Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
Ambassador Holland calls out Russia’s illegal attempted annexation of Ukrainian territory and the system of violence and terror that accompanies Russian occupation.
Location:
Vienna
Delivered on:
(Transcript of the speech, exactly as it was delivered)
Thank you, Madam Chair. Next week marks the second anniversary of Russia’s illegal annexation attempts in Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts. Russia claims these land grabs, and ten years of control over Crimea, have brought liberty. On the contrary, these years of occupation have brought violence, terror, and occupation. Carried out under the guise of sham referenda and backed by military force, Russia aims to legitimise its aggression and create a false narrative of rightful control over Ukrainian land.
First implemented in Crimea, the Russian state has expanded to the newly occupied territories a systematic campaign, designed to suppress Ukrainian heritage, history, and language. This campaign goes beyond territorial ambitions; it seeks to dismantle the idea of Ukraine as a distinct nation, stripping away the cultural and national identity of its people.
We continue to be appalled by widespread reports of violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and violations and abuses of International Human Rights Law (IHRL) within the temporarily occupied territories. As the independent Moscow Mechanism reports have shown, arbitrary detentions, forced deportations, and the persecution of civilians are prevalent. Particularly alarming is the forced deportation and indoctrination of Ukrainian children. The most recent report details the atrocious conditions faced by both civilians and prisoners of war held in detention, and the widespread and systematic use of torture, as well as sexual violence. In recent weeks, we have also seen media reports of POWs being executed in the most barbaric manner.
Russia is also deliberately targeting Ukraine’s cultural heritage in the territory it occupies. Museums, religious sites, and historic buildings have been bombed, looted, or appropriated. This systematic destruction of cultural sites not only devastates the physical symbols of Ukraine’s heritage but also attempts to erase crucial elements of its national identity.
Madam Chair, Russia’s annexation attempts are a clear violation of the Helsinki Final Act, which enshrines the principle of territorial integrity and the inviolability of national borders. As a signatory, Russia committed to respect the sovereignty and independence of all states in the OSCE region, including Ukraine. They made the same pledge more directly in the Budapest Memorandum in the 1990s. By attempting to seize Ukrainian territory through force, Russia has flagrantly disregarded these principles. Moreover, the purported annexations represent a breach of the Paris Charter of 1990, in which all participating nations, including Russia, reaffirmed their commitment to peaceful relations, the rule of law, and the right of nations to determine their own destiny without external interference.
Russia’s continued imperialist ambitions destabilise the world, creating insecurity for all. We must call it what it is. And We must stand together to resist this dangerous expansionism. Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, and Crimea are all irrefutably part of Ukraine. The UK will never recognise Russia’s illegitimate claims to these regions. We call upon Russia to immediately cease its unprovoked illegal war and withdraw its forces unconditionally from all of Ukraine. Thank you.
Source: Republic of France in English The Republic of France has issued the following statement:
President,
Secretary-General,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Ukraine has now been exercising its right to self-defence for two and half years with a bravery that can only fill us with admiration and compel us to act. That right that our Charter clearly grants it. The right to defend its freedom, its territory, its independence and its existence.
I, too, would like to welcome the presence of President Zelenskyy, who is with us here today and who embodies this combat being fought by the Ukrainian people. This combat is also our combat.
How can we not be outraged by this brutal, illegal, unjustifiable war of aggression that Russia is waging on Ukraine, by this massive and continual violation of the most fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations? By Russia’s obstinacy and refusal to pay heed while we are more than 140 countries condemning it, in our unequivocal votes, at the United Nations General Assembly?
How can we not be outraged by the systematic and deliberate pounding of civilian targets, by the cold and methodical destruction of energy infrastructure plunging Ukrainians into the cold and darkness? How can we not be outraged by these repeated atrocities and violations of human rights and international humanitarian law? How can we not condemn rape being used a weapon of war? Nothing and nobody are being spared in Ukraine. This must end, the suffering must end.
How can we not be outraged by the tragic fate of Ukraine’s children? By the young patients undergoing cancer treatment near the ruins of Kyiv’s Children’s Hospital. By the young Ukrainians whose mental health is failing.
By the orphaned girls and boys. By the children and babies who have been killed in Russia’s strikes. By the thousands and perhaps tens of thousands of children taken from their families and undergoing “re-education” in Russia and Belarus, which is an unspeakably cruel way to be treated. What has happened to them? What will they become?
France will continue to stand with those who are fighting for Ukrainian children’s return to Ukraine and supports the initiatives under way.
There can be no impunity for the crimes being committed. The International Criminal Court has already issued six arrest warrants against Russian officials. Russia must be held accountable for its actions.
No one should be complicit in these crimes against humanity. Let it not be said that supporting Ukraine is the same as supporting Russia: Russia is flouting all the rules and attacking its democratic and peaceful neighbour, while Ukraine is exercising its right to self-defence that laws and moral standards justify. No one should support Russia! France therefore urges all States to refrain from providing Russia with weapons, dual-use goods and components that could fuel its war of aggression, the first being North Korea and Iran. We condemn in the strongest terms Iran’s delivery of ballistic missiles to Russia, which has recently been confirmed. It constitutes significant escalation and directly threatens European security.
We are especially concerned about Russia’s continuation of its aggressive and dangerous moves on the European continent, which are increasingly bold. The territorial integrity of several European countries has been repeatedly violated this year and Russia is continuing its efforts to destabilize democracies such as Moldova and Armenia – two democratic States whose only error according to Moscow is to have chosen freedom.
But, ladies and gentlemen, Russia’s war of aggression affects us all, beyond the European continent where it is happening, it is something that concerns the whole world. It is a war against food and energy insecurity. So many States and peoples are impacted by its consequences. And it is not Russia today, but France and its partners, who are enabling Ukrainian grain to be sent to the civilian population in Gaza.
Lastly, Russia’s war of aggression is a war against the international order.
To accept Russia’s fait accompli would be to accept the idea that “might is right”. It would leave the door open to other border changes. It would mean abandoning the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including territorial integrity and sovereignty. It would mean abandoning the possibility of establishing collective security. There is no collective security without the United Nations and there is no United Nations without compliance with the Charter, which serves as its foundation. It is our raison d’être, here at the United Nations, that is being attacked.
For all these reasons, Russia is counting on our fatigue and disengagement, and it is wrong. France will continue to support Ukraine, at every level and over the long term. We will activate all European instruments and ensure Ukraine has a path to the European Union and NATO.
A path other than that of aggression and devastation is possible.
A path to just peace, which should be based solely on international law, with respect for its territorial integrity. It cannot take the form of the surrender of those being attacked. Because there are definitely those who are attacking and those who are being attacked. France will continue to provide its support to President Zelenskyy’s peace plan. Ukraine must be free to choose its alliances and its path.
President,
If Russia chooses to stop being a source of insecurity and instability, another future can be envisaged.
Source: United Kingdom – Prime Minister’s Office 10 Downing Street
The Prime Minister met President Luiz Inacio da Silva at UNGA this afternoon.
The Prime Minister met President Luiz Inacio da Silva at UNGA this afternoon.
They discussed their shared commitment to tackling global challenges, including the importance of global ambition on climate change and poverty.
The Prime Minister congratulated President Lula on his leadership on tackling both these challenges as President of the G20 and looked forward to the Summit in Rio.
The leaders shared their plans to accelerate the energy transition at home and internationally, and agreed to work closely on this agenda including for COP30.
The Prime Minister also confirmed strong support for President Lula’s G20 Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty.
They also discussed the conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza, and Lebanon. The Prime Minister set out his steadfast support for Ukraine and upholding the UN Charter. On the Middle East, the Leaders underlined the importance of ceasefires in both Lebanon and in Gaza.
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
The Prime Minister met President Luiz Inacio da Silva at UNGA this afternoon.
The Prime Minister met President Luiz Inacio da Silva at UNGA this afternoon.
They discussed their shared commitment to tackling global challenges, including the importance of global ambition on climate change and poverty.
The Prime Minister congratulated President Lula on his leadership on tackling both these challenges as President of the G20 and looked forward to the Summit in Rio.
The leaders shared their plans to accelerate the energy transition at home and internationally, and agreed to work closely on this agenda including for COP30.
The Prime Minister also confirmed strong support for President Lula’s G20 Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty.
They also discussed the conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza, and Lebanon. The Prime Minister set out his steadfast support for Ukraine and upholding the UN Charter. On the Middle East, the Leaders underlined the importance of ceasefires in both Lebanon and in Gaza.
First half-year 2024: Business continued to grow at a sustained pace, delivering positive earnings
The AFL Group has unveiled its earnings for H1 2024. Highlights include:
New memberships expressed as pledged capital are up €21.5 million in H1 2024 – as much as during the full year in 2023.
Credit origination hit a new record high after growing 18% in H1 2024 compared to H1 2023.
Half-year earnings, excluding non-recurring items, rose 16% between 2023 and 2024.
Changes to local authority risk weightings, down from 20% to 0%, allow the debt securities issued by AFL to be classified as HQLA1 (decision by ACPR in June 2024).
Consolidated earnings – key figures at June 30, 2024:
Member local authorities:878 (+102 local authorities vs. 31/12/2023)
Pledged capital:315 million euros (+21.5 million vs. 31/12/2023)
Loan production: 622 billion euros (+18% vs. 30/06/2023)
Funds raised in the market: 1,400 million euros (part of a 2,500-million-euro programme) with a 39-basis point margin over the OAT yield curve.
Net interest margin: 11.6 billion euros (-10.5% vs. 30/06/2023)
Gross operating income:2.9 billion euros (-25% vs. June 30, 2023)
Net income after tax:1.96 billion euros (-31% vs. June 30, 2023)
Cost/income ratio:73.1% (vs. 67.4% as of December 31, 2023)
Solvency ratio:77.7%(vs. 13.23% as of December 31, 2023)
Leverage ratio for public development lending institutions:9.69% (vs. 8.86% as of December 31, 2023)
Banking leverage ratio1:2.42% (vs. 2.24% as of December 31, 2023)
Record increase in lending activity and in the number of new local authority memberships
Record credit origination
During H1 2024, AFL granted loans of 622 million euros to its local authority members, 18% more than as of June 2023. This trend is being observed as demand for debt remains high, fuelled by the need to fund mid-term projects and address major challenges posed by the environmental and climate transition.
Over 100 new local authority members
Buoyed by this lending momentum and its increasingly strong reputation, AFL registered 102 new local authority memberships, thereby bringing its total members to 878 at 30 June, 2024.
These new members are: 3 departments, 5 unions, 2 communities of communes, 5 urban communities and 87 municipalities of various sizes. Overall, AFL Group members include a total of 6 regions, 17 French departments, 669 municipalities and 186 EPCIs (groupings of municipalities) including 15 cities and 50 unions.
This represents an additional capital commitment of 21.5 million euros, voted in H1 2024, bringing the total to 315 million euros.
Efficient refinancing that stands out for the continued diversification of issuances
In H1 2024, AFL raised 1.4 billion euros in the bond market with a weighted average maturity of 7.8 years:
A syndicated bond issue of 750 million euros with a 10-year maturity;
The first syndicated issuance in Swiss francs for a total 110 million, with a 10-year maturity;
A new 3-year syndicated bond issuance in sterling for a total 250 million;
Several Euro-denominated private placements including six “callable” deals (pre-determined term) for a total 221 million euros.
The weighted average spread on these issues was 39-basis points over the Obligations Assimilables du Trésor (OAT) curve, a substantial improvement compared to the previous financial year (average of 49 basis points over OAT in 2023).
Financial results are aligned with the business plan
Robust earnings (consolidated earnings under IFRS)
At June 30, 2024, the AFL Group has generated the income needed to pursue its growth:
Net banking income (NBI) came in at €10,785 thousand (€12,179 thousand as of 30/06/2023).
Net interest margin for the AFL Group stood at €11,586 thousand (€12,940 thousand of 30/06/2024). This decline stems from the exceptional results recorded in the first half of 2023, boosted notably by the substantial drop in cash carrying costs after the ECB raised its deposit rate.
The gross operating income stood at €2,901 thousand (€3,868 thousand as of 30/06/2023).
Excluding non-recurring items (i.e. excluding income from capital gains on disposals of securities and hedge accounting), gross operating income was €4,015 thousand (€3,452 thousand in H2 2023).
Operating costs during the period came to €7,336 thousand as of June 30, 2024 (€7,857 thousand as of 30/06/2023), reflecting AFL’s disciplined management and the end of the contribution to the Single Resolution Fund.
Net income as of June 30, 2024, stood at €1,954 thousand (€2,840 thousand as of June 30, 2024).
Earnings that meet our expectations and confirm the resilience of AFL’s model
“The AFL Group’s results at the end of the first half of 2024 are in positive territory for the long term. They are in line with the forecast included in the budget for the year 2024 and the multi-annual business plan. They reflect the sustained growth of the bank’s core business: an accelerating rate of membership and historic credit production. With the 0% risk weighting of local authorities, the quality of the AFL signature in capital markets improves further and will allow it to strengthen its competitiveness in financing local public investment”, states Yves Millardet, Chairman of the Executive Board of AFL.
The cost of risk is intrinsically low in AFL’s model
AFL’s cost of risk is intrinsically limited due to its model as a public development credit institution, the company’s prudent management and the excellent solvency of local authorities. As an example, AFL has zero exposure to stage 3 (default status) assets.
At June 30, 2024, the cost of risk relating to ex-ante impairment for expected losses on financial assets under IFRS 9 was a charge of €255 thousand (compared with a charge of €71 thousand at 30/06/2023).
This rise in the cost of risk is mainly attributable to higher asset volumes, and to a lesser extent, to revisions made to the assumptions used for determining the economic scenarios by asset class, to account for the deterioration of macroeconomic and geo-strategic risks.
The operating income stands at €2,645 thousand (€3,797 thousand as of June 30, 2023). This led to a rise in the cost/income ratio to 73.1% (68.2% as of June 30, 2023). Relative to credit volumes, operating expenses account for 19 basis points; this is a 1 basis-point improvement compared to December 31, 2023, confirming the efficiency of our model.
Financial strength
The highlight event for AFL during the period was the ACPR (Supervision and Resolution Authority)’s decision on June 21, 2024 (and published on July 3, 2024) to change the credit risk weighting of exposures to French local authorities from 20% to 0%. This decision is applicable to municipalities, departments, regions and EPCI (with specific tax status), and has generated a significant facial increase for the AFL Group’s solvency ratio.
Furthermore, following its decision on June 21, 2024, the ACPR supervisory college announced that the debt issued by AFL would qualify as HQLA1 if the percentage of the credit granted by AFL to local authorities with 0% weightings is above 90% of its outstanding credit. Exposure to French local authorities with 0% weightings stands at 94.9% as of June 30, 2024 – which is largely above the minimum threshold of 90%.
The CET1 solvency ratio (consolidated) stands at 77.7% (13.23% at 31/12/2023);
The leverage ratio, calculated using the methodology applicable to public development credit institutions, was 9.69% (compared to 8.86% as of 31/12/2023 and for a regulatory limit of 3%);
The banking leverage ratio stands at 2.42% (2.24% as of 31/12/2023);
The liquidity coverage ratio (LCR) stands at 622%, above the regulatory limit of 100%;
The net stable funding ratio (NSFR) stands at 171%, above the regulatory threshold of 100%;
The 12-month internal liquidity ratio(NCRR) came to 98% at 30 June 2024, corresponding to a liquidity reserve of €2.1 billion. This will allow AFL to meet all its needs for almost 12 months without having to turn to the market.
Post-closing events
Since the end of H1 2024, on July 18, 2024, AFL tapped its bond maturing on March 20, 2034, by €250 million with a narrower margin of 23 basis points over the OAT rate. This narrower margin stems from the HQLA1 classification of the debt issued by AFL (cf. ACPR decision explained above).
As of August 31, 2024, AFL’s medium- and long-term loan production was €831 million, confirming its steady and solid growth.
A further capital increase was carried out by the Board of Directors of AFL-ST on September 25, 2024, to allow new local authorities to gain membership.
On September 4, 2024, AFL published the credit ratings assigned by Fitch Ratings: AA- (stable outlook) for mid-and long-term debt and F1+ (stable outlook) for short-term debt. At the same time, for purposes of methodology, Moody’s was asked to delete all ratings and assessments it had completed on AFL.
To continue to support the growth momentum of its loan portfolio and to address demand from its members, while maintaining high levels of equity capital, AFL is looking into the possibility of issuing super subordinated debt in the near future, market conditions permitting.
AFL credit rating at 25 September, 2024
Fitch Ratings
Standard & Poor’s
Long-term rating
AA-
AA-
Outlook
Stable
Stable
Short-term rating
F1+
A-1+
AFL’s Management Board signed off on AFL’s interim financial statements2for the first half of 2024 on September 10, 2024. At its meeting on September 25, 2024, chaired by Sacha Briand, AFL’s Supervisory Board approved AFL’s interim financial statements. At its meeting on September 25, 2024, chaired by Marie Ducamin, the Board of Directors of AFL-ST, the Société Territoriale (parent company), approved AFL Group’s consolidated interim financial statements.
The Statutory Auditors conducted a limited review of the concise interim parent company and consolidated financial statements for the period from January 1, 2024 to June 30, 2024, and their reports are available at: http://www.agence-france-locale.fr
This press release contains certain forward-looking statements. Although AFL Group believes that these statements are based on reasonable assumptions as of the date of this press release, they are inherently subject to risks and uncertainties, relating in particular to the impacts of the war in Ukraine and the resulting economic crisis, which may cause actual results to differ from those indicated or implied in these statements.
AFL Group’s financial information for the first half of the year consists of this press release and the report available on the website:
“Embody responsible finance and empower local authorities to respond to the present and future needs of their inhabitants.” “By creating the first bank that we wholly own and manage, we, the French local authorities, have taken a strong political step toward decentralization. Agence France Locale is unlike any other financial institution. Created by and for local authorities, it acts in a local context to strengthen our freedom, our ability to develop projects and our responsibility as public actors. Its culture of prudence safeguards us against the potential dangers posed by the complexity and depth of its governance and conflicts of interest. Its fundamental objective is to offer local authorities access to resources on the best terms and with complete transparency. We are guided by the principles of solidarity and equity. Convinced that we will go further together, we wanted an agile institution that would appeal to all authorities, from the largest regions to the smallest municipalities. We see profit as a way to optimize public spending, not an end in itself. Through AFL, we support a local environment committed to addressing social, economic and environmental challenges. AFL strengthens our power to act, to carry out projects locally, for today and tomorrow, for the good of the people who live there. We are proud to have a bank that expresses growth as we see it, ever more responsible and sustainable. We are Agence France Locale.”
1The decree of July 15, 2024 amending the Code Général des Collectivités Territoriales (French Law for Regional and Local Authorities) states that local authorities wishing to become members of AFL must ensure that the risk appetite framework set by the banking institution includes a minimum equity capital threshold of at least 1.7 % of total exposure. 2 During the first half of 2024, AFL purchased office space through its subsidiary Agence France Locale Foncière. This property will house AFL’s headquarters from 2027.
Pentagon Spokesman LtCol Garron Garn, USMC, provided the following readout:
On September 26, 2024, Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Amanda Dory hosted Canadian Deputy Minister of National Defence Stefanie Beck for a bilateral meeting at the Pentagon. The two leaders discussed continued international support for Ukraine, defense strategy and investment, modernization of the North America Aerospace Defense (NORAD) Command, support to Haiti, and a range of other bilateral and global issues. The leaders reaffirmed the deep and longstanding partnership between the United States and Canada, based on a shared commitment to a secure and prosperous North America.
The leaders discussed in detail potential areas for enhanced cooperation between the United States and Canada in order to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific and agreed to continue close coordination on Indo-Pacific security.
They also agreed on the importance of continuing to work together through bilateral and multilateral engagements.
We, Prime Minister of Canada Justin Trudeau and President of the French Republic Emmanuel Macron, reaffirm, here in Ottawa, the strong bond between Canada and France. This meeting reflects the importance of our historical and cultural ties and the enduring friendship between our nations that is rooted in a shared history, a common language and the values that drive what we do.
We also enjoy a strong trade relationship. Together, we are working to promote sustainable and inclusive economic growth, as well as a transparent, rules-based multilateral trade system. Since the provisional implementation of the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) in 2017, trade between Canada and France has grown significantly (over 53% for Canadian exports and nearly 46% for French exports in the span of seven years). Our bilateral trade helps to make life more affordable for our citizens and create good jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.
In an international context marked by many different overlapping and mutually reinforcing crises, our two countries are determined to protect fundamental democratic principles in the face of authoritarian, populist and hateful ideologies. We stand up for human rights, fairness, and the rule of law, with due respect for international law and state sovereignty.
Canada and France are facing foreign information manipulation and interference operations. Canada and France will strengthen their exchanges to effectively respond to these threats. In particular, Canada and France will work closely within the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) to create tools to guide countries in developing public policy focused on strengthening information integrity. In addition, through fora such as the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM) and the Forum on Information & Democracy, we are also developing collective approaches to counter other threats to democracy and will continue to advance these objectives in our successive G7 presidencies in 2025 and 2026.
Enhancing our bilateral cooperation
This year, we commemorated the sacrifices made by Canadians, the French and our Allies on the 80th anniversary of the Normandy landing. We will work to step up our bilateral cooperation in security and defence in order to improve our ability to respond to geopolitical crises. To that end, the Canada-France Declaration on a Stronger Defence and Security Partnership, which we are announcing today, will enable us to provide more effective support to Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, contribute to regional stability and security in the Indo-Pacific, strengthen our cooperation in modernizing our armed forces, and combat foreign information manipulation and interference.
To support French and Canadian citizens around the world, we also wish to strengthen our cooperation with respect to emergency preparedness and crisis management. We applaud the work of Canada’s Emergency Watch and Response Centre and France’s Centre de crise et de soutien in this area.
Fighting climate change and protecting the ecosystems and environment
In response to the triple planetary crisis of climate warming, biodiversity loss, and pollution, we will continue to step up our cooperation, particularly in the fight against climate change and ocean protection. We will do this through our bilateral and multilateral actions, in line with the France-Canada Partnership, which was renewed in April, in which we pledged to work together, in particular to implement the Kunming-Montreal Global Diversity Framework and to strengthen our climate and energy commitments, as well as our shared commitment to adopting a legally binding international agreement to address plastic pollution.
Our Canada-France Declaration on the Ocean speaks to our readiness to put oceans at the heart of the bilateral and international agenda—with recognition of their critical role in the environmental and climate balance—in preparation for the June 2025 UN Ocean Conference in Nice. We also underscore their importance in providing food and energy sources, a vector for economic exchanges, and a vital link between countries and communities. The Prime Minister and the President also emphasized their commitment to working together in the fisheries sector, as demonstrated by the recent agreement reached on the Atlantic halibut fishery.
Our two countries will also pursue their political commitment towards the adoption of a legally binding treaty to put an end to plastic pollution that meets our peoples’ expectations, with ambitious measures throughout the life cycle of plastic, from production to waste management.
To keep the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 °C target within reach, we will accelerate efforts on operationalizing the global stocktake’s decision on transitioning away from fossil fuels, including in the context of our G7 presidencies. We will continue to work with determination to align financial flows with the Paris Agreement, in particular by disclosing climate change risks and phasing out fossil fuel subsidies. We will continue our work together to expand the scope and use of carbon market instruments, while supporting countries that are interested in implementing these instruments.
Canada is pleased to join France and the many countries that support The Paris Pact for People and the Planet (4P) in responding to the dual challenge of combatting poverty and preserving the planet. Further, to encourage increased funding in support of sustainable development, our two countries will continue to participate actively in the United Nations Secretary-General’s SDG Stimulus Leaders’ Group.
Our responses to energy security concerns will aim to secure long-term energy supply in keeping with our climate objectives, and in a manner that ensures continued prosperity for both of our countries. Building on the Joint Statement Between Canada and France on Nuclear Energy Cooperation of fall 2023, we are working together to step up civil nuclear cooperation between our two countries, with a focus on identifying project funding solutions and upgrading skills and training for the trades. We will also work to accelerate the global phase-out of coal through our support for the Powering Past Coal Alliance and the Coal Transition Accelerator.
Recognizing the key role of critical minerals in supporting a green and digital economy, our two countries will work on the need to explore opportunities for joint investment in critical minerals projects, with the aim of securing their respective value chains. Canada and France are also founding members of the Sustainable Critical Minerals Alliance, which aims to promote on a global scale sustainable and socially inclusive mining, processing and recycling practices, and responsible critical minerals supply chains. We will continue to work with like-minded countries to reaffirm these values. Lastly, Canada and France will work together to develop low-carbon, efficient, sustainable and resilient transportation systems, whether in the aviation, rail or marine sectors.
Embracing artificial intelligence responsibly
Canada and France consider science and technology to be important levers for meeting the major challenges of the 21st century. We are mindful of the importance of developing a responsible approach to artificial intelligence (AI) that takes into account both risks and benefits, as demonstrated in the joint launch of the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence in 2020. The Canada-France Declaration on Artificial Intelligencepublished today reiterates our commitment to responsible, safe AI that respects human rights and democratic values. To promote and support scientific research in the field of AI, we welcome the recent call for proposals from last July for new funding, launched under the auspices of the Joint Committee on Science, Technology and Innovation uniting our two countries.
Expanding Canada-France collaboration in all areas of AI, we will further our work together at the AI Action Summit, to be hosted by France on February 10 and 11, 2025. With a view to promoting outreach and cooperation between our companies and business organizations and providing solutions, Canada is proud to announce that it will be Country of the Year at VivaTech 2025 in Paris. Responsible use of AI can create economic benefits for everyone, and adopting it can increase economic productivity and growth, for the benefit of all workers and businesses.
In addition, our two countries will continue to work together to establish a digital dialogue on platform governance and ensure that AI is designed, developed, and deployed ethically and in compliance with copyright. This would allow us to recognize the important shared challenges in the digital space that have a considerable impact on the strength and health of culture and media in Canada and France.
Promoting the French language throughout the world
Canada and France reaffirm their support for the promotion of French and for the institutions of La Francophonie, and they commit to concluding a Canada-France Memorandum of Understanding on the Cité Internationale de la Langue Française on the margins of the upcoming Francophonie Summit in Villers-Cotterêts and Paris, France, on October 4 and 5. With our partners in the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, we will support linguistic and cultural diversity, peace, democracy, and human rights. The Summit will also provide an opportunity to strengthen education, research, and innovation in French, as well as economic and digital cooperation for sustainable development.
Addressing geopolitical challenges
We reiterate our strongest condemnation of Russia’s more than 900-day war of aggression in Ukraine. In the face of this war, which jeopardizes the security of the entire Euro-Atlantic region, we reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine in all areas, for as long as it takes. We continue to work towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on international law, and in particular the principles of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. In line with the NATO Washington Summit Declaration, we will continue to deepen our support for Ukraine, to give it the means to defend itself and deter Russian aggression. We are pursuing our efforts to support Ukraine in its reform process, notably in the fields of justice, the fight against corruption, and promotion of the rule of law. We also underscore the efforts of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, co-chaired by Canada with the participation of France. Finally, we are committed to helping to operationalize the agreement reached at the G7 Summit in Apulia to leverage immobilized Russian sovereign assets for the benefit of Ukraine.
We also condemn in the strongest possible terms the October 7 massacres perpetrated by Hamas against Israel, and recognize Israel’s right to defend itself in accordance with international law and international humanitarian law. We are extremely concerned by the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and by the appalling situation of the civilian population, which has been repeatedly displaced within the country and is unable to meet its most basic needs. Canada and France therefore call for an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages, and the unfettered access of humanitarian aid to Gaza. Canada and France support the two‑state solution, which includes the creation of a Palestinian state, living in peace and security, alongside the State of Israel.
We also wish to maintain our support for Haiti, to help re-establish security, the rule of law, and democracy. While we remain concerned about the humanitarian and security situation there, we are nevertheless pleased to note the progress made, including the establishment of the Transitional Presidential Council, a Prime Minister and a Cabinet of Ministers. We also welcome the fact that the creation of the Provisional Electoral Council is well underway. We are committed to supporting preparations for free, fair, and transparent elections. Canada and France will continue to work closely together to support the Haitian National Police, the Multinational Security Support Mission, and the strengthening of the justice sector and the fight against corruption and financial crime.
In the Indo-Pacific region, our two countries will study the deployment of joint patrol missions in the future, and will maintain their participation in multilateral exercises. To this end, our two countries will work on the possibility of integrating Canadian support into the deployment of the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier.
Coordinating our successive 2025 and 2026 G7 presidencies
We will strengthen strategic coordination between our governments in the context of our bilateral and multilateral exchanges, and with a view to our successive G7 presidencies in 2025 and 2026. We are determined to meet today’s global challenges, guided by our shared desire to build a better future based on our common values, and supported by the rich and dynamic relationship between our two countries.
The Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, welcomed the President of France, Emmanuel Macron, to Canada from September 25 to 26, 2024. With stops in Ottawa, Ontario, and Montréal, Quebec, the visit helped further strengthen the close ties between our countries and advance our shared priorities.
The leaders announced three key declarations that will align Canada and France’s work to preserve peace and security, take ambitious climate action, protect the environment, and responsibly harness the full potential of artificial intelligence (AI).
The first of these three declarations, the Canada-France Declaration on a Stronger Defence and Security Partnership, underscores Canada and France’s steadfast commitment to supporting Ukraine in the face of Russia’s illegal invasion. It also reaffirms our contributions to regional stability and security in the Indo-Pacific and reflects our co-operation in managing emergencies, modernizing our armed forces, and combatting foreign interference.
The two leaders discussed shared, ongoing work to respond to the humanitarian situation in Haiti and reiterated their support for the United Nations-authorized Multinational Security Support mission in the country. Canada and France are in steadfast support of Haitian-led solutions to the conflict that will make a meaningful and lasting difference in the lives of the Haitian people – and build a better future.
Building on the progress made at the United Nations General Assembly and the Summit of the Future earlier this week, Prime Minister Trudeau and President Macron highlighted the critical importance of continued action to fight climate change and protect our oceans. In the Canada-France Declaration on the Ocean, the leaders underlined the vital role that oceans play for the environment, the climate, the economy, and food and energy security throughout the world. To advance our work, Prime Minister Trudeau announced Canada’s membership in the Paris Pact for People and the Planet. The Pact, led by France and in partnership with global leaders, emphasizes collective action to accelerate sustainable development and create opportunities to help lift vulnerable populations out of poverty.
During the visit, the Prime Minister and the President met with AI experts, entrepreneurs, and industry leaders to discuss the risks and benefits of this new technology. Canada and France have world-leading AI ecosystems, including leadership roles in the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence (GPAI), which has 29 members worldwide. A testament to our progress in growing a dynamic AI industry, GPAI’s first two centres of expertise opened in Canada and France. Moving forward on this work, the Prime Minister and the President announced the Canada-France Declaration on Artificial Intelligence. The Declaration reiterates our countries’ commitment to a safe use of AI that respects human rights and democratic values.
During President Macron’s visit, Canada was also named Country of the Year for the Viva Technology 2025 technology conference, which will be held in Paris next year. At this event, Canada’s delegation will collaborate with the international community and meet with thousands of visionary start-ups, investors, organizations, and researchers to leverage advances in AI to strengthen our economy, increase productivity, and create new opportunities for Canadians. SCALE AI, Canada’s Global Innovation Cluster dedicated to AI, will lead Canada’s business delegation.
Prime Minister Trudeau and President Macron reaffirmed their commitment to promoting the French language and La Francophonie’s institutions ahead of the next Sommet de la Francophonie, which will be held in Villers-Cotterêts and Paris, France, on October 4 and 5, 2024. They also renewed their commitment to strengthening strategic coordination in preparation for the successive G7 Presidencies that Canada and France will hold, in 2025 and 2026 respectively.
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“Canada and France’s relationship is built on shared history, a common language, and democratic values. President Macron’s visit to Canada is a testament to the enduring friendship between our two countries, and with the progress we have made over this visit, we will move forward to build a fairer and more prosperous future for our peoples.”
Quick Facts
This was President Macron’s second visit to Canada. It followed both leaders’ participation in the United Nations General Assembly and Summit of the Future in New York City, United States of America.
As a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the G7 and the G20, a founding member of the European Union, and a key partner in the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, France is a key ally for Canada on the international stage.
In 2023, France was Canada’s third largest merchandise export market in the European Union, and its 12th largest trade partner globally, with two-way merchandise trade totalling $12.9 billion.
That same year, Canadian exports to France amounted to $4.3 billion, while imports from France totalled $8.7 billion.
In France, Canada is represented by an embassy in Paris and consulates in Lyon, Nice, and Toulouse. France is represented in Canada by its embassy in Ottawa and consulates in Vancouver, Toronto, Montréal, Québec, and Moncton.
The Secretary-General met with H.E. Mr. Hendrikus Wilhelmus Maria (Dick) Schoof, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Sint Maarten and Aruba were represented by senior officials.
They discussed developments related to Ukraine, the Middle East as well as Venezuela. They also exchanged views on the follow up to the Summit of the Future as well as on issues related to Small Island Developing States, including and climate adaptation financing.
The Secretary-General met with H.E. Sir Keir Starmer, Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The Secretary-General and Mr. Starmer discussed the strong partnership between the United Nations and the United Kingdom as well as developments related to the war in Ukraine and the situation in the Middle East. They also exchanged views on the achievements of the Pact for the Future, and the implementation of its outcomes.
Source: The White House
Metropolitan Museum of ArtNew York, New York
5:49 P.M. EDT
THE FIRST LADY: Good evening. (Applause.)
Aren’t all of our U.S. military musicians spectacular? (Applause.) Thank you for all that you — for joining us this evening. It’s great to be with so many friends here.
For Joe, diplomacy is personal. It’s why, for more than 50 years, he’s created deep personal bonds with world leaders. He shows up for our allies and our partners. He listens and is always eager to debate complex international issues to find common ground.
Serving as first lady has be- — of the United States is the honor of my life. This is our — (applause). Thank you.
This is our fi- — our United Nations — our final United Nations General Assembly as president and first lady. So, tonight, I want to take this moment to celebrate Joe and honor the relationships he’s built with all of you — (applause) — to honor these relationships with all of you to shape a brighter future for people around the world.
Please join me in welcoming my husband, President Joe Biden. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: (Laughs.) That was worth the trip. (Laughter.)
Well, welcome, everyone. I’m delighted to see you all. You know, my fellow leaders and friends we’ve honored here, it’s an honor to welcome you here tonight.
I should start off by saying we owe a special thanks tonight to — to Mayor Bloomberg. He’s not the mayor right now, but he’s still the mayor. (Laughter.) Mr. Mayor, thank you for all you’ve done.
I want to begin by quoting someone who I wish was here tonight: my mom, Catherine Eugenia Finnegan Biden. (Applause.) Growing up, my mom had an expression. She had a lot of expression. She had a backbone like a ramrod. But my mom, she used to say, “Joey, remember, never bow, never bend, never yield, and never give up.”
Folks, as I said yesterday at the United Nations, I recognize the challenges the world faces: Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, war, hunger, poverty, climate change. But my message to you tonight is this: We must never, ever, ever bow, bend, yield, or give up. And most importantly, we must never lose faith — lose faith in our abilities to do so much.
I was first elected to the United States Senate when I was 29 years old, 280 years ago. (Laughter.) Since then, I’ve seen the impossible become — the impossible become reality, for real. I’ve seen the Berlin Wall come down. I’ve seen Poland leave the (inaudible) — I shouldn’t go on, I guess. But I’ve seen apartheid end. I’ve seen humanity pull together to prevent a nuclear war. I’ve seen war criminals and dictators face justice and accountability for human rights violations. And I’ve seen countries in the Middle East make peace. We must always remember.
In America, I was (inaudible) — I spent a lot of time with Xi of China, and we were in the Tibetan Plateau, and it was one of my 90-some hours alone with him. And he looked at me; he said, “Can you define America for me?” This is an absolutely true story. He said, “Can you define America for me?” I said, “Yes. In one word: possibilities — possibilities.” (Applause.) We believe anything is possible. No, I really mean it. Remember, nothing is impossible.
And, folks, look, in our time, we turn the page on the — on the — on a whole range of issues. We turned the page. Nothing is impossible, as I said, but we turned the page on the worst pandemic in a century. We defended Ukraine as a tyrant threatened to wipe it off the map. We made the largest investment in history to fight climate change, the existential threat to humanity.
And, folks, time and again — and I mean this sincerely — time and again, our nation and our world found a way forward. But make no mistake: It didn’t happen by accident. Nothing was inevitable. It took people like all of you assembled here tonight refusing to give up, rejecting the forces that pull us apart, believing that change is possible, and fighting to make it so every single day. That’s what you in this room assembled have done.
Ladies and gentlemen, that’s our change. Together, we can broker deals, end wars and suffering. We can stop the spread of disease and dangerous weapons alike. We can make AIempower people, not shackle them. We can cut our emissions and achieve our climate ambitions. We can leave our children, literally, a better world.
That’s our obligation, and we can. We can do this.
I can say to you — and I mean this sincerely — I’ve never more optimistic in my life because of all of you, and I mean it from the bottom of my heart.
So, thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Keep it up.
And every time I’d walk out of my grandpop’s house up in Scranton, he’d yell, “Joey, keep the faith.” My grandmother would go, “No, Joey, spread it.” Spread it. Spread it. Spread it. (Applause.)
Folks, remember, nothing is beyond our capacity when we work together. Nothing at all.
So, thank you, thank you, thank you for all you’re doing. I appreciate it very, very much.
It’s an honor to be with you. Thank you. (Applause.)
5:54 P.M. EDT
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Swiss Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York, Sept. 24, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in New York on Tuesday that against the backdrop of rising protectionism and anti-globalization, China and Switzerland, both defenders of free trade, should demonstrate with concrete actions that economic globalization is unstoppable.
Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, made the remarks during talks with Swiss Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York.
He hailed the two countries’ announcing the launch of negotiations on an upgraded version of the free trade agreement a piece of good news.
The two sides should cherish and maintain a high level of political mutual trust, adhere to mutual respect and equal treatment, and ensure a sound and steady development of bilateral relations, he said.
For his part, Cassis said the Swiss side will make every effort to push forward the negotiation process and promote bilateral economic and trade cooperation.
Switzerland values its partnership with China and always adheres to the one-China policy, he added.
During the talks, the two sides also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, attends a Security Council high-level meeting on the situation in Ukraine at the United Nations headquarters in New York, Sept. 24, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in New York on Tuesday that all parties should be truly committed to promoting peace talks on the Ukraine issue.
Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, made the remarks at the United Nations headquarters while attending a Security Council high-level meeting on the situation in Ukraine.
The Security Council should serve as a bridge between differences and contradictions, an advocate of seeking common ground while shelving differences, a defender of common security, and a builder of lasting peace, he said.
Wang put forward three propositions in this regard:
Firstly, it is necessary to enhance the sense of crisis in cooling down the situation. Weapons of mass destruction should not be used, nuclear facilities devoted to peaceful purposes such as nuclear power plants should not be attacked, and civilians and civilian facilities should not be targeted, the envoy said.
Secondly, it is necessary to enhance the sense of responsibility in promoting peace talks. Dialogue and negotiation is the only viable way out of the Ukrainian crisis, he noted, urging the international community to seize the current opportunity to form joint efforts to promote peace talks.
Thirdly, it is necessary to enhance the sense of urgency in managing spillovers. China calls on the international community to strengthen cooperation on energy, finance, trade, food security and the protection of key infrastructure such as oil and gas pipelines, so as to jointly maintain the stability and smooth flow of global industrial and supply chains, Wang said.
China is not a creator of the Ukraine crisis, nor is it a party concerned, the top Chinese diplomat noted. China has always sided with peace, and maintained contact with all parties, including Russia and Ukraine, he added.
Warning that any attempt to blame, attack or smear China on the Ukraine issue is irresponsible and will not succeed, Wang called on the international community to join hands to uphold a vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security.
A trader works on the trading floor of the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) in New York, the United States, on Aug. 21, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
Global gross domestic product (GDP) growth is projected to stabilize at 3.2 percent in both 2024 and 2025, while inflation should continue to ease, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) said on Wednesday in its latest economic outlook.
According to the OECD economic outlook, annual GDP growth in the United States is projected to slow down to 2.6 percent in 2024 and further down to 1.6 percent in 2025, but be cushioned by monetary policy easing.
For Euro area, the OECD said that GDP growth is projected to be 0.7 percent in 2024 and speed up to 1.3 percent in 2025, with activity supported by a recovery in real incomes and an improvement in credit availability.
Headline inflation has continued to fall this year in most countries, partly due to further declines in food price inflation and low or negative energy and goods price inflation, the organisation noted, adding that the recent steep fall in oil prices, and the ongoing easing of global food prices could place further downward pressure on headline inflation in the short-term.
“Oil prices have declined by over 10 percent since July, amid expectations for excess supply next year and market concerns about weakening oil demand growth… If oil prices remain at their current level, global headline inflation could be reduced by around 0.5 percentage points over the coming year,” the OECD explained.
According to the OECD, declining consumer price inflation has supported household spending, providing a counterbalance to the negative impact from restrictive financial conditions and the uncertainty about the ongoing Ukraine conflict and the evolving crisis in the Middle East.
Along with stable GDP growth and further disinflation, the OECD also said that real incomes would improve and less restrictive monetary policy in many economies would help underpin demand.
The recovery in real incomes could provide a stronger boost to consumer confidence and spending, and further oil price declines would hasten disinflation.
Headline inflation is projected to ease from 5.4 percent in 2024 to 3.3 percent in 2025 in the G20 economies.
We, the leaders of the Group of Seven (G7), reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine today and in the future, in times of war and peace. As stated in the Leaders’ Communiqué issued at the G7 Summit in Puglia, together with our international partners, we remain committed to providing Ukraine and the Ukrainian people with military, budgetary, humanitarian and reconstruction support. We are also firmly committed to helping Ukraine meet its urgent short-term financing needs, as well as to supporting its long-term recovery and reconstruction priorities.
We dispel any misconception that time is on Russia’s side or that Russia could prevail by causing Ukraine’s economic failure. Russia’s war of aggression has caused severe damage to Ukrainian cities and infrastructure. Today, we reiterate a range of commitments to neutralize its effects.
First, under international law, there is no doubt that Russia has a responsibility to pay for the damage it causes. We reaffirm that, in accordance with all applicable laws and our respective legal systems, Russia’s sovereign assets in our territories will remain frozen until Russia stops its aggression and pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine.
Second, we commit to using our economic support to help Ukraine maintain macro-financial stability, repair and build critical infrastructure, including in the energy sector, stimulate economic growth, and foster societal resilience and the implementation of priority reforms. This will include, for example, improving the business climate, strengthening the fight against corruption, reforming the judiciary, and promoting the rule of law in the context of the European Union accession process. We will also provide support to Ukraine to promote the timely and transparent absorption of donor funds.
Third, we continue to jointly implement the decision taken at the G7 Summit in Puglia to establish loans within the framework of the acceleration of the use of extraordinary revenues for Ukraine by the end of the year, in order to make available to Ukraine additional financing of approximately 50 billion US dollars. The servicing and repayment of these loans will be ensured by future flows of extraordinary revenues from the immobilization of Russian sovereign assets held in the European Union and other administrative territories. Part of this financing will be dedicated to military support for Ukraine. We will maintain our solidarity as part of our commitment to support Ukraine.
Fourth, we will also continue to deliver on our vision by defining a strategy on Ukraine’s economic recovery and reconstruction, and by coordinating and directing our support in this regard through the Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine. This will include mobilizing private sector contributions, leveraging funds from bilateral sources, the European Union and international financial institutions, and supporting Ukraine’s reform agenda in preparation for its accession to the European Union. We will continue to strengthen Ukraine’s human capital by addressing humanitarian needs and promoting social protection.
Finally, we will continue to assess and monitor progress against these commitments through the meetings of the Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine and the Ukraine Recovery Conference, the next annual edition of which will be hosted by Italy in 2025.
In order to implement the above commitments, we will each endeavour to provide Ukraine with targeted bilateral support, in accordance with this Joint Statement and the bilateral security arrangements and agreements negotiated and concluded with Ukraine.
As for Ukraine, it is committed to implementing its reforms in the areas of economy, justice, anti-corruption, good governance, defense, public administration, public investment management and law enforcement. These reforms are necessary and will be crucial to ensuring long-term support for the country’s reconstruction and recovery.
Our message is clear: we remain firmly committed to the strategic objective of a free, independent, democratic, and sovereign Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders, that is prosperous and capable of defending itself. We emphasize the importance of an inclusive and gender-responsive recovery and the need to address the different needs of women, children, and persons with disabilities, as well as other groups of the population disproportionately affected by Russia’s war of aggression. Through our collective support for Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery, we will ensure that Russia fails in its goal of subjugating Ukraine, and that Ukraine emerges from this war of aggression with a modernized, vibrant, inclusive society and an innovative economy that can withstand Russia’s threats. Other countries wishing to contribute to these efforts to support Ukraine’s long-term reconstruction and recovery are invited to join this joint statement at any time.
EDITOR’S NOTE: This article is a translation. Apologies should the grammar and/or sentence structure not be perfect.
We, the Leaders of the Group of Seven (G7), reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine today and in the future, in war and in peace. As stated in the Apulia-G7 Leaders’ Communiqué, together with international partners, we remain determined to provide military, budget, humanitarian, and reconstruction support to Ukraine and its people and are strongly committed to helping Ukraine meet its urgent short-term financing needs and to assisting with Ukraine’s long-term recovery and reconstruction.
We dispel any false notion that time is on Russia’s side or that Russia can prevail by causing Ukraine to fail economically. Russia’s war of aggression has wrought tremendous damage upon Ukrainian cities and infrastructure. Today, we reaffirm a series of commitments to counter its effects.
First, Russia’s responsibility under international law to pay for the damage it is causing is clear. We reaffirm that, consistent with all applicable laws and our respective legal systems, Russia’s sovereign assets in our jurisdictions will remain immobilized until Russia ends its aggression and pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine.
Second, we commit to use our economic assistance to ensure Ukraine maintains macro-financial stability, to repair and build critical infrastructure including in the energy sector, to boost economic growth, to support social resilience as well as the implementation of priority reforms. These include improving the business climate, strengthening anti-corruption efforts, implementing the justice system reform and promoting of the rule of law within the context of the EU accession process. We will also support Ukraine to ensure rapid and transparent absorption of donor financing.
Third, we are continuing our joint work to implement the decision made at the G7 Summit in Apulia to launch Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans for Ukraine by the end of the year, in order to make available approximately USD 50 billion in additional funding to Ukraine. The loans will be serviced and repaid by the future flows of extraordinary revenues stemming from the immobilization of Russian sovereign assets held in the European Union and other relevant jurisdictions. Part of these funds will be directed to military assistance to Ukraine. We will maintain solidarity in our commitment to providing this support to Ukraine.
Fourth, we will continue to pursue our vision also by strategizing, coordinating and steering our support for Ukraine’s economic recovery and reconstruction through the Ukraine Donor Platform. This will include catalyzing private sector contributions as well as leveraging bilateral, European Union, and international financial institution funding, and encouraging Ukraine’s reform agenda in view of the country’s accession path to the EU. We will continue to support Ukraine’s human capital through our ongoing response to humanitarian needs and social protection.
Finally, we will continue to assess and monitor progress on these commitments through Ukraine Donor Platform meetings and the annual Ukraine Recovery Conference, the next edition of which will be hosted by Italy in 2025.
In order to implement the above-mentioned commitments,we will each work to provide Ukraine withspecific, bilateral support aligned with this joint declaration and with the bilateral security agreements and arrangements that have been negotiated and signed with Ukraine.
For its part, Ukraine is committed to implementing its economic, judiciary, anti-corruption, corporate governance, defense, public administration, public investment management and law enforcement reforms. These reforms are necessary and will be vital to enabling long-term support for Ukrainian reconstruction and recovery.
Our message is clear: we remain committed to the strategic objective of a free, independent, democratic and sovereign Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders, that is prosperous and able to defend itself. We highlight the importance of an inclusive and gender-responsive recovery and the need to address the different needs of women, children and disabled persons as well as other population groups who have been disproportionately affected by Russia’s war of aggression. Through our collective support for Ukrainian reconstruction and recovery, we will ensure that Russia fails in its objectives to subjugate Ukraine – and that Ukraine emerges from Russia’s war of aggression with a modernized, vibrant, inclusive society and innovative economy, resilient to Russian threats. Other countries that wish to contribute to this effort in support of Ukraine’s long-term reconstruction and recovery may join this Joint Declaration at any time.
NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION TO U.S. NEWS WIRE SERVICES OR DISSEMINATION IN THE UNITED STATES.
VANCOUVER, British Columbia, Sept. 25, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Westhaven Gold Corp. (TSX-V:WHN) (“Westhaven” or the “Company”) is pleased to announce that the Company has entered into an agreement with Red Cloud Securities Inc. (the “Agent”) to act as sole agent and bookrunner in connection with a best efforts, private placement (the “MarketedOffering“) for aggregate gross proceeds of up to C$5,000,000 from the sale of the following:
10,000,000 units of the Company (each, a “Unit”) at a price of C$0.15 per Unit for gross proceeds of up to C$1,500,000 from the sale of Units; and
gross proceeds of up to C$3,500,000 from the sale of any combination of (i) common shares of the Company that will quality as “flow-through shares” within the meaning of subsection 66(15) of the Income Tax Act (Canada) (each, a “Traditional FT Share”) at a price of C$0.175 per Traditional FT Share and (ii) flow-through units of the Company to be sold to charitable purchasers (each, a “Charity FT Unit”, and collectively with the Units and Traditional FT Shares, the “Offered Securities”) at a price of C$0.22 per Charity FT Unit.
Each Unit will consist of one common share of the Company (each, a “Unit Share”) and one half of one common share purchase warrant (each whole warrant, a “Warrant”). Each Charity FT Unit will consist of one Traditional FT Share and one half of one Warrant. Each Warrant shall entitle the holder to purchase one common share of the Company (each, a “Warrant Share”) at a price of C$0.22 at any time on or before that date which is 24 months after the closing date of the Offering (as defined below).
The Agent will have an option, exercisable in full or in part, up to 48 hours prior to the closing of the Offering, to sell up to an additional C$1,000,000 in any combination of Units, Traditional FT Shares and Charity FT Units at their respective offering prices (the “Agents’ Option” and together with the Marketed Offering, the “Offering”).
Subject to compliance with applicable regulatory requirements and in accordance with National Instrument 45-106 – Prospectus Exemptions (“NI 45-106”), those Units, Traditional FT Shares and Charity FT Units representing gross proceeds of up to C$5,000,000 (the “LIFE Securities”) will be offered for sale to purchasers in the provinces of Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, Ontario and Saskatchewan (the “Canadian Selling Jurisdictions”) pursuant to the listed issuer financing exemption under Part 5A of NI 45-106 (the “Listed Issuer Financing Exemption”). The Unit Shares, Traditional FT Shares, Warrants and Warrant Shares issuable pursuant to the sale of the LIFE Securities are expected to be immediately freely tradeable under applicable Canadian securities legislation if sold to purchasers resident in Canada. The Units may also be sold in offshore jurisdictions and in the United States on a private placement basis pursuant to one or more exemptions from the registration requirements of the United States Securities Act of 1933 (the “U.S. Securities Act“), as amended.
Any Units and Charity FT Units sold in excess of gross proceeds of C$5,000,000 as well as the Traditional FT Shares (collectively, the “Non-LIFE Securities”) will be offered by way of the “accredited investor” and “minimum amount investment” exemptions under NI 45-106 in the Canadian Selling Jurisdictions, or in the case of the Units, also in offshore jurisdictions and the United States on a private placement basis pursuant to one or more exemptions from the registration requirements of the U.S. Securities Act. The Unit Shares, Traditional FT Shares, Warrants and Warrant Shares issuable from the sale of Non-LIFE Securities will be subject to a hold period ending on the date that is four months plus one day following the closing date of the Offering under applicable Canadian securities laws.
The Company intends to use the net proceeds from the sale of Units for working capital and general corporate purposes. The gross proceeds from the issuance of the Traditional FT Shares and the Charity FT Units will be used for Canadian exploration expenses on the Company’s mineral projects in British Columbia and will qualify as “flow-through mining expenditures”, as defined in subsection 127(9) of the Income Tax Act (Canada) (the “Qualifying Expenditures”), which will be incurred on or before December 31, 2025 and renounced to the subscribers with an effective date no later than December 31, 2024 in an aggregate amount not less than the gross proceeds raised from the issue of the Traditional FT Shares and Charity FT Units.
The Offering is scheduled to close on or around October 15, 2024, or such other date as the Company and the Agent may agree, and is subject to certain conditions including, but not limited to, receipt of all necessary approvals including the approval of the TSX Venture Exchange.
The Company will pay to the Agent a cash commission of 6% of the gross proceeds raised in respect of the Offering (the “Agents’ Commission”). In addition, the Company will issue to the Agent warrants of the Company (each warrant, a “Broker Warrant”), exercisable for a period of 24 months following the Closing Date, to acquire in aggregate that number of common shares of the Company which is equal to 6% of the number of Offered Securities sold under the Offering at an exercise price equal to C$0.15 per Common Share.
There is an offering document related to the Offering that can be accessed under the Company’s profile at http://www.sedarplus.ca and on the Company’s website at http://www.westhavengold.com. Prospective investors should read this offering document before making an investment decision.
To the extent that any directors and/or officers the Company participate in the Offering, such participation will constitute a “related party transaction” within the meaning of Multilateral Instrument 61-101 – Protection of Minority Security Holders in Special Transactions (“MI 61-101“). The Company expects any participation by directors and officers in the Offering will be exempt from the formal valuation and minority shareholder approval requirements of MI 61-101 pursuant to sections 5.5(a) and 5.7(1)(a) of MI 61-101 based on the fact that neither the fair market value of the Units, Traditional FT Shares or Charity FT Units subscribed for by directors and officers, nor the consideration for such securities to be paid by them, will exceed 25% of the Company’s market capitalization.
The securities offered have not been, nor will they be, registered under the U.S. Securities Act, as amended, or any state securities law, and may not be offered, sold or delivered, directly or indirectly, within the United States, or to or for the account or benefit of U.S. persons, absent registration or an exemption from such registration requirements. This news release does not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy nor shall there be any sale of securities in any state in the United States in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful.
On behalf of the Board of Directors
WESTHAVEN GOLD CORP.
“Gareth Thomas”
Gareth Thomas, President, CEO & Director
Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release.
About Westhaven Gold Corp.
Westhaven is a gold-focused exploration company advancing the high-grade discovery on the Shovelnose project in Canada’s newest gold district, the Spences Bridge Gold Belt. Westhaven controls 60,950 hectares (609.5 square kilometres) with four gold properties spread along this underexplored belt. The Shovelnose property is situated off a major highway, near power, rail, large producing mines, and within commuting distance from the city of Merritt, which translates into low-cost exploration. Westhaven trades on the TSX Venture Exchange under the ticker symbol WHN. For further information, please call 604-681-5558 or visit Westhaven’s website at http://www.westhavengold.com
Forward Looking Statements:
This press release contains “forward-looking information” within the meaning of applicable Canadian and United States securities laws, which is based upon the Company’s current internal expectations, estimates, projections, assumptions and beliefs. The forward-looking information included in this press release are made only as of the date of this press release. Such forward-looking statements and forward-looking information include, but are not limited to, statements concerning the Company’s expectations with respect to the Offering; the use of proceeds of the Offering; completion of the Offering and the date of such completion. Forward-looking statements or forward-looking information relate to future events and future performance and include statements regarding the expectations and beliefs of management based on information currently available to the Company. Such forward-looking statements and forward-looking information often, but not always, can be identified by the use of words such as “plans”, “expects”, “potential”, “is expected”, “anticipated”, “is targeted”, “budget”, “scheduled”, “estimates”, “forecasts”, “intends”, “anticipates”, or “believes” or the negatives thereof or variations of such words and phrases or statements that certain actions, events or results “may”, “could”, “would”, “might” or “will” be taken, occur or be achieved.
Forward-looking information involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors which may cause the actual results, performance, or achievements of the Company to be materially different from any future results, performance or achievements expressed or implied by the forward-looking statements. Such risks and other factors include, among others, and without limitation: that the Offering may not close within the timeframe anticipated or at all or may not close on the terms and conditions currently anticipated by the Company for a number of reasons including, without limitation, as a result of the occurrence of a material adverse change, disaster, change of law or other failure to satisfy the conditions to closing of the Offering; the Company will not be able to raise sufficient funds to complete its planned exploration program; that the Company will not derive the expected benefits from its current program; the Company may not use the proceeds of the Offering as currently contemplated; the Company may fail to find a commercially viable deposit at any of its mineral properties; the Company’s plans may be adversely affected by the Company’s reliance on historical data compiled by previous parties involved with its mineral properties; mineral exploration and development are inherently risky industries; the mineral exploration industry is intensely competitive; additional financing may not be available to the Company when required or, if available, the terms of such financing may not be favourable to the Company; fluctuations in the demand for gold or gold prices generally; the Company may not be able to identify, negotiate or finance any future acquisitions successfully, or to integrate such acquisitions with its current business; the Company’s exploration activities are dependent upon the grant of appropriate licenses, concessions, leases, permits and regulatory consents, which may be withdrawn or not granted; the Company’s operations could be adversely affected by possible future government legislation, policies and controls or by changes in applicable laws and regulations; there is no guarantee that title to the properties in which the Company has a material interest will not be challenged or impugned; the Company faces various risks associated with mining exploration that are not insurable or may be the subject of insurance which is not commercially feasible for the Company; the volatility of global capital markets over the past several years has generally made the raising of capital more difficult; inflationary cost pressures may escalate the Company’s operating costs; compliance with environmental regulations can be costly; social and environmental activism can negatively impact exploration, development and mining activities; the success of the Company is largely dependent on the performance of its directors and officers; the Company’s operations may be adversely affected by First Nations land claims; the Company and/or its directors and officers may be subject to a variety of legal proceedings, the results of which may have a material adverse effect on the Company’s business; the Company may be adversely affected if potential conflicts of interests involving its directors and officers are not resolved in favour of the Company; the Company’s future profitability may depend upon the world market prices of gold; dilution from future equity financing could negatively impact holders of the Company’s securities; failure to adequately meet infrastructure requirements could have a material adverse effect on the Company’s business; the Company’s projects now or in the future may be adversely affected by risks outside the control of the Company; the Company is subject to various risks associated with climate change, the Company is subject to general global risks arising from epidemic diseases, the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, rising inflation and interest rates and the impact they will have on the Company’s operations, supply chains, ability to access mining projects or procure equipment, supplies, contractors and other personnel on a timely basis or at all is uncertain; as well as other risk factors in the Company’s other public filings available at http://www.sedarplus.ca. Readers are cautioned that this list of risk factors should not be construed as exhaustive. Although the Company believes that the expectations reflected in the forward-looking information are reasonable, there can be no assurance that such expectations will prove to be correct. The Company cannot guarantee future results, performance, or achievements. Consequently, there is no representation that the actual results achieved will be the same, in whole or in part, as those set out in the forward-looking information. The Company undertakes no duty to update any of the forward-looking information to conform such information to actual results or to changes in the Company’s expectations, except as otherwise required by applicable securities legislation. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on forward-looking information. The forward-looking information contained in this offering document is expressly qualified by this cautionary statement.
President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. met today with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly. President Biden informed President Zelenskyy that he has directed a surge in U.S. security assistance to Ukraine, which will be announced publicly tomorrow, and which will help Ukraine win. President Zelenskyy previewed for President Biden his plan for victory. The two leaders will discuss this plan further during their upcoming bilateral meeting at the White House.
Following their meeting in New York, President Biden convened a historic event in support of Ukraine at which the leaders of more than 30 countries agreed to sign a Joint Declaration of Support for the Recovery and Reconstruction of Ukraine.
Washington, D.C. – Today, House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Michael McCaul delivered remarks on the House floor to ensure that 15 Biden-Harris administration officials are held accountable for their dereliction of duty resulting in the deadly Afghanistan withdrawal. This historic condemnation passed the House of Representatives with bipartisan support – including ten Democrats – in a vote of 219 to 194.
WATCH HERE
– Remarks as Delivered –
Mr. Speaker, I want to say to my good friend I have tremendous respect [for you], we work together on many things, [we are] bipartisan. And when we don’t agree, we do so civilly. However, I cannot disagree more with you than I do today.
One of the byproducts of Bagram [Airbase] falling, 7,000 ISIS [terrorists] were released from the Bagram prisons. Some of those have found their way into the United States.
What happened in Afghanistan is a tragedy. And one of the worst foreign policy failures in our nation’s history.
Who could ever forget the harrowing images of Afghans falling off the plans and babies being flung over barbed wire in a desperate attempt by mothers to save their children and escape Afghanistan under Taliban rule?
The women, that Mr. Wilson referred to, [were] left behind along with American citizens.
Women [are] now under slavery under the Taliban’s Sharia Law.
We are the United States of America. You can’t tell me we couldn’t have safely evacuated U.S. personnel, Americans, and our brave Afghan allies.
My report shows the administration had the information and opportunity to do so. But at every step of the way, they chose political optics over the safety of Americans.
Their deadly and chaotic withdrawal started a chain of events that have led to a world on fire.
We are witnessing the largest land invasion in Europe since WWII with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The CCP has become emboldened and more belligerent in their aggression towards Taiwan. And there is a war raging in the Middle East, Mr. Speaker, with the Ayatollah now rearing his ugly head. That didn’t happen by accident. It happened by design with the fall of Afghanistan.
When you project weakness on the world stage, this is what you get: a world on fire, inviting aggression from our adversaries.
Our U.S. national security is degraded, America’s credibility on the world stage is damaged, and the moral injury to the American veterans and servicemembers is a stain, an ugly stain on this administration’s legacy.
I want to close, Mr. Speaker, with a reminder of the consequences of the actions of those named in this resolution. And it is the 13 heroic U.S. servicemembers who made the ultimate sacrifice. I’ve met with their loved ones, and they live [in] pain every single day, and they wake up to it every single day.
These servicemembers who paid with their lives because of this administration’s failure on August 26, 2021. And I for one, in this chamber, in this House say I’m sorry for what your government did to you. And in their honor, I want to read their names.
Marine Lance Corporal David Lee Espinoza
Marine Sergeant Nicole Gee
Marine Staff Sergeant Taylor Hoover
Army Staff Sergeant Ryan Christian Knauss
Marine Corporal Hunter Lopez
Marine Lance Corporal Rylee J. McCollum
Marine Lance Corporal Dylan R. Merola
Marine Lance Corporal Kareem M. Nikoui
Marine Sergeant Johanny Rosario Pichardo
Marine Corporal Humberto Sanchez
Marine Lance Corporal Jared Schmitz
Navy Corpsman Maxton W. Soviak
Marine Corporal Daegan William-Tyeler Page
Nothing will bring their lives back. Nothing will bring [the] children of these parents back, but we can hold those responsible, and accountable and that’s what this resolution does.
And I urge my colleagues to support it. I yield the balance of my time.
Source: United States Senator Tommy Tuberville (Alabama)
“The Biden-Harris Administration needs to negotiate a peace agreement now . . . or there will be disastrous consequences coming in the very near future”
WASHINGTON – Today,U.S. Senator Tommy Tuberville (R-AL) delivered a floor speech criticizing the Biden-Harris administration for prolonging the unwinnable war in Ukraine at the expense of American taxpayers. Sen. Tuberville also discussed why the history of NATO is inconvenient for the Biden-Harris administration’s narrative. In the speech, Sen. Tuberville highlighted that Ukraine is becoming desperate, which could have dire consequences.
Read the speech below or watch it here.
“Mr. President,
I rise today to talk about the un-winnable war in Ukraine, which has already cost American taxpayers billions of dollars.
Now, anyone who dares question the Uni-Party’s narrative on the war in Ukraine is obviously going to get criticized. That’s OK. The media has been complicit in pushing this narrative. Think about [it]: when was the last time you saw live footage on the ground in Ukraine? It’s rare because Ukraine is losing and is losing badly.
This comes after we just gave Ukraine $60 billion dollars more of taxpayer money earlier this year to prolong this war.
I see President Zelensky, a Uni-Party puppet, is here begging, begging for more money on [the] campaign trail with Kamala Harris. It feels like he’s here every other month demanding more and more taxpayer money. That’s because he knows that the money spigot will cut off if Kamala Harris doesn’t win in November.
Look, this subject is too important to go unaddressed. Over the last several months, I’ve asked multiple high-ranking members of the Biden-Harris administration to articulate what it is trying to accomplish in Ukraine. Just tell us. Tell us what it will cost and how we plan to achieve these results. Basically, I’m asking: what is our game plan? Not one official in this administration has answered my questions clearly. Not one.
One of the most interesting responses I received was from Secretary Austin himself, Secretary of Defense. He says, ‘We want to see Ukraine remain a sovereign, independent and democratic state that has the ability to defend itself in its territory and deter aggression.’ Ok. Secretary Austin continued, stating that it is the administration’s goal to bring Ukraine into NATO while simultaneously blaming Russia for NATO’s past expansion.
Now, here’s when the DC establishment really, really gets upset. I’m going to review a few undeniable facts about NATO’s history. Predictably, the Uni-Party will accuse me of spewing Russian propaganda. But these are the facts and that’s what we have to go by. We can’t shy away from them.
NATO was formed 75 years ago in 1949 as a defensive alliance to counter the communist Soviet Union. It was wildly successful in that it maintained peace through deterrence throughout the cold war. NATO helped us win the Cold War and dissolve [the] communist Soviet Union. When the Cold War ended in 1991, Ukraine instantly became the world’s third-largest nuclear power. Ukraine. Following a series of negotiations, Ukrainians agreed to give up their nuclear weapons in exchange for security guarantees from both Russia and NATO. Territorial integrity and political independence.
These efforts were successful because they included assurances by many, many heads of state, including our own, that would no up-eastward expansion of NATO towards Russia would ever happen. It was over. At that time, there were 16 NATO members. Today, 33 years later, after this agreement, there are 32 NATO members. Even though in 1991 we agreed to no more eastward expansion, we broke the agreement. We, NATO and the United States. NATO has expanded eastward seven times since that agreement in 1991. The largest expansion in 2004 included two countries that share a border with Russia: Estonia and Latvia. Today, NATO includes three countries that border Russia. Six NATO members are former Warsaw Pact members. The bulk of this expansion happened before Russia annexed Crimea and invaded part of Ukraine in 2014.
Again, these are all the facts. All play a part in the NATO story and Russia’s response to it. Here’s another fact: NATO’s expansion was on NATO’s terms, separate and apart from any Russian input or activity. Let me read that again. NATO expansion was on NATO’s terms, separate and apart from any Russian input or activity—contrary to Secretary Austin’s claims. Ask yourself: How would the U.S. react if China or Russia entered a mutual defense organization with Mexico or Canada? How would we react? What if they started basing troops or participating in military exercises just miles from our homeland?
Having covered a brief history of NATO, let’s ask logical follow-up questions that we should always ask before involving ourselves in any armed conflict. First, how far are we willing to take this proxy war with Russia? How far are we? Did we think about that before we got into this? Are we [as] committed to winning as Russia’s President is? Vladimir Putin? Are we committed to winning? What happens if the momentum turns? What happens if it turns against Ukraine and Russia starts making real gains, as it appears is happening today. Will the U.S. send more taxpayer money? More weapons? Will NATO send troops? Will the United States send troops? What’s the plan?
War is a serious business. We should understand that by now. You don’t half-ass your way into one and certainly don’t half-ass your way out of one. That doesn’t seem to resonate around here.
Since the Russian offensive began, we have sent more than one $174 billion taxpayer dollars to Ukraine, one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Recently, the Biden-Harris administration announced their intent, their intent, to send an additional $700 million taxpayer dollars to Ukraine in cash. Are you kidding me? Why on earth would we give cash to the most corrupt country on the face of the planet?
So, after all that, after the last two and a half years of funding billions of taxpayer dollars, getting hundreds of thousands of people killed, what do we have to show for it? The war has only gotten worse. Hundreds of thousands are dead. Ukraine is becoming more desperate, as its forces are [experiencing] widespread insubordination and even mass desertion. We don’t hear that on TV. We don’t hear that in this propaganda media. Over six million Ukrainians have fled the country, have run, have left their country.
Ukraine is playing with fire, now seeking to conduct offensive operations deep inside Russia. Why? You can’t win. Most recently, Ukraine launched a drone attack that struck in Moscow. What are we trying to do— start World War III? Most recently, Ukraine launched a drone attack that struck several other office buildings in Moscow. Adding to the uncertainty of this situation, this administration’s current policy towards Ukraine has all the hallmarks of every Biden-Harris foreign policy decision that has preceded it: weak planning, disastrous results, zero leadership. This administration never considered the consequences of Ukraine losing. How can that ever happen?
This is really sad. It’s sad for the United States of America. It’s sad for the taxpayers. It’s sad for our military. It’s sad for our allies and it’s sad for NATO. Some of [his] Democratic colleagues have said, ‘Joe Biden never made a correct decision in foreign policy in forty years.’ Well, he hadn’t broke that.
Biden-Harris administration has dumped billions of dollars also into the lap of Iran. Removed the terrorist designation from the Houthis, who by the way, we’re fighting against right now, but they’re ‘not terrorists.’ Alienated one of our most important friends, Saudi Arabia. And they’ve executed the disastrous Afghanistan withdrawal that unnecessarily cost the lives of Americans. All this weakness was a direct signal to our adversaries: ‘Now is the time to make your move.’ And that’s exactly what our adversaries China, Iran, Russia, and North Korea are doing.
China today tested another ballistic missile into the Pacific Ocean. They’re preparing. Russia now has pounced on Ukraine. Whatever you hear in the media, it’s not true. It is a slaughter. Iran has released its proxies and terrorized the Middle East. Our ally Israel is fighting for its life against Hamas following the gruesome October 7th attack almost a year ago. The Houthis, the Houthis, are a bunch of people that live in the mountains, have been emboldened to attack ships, which has negatively impacted global trade. We can’t even beat the Houthis and we’re trying to create more wars. China has stepped up its aggression in the China Sea. We’re losing influence across the globe, especially in South America and Africa where the Chinese and the Russians are taking over. We’re leaving leaps and bounds.
So, let’s be very clear. Despite the administration’s incompetence, I still believe Putin was wrong to invade Ukraine. I think we all do. He should have withdrawn his forces immediately after it started. Putin is responsible for his actions, and he has made no secret of the fact that he sees Ukraine as historically a part of Russia.
At the same time, I do not think that Ukraine’s border is more important than ours—not even close—which we have been completely […] neglecting the last three and a half years.
We have been overrun, [at the] southern border, northern border, and from airplanes all over the world flying into our cities. It’s an embarrassment.
We do not need the administration to enable Ukraine to use offensive weapons and strike deep into Russia. That cannot happen. We are on the cusp of a nuclear war. Nobody seems concerned: ‘It won’t happen.’ Yes, it will happen. Putin has told us it will happen if you continue this. This would only escalate this conflict to an entirely new level that none of us can ever imagine. Do you think this offensive would convince Putin to come to the table and negotiate a peace agreement? Well, I would hope we would go, but we do not seem to want to make a peace agreement. We had better and we’d better do it in the very near future. This will provoke him to [use] even more deadly weapons if we continue to attack within their borders, costing more and more lives. NATO and the U.S. would be forced to respond as a result. We’re trying to create a war.
We must consider these questions thoroughly before we involve ourselves in another one of these crazy conflicts that should never happen. Improvising won’t cut it. Now is the time for the U.S. to lead and negotiate a peace to the end of this bloody war. I keep hearing people say, ‘well, we’re building equipment for our military.’ Yeah, right. Or our men and women are not losing their lives. We’re getting close to it. We’re getting very close.
Now look, I come from a military state in the state of Alabama. We build everything. We have thousands of troops. I want it to be well-funded and well-equipped if we ever have to fight a war. We need a lethal killing machine to deter other aggression. That’s what a military is about. This is not about defunding our military. I want our military laser-focused on protecting Americans and not woke DEI initiatives. And it’s not about abandoning our allies either. We need to support our allies.
It’s about this administration funding a proxy war with no plan, zero, no plan on how to stop it, or how to win it. The Biden-Harris administration needs to negotiate a peace agreement now. Immediately, or there will be huge, disastrous consequences coming in the very near future.
Mr. President, I yield floor.”
Senator Tommy Tuberville represents Alabama in the United States Senate and is a member of the Senate Armed Services, Agriculture, Veterans’ Affairs, and HELP Committees.
Source: United States Senator for Mississippi Roger Wicker
WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Roger Wicker, R-Miss., the highest-ranking Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, today released the following comment in response to reports that the Biden-Harris administration intends to notify Congress that they will tap into the nearly $6 billion remaining in Presidential Drawdown Authority (PDA) for Ukraine.
The authority to transfer weapons to Ukraine would expire October 1, 2024, unless Congress approves an extension. The administration does not plan to accelerate the transfer of weapons to Ukraine, meaning this nearly $6 billion package will be parceled out through the end of calendar year 2025 at current rates.
“It is unfortunately typical of this administration to wait until the last possible moment to announce full use of the PDA. Brave Ukrainians are fighting and dying defending their country so that Americans and Europeans won’t have to. President Biden needs to expedite the actual transfer immediately. They need weapons, not words,” Senator Wicker said.
Congress granted President Biden extensive use of drawdown authority for two reasons: It enables him as commander-in-chief to deliver weaponry at a much faster rate to Ukraine than most other tools, and it would help the United States fortify its defense industrial base for the long term with replenishment funding.
Senator Wicker also highlighted the following facts:
Almost three years into this war, the Biden-Harris administration has not publicly articulated a strategy for Ukrainian victory, nor any measurement for the speedy delivery of weapons.
Almost three years into this war, the Biden-Harris administration has yet to private or publicly conduct an assessment of how much weaponry the United States could give to Ukraine given that weapons transfers to date have significantly degraded the Russian military.
Utilizing the PDA would expedite the distribution of artillery, air defense interceptors, missiles, and more from our stockpiles.
In 2022, the Biden-Harris administration allowed nearly $3 billion in Ukraine support authority to expire.
The Department of Defense is allowing decisions about weapons deliveries to take months longer than necessary, and some weapons systems contracts are now years behind where they could be.
The spring 2024 national security supplemental was intended to last Ukraine through the election, with an authority to use $7.7 billion in weapons drawdowns. The Biden-Harris administration has not spent close to all of this figure, and is roughly supporting Ukraine at a pace four to six months behind the optimal tempo.
The Biden-Harris administration still has roughly $2.8 billion in “recaptured” drawdown authority that they have not used.
Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Mike Quigley (IL-05)
Today, U.S. Representative Mike Quigley(IL-05), Ranking Member on the Transportation, Housing and Urban Development Appropriations Subcommittee, released the following statement after voting on a Continuing Resolution (CR) to keep the government funded through December 20, 2024:
“With this vote, a united Democratic party helped Republicans avoid a catastrophic government shutdown. Unlike Republican’s earlier poison pill CR, this bill does what is right for the American people instead of catering to Donald Trump’s whims.
“However, this CR still ignores pressing matters facing our nation. It lacks critical relief to help communities across the country respond to and recover from disasters and fails to extend President Biden’s ability to assist our allies abroad like Ukraine. While addressing these issues is crucial, a shutdown would only further exacerbate the problems and would have seriously damaging impacts on our nation. Ultimately, continuing resolutions are not a solution; they are a Band-Aid. They create funding uncertainties for agencies and jeopardize our national security. As responsible legislators, we must be responsive to the evolving needs of our government, especially our military, with year-long funding bills that fulfill the basic responsibilities of governing and meet the growing needs of the people we serve.
“When Congress returns to Washington, I encourage Republicans to put an end to these political games, reach across the aisle, and pass clean, bipartisan funding bills that deliver for the American people.”
I am delighted to be able to speak before you today, as representatives of Hessian family businesses. Family businesses play a significant role for the German economy and German society.
In cooperation with the audit firm EY, the University of St. Gallen in Switzerland compiles the Global Family Business Index.[1] It lists the 500 largest family businesses in the world. And, last year, 78 businesses on this list – nearly 16% – were located in Germany. This puts Germany in second place behind the United States, which, however, has nearly five times the GDP of Germany. According to EY data, these 78 businesses generated the equivalent of just over €1 trillion in revenues in 2023.[2] Germany’s share of total revenues is therefore just over 10%. And, let it be noted, these are merely the largest and highest-revenue family enterprises.
However, when we talk about family businesses, it is naturally not just numbers that come to mind. It’s about much more than that, not least about tradition. What I often hear in this context is that “family businesses think in terms of generations, not quarterly reports”. For me, staying power is a good and important quality to have in order to comprehensively rise to challenges and overcome them sustainably. And we are currently facing our share of challenges; of that there is no doubt. I am referring to macroeconomic challenges, which also matter to family businesses.
Once a year, the Society for the German Language (Gesellschaft für die deutsche Sprache) chooses several terms as “Words of the Year”. Krisenmodus – “crisis mode” – took first place last year.[3] The term Krisenmodus will probably ring a bell if you look back across the past few years: the COVID–19 pandemic, disintegrating supply chains, high energy prices. This has also left its mark on economic growth, which, this year, will remain weak as well.
In my speech, I want to discuss in depth the factors that are still continuing to gnaw away at growth. These factors can be either temporary or also permanent in nature. My focus will be on the permanent factors, as we have to address these structural factors in order to make long-term progress. I will subsequently discuss which economic policy measures can specifically help overcome the current weak growth. However, let me first put the current period of economic weakness into context. How serious is the situation really?
2 Are Germany’s days as an industrial superpower coming to an end?
In the first half of 2024, like last year, Germany ranked among the laggards in terms of growth in the euro area. German GDP more or less stagnated in the first six months of the year, whereas the euro area average picked up markedly. Germany does not come off favourably in a global comparison, either. The advanced economies’ collective GDP rose by 0.5% in the spring, and of these, the United States even saw a 0.7% increase.
Third-quarter economic figures for Germany have likewise remained weak. All the while, the media seem to be trying to outdo each other with horror stories about the German economy. “Germany’s days as an industrial superpower are coming to an end” was, for instance, the title of a Bloomberg article in February on the current economic situation in Germany.[4] We read further on in that story that the “underpinnings of Germany’s industrial machine have fallen like dominoes”.
Just a cursory look back over the history of our economy shows us this: there is nothing inherently new about such headlines and debates. Germany weathered a pronounced slump around the turn of the millennium. Bloomberg Businessweek titled the cover page of its February 2003 issue “The decline of Germany”.[5] And, at the end of 2004, German author Gabor Steingart published a book titled Deutschland – der Abstieg eines Superstars (Germany – The decline of a superstar).[6] Is that painful crisis threatening to repeat itself? Are we in decline?
Without wanting to get ahead of myself: we are undoubtedly in a midst of a difficult transformation process. But it’s a process we have the power to shape. And if we shape it right, then my clear response is: No, in my opinion Germany is not in decline! How is today’s situation in Germany different from that at the turn of the millennium? Let’s take a look at the numbers.
At that time, the unemployment rate as calculated by the International Labour Organization (ILO) stood at over 9% on average; it is now 3.3%, and thus also well below the euro area average of 6.5%. Back then, the most pressing labour market problem was unemployment; now, it is the shortage of skilled workers.
Moreover, German firms’ profitability and capital base are much better now than they were 25 years ago. As a case in point, the average capital ratio was 23% then, whereas in the 2020 to 2022 period it averaged 30%. The profit margin went up from 3.4% at the time to 4.5% in the 2020 to 2022 period. These data are subject to a major time lag, which is why we do not yet have any numbers for 2023.
However, what are the reasons for the current feeble growth dynamics? The energy crisis had an outsized impact on Germany, an exporting country where manufacturing has a special status. As, before the outbreak of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, dependency on inexpensive Russian energy deliveries was high – too high. Moreover, the fallout from the high inflation weighed on the economy. Many consumers kept their purse strings tight. In addition, the restrictive monetary policy is dampening economic activity. And last but not least, industry continues to be impacted by weak foreign demand, particularly because our euro area trading partners’ imports rose less strongly than world trade. What we know for sure is that some of these factors are only temporary. We therefore assume that Germany’s economy will be able to slowly regain some momentum.
3 Structural challenges
Some factors, however, have a longer-term effect. We are facing extensive structural challenges which can likewise dampen growth. To wit, energy costs are set to remain higher than before Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine for quite a while to come. The price of natural gas fell from some €240 per kilowatt hour in August 2022 to €30 in early 2024, before then bouncing back up to around €38 in August of this year, still well above the average price of €13 in the pre-crisis year of 2019.
But the desired transition to a carbon-free energy supply will be costly as well, at least over a relatively long transition period. Plus there are further challenges such as demographic change, the reduction of unilateral dependence on imports and fragmentation of international trade.
The transition to a climate-neutral economy, above all, will require massive investment. On this point, a study commissioned by the KfW Group estimated the volume of investment needed to reach Germany’s net-zero targets by mid-century. The result: around €5 trillion. [7] A McKinsey study even puts the figure higher still, at €6 trillion.[8] And just like when you retrofit an old building to improve its energy efficiency, that number includes investment that will be made in any event. But the estimated incremental investment is considerable, too. The KfW study puts this at around €72 billion per year, or just under 2% of German GDP.
And even though the comprehensive digitalisation process that needs to take place will offer huge opportunities, it, too, will require investment, not to mention training or reconceptualising of processes and business lines. But how is investment faring in Germany at the moment? Let’s take a look at the statistics.
They show that investment in buildings, machinery and equipment, and other assets in Germany has not grown over the past few years. And declining investment was a key factor behind the slight contraction in economic output in the second quarter. But not just that: in a recent analysis the audit firm EY found that the number of foreign investment projects in Germany has dropped for the past six years in a row.[9] All things considered, despite the aforementioned challenges and the need for investment that they entail, there is currently no indication of an investment boom.
But what are the reasons for this weak investment propensity? We have investigated this question through our business survey, the Bundesbank Online Panel – Firms. In it, around 7,400 German firms were asked in the third quarter of 2023 about their motives for investment. We published the results in the May edition of our Monthly Report.[10]
The poor macroeconomic setting was evidently the key reason for declining investment. This was closely followed by high energy and wage costs, a shortage of skilled workers, uncertainty about regulation, and high taxes and public levies. Low public funding, inefficient public administration and poor digital infrastructure played a lesser role. These findings may be a year old, but there is much to suggest that they remain valid.
4 The tasks of economic policy
This brings us to the following question: what can economic policy do to remove barriers to investment, or at least mitigate them? One thing it certainly cannot do is directly influence the challenging global setting. For certain other barriers, however, it is very much possible and preferable to tackle them through economic policy. I would like to address three such areas: energy and climate policy, bureaucratic hurdles and the labour market.
4.1 Energy and climate policy
The first area primarily concerns planning certainty and reliability in energy and climate policy. The terms planning certainty and reliability were not plucked out of thin air, as shown by the Economic Policy Uncertainty Index. Developed by the economists Scott Baker, Nicholas Bloom and Steven Davis, this index is based on the analysis of pertinent newspaper articles.[11] According to the index, economic policy uncertainty in Germany has risen much more strongly over the past few years than the average for Europe.[12] Deciding to invest in green technologies is mostly tied up with irreversible costs. So where there is uncertainty about future policy, firms understandably hesitate before making such decisions.
Now, there is no doubt about the basic direction we’re heading in: we have to become carbon neutral if we care even just a little for the welfare of subsequent generations. But when it comes to the details, there is indeed uncertainty. How will the costs of fossil fuels develop? How will the costs of environmentally friendly energy develop and will there be a reliable supply? What will government regulation, taxation, and support look like?
To reduce these kinds of uncertainties about the energy transition, it is vital that we have a transparent, purposeful and consistent overall framework. This framework includes having sufficient capacity to import and store climate-neutral energy, and back-up power plants for the event that a dunkelflaute – a period with no wind or sunlight – coincides with a period of high energy needs. And, of course, an efficient energy grid. It will therefore be increasingly important, too, to expand power lines connecting Germany from north to south, but also connecting us to our neighbours in Europe.
The Bundesbank believes that the key instrument to achieve climate objectives should be a price on carbon emissions. This is because carbon pricing ensures that savings and investment are made where it is possible to do so with the lowest costs. However, the crucial thing is to apply carbon pricing as broadly, uniformly and predictably as possible.
Ambitious carbon pricing not only creates incentives for the use of renewable energy, but also for greater energy efficiency. Our April Monthly Report showed how important advancements in energy efficiency are to not missing climate targets.[13] Increases in energy efficiency reduce aggregate energy intensity and thereby boost aggregate production. They thus counteract the activity-dampening stimuli likely to emanate from a higher carbon price.
So the production losses or gains that would be associated with achieving climate goals depend not least on energy-saving technological progress. Besides carbon pricing, subsidies for research and development are one conceivable instrument to increase energy efficiency. However, subsidies should be used in a measured and purposeful manner.
I’m not just concerned about the burden on government finances, which we naturally have to keep an eye on as well. When government interventions become too complex and too extensive, they can significantly distort market incentives. It is possible, for example, that firms keep putting off the necessary investment in the hopes of receiving future subsidies. Some subsidies still in place in the energy and transportation sectors actually run counter to the climate goals. To a certain extent, they therefore act in the same way as a negative carbon price.[14] And last but not least, excessive government intervention ultimately leads to bureaucratic hurdles.
4.2 Bureaucratic hurdles
That brings me to the second area where economic policy can improve the investment climate: the burden of bureaucracy. We should make a distinction between two different aspects here. First, there is the extent of requirements placed on firms. For example, there has recently been intense debate about the Supply Chain Act and questions surrounding data protection. In this respect, politicians should make sure they don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater. Even if the objectives are legitimate, the ability to implement measures has to be borne in mind.
Second, the speed of bureaucracy is important. In Germany, congestion occurs not just on the motorways but also in approval processes. It can sometimes take years for a wind turbine to go into operation, say. When it comes to the pace and efficiency of bureaucracy, especially, we should consider digitalisation as a huge opportunity. Digital technologies can simplify and streamline administrative processes. Incidentally, that is very much in the interest of the administration seeing as it, too, is affected by the shortage of skilled workers. It would appear somewhat logical to bundle more processes when it comes to the digitalisation of administration.
That means the targeted transferral of responsibilities to central units, which develop harmonised approaches in a cost-effective way. This would open the door to achieving economies of scale, if the relevant costs per process are reduced thanks to a larger area of application, say. What I’m thinking about here is the digitalisation of the tax administration, for instance. It could likely leverage efficiency reserves if certain tasks were delegated to a single unit. A modern form of federalism could also help us to leverage efficiency reserves, specifically when those responsible actually learn from the best practices of others.
And I’m speaking on this not just as an economist, but also as the president of a large public authority. Dismantling bureaucracy and driving digitalisation often require enormous effort and persistence. But they also present huge opportunities. There’s a reason why the Society for the German Language listed “AI boom” as another “Word of the Year” in 2023, ranking it number eight.
4.3 Labour market
The third area where economic policy can play an important role is the labour market. You, as operators of businesses, have been complaining of a shortage of skilled workers for many years now. Quite apart from the current bout of economic weakness, the problem has been increasingly exacerbated by demographic change. And it will become even greater in the future.
The number of vacancies per unemployed person is often used as an indicator of tightness in the labour market. Up until 2014, there were around three vacancies for every 10 unemployed persons.[15] At the moment, there are roughly six jobs available for every ten unemployed persons. And the number of vacancies has also climbed to an all-time high since the end of the pandemic and is barely coming down. There is a shortage of skilled workers, and a shortage of labour.
There is a host of conceivable measures to reduce this shortage: open up better employment opportunities for women and older people, make a targeted play for skilled workers from abroad, strengthen vocational and further training, and do a better job of getting the long-term unemployed and immigrants into work.
Equally, we shouldn’t lose sight of the groups that so far haven’t participated in the labour market – known as the “hidden reserve”. According to the Federal Statistical Office, Germany’s hidden reserve recently came to almost 3.2 million people.[16] Close to 60% of them have a mid to high-level qualification. Looking at the hidden reserve, there are significant differences between the genders. For example, many women state that they cannot work because they care for children or family members. We should make better use of this untapped potential labour force. Expanded care facilities for children or dependants requiring care are an important way to help more people enter the labour market.
I am certain that many of you have already taken steps at your businesses to make it easier to reconcile work and family life: you operate kindergartens or have spaces reserved at other childcare facilities, offer flexible working time models or the option of working from home – the list of possibilities is long.
The number of older persons in employment could be increased as well, for example if the statutory retirement age were linked to life expectancy after 2030. This would allow the ratio of retirement to working years to be more or less stabilised. Without this link, the ratio would carry on growing as life expectancy continues to rise. Also, in the short term, it might be worth considering limiting the financial incentives to take early retirement.
After all, in the interests of preserving a good employment and investment climate, it is important to see to it that the tax burden on labour and capital remains reasonable. Germany, for instance, has a high corporate tax burden in comparison to other countries.[17]
The Federal Government has the three economic policy areas I have just spoken about on its radar. This can be seen in this year’s growth initiative from 17 July. The bundle of 49 measures is intended – amongst other things – to increase incentives to work, including making it more attractive for older people to remain in work, accelerate the reduction of bureaucracy and secure the further expansion of renewable energy generation. The growth initiative is an important step in the right direction if Germany wants to rise to today’s challenges. Much depends on its implementation, however. And there is still much to be done.
As an economist myself I must of course not forget what the term “budget constraints” implies: it is not easy to deal with all these challenges when the public purse is light. This being as it is, a critical evaluation of economic policy priorities is almost certainly unavoidable, and that evaluation will remain on the agenda even if the debt brake were to be reformed. The Bundesbank would tolerate a reform if it would continue to guarantee sound government finances. And we have proposed some stability-oriented reforms.
4.4 More financing via the capital markets union
I have gone over what politics and politicians can do to improve the investment climate in Germany. But whether or not an investment will pay off over the long term is not the only important factor. Any investment project must also be funded.
That brings me to the European perspective. Because, all too often, businesses come up against internal European borders in their search for funding. An integrated capital market across the whole of Europe could give European businesses access to more funding for important private investments. But to forge that integrated pan-European capital market, we must make swift progress on both the banking and capital markets unions.
To demonstrate my point with figures: securitisation markets in the EU saw a volume of around €800 billion in 2020. In the United States, this volume was at around US$3.2 trillion, excluding government-guaranteed products.[18] So that’s a different magnitude altogether, even though the United States and the EU have comparably large economies when measured by purchasing power parity.[19] The European securitisation market fell apart following the financial crisis and has never fully recovered since. The securitisation volume in the United States, on the other hand, has already exceeded pre-crisis levels, with the caveat that American market structures are not perfectly comparable with European ones.
You may be thinking that securitisation has a bad reputation. And you would be right. After the 2008 financial crisis it was the poster child for “bad financial market innovations” and mainly brought to mind the sale of potentially non-performing loans to unsuspecting investors. As the head of the Bundesbank’s financial crisis management team at the time, I had an unmatched position from which to examine the dynamics of the crisis in detail.
The financial crisis did indeed lay bare the weaknesses in the securitisation process, which can particularly come to bear in highly complex securitisation transactions. These related to deficits surrounding transparency, risk management and valuation methods. Properly structured and well regulated, though, securitisation vehicles can definitely offer added value to our economy. Securitisation markets complement other sources of long-term financing in the real economy. They give enterprises the opportunity to broaden their funding.
This particularly applies to small and medium-sized enterprises, because securitisation gives them indirect access to capital market investors. Moreover, securitisation can relieve the pressure on bank balance sheets and open up additional scope for lending to the private sector. Well-regulated and structured securitisation markets could improve the allocation of resources in an economy and ensure a better distribution of risk.[20] This could reduce funding costs and increase economic growth.
Support for the securitisation market is thus an important element of EU plans for a capital markets union. But there are others. The creation of integrated financial supervisory structures is planned. National insolvency rules, accounting and securities law are to be harmonised. The goal is to create a level playing field for all financial market participants operating at the EU level. And so long as this goal remains abstract, pretty much nobody has a problem with it. As soon as concrete decisions and negotiations enter the picture, however, unity often dissipates. Harmonising national rules is impossible without compromise, after all.
Happily, more and more European policymakers are coming around to the view that we urgently need a common capital market. There’s been some movement on that front in the last few months. I think, for example, that we have made good progress towards developing a European securitisation market. We need to break down the barriers separating European capital markets one by one!
5 Conclusion
Ladies and gentlemen,
As far as the structural challenges are concerned, we need to set the necessary changes in motion and make them fit for purpose. I am certain we can achieve that. The underpinnings of Germany’s industrial machine are still intact, and Germany’s position as an industrial and investment location is better than its present reputation implies. After recording sluggish growth at the turn of the millennium, Germany ranked as an economic powerhouse in Europe for more than decade.[21] Perhaps that should inspire us to invest shrewdly and sufficiently in our future.
Economic policymaking can lay a solid foundation for that investment, but it is not all-powerful. It all comes down to enterprises and their employees in the end. Academic studies show that family businesses have greater resilience when in crisis mode than other enterprises.[22] I therefore firmly believe that all of you, as operators of family-owned businesses, continue to play an important role in ensuring the German economy rises to the challenges it faces today. And thus in ensuring that Germany remains ready for what the future holds
See EBA (2022), Joint Committee advice on the review of the securitisation prudential framework (Banking), p. 24. For comparison purposes, the total volume of the US securitisation market (US$13,131 billion) was adjusted for agency ABSs (75%), while the total volume of the EU securitisation market (€3,058 billion) was adjusted for mortgage CBs (63%) and other CBs (11%).
Buchner et al. (2021), Resilienz von Familienunternehmen – Eine systematische Literaturanalyse, Betriebswirtschaftliche Forschung und Praxis 73, Vol. 3, pp. 225 f.
At the invitation of the President of the United States of America, Joe Biden, the President of the Council of Ministers, Giorgia Meloni, participated via video link in today’s event dedicated to the economic recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine, attended by President Volodymyr Zelensky, the other G7 nations, the leaders of the European Union and numerous international partners.
On this occasion, the Group of Seven adopted a declaration coordinated by the Italian Presidency, which is also open to the other States that participated in the event to join.
The meeting centred around reaffirming the joint commitment to ensuring economic aid to Ukraine, both bilaterally and through multilateral mechanisms, with a particular focus on reforms. Lastly, support for the protection and recovery of critical energy infrastructure was also reiterated as well as coordination on reconstruction, also ahead of the Ukraine Recovery Conference to be held in Rome in 2025.
The Secretary-General met with H.E. Mr. Alain Berset, Secretary General of the Council of Europe.
They discussed the central importance of strengthening human rights in the multilateral system, and cooperation between the two Organizations. They also discussed the war in Ukraine.
***
Le Secrétaire-General a rencontré S.E. M. Alain Berset, le Secrétaire Général du Conseil de l’Europe.
Ils ont discuté de l’importance centrale du renforcement des droits humains dans le système multilatéral, ainsi que de la coopération entre les deux organisations. Ils ont aussi discuté de la guerre en Ukraine.
Briefing by United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, on the Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine – Security Council, 9731th meeting.
—————————————-
“Mr. President, Excellencies,
Two days ago, in the newly agreed Pact for the Future, world leaders reaffirmed their commitment to international law and to the Charter of the United Nations.
Our Organization is based on the principle of sovereignty of all Member States – within their internationally recognized borders.
The Charter unequivocally stipulates that all States must refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any other State – and that international disputes must be settled by peaceful means.
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 – following the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and City of Sevastopol a decade ago – is a clear violation of these principles.
And civilian populations continue to pay the price.
The death toll keeps rising.
Nearly 10 million people have fled their homes.
Systematic attacks against hospitals, schools, supermarkets… are only adding pain and misery.
Power cuts and infrastructure damage have left millions in the dark.
I strongly condemn all attacks on civilians and civilian facilities – wherever they occur and whoever is responsible. They all must stop immediately.
And I remain deeply concerned about the safety, humanitarian needs and basic human rights of people residing in occupied areas.
Mr. President,
Despite immense challenges, the United Nations remains fully engaged as the largest international presence in Ukraine.
This year alone, and together with our partners, we have provided lifesaving aid to more than 6.2 million people.
But we need the support of the international community.
15 million people in Ukraine require humanitarian assistance – more than half of them women and girls.
But – as winter is approaching – less than half of our 2024 Humanitarian Response Plan is funded.
I urge donors to help us pursue our vital work on the ground.
We are also assisting the government of Ukraine in its recovery and reconstruction efforts.
This includes access to basic services and the restoration of Ukraine’s energy production capacities.
In recent weeks, we have seen a resurgence of inflammatory rhetoric and incidents around nuclear sites – particularly at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, and alarmingly, at the Kursk Nuclear Power Plant in the Russian Federation.
I commend the International Atomic Energy Agency, including its critical presence in Ukraine’s nuclear sites, to help ensure nuclear safety and security.
I urge all parties to act responsibly and avoid any declaration or action that could further destabilize an already incendiary situation.
Mr. President,
Two and half years since the full-blown invasion of Ukraine, more than 11,000 civilians have been killed.
The longer this tragic war continues, the greater the risk of escalation and spillover.
This would not only impact the region, but further deepen global tensions and divisions – at a time when our world desperately needs more cooperation and collective action.
We must stop the suffering and break the cycle of violence – for the sake of the people of Ukraine, the people of Russia, and the world.
The Black Sea Initiative and the continued exchanges of prisoners of war serve as reminders that, when there is political will, diplomacy can succeed – even in the darkest hour.
Today, though the prospects for peace may seem distant, I am inspired by the growing calls for dialogue.
So let us intensify our efforts to seek peace in Ukraine – a just, comprehensive and sustainable peace, in line with the UN Charter, international law and resolutions of the General Assembly.
United Nations stands ready to support all efforts towards achieving this goal.
At the invitation of the President of the United States of America, Joe Biden, the Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, participated today via video link in an event dedicated to the economic recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine, in the presence of President Volodymyr Zelensky, the other G7 nations, the European Union leaders and numerous international partners.
On this occasion, a declaration coordinated by the Italian Presidency was adopted by the Group of Seven, also open to the adhesion of the other States that participated in the event.
At the heart of the meeting was the reaffirmation of the joint commitment to ensure, bilaterally and through multilateral mechanisms, economic assistance to Ukraine, with a particular focus on reforms. Finally, support for the protection and rehabilitation of critical energy infrastructure was reaffirmed, as well as coordination on reconstruction, also in view of the Ukraine Recovery Conference to be held in Rome in 2025.
EDITOR’S NOTE: This article is a translation. Apologies should the grammar and/or sentence structure not be perfect.
Welcome address by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB and Chair of the European Systemic Risk Board, at the eighth annual conference of the ESRB
Frankfurt am Main, 26 September 2024
I would like to welcome all of you to the eighth annual conference of the European Systemic Risk Board (ESRB).
The theme this year – “New Frontiers in Macroprudential Policy” – challenges us to rethink the ways in which we ensure financial stability in an evolving world.
Traditionally, macroprudential policy has focused on safeguarding the stability of banks, particularly by addressing boom-bust cycles in real estate. Banks continue to hold significant exposures to the real estate sector, and this remains a core area of our oversight.
But today our world is undergoing swift and profound changes.
While we must remain alert as ever to cyclical risks, major structural transformations – from shifting geopolitics to a changing climate and extraordinary advances in technology – are creating new frontiers in macroprudential policy. These have important implications for financial stability that are not yet fully reflected in our current frameworks.
Today I would like to focus on what one of those frontiers – technology – means for the financial system and, by extension, the response of macroprudential policy.
As the Nobel laureate Christian Lange once observed, technology can be a “useful servant”, but it can also be a “dangerous master” if left unchecked.[1] That observation holds true for the financial system, where technological advances pose both sizeable opportunities and risks.
In this setting, macroprudential policy needs to pull off a unique balancing act. To effectively mitigate the risks posed by new technologies, macroprudential policy must paradoxically embrace and harness the very innovations they create.
Technology as the enabler of modern financial systems
The basic needs that financial systems meet have not changed for centuries: saving for future needs, borrowing against future income, directing capital to productive uses and reallocating risk.
But the way financial systems deliver their services has changed radically – driven largely by advances in information and communications technologies.
In recent decades, powerful computing has revolutionised risk management and boosted market efficiency, enabling the pricing of complex financial instruments and the rise of algorithmic trading. One study, for example, finds that by facilitating faster price discovery, algorithmic trading improves liquidity for large-cap stocks.[2]
Another key enabler of modern finance is encryption technology. Without it, there would be no online banking and no electronic payments. But encryption has not only aided the digitalisation of traditional finance. It has also facilitated the rise of a new asset class and a parallel financial system: crypto-assets and decentralised finance.
The problems with crypto-assets are many, well-documented and not well-addressed – from weak fundamentals to questionable governance and inefficient validation methods.[3] But the encryption technology on which crypto-assets are based has so far proven robust. And distributed ledger technology can offer real benefits to our financial systems through the streamlining of processes.
But it is perhaps artificial intelligence (AI) that may prove to be the most transformative for the financial system.
For years now, analytical AI models designed to perform specific tasks have helped financial institutions in areas such as fraud detection, credit assessment and predicting portfolio returns.
But the recent breakthroughs in generative AI – thanks to growth in computing power combined with extensive data access – are inducing a rapid uptake of AI across the board. According to one international study, almost two-thirds of companies – across all regions, sectors and sizes – are already using generative AI.[4]
While new technologies have brought tremendous benefits for the financial system over time, they have always tended to carry potential risks with them.
And we see this tension between opportunity and risk playing out today. The latest AI models, and budding technologies like quantum computing, have the potential to exert a profound impact on our economies and financial systems.
Technological change and vulnerabilities
As a tool, technology is neither good nor bad. It all depends on who uses it, and for what purpose.
The financial sector will come up with numerous ways to use AI to improve existing operations. But the reliance on ever more sophisticated technologies – which typically demand highly specialised skills and enormous levels of investment to implement and maintain – creates new vulnerabilities in our financial system.
We see this especially in areas where our financial institutions are increasingly reliant on a small number of external service providers.
In July, a faulty software update from a leading cybersecurity firm caused worldwide computer outages and severe disruptions across many sectors, including finance. For instance, over eight million devices operating Microsoft Windows were hit simultaneously around the world.[5]
While the disruption did not last long, the episode demonstrated the potential dangers of a broad-based reliance on a small number of third-party providers. These technology firms may have systemic importance and are a key element of the Digital Operational Resilience Act, an EU microprudential legislation.[6]
This concentration risk is further heightened in an environment marked by geopolitical tensions and the rapid uptake of AI.
Hostile states could wreak havoc if they uncover just one critical weakness in our financial system. At the ESRB, we expected intensified cyberattacks following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.[7] Fortunately, the financial system has proven resilient so far, but the risk remains.
The widespread adoption of AI may also have systemic implications for the financial system. For example, if AI suppliers were to remain concentrated, operational risk, market concentration and too-big-to-fail externalities may arise. Moreover, an extensive uptake of AI could increase the potential for herding behaviour.[8]
Looking further ahead, advances in quantum computing may pose a serious threat to our encryption-based financial system. The technology may even go on to eventually break current encryption methods, although it is difficult to know when this might happen.
That is why it is critical to start preparing early – and there are already efforts to do so.
In August, for example, the National Institute of Standards and Technology in the United States finalised the first post-quantum encryption standards and called for their rapid deployment.[9] Efforts by individual financial institutions will not be enough, however: the shift to post-quantum encryption standards will need to be implemented across the economy to ensure sufficient resilience.
The implications of technology for macroprudential policy
As macroprudential policymakers, our primary role is to ensure that the financial system remains stable and resilient in the face of emerging threats.
Historically, macroprudential policy has focused heavily on cyclical risks. But as we look into the future, we need to pay more attention to major structural changes. Technologies such as AI and quantum computing will reshape the financial landscape in ways we are only beginning to grasp.
Macroprudential policy must evolve to meet these new frontiers. The risks stemming from disruptive technologies will not be confined to individual institutions – they will be systemic. But the tools we have relied on in the past may no longer be sufficient. Larger buffers are not always the right answer, nor are they the only answer.
Our task now is to focus on how technological risks affect the interconnections and vulnerabilities across the entire financial system and ask ourselves how we may need to expand our toolkit.
The answer is for macroprudential authorities to harness the power of new technologies, using the new opportunities they create as a force for good to mitigate the risks that technology may pose to the financial system.
There is substantial potential on this front. AI can give us the capability to analyse vast amounts of supervisory and market data. And it can help us conduct more rigorous risk assessments to identify vulnerabilities faster and ensure timely prudential responses to new threats.
We will need to consider a broader range of potentially disruptive scenarios and improve our capacity to model the financial stress that such scenarios can generate. The available data allow us to go a long way. But we need to go even further and remove obstacles to safe data sharing.
In my capacity as Chair of the ESRB, I have recently called on European lawmakers to facilitate the removal of barriers to safe data sharing between the ESRB and European Supervisory Authorities, a crucial step towards enabling us to use data to their full potential.[10] At the same time, we need to enhance our collaboration across institutions, sharing insights and expertise so that we can collectively tackle the challenges ahead.
By embracing technology, the role of macroprudential policy will be to help microprudential supervision to stay ahead of the curve, ensuring financial institutions are not only compliant with today’s rules but are also resilient to tomorrow’s threats.
Conclusion
Let me conclude.
As with tackling cyclical risks, macroprudential policy at the new frontier centres on being proactive rather than reactive.
Policymakers cannot afford to simply respond to crises as they emerge. We must continually attempt to anticipate them, harnessing the power of technology and data to build a financial system that is truly resilient. As Benjamin Franklin once wrote, “an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure”.[11] And Franklin knew this first-hand. He is widely credited for developing and popularising the use of the lightning rod, which would go on to prevent many disasters.
Looking at this conference’s agenda, I am confident that the discussions will spark fresh perspectives and innovative ideas as we explore the new frontiers of macroprudential policy.
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety Members responsible: Martin Häusling, Biljana Borzan, Anja Hazekamp
B10‑0146/2024
European Parliament resolution on Commission Implementing Decision (EU) 2024/1828 renewing the authorisation for the placing on the market of feed containing, consisting of and of food and feed products produced from genetically modified maize MON 810 pursuant to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council and repealing Commission Implementing Decision (EU) 2017/1207 (2024/2840(RSP))
The European Parliament,
–having regard to Commission Implementing Decision (EU) 2024/1828 renewing the authorisation for the placing on the market of feed containing, consisting of and of food and feed products produced from genetically modified maize MON 810 pursuant to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council and repealing Commission Implementing Decision (EU) 2017/1207[1],
–having regard to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 September 2003 on genetically modified food and feed[2], and in particular Article 11(3) and Article 23(3) thereof,
–having regard to the vote of the Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food and Feed referred to in Article 35 of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003, on 26 April 2024, at which no opinion was delivered, and the vote of the Appeal Committee on 29 May 2024, at which again noopinion was delivered,
–having regard to Article 11 of Regulation (EU) No 182/2011 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 February 2011 laying down the rules and general principles concerning mechanisms for control by Member States of the Commission’s exercise of implementing powers[3],
–having regard to the opinion adopted by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) on 30 November 2023, and published on 19 January 2024[4],
–having regard to its previous resolutions objecting to the authorisation of genetically modified organisms (‘GMOs’)[5],
–having regard to Rule 115(2) and (3) of its Rules of Procedure,
–having regard to the motion for a resolution of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety,
A.whereas, on 6 October 2022, Bayer Agriculture BV, based in Belgium, submitted on behalf of Bayer CropScience LP, based in the United States, an application to the Commission for the renewal of Commission Implementing Decisions 2013/649/EU[6]and (EU) 2017/1207[7]; whereas, in accordance with Article 11(4) of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003, the period of authorisation of genetically modified pollen produced from genetically modified maize MON 810 (the ‘GM maize’) for food uses covered by Implementing Decision 2013/649/EU has been automatically extended until a decision is taken on the renewal application;
B.whereas, on 30 November 2023, EFSA adopted a favourable opinion, which was published on 19 January 2024;
C.whereas the GM maize has been modified to produce insecticides (‘Bt toxins’);
Outstanding questions concerning Bt toxins
D.whereas a number of studies show that side effects have been observed that may affect the human immune system following exposure to Bt toxins and that some Bt toxins may have adjuvant properties[8], meaning that they can increase the allergenicity of other proteins with which they come into contact;
Bt crops: effects on non-target organisms
E.whereas, unlike the use of insecticides, where exposure is at the time of spraying and for a limited time afterwards, the use of Bt GM crops leads to continuous exposure of the target and non-target organisms to Bt toxins;
F.whereas the assumption that Bt toxins exhibit a single target-specific mode-of-action can no longer be considered correct and effects on non-target organisms cannot be excluded; whereas an increasing number of non-target organisms are reported to be affected in many ways; whereas 39 peer-reviewed publications that report significant adverse effects of Bt toxins on many ‘out-of-range’ species are mentioned in a recent overview[9];
Member State comments
G.whereas Member States submitted many critical comments to EFSA during the three-month consultation period[10], including that the compositional data for the GM maize should be checked and re-analysed and that the analysis should fulfil the present EFSA requirements, inter alia equivalence testing, and that the literature review did not include studies on the fate of Cry1Ab in the environment or on potential effects of Bt-crop residues on non-target organisms, which is problematic because publications indicate that a carryover from GM maize feed to manure may lead to exposure of soil organisms to Cry1Ab and that this may trigger negative effects on soil organisms with consequences for biodiversity and ecosystem services;
H.whereas Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 states that GM food or feed must not have adverse effects on human health, animal health or the environment, and requires the Commission to take into account any relevant provisions of Union law and other legitimate factors relevant to the matter under consideration when drafting its decision; whereas such legitimate factors should include the Union’s obligations under the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs) and the UN Convention on Biological Diversity (UN CBD);
Reducing dependency on imported feed
I.whereas one of the lessons from the COVID-19 crisis and the ongoing war in Ukraine is the need for the Union to end the dependencies on some critical materials; whereas in the mission letter to Commissioner-elect Christophe Hansen, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen asks him to look at ways to reduce imports of critical commodities[11];
Undemocratic decision-making
J.whereas the vote on 26 April 2024 of the Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food and Feed referred to in Article 35 of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 delivered no opinion, meaning that the authorisation was not supported by a qualified majority of Member States; whereas the vote on 29 May 2024 of the Appeal Committee again delivered no opinion;
K.whereas, in its eighth term, Parliament adopted a total of 36 resolutions objecting to the placing on the market of GMOs for food and feed (33 resolutions) and to the cultivation of GMOs in the Union (three resolutions); whereas, in its ninth term, Parliament adopted 38 objections to placing GMOs on the market;
L.whereas despite its own acknowledgement of the democratic shortcomings, the lack of support from Member States and the objections of Parliament, the Commission continues to authorise GMOs;
M.whereas no change of law is required for the Commission to be able not to authorise GMOs when there is no qualified majority of Member States in favour in the Appeal Committee[12];
N.whereas, on 2 July 2024, the Commission renewed the authorisation for the placing on the market of the GM maize;
1.Considers that Implementing Decision (EU) 2024/1828 exceeds the implementing powers provided for in Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003;
2.Considers that Implementing Decision (EU) 2024/1828 is not consistent with Union law, in that it is not compatible with the aim of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003, which is, in accordance with the general principles laid down in Regulation (EC) No 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council[13], to provide the basis for ensuring a high level of protection of human life and health, animal health and welfare, and environmental and consumer interests, in relation to GM food and feed, while ensuring the effective functioning of the internal market;
3.Calls on the Commission to repeal Implementing Decision (EU) 2024/1828;
4.Welcomes the fact that the Commission finally recognised, in a letter of 11 September 2020 to Members, the need to take sustainability into account when it comes to authorisation decisions on GMOs[14]; expresses its deep disappointment, however, that, since then the Commission has continued to authorise GMOs for import into the Union, despite ongoing objections by Parliament and a majority of Member States voting against;
5.Urges the Commission, again, to take into account the Union’s obligations under international agreements, such as the Paris Climate Agreement, the UN CBD and the UN SDGs; reiterates its call for draft implementing acts to be accompanied by an explanatory memorandum explaining how they uphold the principle of ‘do no harm’[15];
6.Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council and the Commission, and to the governments and parliaments of the Member States.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Iain Farquharson, Lecturer in Global Challenges – Security Pathway Lead, Brunel University London
In the conflicts raging in Ukraine and the Middle East, we have recently seen calls for the establishment of what are being referred to as “buffer zones”.
Russia has proposed setting one up around Ukraine’s second city, Kharkiv in the north-east of the country. This, the Kremlin claims, is to protect Russian towns from shelling and missile attacks from Ukrainian territory.
Israel, meanwhile, wants to establish a buffer zone in southern Lebanon. It says it needs to protect nearly 70,000 civilians returning to their homes, which they have abandoned in the past year after rocket attacks by Hezbollah.
But these suggestions should be viewed with scepticism. Both Russia and Israel want to set up these buffer zones within the borders of neighbouring autonomous nation states – in breach of their sovereignty – in the name of “security”. They should instead primarily be seen as a way of formalising control over contested territory to protect their home bases, which would give them a military advantage.
The situation is further complicated by the fact that neither nation is formally at war with its opponent. No formal declaration of war has been issued by Russia to Ukraine, while Israel claims its legitimacy to establish a buffer zone under Article 51 of the UN constitution concerning self-defence.
Such arguments are hypocritical and one-sided. Russian and Israeli policymakers have shown no concern for the effect of the establishment of these zones on the Ukrainian and Lebanese populations of the areas.
The idea of buffer zones has a long history within international relations. Buffer zones have generally been defined as a nation state or neutral geographical area between two states not politically or militarily controlled by either of the rival states it separates.
The zones proposed by Russia and Israel don’t fit this definition. Both Kharkiv and southern Lebanon are militarily contested. And neither the Ukrainian nor Lebanese governments is in control of their territories.
If the Russian and Israeli proposals were to conform to this definition, they would comprise territory on both sides of the border of the two states, established with the agreement of both rival states. But neither Russia nor Israel is planning to cede their own territory in the establishment of these buffer zones. In fact, both have consistently sought to delegitimise their rival’s status as a nation state.
These considerations, alongside Ukrainian and Hezbollah resistance, suggest that these new buffer zones will be fiercely contested. Indeed, the history of buffer states and zones suggests that the effectiveness of such zones is highly questionable.
History of failure
Lebanon itself serves as an example of this in acting as a buffer state (although not formally declared as such) for the Israeli-Syrian rivalry from the late 1960s. Both Syria (1976) and Israel (1978 and 1982) intervened militarily in Lebanon at one point or another.
In this context, Lebanon provided a way for Syria to protect itself from surprise attacks. It allowed the political and military confrontation to play out without escalation to their own national territories. But it was terrible for Lebanon itself and ironically, Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982 paved the way for the foundation of Hezbollah as a political and military force.
Similarly, Anglo-Russian rivalry over influence in Afghanistan in the 19th century focused on political manoeuvring to exert influence over Afghan rulers to protect British India and southern Russia respectively. This saw much money and political capital expended on both sides. There were also three British military incursions (1839-40, 1878-80 and 1919) attempting to consolidate their influence. None went well.
In both these cases though, competing powers were using an intervening state to avoid an escalation of tensions into conflict.
External ‘security zones’
In this instance, the recent declarations in pursuit of “buffer zones” by both Russia and Israel have more in common with strategic occupations of territory to resolve a military problem – namely attacks on their own territories. Within security studies literature these are termed “external security zones” and are generally militarily occupied zones within hostile territory deemed essential to the national security of the occupying power.
Historically, these zones have also been of questionable value. Following continued Palestinian attacks on Israeli border villages, in 1977 the Israel Defense Forces created a formal security buffer zone in south Lebanon through the proxy South Lebanon Army and supported by UN Interim Forces in Lebanon (Unifil) from March 1978.
The establishment of this zone did little to prevent shelling and rocket attacks on Israel, leading to significant exchanges of artillery fire in the summer of 1981. Then on June 6 1982, Israel invaded southern Lebanon.
Ultimately, neither buffer zones nor security zones have proved very effective at preventing conflict or preserving populations from its effects. These have almost always been negative, to say the least.
Now, both Russia and Israel are likely to find themselves facing increasing resistance from the occupied nation. This will require the commitment of more troops and perhaps deeper military advances under cover of the political and strategic “necessity” to ensure the security of their own borders.
These commitments will undoubtedly lead to more casualties. They will either lead to a destabilisation of existing governance in their regions or serve as a pretext for the aggressors to push further forward. It will also require them to further reshape their economies to fill military needs and could lead to potential escalation with other regional powers.
Iain Farquharson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.