentence through unpaid community service. The Ministry of Justice was also working on measures to reduce the overall length of proceedings within the justice system.  A permanent mental health team for prisoners had been established, and the number of team members was increased to improve the provision of services.  Ms. Bjarnadóttir said although Iceland had made significant progress, the State acknowledged that there was room for improvement.  Iceland looked forward to the discussion with the Committee.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said over the past decade, Iceland had made significant progress in promoting civil and political rights, including by addressing several of the Committee’s previous concluding observations.  Notably, Iceland had achieved impressive results in gender equality, with significant representation of women in political leadership, both in Parliament and local governance.  On the international stage, Iceland had expanded the role of human rights in its foreign policy, demonstrated by its recent election to the Human Rights Council for 2025-2027. The Committee was hopeful that Iceland would continue to work collaboratively with other States in the multilateral arena to advance and protect human rights.

    What was the State party currently doing to educate and raise public awareness about the Covenant, its Optional Protocols, and the Committee’s concluding observations among the judiciary, public officials, civil society and the general public? What information was publicly available about filing complaints under the Optional Protocol?  Was it accessible and in languages for non-Icelandic speakers, such as migrants?  Had Iceland implemented the Committee Views in the individual communications adopted in 2020?  In January 2023, the Office of the Prime Minister published a Green Paper on Human Rights.  What progress had Iceland made to follow through on the Paper’s initiative to develop a national plan on human rights issues for Iceland?  What measures were being taken to ensure ongoing engagement with civil society in developing and implementing the initiatives outlined in the Paper?

    How did Iceland ensure that draft laws which were under development aligned with the Committee’s interpretation of the State’s obligations under the Covenant?  What measures were in place to ensure that those conducting the assessments were trained and kept up to date on the application of the Covenant?  What steps would Iceland take to review and address the gaps between its international obligations and national legislation? Could information be provided on the cases since 2012 where parties had referred to provisions of the Covenant, and how the courts responded to these arguments?

    The Committee welcomed Iceland’s withdrawal of its reservations to the Covenant’s article 10, which mandated the segregation of juvenile offenders from adults, as well as article 14, concerning the principle of double jeopardy.  Iceland, however, retained its reservation to article 20 of the Covenant on prohibiting propaganda for war.  What actions were being taken to remove the reservation to article 20?

    What steps would be taken to fully incorporate articles 10 and 14 into Iceland’s domestic laws and practice?

    Another Expert said the Committee welcomed the recent enactment of legislation by Parliament establishing the Icelandic Institution for Human Rights, a national human rights institution.  What was the timeline for the establishment of the Institution?  How did the new Institution align with the Paris Principles in terms of addressing human rights issues and fulfilling its functions of advising, monitoring, and reporting?  Did it have a mechanism to handle individual complaints?  Could details be provided on the relationship between the new Institution, existing institutions, and civil society?  Were sufficient human, technical, and financial resources available to fully execute its mandate?  Were there any specific unresolved obstacles that had been identified in achieving the Institution’s mission, and if so, how would these be addressed? 

    Were the various agencies sufficiently coordinated so that no critical areas were being overlooked in efforts to address corruption?”  Regarding Act No 40/2020 on the Protection of Whistle Blowers, how many undertakings and other workplaces had introduced procedures for handling internal whistleblowing cases?  What percentage of workplaces with more than 50 eligible employees had implemented this internal whistleblowing procedures, and were these procedures aligned with the recommended model rules?  Had any fines been imposed on employers who had failed to establish such procedures?  It had been reported that Iceland amended its Information Act in 2013 to enhance transparency and freedom of information. However, press freedom advocates raised concerns about certain provisions, citing them as insufficiently robust.  Could a response to this be provided?  What was the current status of the ‘Fishrot’ case? 

    The State party report noted that “No specific plan had been made to implement a more robust framework for conduct for public servants and increase the capacity of the Parliamentary Ombudsman to counter corruption.” Could the State party clarify its position on these points?  Did the new Prosecutor’s Office have sufficient resources to effectively fulfil its mandate?  The State party referred to the establishment of the Judicial Administration.  What was the organizational structure of the Administration?  How were its members appointed? 

    According to the report, “The Act on Prevention of Conflicts of Interest banned the most senior officials within the government offices taking on lobbyist roles for six months after leaving their former position in the Government.”  While this framework was more stringent than before, was it sufficient to apply these restrictions solely to lobbyist positions?  Was a six-month period adequate to mitigate the potential influence of former positions?  How many cases, if any, had the oversight mechanism identified as violations of the law?

    Another Expert commended Iceland on its election to the Human Rights Council.  The State party mentioned that complaints could be lodged to the Equality Complaints Committee, which handed down written decisions on possible violations.  Was this Committee the only complaints mechanism that Icelandic society had?  How many complaints had been registered by the Committee?  What measures had been taken, in consultation with civil society, to guarantee reparation for the victims?  How many decisions published by the Committee had been referred to the courts? 

    Could further information be provided about measures taken to combat hate speech?  What was the role of the Working Group to combat hate speech?   What steps had been taken to implement the recommendations of the Working Group?  Did Iceland include Christian churches in efforts to prevent hate speech against Muslim minorities? 

    A Committee Expert congratulated Iceland for its progress in ensuring pay equality, stemming from the 2018 reforms.  What were the sectors of the economy where the majority of workers were men?  What had been the result of media campaigns aimed at reducing gender segregation in the labour market?  What progress had Iceland made in reducing the pay gap since the introduction of the pay equality system?  Could recent data be provided on gender distribution in decision-making positions in key sectors, including the foreign service, academia and the judiciary? What was being done to ensure there were more women in senior decision-making posts in the private sector? How had cases of multiple discrimination been tackled? 

    Since the implementation of the service law on persons with disabilities, how often had priority been given to persons with disabilities when recruiting staff in the public sector? 

    The Committee noted that the State party had taken significant steps to raise public awareness of domestic violence and sexual assault, including through the provision of training to judges, prosecutors, police officers and health workers.  Awareness-raising campaigns had also been organised to inform Icelandic and migrant women of their rights, including the “Breaking the Silence” project, implemented between 2017 and 2019.  However, in spite of these initiatives, conviction rates for sexual offences remained low and victims faced barriers in accessing justice.  What specific measures had been taken to continue to raise awareness among the population of domestic violence, including awareness raising campaigns for migrant women? 

    What results had initiatives like the “Breaking the Silence” project had?  What had been the impact of these measures on improving the criminal justice response to domestic violence?  Could data be provided on investigations, prosecutions and convictions, as well as protection measures, and how were they accessible to vulnerable populations, including women of foreign origin?  What steps had Iceland taken to increase resources for services for victims of domestic violence?  How was it ensured these resources were accessible to victims in all regions?

    What measures had the State party taken to ensure intersex children did not undergo unjustified surgical operations?  Despite important legislative measures prohibiting unnecessary surgery on intersex children without their free and informed consent, some reports claimed that these measures still contained worrying exceptions for certain types of variations of sex characteristics.  Since the adoption of law no. 154/2020, what concrete measures had Iceland taken to monitor and ensure compliance with this ban?  What safeguards were in place to ensure that evaluations of interventions on intersex children respected human rights, and how did the State party plan to address the shortcomings identified by certain stakeholders, including non-governmental organizations?  What were the objectives of the working group regarding interventions on intersex children? 

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said there was a special human rights section on the Government’s website where the Covenant could be found in English and translated into Icelandic.  The last report to the Committee was also published on this site.  There was also a special section on the Optional Protocol and the complaints procedure.  The Covenant was part of the syllabus in law and police studies.  The Judicial Administration oversaw the training of judges, including on human rights.  While there had not been a special course on the Covenant, there had been several courses on human rights issues. 

    A Green Paper published in 2023 was prepared for further policymaking in human rights.  It had been essential in the preparation of the bill on the national human rights institution.  In Iceland, domestic legislation was adapted to instruments or treaties that Iceland had ratified, rather than those treaties being incorporated in their entirety.  The Constitution was clearly connected with the Covenant.  It was not common that the Covenant was directly referenced in the courts.   

    Iceland had legislation on the new human rights institution which was passed in June and would begin operations in January 2025. The Icelandic Institution for Human Rights would operate under parliament but would be fully independent and in line with the Paris Principles.  The Institution had a budget of around 1.62 million USD.  Any further financing was up to Parliament.  It was anticipated that the Institution would be up and running by 1 January. 

    Iceland had a multi-faceted approach to anti-corruption and was a signatory to various treaties in the area of anti-corruption. In a recently adopted amendment to the Police Act, an independent quality control service within the police had been established, tasked with promoting better law enforcement and supervision.  A revised code of conduct was adopted this year with Icelandic law enforcement.  The Prime Minister’s Office had an overall coordinating role in regard to the Whistleblowers Act.  The law on access to information provided for several exceptions. Constant awareness raising among civil servants took place, with seminars on access to information. 

    The budget for the District Prosecutor increased in 2019 and 2020. Last year, the Ministry of Justice presented an action plan which included strengthening measures against organized crime.  Police received funding to strengthen their capacity in this regard, including in relation to corruption.  The District Prosecutor led the steering group for the investigative teams. Iceland participated in European financial and regulatory bodies. 

    A special Government agency was responsible for anti-discrimination legislation. There was a special complaints committee which handled complaints submitted under the Equality Act.  It provided written rulings if a provision of the Act had been violated.  From 2020 to 2023, the Equality Committee received 86 complaints of alleged discrimination.  Most of these cases involved discrimination on the basis of gender. The Equality Committee was the main body to address complaints about discrimination, but further complaints could be lodged with the Parliamentary Ombudsman.  Several steps had been taken to raise awareness on the anti-discrimination legislation, including a poster which was produced in multiple languages and distributed in schools. 

    Over the past several years, the Icelandic Government had focused strongly on efforts to prevent gender-based violence, including awareness raising campaigns and action plans.  There was a gender equality fund, with bi-annual allocations.  Funding had been provided to a women’s shelter in the north of Iceland.  A grant had been received to start an awareness campaign on gender-based violence. Information about the women’s shelter was available in many different languages.  An awareness-raising campaign would take place in the north, drawing particular attention to the women’s shelter.  The Icelandic Government had focused strongly on efforts to prevent gender-based violence with legislative amendments. 

    When it came to investigations of sexual and gender-based violence, Iceland had focused on the training of the individuals responsible for handling these cases.  In police studies, there was a mandatory course on violence and power relations. Special attention was paid to sexual violence, including rape, digital sexual violence, and child sexual abuse. Research on how unequal power positions could lead to gender-based violence was examined.  The centre for police training and professional development regularly had courses relating to gender-based violence.  New provisions on digital sexual violence and stalking had been added to the Penal Code in 2021.  A new definition of rape was defined in 2018, emphasising consent. 

    In recent years, Iceland had emphasised protecting vulnerable groups from hate speech.  Hate speech and discrimination were now punishable under the Penal Code.  The Prime Minister appointed a Working Group on hate speech in 2022, which was tasked with coordinating measures on hate speech.  An action plan was presented based on the Working Group’s recommendations, although this was not adopted.  The Icelandic Media Commission could issue a fine if media was found to initiate hatred. Hate speech on social media fell under the scope of the Icelandic Penal Code. 

    The law on equal pay certification came into force in 2018. As of 30 June this year, 607 companies and institutions had received equal pay certification, covering 83 per cent of the total workforce.  Smaller companies went through a simpler system to obtain equal pay recognition. Fines could be imposed on non-certified companies.  Software had been developed to support these efforts, making it easier for companies to implement equal pay systems.  Despite progress, gender pay remained a challenge, particularly due to gender segregation in the labour market.  The Government was working on a plan to address this.  Women remained underrepresented in leadership roles and Iceland continued to work towards this.  Recently, an agreement had been signed to increase the number of women in management positions in the business sector.  To increase the number of teachers, the Government started a plan in 2019, with a focus on young men. 

    The Act on Gender Autonomy prohibited unnecessary surgical procedures on inter-sex children.  The Act stipulated that carrying out surgical procedures on intersex minors who were unable to provide consent was prohibited unless the operation was completely necessary for medical reasons. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said in 2022, after the Committee’s list of issues was developed, the Icelandic police commenced investigations against four journalists who had conducted investigations against a large fishing company which had allegedly bribed officials.  There was concern that the investigation was used to suppress investigative journalism. What measures were in place in Iceland to ensure that investigations into journalists’ work did not create a chilling effect on journalism?  What specific steps were being taken by the State party to guarantee free and independent media in order to protect journalists from harassment and reprisals? 

    Another Expert congratulated Iceland for the attention shown to human rights matters, particularly equality.  What legal aid services were provided for victims of domestic violence?  What resources were available to families challenging medical procedures?  What efforts were being made with regards to the internet and technologies in rural areas? 

    An Expert asked if all hate speech fell under hate propaganda?  To what extent had the State involved civil society in combatting hate speech?  What was Iceland’s position on defamation, and how did this affect victims of gender-based violence?  Did Iceland intend to amend its Criminal Code to prevent a prison sentence for defamation? 

    Another Committee Expert asked why Iceland did not plan to raise the capacity of the Ombudsperson? 

    A Committee Expert asked about horizontal discrimination in the labour market, particularly pertaining to persons with disabilities.  Were measures being taken to reduce discrimination?

    Another Expert asked what awareness raising and training campaigns were in place for members of the Prosecution?  What was the type of independence that the Prosecution enjoyed in Iceland?  Who investigated and prosecuted cases of gender-based violence? 

    An Expert asked if there was any type of specialisation of the judicial bodies? Were there any specialised bodies with personnel who had been sensitised to the issue of gender-based violence? 

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said the length of pretrial detention had been an issue.  Iceland was undergoing significant work within the Ministry of Justice, including on pretrial detention.  The issue of solitary confinement was also being examined.  The two domestic violence shelters were strategically located to cover as much of the country as possible.  Social services visited the shelters. 

    The Judicial Administration belonged to the judicial branch. The Director of Public Prosecutions was appointed by the Ministry of Justice.  The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions was an independent authority, and Iceland took great steps to uphold this independence.  Cases of gender-based violence were investigated by the police or the Public Prosecutor, depending on the gravity of the case. Regarding legislative reforms on the definition of rape and consent, Iceland was investigating how this worked in practice. 

    There was a successful programme in place which promoted the participation of persons with disabilities in the labour market. However, it was difficult to have figures on this programme.  The segregation in the labour market for migrants was due to language proficiencies. Migrants heavily dominated two fields in the labour market – the tourism industry and construction – where the language barrier had been lessened.  These were considered to be low-skill work sectors.  Social partners, and unions in Iceland were very strong with a high participation.  Unions in Iceland attended also to complaints raised by non-Union members. 

    The Icelandic police had received training on the timeline of risky relationships to assess risks of gender-based violence.  What had initially served as training for the police had been shared on social media with the intention of reaching victims, or those close to them, to help them recognise the signs and seek help. Iceland was aware there were language barriers when it came to assisting the migrant population.  Telephone interpretation was used with operators who spoke English to overcome the language barrier.  Interpretation could be provided in over 200 languages in a few minutes.  The Government tried to target the migrant population in other languages through social media. 

    All operations on intersex children without their consent were prohibited, unless medically necessary.  When a child was older and able to consent, the consent of the child was required. 

    The Icelandic Equality Act protected individuals from harassment on the grounds of their religion. 

    The delegation said there was no specific body responsible for the coordination of the State’s anti-corruption policies.  Rather, it was the Prime Minister’s office that was responsible for this, with a focus on corruption within the executive branch, while the Ministry of Justice focused on corruption within the police.  The Parliamentary Ombudsman and others were also responsible for tackling corruption.  The Ministry of Justice was in the process of drafting a national corruption strategy with a focus on coordination.  The Whistleblower Act protected individuals who reported acts from the past.  The Ombudsman could initiate an investigation resulting from information received from the public. 

    Another significant step towards combatting corruption was improving access to public information.  Both the public and the media had the right to challenge decisions in the court.  An act had been passed to prevent conflict of interest in the executive branch, preventing senior Ministers from becoming lobbyists for up to six months after leaving their positions, unless granted an exemption. 

    Allegations into the “Fishrot” case were ongoing, and indictments had not yet been issued.  In criminal cases, journalists were protected from disclosing their sources.  There was no legal system in Iceland which prevented journalists from carrying out their work.  However, journalists were not immune from criminal charges, including in activities they had conducted when carrying out their work. 

    Freedom of expression was not seen as unlimited.  It could be curtailed, but this could only be done by law, and if necessary.  This needed to be kept in mind when deciding if expression was punishable as hate speech under the Penal Code.  The Media Commission was responsible for oversight of the media, and complaints could be made to this body.  No one had been sentenced to prison for defamation in Iceland for decades. 

    Icelandic authorities were introducing activities aimed at promoting employment opportunities for persons with disabilities.  This was modelled after initiatives in the United Nations disability strategy, with a focus on inclusive workplaces. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert thanked Iceland for the answers on the issue of anti-corruption efforts.  It was vital to make the system easier to understand.  According to the report, Iceland had agreed to begin efforts to include torture as a specific crime in the Penal Code.  What was the current status of these amendments?  What changes were anticipated in the proposed amendments? Would these include penalties proportionate to the crime of torture? 

    The Committee noted that the national preventive mechanism had been established as part of the Ombudsman office, which was under the legislative branch.  This was concerning as the Ombudsman did not consider itself able to comment on judicial decisions.  Could more information be provided on the legislation which was currently being prepared? Did the legislation include provisions to empower the Ombudsman to comment on judicial practices, as well as sufficient resources to enhance its capacity as an oversight mechanism?  Was the Ombudsman independent from Parliament? How was it structured?  What was the timeline for the legislation’s implementation?   There had been concern about the use of pepper spray, spit guards and tasers by the police.  Could the State party comment on this?

    Another Expert said the Committee had noted that the State party had strengthened its mechanisms for the protection of the rights of refugees and asylum seekers, including ensuring respect for the principle of non-refoulement in accordance with its Foreign Nationals Act.  However, according to information provided, some shortcomings remained, particularly with regard to appeal procedures and access to adequate legal representation.  What measures had the State party implemented to ensure the quality and fairness of the procedures for examining applications for international protection?  There were reports that following a change to the system of legal representation for asylum seekers in 2022, asylum seekers would no longer receive adequate legal assistance; could the State party comment on this? 

    Iceland’s Directorate of Immigration and the Immigration and Asylum Appeals Board assessed each application for asylum on a case-by-case basis. However, the Committee was concerned about reports received indicating that the principle of non-refoulement was indirectly violated.  Could the State party comment on these allegations and provide information on the measures put in place to ensure full respect for the principle of non-refoulement in any application for asylum?  Did the State party plan to take concrete steps to improve the efficiency of the processing of refugee claims while ensuring proper hearings?  Were there mechanisms in place to quickly identify and address delays or inefficiencies in the processing of applications? 

    In March 2023, the Government of Iceland amended its Foreign Nationals Act, aimed at enhancing the efficiency and quality of decision-making with humanitarian concerns.  What were the main changes brought about by this amendment to the Act, and how would these amendments contribute to strengthening the protection of the rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers?

    The Committee was pleased to note Iceland’s accession to the United Nations Statelessness Conventions in 2021 and the State’s efforts to align its national legislation with international standards.  How did the State party ensure that the definition of statelessness was applied consistently and in line with international standards, including in statelessness determination procedures? 

    The State party had taken steps to improve the protection of children from violence, including through the development of the (Children’s House), a multidisciplinary centre model that provided a safe environment for dealing with cases of abuse and sexual violence.  However, there were reports that resources for these services remained insufficient.  What steps had the State party taken to ensure that financial and educational resources for support centres for abused children were provided to make these centres accessible and responsive to the needs of all populations, including those in rural areas?  What specific measures had been implemented to integrate the prevention of sexual violence and harassment into educational and recreational activities for young people? How did Iceland ensure that online training on sexual violence and harassment was widely accessible and effectively attended by relevant professionals?  What had been the impact of the measures adopted on the effectiveness of the criminal prosecution of violence against children, including sexual violence? 

    Another Expert said there had been ongoing progress in assisting migrants with disabilities.  What were the entities involved in the procedures of identification of victims of trafficking in persons, and under whose coordination were their actions and functions carried out?  Were there plans to increase the resources of this national mechanism to improve identification and support to these victims?  How many victims of trafficking in persons had received legal aid since 2020?  What support was offered to men who were victims of trafficking? 

    In the report, it was noted that employers that exploited workers had acted freely with impunity, due to an inadequate Governmental response. There had been many cases of forced sexual work in nightclubs.  How could it be ensured that the recent legislative amendments in 2023 dealt with the exploitation of migrant workers who worked in areas including construction, tourism and domestic work?  How was it ensured that they were not exposed to abusive practices?  What safeguards had been implemented since 2022 to guarantee that victims were able to report cases without any reprisals? 

    A Committee Expert asked what criteria were used to determine when a minor could be held in the same centre as an adult in prison facilities? The Expert congratulated the State for the implementation of plural-disciplinary measures for mental health. However, the Committee was concerned about allegations regarding isolation cells.  How could Iceland justify the frequent use of these isolation cells?  What were the guarantees put in place when it came to holding minors and vulnerable people in isolation cells.  How was it ensured that these people were not put in isolation without medical screening? What possibilities were provided in Iceland for distance learning?  Were those suffering from mental health problems given appropriate help?  How was it ensured that those prisoners who had urgent needs, including drug addicts, had immediate care? 

    Another Expert said that given the establishment of the Court of Appeal, were there plans to extend the appeal process to minor cases? Recent amendments to the Police Act granted the police broader powers to conduct surveillance without an oversight mechanism.  What steps were being taken to ensure the amendments to the Police Act were not being used to violate privacy rights?  It was noted that the Evangelical Lutheran Church was recognised as Iceland’s national church and had been granted legal status.  There were concerns that the Church’s status resulted in unequal financial support, compared to other religious organizations. 

    What measures were in place to ensure that the Constitutional recognition of the Church did not affect the equal enjoyment of rights guaranteed under the Covenant for organizations of other beliefs, particularly when it came to State funding?  How was it ensured that other groups were consulted when developing policies pertaining to religious matters?  How did Iceland ensure that the registration processes for other groups, which did not apply to the Evangelical Lutheran Church, were fair and equal?  What mechanisms were in place to allow children to change their religious affiliation before the age of 16? 

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said Iceland intended to add torture to the Penal Code as a specific criminal offence, including a punishment which was fitting to the crime.  Iceland had ratified the Optional Protocol in 2019, and the Parliamentary Ombudsman had been serving the role of the national preventive mechanism ever since, conducting unannounced visits to places of detention.  Recommendations by the Ombudsman were taken very seriously.  A full review of the prison system was underway, which included taking the recommendations of the Ombudsman into account.  The Ombudsman was a fully independent body, and the Parliament had no authority on which cases it investigated or on the conclusions.  The Ombudsman had been effective in its role, visiting all the prisons in Iceland and four police stations. 

    According to relatively recent changes, it was permitted for the police to use electro-static weapons when police believed other less severe measures would not be sufficient. 

    The Icelandic authorities were on a good path in processing asylum applications before the start of the war in Ukraine, when there was a surge in asylum applications.  Strict procedural guidelines were in place.  Staffing had been significantly increased, and digital tools had been introduced to improve efficiency and quality within the protection system.  Currently, 100 lawyers who had been thoroughly reviewed were considered as eligible spokespeople for asylum seekers.  An appeal could be considered in the case of compelling reasons. 

    The Directorate of Immigration determined statelessness. Stateless individuals who did not qualify as refugees did possess an independent right to international protection. After receiving refugee status, a stateless person could apply for Icelandic citizenship.  Various grants were available for voluntary return, including a reintegration and travel grant.  However, if an individual refused to leave the country, authorities were left with no choice but to initiate a forced deportation.

    A family justice centre was established for survivors of violence.  The centre led a specific unit which responded to human trafficking cases. The unit included representatives from the police, the directorate of immigration, social services, and the Women’s Shelter, among others.  Female victims were provided with secure housing in the women’s shelter.  Social services provided male victims with secure housing in a guesthouse and other accommodation when necessary.  Victims and presumed victims of human trafficking were entitled to emergency health care.  A leaflet had been produced on trafficking, which included a special section on children.  In June 2022, the Nordic Ministers of Justice established a Working Group on human trafficking, which met twice per year. 

    The principle of non-refoulment had been enacted in the Foreign Nationals’ Act.  Icelandic authorities respected and agreed with the principles of non-refoulement. It was clear in Icelandic legislation that children should never be held in the same prisons as adults, unless it was determined that it was in their own best interests.  There was constant and regular evaluation as to what was the best interest of the child.  Children could not be deprived of liberty for more than 14 days in the specialised centre. However, the situation was evaluated in each case, and sometimes it was determined it was better for the child to stay for a longer period of time.  Work was underway to revise the Child Protection Act, and put even more emphasis on the rights of children, including children deprived of liberty. 

    According to Icelandic legislation, police were obligated to release suspects after 24 hours or bring them before a judge and apply for pretrial detention.  This short time period explained why Icelandic authorities used pretrial detention more often than other countries.  In 98 per cent of cases, people were released after 24 hours. Pretrial detention was only used on around 2 per cent of cases, which was not excessive.  However, Iceland understood there were things to improve. Efforts had been made to diminish the effects of solitary confinement as much as possible, including by increasing access to physical exercise.  The accused always had the right to assistance from a legal counsel.  Nurses monitored new arrivals to the prison and screened them for medical issues and mental health, referring them to doctors if necessary.  All Ombudsman findings were public, and the Ombudsman followed up on the recommendations made to ensure they had been addressed.  There had been serious attempts to increase the collaboration between prison hospitals and the prison facilities. 

    The Ministry of Justice was reviewing the Act of Legal Competence and a bill had been drafted.  The bill aimed to strengthen individual rights when it came to involuntary hospitalisation, among other measures.  The bill was currently under review.  The added authority for the police on additional surveillance measures only applied to public areas; these rules could not be applied to private areas. These measures could only be instigated upon suspicion of a direct link to organised crime, or terrorism. 

    Registered religious or philosophical organizations received the same amount of funding as the national church of Iceland.  If both parents belonged to the same religious organization, the child was automatically registered in that same organization.  If the parents’ religious organizations differed, the child was not registered in any and the parents were required to reach an agreement when registering their child.  Children who reached the age of 12 were required to sign the declaration on their religious affiliation with their parents.  At the age of 16, children could register or de-register from a religious organization without parental involvement.

    Measures had been taken to improve the Barnahus system. The Government had formed a working group focused on different forms of violence against children. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert referred to the case of the four journalists; had the charges been dropped or were the cases still proceeding?  What steps had Iceland taken to ensure the push towards Christianity in education did not result in discrimination?

    Another Expert noted that the law on foreign nationals was in line with international standards.  What were the follow-up mechanisms which had been implemented to assess training programmes for professionals, to afford protection for stateless persons?  Could statistics on stateless persons be provided?  What mechanisms were available for access to justice for children who had experienced infringements of their rights?

    An Expert asked for the expected timeline for torture to be included within the Criminal Code.  In situations where there were concerns about the legal process, how were such issues addressed?  Did the national preventive mechanism have the authority to comment on judicial practices? 

    Another Committee Expert asked if there needed to be a judicial decision to enforce solitary confinement?

    An Expert asked what “social dumping” was and what the legislation entailed? 

    A Committee Expert said there were certain parts of the Covenant which were not similar to the European Conventions on Human Rights.  In cases of conflict, which were the guiding principles used? 

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the cases of the four journalists were not ongoing; the investigation had been terminated without indictment.  Reasons for this were publicly available.  According to the national curriculum guidelines, it was important that pupils learned about various religions and other beliefs in schools. 

    The United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees’ office for the Nordic countries had provided training to the Directorate of Immigration and other key holders on statelessness.  A foreign national who did not meet the criteria for a humanitarian visa was required to leave the country and return to their home country. An emergency shelter was provided by the Icelandic Red Cross which provided emergency assistance to foreign nationals who had received the final rejection of their application for international protection.  They could receive accommodation and food at this shelter. 

    The Parliamentary Ombudsman examined the access to education and work in prisons.  There was significant cooperation with non-governmental organizations.  Solitary confinement was always based on a judicial decision.  It was always the role of the Prosecutor to request pretrial detention, with solitary confinement only requested if necessary.  Proportionality was strictly upheld by the Prosecution and the courts. Efforts had been made to improve the number of health care staff in prison facilities. 

    There was an Ombudsman for Children in Iceland who acted as a spokesperson for all children.  Children could seek support and counselling from the Ombudsman.  A special action plan on “child friendly Iceland” focused on making justice mechanisms more child friendly. 

    The election of Iceland to the Human Rights Council was the result of significant work and formed part of the State’s strategy in mainstreaming human rights, both at home and abroad.  Equality and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons were a key focus.  Iceland continually strove to do better. 

    Closing Remarks 

    RAGNA BJARNADÓTTIR, Director General at the Ministry of Justice of Iceland and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the robust discussion.  The advancement of human rights was an ongoing process; Iceland remained committed to protecting the human rights of everyone. The State awaited the concluding observations of the Committee with enthusiasm and would do everything possible to make improvements. 

    TANIA MARÍA ABDO ROCHOLL, Committee Chairperson, thanked everyone who had participated in the dialogue.  The Committee had discussed many different issues relating to the rights enshrined in the Covenant.  The Committee was committed to ensuring that the highest level of civil and political rights was being achieved in Iceland.

     

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CCPR24.021E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Enhancing Mine Action Finance in Ukraine | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    The Resident Representative of the UN Development Programme in Ukraine, Jaco Cilliers, briefs on two key solutions to bridge the critical funding gap for mine action in Ukraine.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lOHOG5hHQz0

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Banking: Phillips 66 provides notice of its plan to cease operations at Los Angeles-area refinery

    Source: Phillips

    Facility expects to cease operations in the fourth quarter of 2025
    Company will work with the state of California to supply fuel markets and meet ongoing consumer demand

    HOUSTON–(BUSINESS WIRE)– Phillips 66 (NYSE: PSX) announced plans to cease operations at its Los Angeles-area refinery in the fourth quarter of 2025 and will work with the state of California to supply fuel markets and meet ongoing consumer demand.
    “We understand this decision has an impact on our employees, contractors and the broader community,” said Mark Lashier, chairman and CEO of Phillips 66. “We will work to help and support them through this transition.” Approximately 600 employees and 300 contractors currently operate the Los Angeles-area refinery.
    “With the long-term sustainability of our Los Angeles Refinery uncertain and affected by market dynamics, we are working with leading land development firms to evaluate the future use of our unique and strategically located properties near the Port of Los Angeles,” said Lashier. “Phillips 66 remains committed to serving California and will continue to take the necessary steps to meet our commercial and customer demands.”
    As the California Energy Commission’s analysis has indicated, expanding supply capabilities will be critical. Phillips 66 supports these efforts and will work with California to maintain current levels and potentially increase supplies to meet consumer needs. The company will supply gasoline from sources inside and outside its refining network as well as renewable diesel and sustainable aviation fuels from its Rodeo Renewable Energy Complex in the San Francisco Bay area.
    Phillips 66 has engaged Catellus Development Corporation and Deca Companies, two leading real estate development firms, to evaluate the future use of the 650-acre sites in Wilmington, California, and Carson, California. The firms bring strong track records of solving complex redevelopment challenges and will collaborate with Phillips 66 in an advisory role to advance potential commercial development options that support the regional economy and other key stakeholder objectives.
    “These sites offer an opportunity to create a transformational project that can support the environment, generate economic development, create jobs and improve the region’s critical infrastructure,” Lashier said.
    About Phillips 66
    Phillips 66 (NYSE: PSX) is a leading integrated downstream energy provider that manufactures, transports and markets products that drive the global economy. The company’s portfolio includes Midstream, Chemicals, Refining, Marketing and Specialties, and Renewable Fuels businesses. Headquartered in Houston, Phillips 66 has employees around the globe who are committed to safely and reliably providing energy and improving lives while pursuing a lower-carbon future. For more information, visit phillips66.com or follow @Phillips66Co on LinkedIn.
    CAUTIONARY STATEMENT FOR THE PURPOSES OF THE “SAFE HARBOR” PROVISIONS OF THE PRIVATE SECURITIES LITIGATION REFORM ACT OF 1995
    This news release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the federal securities laws relating to Phillips 66’s operations. Words such as “anticipated,” “estimated,” “expected,” “planned,” “scheduled,” “targeted,” “believe,” “continue,” “intend,” “will,” “would,” “objective,” “goal,” “project,” “efforts,” “strategies” and similar expressions that convey the prospective nature of events or outcomes generally indicate forward-looking statements. However, the absence of these words does not mean that a statement is not forward-looking. Forward-looking statements included in this news release are based on management’s expectations, estimates and projections as of the date they are made. These statements are not guarantees of future events or performance, and you should not unduly rely on them as they involve certain risks, uncertainties and assumptions that are difficult to predict. Therefore, actual outcomes and results may differ materially from what is expressed or forecast in such forward-looking statements. Factors that could cause actual results or events to differ materially from those described in the forward-looking statements include: changes in governmental policies or laws that relate to our operations, including regulations that seek to limit or restrict refining, marketing and midstream operations or regulate profits, pricing, or taxation of our products or feedstocks, or other regulations that restrict feedstock imports or product exports; our ability to timely obtain or maintain permits necessary for projects; fluctuations in NGL, crude oil, refined petroleum, renewable fuels and natural gas prices, and refining, marketing and petrochemical margins; the effects of any widespread public health crisis and its negative impact on commercial activity and demand for refined petroleum or renewable fuels products; changes to worldwide government policies relating to renewable fuels and greenhouse gas emissions that adversely affect programs including the renewable fuel standards program, low carbon fuel standards and tax credits for biofuels; unexpected changes in costs for constructing, modifying or operating our facilities; our ability to successfully complete, or any material delay in the completion of, any asset disposition, acquisition or conversion that we may pursue; unexpected difficulties in manufacturing, refining or transporting our products; the level and success of drilling and production volumes around our midstream assets; risks and uncertainties with respect to the actions of actual or potential competitive suppliers and transporters of refined petroleum products, renewable fuels or specialty products; lack of, or disruptions in, adequate and reliable transportation for our products; potential liability from litigation or for remedial actions, including removal and reclamation obligations under environmental regulations; failure to complete construction of capital projects on time and within budget; our ability to comply with governmental regulations or make capital expenditures to maintain compliance with laws; limited access to capital or significantly higher cost of capital related to illiquidity or uncertainty in the domestic or international financial markets, which may also impact our ability to repurchase shares and declare and pay dividends; potential disruption of our operations due to accidents, weather events, including as a result of climate change, acts of terrorism or cyberattacks; general domestic and international economic and political developments, including armed hostilities (such as the Russia-Ukraine war), expropriation of assets, and other diplomatic developments; international monetary conditions and exchange controls; changes in estimates or projections used to assess fair value of intangible assets, goodwill and property and equipment and/or strategic decisions with respect to our asset portfolio that cause impairment charges; investments required, or reduced demand for products, as a result of environmental rules and regulations; changes in tax, environmental and other laws and regulations (including alternative energy mandates); political and societal concerns about climate change that could result in changes to our business or increase expenditures, including litigation-related expenses; the operation, financing and distribution decisions of equity affiliates we do not control; and other economic, business, competitive and/or regulatory factors affecting Phillips 66’s businesses generally as set forth in our filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Phillips 66 is under no obligation (and expressly disclaims any such obligation) to update or alter its forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise.

    Source: Phillips 66

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Translation: 16/10/2024 Undersecretary of State Henryka Mościcka-Dendys met with the US Special Envoy for Global Criminal Justice

    MIL ASI Translation. Region: Polish/Europe –

    Fuente: Gobierno de Polonia en poleco.

    Undersecretary of State Henryka Mościcka-Dendys meets with U.S. Special Envoy for Global Criminal Justice16/10/2024During the meeting between Deputy Minister Mościcka-Dendys and Ambassador Beth Van Schaack, which took place on October 16, the parties discussed mechanisms for holding accountable those guilty of violations of international law in connection with the conflict in Ukraine, as well as aspects of international criminal responsibility in relation to Belarus.

    The interlocutors emphasized the convergence of views and actions of Poland and the United States in the face of Russian aggression against Ukraine, expressing the belief that nations have the inalienable right to shape their own bones as they see fit. They shared information and exchanged views on the involvement of both countries in ongoing proceedings using existing legal institutions, such as national and international courts and tribunals. The interlocutors also raised the issue of the international community’s actions to establish new mechanisms. “Perpetrators of international crimes committed against Ukraine or on its territory, including war crimes and crimes of aggression, should be held accountable. This is a matter of the credibility of the international community, which is discussing today the establishment of a special tribunal on Ukraine,” emphasized Deputy Minister Mościcka-Dendys. She also pointed out that from Warsaw’s point of view, such trials are a necessary condition for achieving lasting peace. In turn, Ambassador Van Schaack stressed the importance of ensuring justice in the transitional period after the end of the conflict, which should be based on the principles of a democratic state of law and constitute a legitimizing element for Ukrainian authorities, both at the central and local level.

    Photos (4)

    MILES AXIS

    EDITOR’S NOTE: This article is a translation. Apologies should the grammar and/or sentence structure not be perfect.

    MIL Translation OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Casey, Colleagues Call on Biden Administration to Speed Up Enforcement of Iran Sanctions

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Pennsylvania Bob Casey

    In letter, bipartisan group of Senators call out Administration for missing deadlines on Iran sanctions

    The missed deadlines were put in place by Casey’s Stop Harboring Iranian Petroleum Act, which cracks down on Iran’s petroleum trade

    Senators: “Due to the quantity of oil that Iran is able to trade and the subsequent profits, as well as their historical pattern of utilizing these funds to foster violence and chaos, it is vital that the United States take concrete action to disrupt their petroleum trade”

    Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senator Bob Casey (D-PA) joined his colleagues Kyrsten Sinema (I-AZ), Jacky Rosen (D-NV), Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Chuck Grassley (R-IA), Eric Schmitt (R-MO), and John Hoeven (R-ND) in a letter urging the Administration to speed up enforcement of sanctions on Iran’s petroleum trade. The letter pointed out that the Administration has missed several deadlines put in place by the Stop Harboring Iranian Petroleum Act, which cracks down on foreign persons who knowingly engage in the petroleum trade with Iran.

    “Due to the quantity of oil that Iran is able to trade and the subsequent profits, as well as their historical pattern of utilizing these funds to foster violence and chaos, it is vital that the United States take concrete action to disrupt their petroleum trade. Therefore, we ask the administration to honor the reporting deadlines and enforcement requirements prescribed within the SHIP and Fight CRIME Acts,” wrote the Senators.

    On April 23, 2024, Senator Casey voted to pass an emergency supplemental spending law with legislative provisions to strengthen U.S. national security, including the Stop Harboring Iranian Petroleum (SHIP) Act and the Fight and Combat Rampant Iranian Missile Exports (Fight CRIME) Act

    The SHIP Act includes important provisions to sanction foreign persons that knowingly engage in the petroleum trade with the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Fight CRIME Act restricts certain missile-related activities and transfers by Iran. The bills include a number of reporting deadlines and enforcement requirements for the Administration so that Congress can track efforts to deny Iran the resources and ability to engage in destabilizing activities, commit human rights violations, support international terrorism, and fund weapons development.

    Senator Casey has long pushed to protect American economic and national security by monitoring Iranian oil activity. Earlier this year, Casey cosponsored the bipartisan Iranian Sanctions Enforcement Actlegislation establishing a fund to cover expenses related to the seizure or forfeiture of property found in violation of sanctions imposed by the United States against Iran or a covered proxy of Iran, including Hamas, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ Quds Force, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran-sponsored militias in Iraq and Syria. Additionally, after learning about potential Iranian oil transport on Panamanian vessels in violation of U.S. sanctions, Casey urged the Panamanian Maritime Authority (AMP) to investigate the hundreds of vessels of concern. Thanks to Casey’s advocacy, AMP launched investigations into all Panamanian ships suspected of transporting Iranian oil, de-flagged vessels that had no evidence of oil transport, and removed dozens of ships from its registry.  

    Read the full letter HERE or below:

    Dear Secretary Blinken, Secretary Yellen, Acting Director Palluconi, and Administrator DeCarolis:

    On April 23, 2024, Congress passed H.R. 815, an emergency supplemental appropriation for Fiscal Year (FY) 2024, that was signed into law by President Biden on April 24. The supplemental package included additional funding for Ukraine, Israel, the Indo-Pacific, and humanitarian assistance. The national security package also included legislation to strengthen U.S. national security, including the Stop Harboring Iranian Petroleum (SHIP) Act and the Fight and Combat Rampant Iranian Missile Exports (Fight CRIME) Act. The SHIP Act includes important provisions to sanction foreign persons that knowingly engage in the petroleum trade with the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Fight CRIME Act restricts certain missile-related activities and transfers by Iran. The legislation includes a number of regulation publishing and reporting requirements from the administration in order for Congress to track efforts to deny Iran the resources and ability to engage in destabilizing activities, commit human rights violations, support international terrorism, and fund weapons development.

    For decades, there has been evidence that Iran has funded direct attacks on America and our allies. Since Hamas’ attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, Iran has only become more emboldened to act against democratic interests across the globe. To cite just two recent events, the International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed in its August 2024 report that Iran continues to increase its stockpile of enriched uranium, and on September 10, 2024, the Pentagon confirmed reports that Iran has transferred shipments of Fath 360 close-range ballistic missiles to Russia to support their continued aggression against Ukraine. Iran is able to further these disrupting activities due to profits from their oil trade.  According to United Against Nuclear Iran, a non-partisan watchdog organization that tracks Iranian oil shipment, Iran exported 1,626,866 barrels per day in August 2024.  Due to the quantity of oil that Iran is able to trade and the subsequent profits, as well as their historical pattern of utilizing these funds to foster violence and chaos, it is vital that the United States take concrete action to disrupt their petroleum trade. Therefore, we ask the administration to honor the reporting deadlines and enforcement requirements prescribed within the SHIP and Fight CRIME Acts that were included in H.R. 815, the emergency supplemental appropriations.

    To date, the administration has not met the following deadlines:

    • By July 23, 2024 (90 after enactment, and every 180 days thereafter), the Secretary of State shall provide a report that identifies Iranian persons utilizing an unmanned combat aerial vehicle against a United States citizen. P.L. 118-50, Div. K Sec.6(a)
    • By August 12, 2024 (10 days before regulation enactment), the President shall notify the appropriate Congressional committees of the proposed regulations to combat proliferation of Iranian missiles. P.L. 118-50, Div. K Sec. 5(f)(2)
    • By August 22, 2024 (120 days after enactment), the President shall promulgate regulations as necessary for the implementation of sanctions to combat proliferation of Iranian missiles. P.L. 118-50, Div. K Sec. 5(f)(1)
    • By August 22, 2024 (120 days after enactment, and annually thereafter), the Administrator of the Energy Information Administration shall submit a report describing Iran’s growing exports of petroleum and petroleum products, including their exports to the People’s Republic of China and the ships and ports involved in the oil sales. P.L. 118-50, Div. J Sec. 4(a)
    • By August 22, 2024 (120 days after enactment), the Secretary of State shall submit written strategy on the role of the People’s Republic of China’s role in evading U.S.-imposed sanctions on Iranian-origin petroleum products. P.L. 118-50, Div. J Sec. 5

    The following deadlines are upcoming within the next 30 days:

    • By October 11, 2024, (10 days before regulation enactment) the President shall notify and brief the appropriate Congressional Committees on the regulations to be established to implement the SHIP Act. P.L. 118-50, Div. J Sec. 3(e)(2)
    • By October 21, 2024 (180 days after enactment), the President shall prescribe necessary regulations to implement sanctions enforcement. P.L. 118-50, Div. J Sec. 3(e)(2)
    • On and after October 21, 2024 (180 days after enactment), the President shall impose sanctions on foreign persons determined to have knowingly engaged in the Iranian petroleum trade. P.L. 118-50, Div. J Sec. 3(a)

    Given the havoc Iran is wreaking in the Middle East and the wider region, this information is both timely and vital for Congress to carry out appropriate sanctions oversight and understand what greater legislative action is required to ensure Iran does not have the resources to harm the United States or our partners and allies. We look forward to these timely reports and enhanced understanding of the administration’s plan to counter Iranian oil trade and accessible revenue for their funding of terrorism. We ask that you honor the October deadlines and work to address the deadlines already missed in order to provide Congress with the relevant reports as quickly as possible.

    We further request that you provide our offices an update on your efforts and when to expect these reports no later than October 29, 2024. Thank you for your continued work and attention to this matter.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Global Bodies – Dr. Haroun Kabadi of Chad wins the MP of the year award – IPU

    Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)

    16 October 2024, Geneva, Switzerland – The 2024 Cremer-Passy Prize, the MP of the year award, has been awarded to Dr. Haroun Kabadi, former President of the National Assembly of Chad (2011 to 2021) in recognition of his exceptional work in promoting peace and security.

    Currently, Dr. Kabadi heads Chad’s National Transitional Council, which is playing the role of legislative body as the country returns to constitutional order following the death of the President in 2021.

    Born in 1949, Dr. Kabadi holds a doctorate in agronomy and a master’s degree in rice genetics.

    His extensive political career includes serving as a Minister, Special Advisor to the President, Secretary-General of the Presidency and Prime Minister.

    During his tenure as President of the National Assembly, Dr. Kabadi worked tirelessly to strengthen peace, security and socio-political stability in Chad, the Sahel region, Central Africa and internationally.

    He contributed to the adoption of several legal instruments promoting peace and security within regional and sub-regional parliamentary organizations.

    As President of the G5 Sahel Interparliamentary Committee, he mobilized efforts against terrorism and advocated for dialogue and socio-economic development.

    In July 2022, Dr. Kabadi organized an international meeting on the role of parliaments in security and peace. He also met with members of the European Parliament to discuss the situation in the Sahel and seek their support for peace and security in the region.

    Background

    The Prize is named after the IPU’s two founders, parliamentarians Frédéric Passy and Sir William Randal Cremer, who created the IPU in 1889.

    The Cremer-Passy Prize is open to any sitting parliamentarians who make an outstanding contribution to the defence and promotion of the IPU’s objectives, as well as those “who contribute to a more united, peaceful, sustainable and equitable world”.

    Previous winners include Ms. Cynthia López Castro of Mexico and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (2022), and Mr. Samuelu Penitala Teo of Tuvalu (2023).

    Nominations for the prize are made by the IPU’s six geopolitical groups. https://www.ipu.org/about-ipu/members/geopolitical-groups

    The IPU is the global organization of national parliaments. It was founded more than 130 years ago as the first multilateral political organization in the world, encouraging cooperation and dialogue between all nations. Today, the IPU comprises 181 national Member Parliaments and 15 regional parliamentary bodies. It promotes democracy and helps parliaments develop into stronger, younger, greener, more gender-balanced and more innovative institutions. It also defends the human rights of parliamentarians through a dedicated committee made up of MPs from around the world.

    MIL OSI – Submitted News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: New monitoring team for violations of UN sanctions on North Korea

    Source: Australian Government – Minister of Foreign Affairs

    Australia is joining international partners to strengthen efforts to hold North Korea to account for violations and evasions of UN Security Resolution sanctions.

    Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States have committed to establishing a member state-led Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team (MSMT) to monitor and highlight North Korea’s sanctions non-compliance.

    This follows Russia’s March veto of the renewal of the mandate of the Panel of Experts (PoE) under the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1718. The PoE was responsible for reporting on North Korea’s non-compliance with sanctions.

    Despite Russia’s obstruction, all North Korea-related UN Security Council resolutions remain in effect and all UN Member States are required to implement them.

    North Korea’s ongoing pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems undermines international non-proliferation efforts. Its actions are contrary to Australia’s interest in an open, stable, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

    North Korea’s malicious cyber activities pose serious national security and economic risks and threaten the security and stability of the online environment.

    North Korea’s supply of arms and related materiel to Russia, in support of Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine, directly violates United Nations Security Council resolutions and increases the suffering of the Ukrainian people.

    Australia will continue to work with our partners to uphold international rules and norms and support global non-proliferation efforts to promote a safe and secure region and world.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Socially distanced layout of the world’s oldest cities helped early civilization evade diseases

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By R. Alexander Bentley, Professor of Anthropology, University of Tennessee

    Excavations at Çatalhöyük show how closely people lived before the settlement collapsed. Mark Nesbitt/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

    In my research focused on early farmers of Europe, I have often wondered about a curious pattern through time: Farmers lived in large dense villages, then dispersed for centuries, then later formed cities again, only to abandon those as well. Why?

    Archaeologists often explain what we call urban collapse in terms of climate change, overpopulation, social pressures or some combination of these. Each likely has been true at different points in time.

    But scientists have added a new hypothesis to the mix: disease. Living closely with animals led to zoonotic diseases that came to also infect humans. Outbreaks could have led dense settlements to be abandoned, at least until later generations found a way to organize their settlement layout to be more resilient to disease. In a new study, my colleagues and I analyzed the intriguing layouts of later settlements to see how they might have interacted with disease transmission.

    Modern excavations at what was once Çatalhöyük, where inhabitants lived in mud-brick houses that weren’t separated by paths or streets.
    Murat Özsoy 1958/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Earliest cities: Dense with people and animals

    Çatalhöyük, in present-day Turkey, is the world’s oldest farming village, from over 9,000 years ago. Many thousands of people lived in mud-brick houses jammed so tightly together that residents entered via a ladder through a trapdoor on the roof. They even buried selected ancestors underneath the house floor. Despite plenty of space out there on the Anatolian Plateau, people packed in closely.

    Homes at Çatalhöyük were so tightly packed that people entered through the roof and even buried some ancestors beneath the floor.
    Illustration by Kathryn Killackey and The Çatalhöyük Research Project

    For centuries, people at Çatalhöyük herded sheep and cattle, cultivated barley and made cheese. Evocative paintings of bulls, dancing figures and a volcanic eruption suggest their folk traditions. They kept their well-organized houses tidy, sweeping floors and maintaining storage bins near the kitchen, located under the trapdoor to allow oven smoke to escape. Keeping clean meant they even replastered their interior house walls several times a year.

    These rich traditions ended by 6000 BCE, when Çatalhöyük was mysteriously abandoned. The population dispersed into smaller settlements out in the surrounding flood plain and beyond. Other large farming populations of the region had also dispersed, and nomadic livestock herding became more widespread. For those populations that persisted, the mud-brick houses were now separate, in contrast with the agglomerated houses of Çatalhöyük.

    Was disease a factor in the abandonment of dense settlements by 6000 BCE?

    At Çatalhöyük, archaeologists have found human bones intermingled with cattle bones in burials and refuse heaps. Crowding of people and animals likely bred zoonotic diseases at Çatalhöyük. Ancient DNA identifies tuberculosis from cattle in the region as far back as 8500 BCE and TB in human infant bones not long after. DNA in ancient human remains dates salmonella to as early as 4500 BCE. Assuming the contagiousness and virulence of Neolithic diseases increased through time, dense settlements such as Çatalhöyük may have reached a tipping point where the effects of disease outweighed the benefits of living closely together.

    A new layout 2,000 years later

    By about 4000 BCE, large urban populations had reappeared, at the mega-settlements of the ancient Trypillia culture, west of the Black Sea. Thousands of people lived at Trypillia mega-settlements such as Nebelivka and Maidanetske in what’s now Ukraine.

    If disease was a factor in dispersal millennia before, how were these mega-settlements possible?

    Geophysical plot of Nebelivka settlement shows its circular layout, divided into neighborhoods.
    Duncan Hale and Nebelivka Project, CC BY-NC

    This time, the layout was different than at jam-packed Çatalhöyük: The hundreds of wooden, two-story houses were regularly spaced in concentric ovals. They were also clustered in pie-shaped neighborhoods, each with its own large assembly house. The pottery excavated in the neighborhood assembly houses has many different compositions, suggesting these pots were brought there by different families coming together to share food.

    This layout suggests a theory. Whether the people of Nebelivka knew it or not, this lower-density, clustered layout could have helped prevent any disease outbreaks from consuming the entire settlement.

    Archaeologist Simon Carrignon and I set out to test this possibility by adapting computer models from a previous epidemiology project that modeled how social-distancing behaviors affect the spread of pandemics. To study how a Trypillian settlement layout would disrupt disease spread, we teamed up with cultural evolution scholar Mike O’Brien and with the archaeologists of Nebelivka: John Chapman, Bisserka Gaydarska and Brian Buchanan.

    Simulating socially distanced neighborhoods

    To simulate disease spread at Nebelivka, we had to make a few assumptions. First, we assumed that early diseases were spread through foods, such as milk or meat. Second, we assumed people visited other houses within their neighborhood more often than those outside of it.

    Would this neighborhood clustering be enough to suppress disease outbreaks? To test the effects of different possible rates of interaction, we ran millions of simulations, first on a network to represent clustered neighborhoods. We then ran the simulations again, this time on a virtual layout modeled after actual site plans, where houses in each neighborhood were given a higher chance of making contact with each other.

    Based on our simulations, we found that if people visited other neighborhoods infrequently – like a fifth to a tenth as often as visiting other houses within their own neighborhood – then the clustering layout of houses at Nebelivka would have significantly reduced outbreaks of early foodborne diseases. This is reasonable given that each neighborhood had its own assembly house. Overall, the results show how the Trypillian layout could help early farmers live together in low-density urban populations, at a time when zoonotic diseases were increasing.

    The residents of Nebilevka didn’t need to have consciously planned for their neighborhood layout to help their population survive. But they may well have, as human instinct is to avoid signs of contagious disease. Like at Çatalhöyük, residents kept their houses clean. And about two-thirds of the houses at Nebelivka were deliberately burned at different times. These intentional periodic burns may have been a pest extermination tactic.

    Re-creation of a Trypillian house-burning, with additional straw and wood necessary to burn hot enough to match archaeological evidence.
    Arheoinvest/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

    New cities and innovations

    Some of the early diseases eventually evolved to spread by means other than bad foods. Tuberculosis, for instance, became airborne at some point. When the bacterium that causes plague, Yersinia pestis, became adapted to fleas, it could be spread by rats, which would not care about neighborhood boundaries.

    Were new disease vectors too much for these ancient cities? The mega-settlements of Trypillia were abandoned by 3000 BCE. As at Çatalhöyük thousands of years before, people dispersed into smaller settlements. Some geneticists speculate that Trypillia settlements were abandoned due to the origins of plague in the region, about 5,000 years ago.

    The first cities in Mesopotamia developed around 3500 BCE, with others soon developing in Egypt, the Indus Valley and China. These cities of tens of thousands were filled with specialized craftspeople in distinct neighborhoods.

    This time around, people in the city centers weren’t living cheek by jowl with cattle or sheep. Cities were the centers of regional trade. Food was imported into the city and stored in large grain silos like the one at the Hittite capital of Hattusa, which could hold enough cereal grain to feed 20,000 people for a year. Sanitation was helped by public water works, such as canals in Uruk or water wells and a large public bath at the Indus city of Mohenjo Daro.

    These early cities, along with those in China, Africa and the Americas, were the foundations of civilization. Arguably, their form and function were shaped by millennia of diseases and human responses to them, all the way back to the world’s earliest farming villages.

    R. Alexander Bentley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Socially distanced layout of the world’s oldest cities helped early civilization evade diseases – https://theconversation.com/socially-distanced-layout-of-the-worlds-oldest-cities-helped-early-civilization-evade-diseases-239586

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why China now wants to put some limits on its ‘no limits’ friendship with Russia

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Guangyi Pan, Teaching fellow, international politics, UNSW Sydney

    Just before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, China announced to much fanfare a “no-limits friendship” with Russia, suggesting a future of close collaboration in trade, energy and, perhaps most importantly, security.

    Now, more than two years into the war, the meaning and interpretation of this “no-limits” commitment has evolved.

    There has been much debate in Chinese society in recent months about Beijing’s alignment with Moscow. While some have advocated for a more formal alliance with Russia, others have taken a more cautious stance.

    In sharp contrast to 2022, China’s growing wariness is increasingly being discussed in the open, even among those who were previously censored. In early 2022, for instance, a joint letter by six Chinese emeritus historians opposing Russia’s invasion was censored by the government. The scholars were also warned.

    Now, however, it appears the government is seeking to balance its relationships with both Russia and the West. Beijing may not want to be seen as a “decisive enabler” of the war.

    For example, the once-prominent “no-limits” friendship language quietly vanished from a Sino-Russian joint statement in May.

    And Beijing’s response to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit that month was notably subdued. Putin ingratiated himself with Xi, saying they were “as close as brothers”. Xi’s response was more perfunctory – he called Putin a “good friend and a good neighbour”.

    Scholars are also articulating their concerns about China’s political and economic investments in Russia, both publicly and privately.

    Shen Dingli, a leading scholar of Chinese security strategy at Fudan University in Shanghai, said China doesn’t want to be seen as collaborating with Russia against Ukraine or any other country.

    He also quoted Fu Cong, China’s former ambassador to the European Union, who said last year the “no-limits” [friendship] is “nothing but rhetoric”.

    And in August, after Putin referred to China as an “ally” during a visit to far-eastern Russia, Chinese scholars promptly sought to clarify this statement to prevent any misunderstanding China wants a formal alliance with Russia.

    These statements carry weight. In many respects, leading Chinese scholars at the government-affiliated universities act as propagandists to convey and justify the government’s stance on issues. As a result, subtle shifts in their commentary provide insights into the strategic mindset in Beijing.

    Why China is rethinking its ‘no-limits’ friendship?

    There are three elements driving this re-evaluation of the Russia-China alignment.

    First, there is growing scepticism of Russia’s state capacities. The mutiny by the Wagner Group last year and Ukraine’s recent incursion into Russia’s Kursk region have prompted critical reassessments in Beijing of Russia’s political stability and military preparedness, as well as the growing anti-war sentiment in Russia.

    As Feng Yujun, director of Fudan University’s Russia and Central Asia Study Centre, argued, the Wagner rebellion was a reflection of Russia’s internal conflicts and domestic security challenges. He noted every time Russia has faced both internal and external crises in history, its regimes have become less stable.

    More recently, Feng has been even bolder, predicting Russian defeat in Ukraine. He argued China should keep its distance from Moscow and resume a policy of “non-alignment, non-confrontation and non-partisanship”.

    Second, China’s sluggish economy and its underwhelming trade with Russia have further exposed how dependent both countries are on the West.

    While Russia-China trade reached a record US$240 billion (A$360 billion) in 2023, it has slowed so far this year, as Chinese financial institutions have sought to limit connections with Russia.

    The relationship still heavily favours Beijing. Russia accounts for only 4% of China’s trade, while China accounts for nearly 22% of Russia’s trade.

    Many Chinese experts are now warning against an over-dependence on Russia, instead calling for more cooperation with neighbouring countries. This echoes a recent concern Russia has been using its natural resources as a bargaining chip to extract greater benefits from China.

    Russia’s value as a military ally

    Finally, there are rising Chinese concerns its international outlook does not align with Russia’s.

    Zhao Long, deputy director of the Shanghai Institute of International Relations, says there is an important difference in how they view the world:

    Russia wants to destroy the current international system to build a new one. China wants to transform the current system by taking a more prominent place in it.

    Shi Yinhong, a strategist at Renmin University in Beijing, has highlighted an unbridgeable gap preventing a stronger China-Russia alliance. He says there’s a deep mutual mistrust on regional security. Russia has never promised support for China in the event of a conflict over Taiwan, just as China has avoided involvement in the war in Ukraine.

    As Russia’s war in Ukraine reaches a stalemate, its value as a military ally is increasingly being questioned in China.

    Recently, Feng Yujun warned China risks being led by the nose by Russia, despite being the stronger economic partner. He says every time China has attempted an alliance with Russia in history, it has had negative consequences for China.

    Consequently, it is crucial for China to maintain its long-term partnership with Russia without undermining its constructive relationship with the West.

    Russia has arguably benefited from the current competition between the US and China, as it has sought to exploit the rivalry for its own benefit. But this has also led to uncertainty in the China-Russia relationship.

    As another analyst, Ji Zhiye, argues, relying too heavily on Russia will leave China isolated and vulnerable. And this is not a position China wants to be in.

    Guangyi Pan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why China now wants to put some limits on its ‘no limits’ friendship with Russia – https://theconversation.com/why-china-now-wants-to-put-some-limits-on-its-no-limits-friendship-with-russia-238436

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Up to 21,000 people are dying each day from conflict-fuelled hunger around the world

    Source: Oxfam –

    On World Food Day, hunger has reached an all-time high exposing the flaws in global peacebuilding and conflict recovery efforts 

    Between 7,000 to as many as 21,000 people are likely dying each day from hunger in countries impacted by conflict, according to a new Oxfam report published on World Food Day.

    The report, Food Wars, examined 54 conflict-affected countries and found that they account for almost all of the 281.6 million people facing acute hunger today. Conflict has also been one of the main causes of forced displacement in these countries, which has globally reached a record level today of more than 117 million people.

    It argues that conflict is not only a primary driver of hunger, but that warring parties are also actively weaponizing food itself by deliberately targeting food, water and energy infrastructure and by blocking food aid. 

    “As conflict rages around the world, starvation has become a lethal weapon wielded by warring parties against international laws, causing an alarming rise in human deaths and suffering. That civilians continue to be subjected to such slow death in the 21st century, is a collective failure”.

    Emily Farr, Oxfam’s Food and Economic Security Lead

    Oxfam

    “As conflict rages around the world, starvation has become a lethal weapon wielded by warring parties against international laws, causing an alarming rise in human deaths and suffering. That civilians continue to be subjected to such slow death in the 21st century, is a collective failure”, says Emily Farr, Oxfam’s Food and Economic Security Lead. 

    “Today’s food crises are largely manufactured. Nearly half a million people in Gaza – where 83% of food aid needed is currently not reaching them – and over three quarters of a million in Sudan, are currently starving as the deadly impact of wars on food will likely be felt for generations.”

    The report also found that the majority of the countries studied (34 out of 54) are rich in natural resources, relying heavily on exporting raw products. For example, 95% of Sudan’s export earnings come from gold and livestock, 87% of South Sudan’s come from petroleum products, and nearly 70% of Burundi’s come from coffee.

    In Central America, meanwhile, mining operations have led to violent conflicts, uprooting people from their homes as they no longer become able to live in degraded and polluted environments.

    Oxfam argues that current peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction efforts are too often based on encouraging more foreign investment and export-related economies. However, this focus on economic liberalization can instead create more inequality, suffering and the potential for conflict to resume.

    “It is no coincidence that the lethal combination of war, displacement and hunger has often occurred in countries rich in natural resources. The exploitation of these raw commodities often means more violence, inequality, instability, and renewed conflict. Too often, large-scale private investment—both foreign and domestic —has also added to political and economic instabilities in these countries, where investors seize control over land and water resources forcing people out of their homes,” said Farr.

    Conflict often compounds other factors like climate shocks, economic instability and inequalities to devastate people’s livelihoods. For example, climate shocks like droughts and floods, coupled with the surge in global food prices associated with pandemic shut-downs and additional food-chain disruptions connected to the Russia-Ukraine war, have fueled the hunger crises in East and Southern Africa.

    Many of those fleeing are women and children. Aisha Ibrahim, age 37, told Oxfam that she had to walk four days with her four children, leaving their home in Sudan for Joda, across the border in South Sudan. She left her husband behind to protect their home. “I used to live in a proper home. I could never imagine myself in this situation,” she said.

    The international community’s pledge of “zero hunger” by 2030 remains out of touch. Oxfam says that states and institutions globally, including the UN Security Council, must hold to account those committing “starvation crimes” in accordance with international law.

    “To break the vicious cycle of food insecurity and conflict, global leaders must tackle head-on the conditions that breed conflict: the colonial legacies, injustices, human rights violations, and inequalities – rather than offering quick band-aid solutions.” 

    “We cannot end conflict by simply injecting foreign investments in conflict-torn countries, without uprooting the deep inequalities, generational grievances, and human rights violations that fuel those conflicts. Peace efforts must be coupled with investment in social protection, and social cohesion building. Economic solutions must prioritize fair trade and sustainable food systems,” said Farr.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Interview with Steve Martin, Ballarat Breakfast, ABC Radio

    Source: Australian Treasurer

    STEVE MARTIN:

    It’s not often that I get to talk to the federal Treasurer, and it’s almost never that the federal Treasurer is sitting across from me in the studio. Jim Chalmers, good morning.

    JIM CHALMERS:

    Thanks for having me on your show, Steve.

    MARTIN:

    Why are you here?

    CHALMERS:

    I’m here because Catherine King invited me, and I go where Catherine King tells me to go. She’s a wonderful local member and Cabinet colleague. But more seriously, I wanted to be here to engage with some of the business leaders but also to spend some time at Ballarat High, which I’ll be doing later on this morning.

    But what we try and do as Cabinet Ministers is make sure that we govern for the whole place, and that means spending time in the wonderful regions of this country, including this beautiful region of yours in Ballarat and the South West.

    MARTIN:

    All right. What are you doing at Ballarat High School?

    CHALMERS:

    I’m going to speak to some of the students about the economy. This is one of the most enjoyable things I get to do as Treasurer. I’ve done a lot of it lately actually, because I like the sense that there’s a lot of intergenerational interest in what’s happening in the world. The world’s a difficult place right now. We’ve got a lot of important decisions to make about the future of our own country in that context, and I find knocking around with young people and taking some really often difficult, always smart, intelligent, well‑motivated questions is a really good thing to do when you’re in communities like this one.

    MARTIN:

    Okay. I want to stick with students at the moment, Jim Chalmers. What do they ask you? What do young people want to know about the economy, and are they, broadly speaking, engaged in that sort of part of the political debate?

    CHALMERS:

    More than they get credit for as a generation. People are incredibly engaged at that level. The main questions I get is what’s happening in the world – Russia, Ukraine, the Middle East – what’s happening closer to home in our own region – China and the US – so a lot of really top shelf questions about what’s happening in the world and where we fit.

    But from an economic point of view, like a lot of Australians, they want to know how are we going to get on top of these cost‑of‑living challenges that people are confronting right around the country, every generation, and in particular, housing. They are a big motivation for the tens of billions of dollars that we’re investing as a government in building more homes so that they can find it easier to find somewhere to rent or buy when the time comes.

    MARTIN:

    Is it right that you’re also going to be having a look at some of the properties involved in the First Home Guarantee while you’re in Ballarat? Is that part of your visit?

    CHALMERS:

    That was in prospect, but not on this occasion. I’m looking forward to doing that, but not on this occasion.

    MARTIN:

    Okay. Cost of living does come up endlessly at the moment because things are tough. Do you think that you have made a difference?

    CHALMERS:

    Definitely –

    MARTIN:

    – in what way –

    CHALMERS:

    – but in saying that, I don’t pretend that the fight against inflation is over. I know that people are still doing it tough even at the same time as inflation by some measures has more than halved since we came to office. But I do understand that for people who are under the pump, they don’t want to be told necessarily that everything is fine when it’s not.

    People are still doing it tough. That’s why the tax cuts are so important, the energy bill relief, cheaper early childhood education, cheaper medicines, rent assistance, getting wages moving again. Really our highest priority as a government has been to try and provide that cost‑of‑living help in the most substantial and meaningful way that we can, but also in the most responsible way that we can, which means doing that as well as, not instead of, delivering those couple of surpluses that we’ve been able to deliver at the same time.

    MARTIN:

    I wonder, with the surplus, I recall when that was announced, and generally that would be considered to be good news politically, but to quote Twitter –

    CHALMERS:

    That’s a dangerous practice, Steve.

    MARTIN:

    I know. I realise that, but the most common response it seems on Twitter is, ‘You can’t eat a surplus.’ So while people think that’s great at one end things are happening, but at the business end for most of us it’s not filtering through.

    CHALMERS:

    I’m really grateful you raised that, because we don’t see a surplus as an end in itself either. The fact that we’ve been able to deliver back‑to‑back surpluses for the first time in almost 2 decades in this country is not an end in itself, it’s how we make room to provide all of that cost‑of‑living relief that I just ran through. It’s how we make sure we avoid paying too much interest on all that debt we inherited from our predecessors.

    Also in the context where the global economy is really uncertain, we want to get the budget in much better nick as a bit of a buffer against that global economic uncertainty, because if things do turn down then we want to have more room to respond if we need to. So those are the reasons for the surplus.

    I say to those people who raise that issue that you’ve raised from social media, but I get it out and about in communities like this one, if we were choosing between a surplus or cost‑of‑living help, I would understand that. But we’ve found a way, because of our responsible economic management, to deliver surpluses and cost‑of‑living help, and we think that’s a good thing.

    MARTIN:

    All right. On the SMS Bea has sent this through. As I say, ‘Morning, Steve. Would you ask Jim Chalmers, please, how can we justify $360 billion on a few submarines and $600 million on a PNG rugby league team but struggle to find money to increase mental health services to adequately address demand?’

    CHALMERS:

    Thank you, Bea, for the question and for listening. I think in every budget you’ve got to find room for all of those things. There is mental health funding, of course, in the Budget. There is national security and defence funding. We are interested in investing in our region, particularly when you’ve got all of this global uncertainty, conflict around the world and economic uncertainty around the world, including closer to home. Some of those investments I know, Bea, can be contentious but we think we’ve broadly struck the right balance – huge investments in health at the same time as we invest in our national defence and national security.

    MARTIN:

    All right. I want to ask you about an item in the news today, Treasurer, and that is a crackdown on subscription traps and hidden fees. What’s happening there? What’s the plan from the government?

    CHALMERS:

    We want to crack down on dodgy deals so that we can save Australians money if we can and where we can. Most businesses do the right thing and they’ve got nothing to worry about, but there are these traps which we’re seeing more and more of, whether it’s making it hard to cancel a subscription, different fees at different stages of a purchase, when the price goes up while you’re actually making the transaction, requiring consumers to provide more information than is necessary to buy something, when it’s hard for you to contact the person or the business that’s selling you a good or a service.

    There are a bunch of dodgy practices that we are worried about and we want to crack down on them and so we are looking to ban unfair trading practices, and that’s the announcement that we’re making today.

    MARTIN:

    Okay. So that is with Australian Consumer Law?

    CHALMERS:

    Absolutely. We’ll do some consultation, as we always do, but look to bed it down at the beginning or the first half of next year. We get a lot of feedback about this, Steve. I’m sure you do as well on your SMS line and out and about. A lot of people, for good reason they do a lot of shopping online or in other ways, and there’s just been these practices which have sprung up which we think go too far. We don’t want people to be taken for mugs. We don’t want to see these dodgy business practices, and so we’re going to crack down on them.

    MARTIN:

    So that will come into effect next year, after the next federal election effectively?

    CHALMERS:

    We’ve said the first half of 2025, and we’ll do it as soon as we can. But what we’d like to do is we want to make sure there are no unintended consequences and the like, and so we’ll do a little bit of consultation, but we’ve said today that we’re going to ban unfair trading practices, and we’ll spend the next month or 2 consulting on the best way to go about it.

    MARTIN:

    Twelve minutes to the next news at 8. We’re talking with federal Treasurer Jim Chalmers. I did say earlier this morning, I had a text from Jamie Vogels, who’s a Corangamite Shire Councillor, and this is in relation to the transition of dairy country to blue gum timber land and the practices of the Foreign Investment Review Board when they look at this.

    Now, Jamie Vogels’ question to you directly, Treasurer, is: why aren’t we allowed to know the conditions placed by the Foreign Investment Review Board on the $200 million foreign investment by Munich RE into blue gum plantations that’s replacing that dairy country in Simpson and the Heytesbury? It’s causing economic and job losses, from Jamie Vogels. So why can’t a community know what the Foreign Investment Review Board has and does look at, or is that information publicly available? Because that group sounds like they can’t find out why the decision was made to allow this to happen?

    CHALMERS:

    First of all, thanks to Councillor Vogels for raising it. I know this is an issue, and in that very important part of our national economy there’s a lot of economic opportunity. The dairy industry is important to us and the timber industry is important to us as well, and we’ve got to strike the right balance.

    When it comes to the Foreign Investment Review Board process, we try and be as transparent as we can about the process. But often the fine details for – whether it’s commercial in confidence or other kinds of reasons – often those are kept confidential. So I’ll have another look at that case, I’m confident that we would have provided all of the information that we can. I’m not anticipating that we can provide additional information, but if we can after I have another look, then I’ll do that.

    MARTIN:

    The community concern, though, Treasurer, is that you’ve got prime agricultural land, not just for dairy; it could be used for other things. You have farm workers, you have houses, you have all sorts of activity going on. And when the trees come in, as much as they are needed, in this sort of land where smaller holdings are more common, you’re losing a community because the trees go in and there’s not nearly as many people moving around. Is that social effect on an area looked at by the FIRB?

    CHALMERS:

    It looks at the broader national interest and to be up front with you, typically the focus is more on, national security concerns or concerns around concentration or concerns about one company or another dominating a certain market, and so there are a range of considerations, including the ones that you raise. But primarily, typically, the advice that comes to me, including in this case, the Department of Agriculture was consulted and didn’t raise any issues with this particular transaction, we cast a pretty broad net, but typically the advice is more about managing risks in areas like critical minerals, critical infrastructure, critical data.

    MARTIN:

    Just finally on this, the member for Wannon did ask for a moratorium on additional land being purchased for expansion of the timber industry until some of the concerns raised in the petition he tabled are addressed. Will you consider that, or is the government even looking at that for a moment?

    CHALMERS:

    I think the Agriculture Minister, Julie Collins, is a wonderful colleague of ours. She looks at these sorts of issues all of the time. We know that there are contentious issues in farming communities and we know as our economy changes and demand for different goods change over time that often difficult issues like this pop up. So Julie Collins, being the diligent minister that she is, would have these sorts of considerations in front of her from time to time.

    MARTIN:

    All right. Just on other more general things, I notice that a number of banks are factoring in a rate cut for December. What’s your take on that?

    CHALMERS:

    I try not to pre‑empt decisions taken independently by the independent Reserve Bank. Treasurers of both political persuasions don’t get into the guessing game about future movements in rates.

    My job is to focus on being helpful in the fight against inflation and we have been. Australia’s made really quite considerable progress when it comes to getting on top of the inflation challenge in our economy, less than half what we inherited on the monthly gauge and that’s a good thing.

    But the Reserve Bank will weigh that up, they’ll weigh up what’s happening in the labour market, what’s happening around the world, and they’ll come to a decision independently in due course.

    MARTIN:

    In Queensland, right. I do wonder, just finally, Treasurer, we’ve been through 30‑odd years of pretty good economic times. It started with Hawke and Keating, continued with Howard and Costello, and then, I guess, governments that have followed haven’t been able or as willing to do as much as those 2 governments did all those years ago. That set us up pretty well. There are older people who say we are back to normal, that the current settings we have are more normal. The long‑term interest rate is 7.4 per cent over – I looked this up yesterday, between ’69 and 2004, that’s the long‑term average interest rate in Australia. So has the community got their expectations too high?

    CHALMERS:

    I wouldn’t say that. I wouldn’t blame the community for that. If you think about that longer sweep of history, yes, Hawke and Keating did a remarkable job setting this place up for 3 decades of economic expansion, absolutely outstanding contribution, history‑making contribution.

    If you think about really since the global financial crisis, we’ve had about 15 years of economic upheaval. The global financial crisis in ’08–09, obviously we had COVID, the war in Ukraine sent supply chains basically haywire around the world, and so we’ve had these 3 shocks in 15 years. And so governments of both persuasions, including this one, have been doing their best to manage the here and now – in our case inflation – at the same time as we invest in the future and that’s why our Future Made in Australia agenda, our housing agenda, energy transformation, skills and human capital are so important.

    But what we need to do and what we are doing is working out what does the next generation of prosperity look like. And it won’t be the same as the one that Bob and Paul set up so skilfully in the 1980s. It’s possible to admire their contribution and recognise ours will be different.

    For us the big thing that we’ll be judged on is nailing this energy transformation. That’s the big economic reform opportunity for our generation. And that’s why we call the 2020s the defining decade in the way that the 1980s were, because the situation calls for a new economy, leveraging all of those traditional strengths that we’ve had and will continue to have into the future, but building new strengths in energy, human capital, technology, services and the like.

    MARTIN:

    All right. I was going to let you go, but since you’ve mentioned the energy transformation, one last quick topic: what do you say to communities in this part of the world that are bearing the brunt of that energy transformation, with transmission lines, with wind farms, with very large‑scale change over a very short period of time to communities that are feeling completely and utterly overwhelmed by circumstances beyond their control?

    CHALMERS:

    We are listening to you. We know that the best version of this energy transformation, which is the opportunity of a lifetime for Australia, including for the regions, requires us to take communities along with us. We understand that.

    MARTIN:

    Well, you’re failing at that, because they’re not coming along with those that are pushing this through.

    CHALMERS:

    We can always do better. And even in the most recent Budget I funded, I think $20 million from memory, for better consultation with local communities because we see this as an opportunity for local communities, including regional communities. We need to make sure that we are listening and bringing people along with us. If we can do a better job of that, we will.

    MARTIN:

    Jim Chalmers, thanks for your time.

    CHALMERS:

    Thanks so much, Steve.

    MIL OSI News