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Category: France

  • MIL-OSI Global: Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Morten Bøås, Research Professor, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs

    Mali’s interim president, Colonel d’Armée Assimi Goïta, who came to power in a coup on 18 August 2020, enjoys remarkably strong public support. Survey data from pan-African research network Afrobarometer and the Mali-Métre survey, run by Germany’s Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung since 2012, indicate high levels of satisfaction with junta rule. In the 2024 Mali-Métre, nine out of ten respondents considered the country to be moving in the right direction.

    Yet economic conditions are worsening for Malians. In a recent analysis the World Bank pointed out that the junta was finding it difficult to deliver services amid sluggish growth, high inflation and extreme poverty.

    That Malians still seem to be very satisfied with their leader needs some explanation.

    In a recent paper, we draw on our extensive fieldwork experience in Mali. We argue that Goïta has crafted a new social contract based on a strongman narrative, portraying himself as Mali’s defender. The regime has used dissatisfaction with international interventions to frame Goïta as an “exceptional man” in “exceptional times”, in ways that resonate with Malian myths and traditions.

    We show how the regime’s new social contract is based not on public services but on the idea of Goïta as Mali’s defender and liberator. In this way, the regime has established a social bond with the population that places dignity above all.

    A new social bond

    In 2012, Mali experienced a severe crisis triggered by a separatist rebellion in the northern regions of the country. Jihadist insurgent groups took over the rebellion, leading to a military coup. International interventions followed. The regional grouping Ecowas, the UN and France made efforts to restore security, stability and peace.

    But the deployment of 5,000 French troops and 15,000 UN peacekeepers failed to prevent a deterioration in security.

    At the same time, Mali’s democratic institutions failed to restore territorial control and address corruption and poverty, despite regular elections being held.

    Mass protests calling for the resignation of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta paved the way for the 2020 military takeover.

    These failures offered the junta a rich repertoire to draw on for its own legitimacy. With Goïta came a new narrative, not about liberal state-building and development, but about restoring Malian sovereignty and dignity.

    These ideas are conveyed through speeches at forums like the UN general assembly and public addresses shared through the media, along with an organised network of online influencers.

    Public debates about fighting the forces of neocolonialism and reclaiming sovereignty predate the junta. The regime has harnessed these sentiments. It contrasts decades of indignity, weakness, and dependence on France with a glorified vision of Mali’s ancient past.

    Popular protest movements such as Yerewolo Debout sur le Remparts have long done the same.

    Now, so the narrative goes, Goïta has emerged as a hero capable of leading his people towards a new age in which Mali is treated with respect.

    This framing has rekindled the legacy of Thomas Sankara, the late military leader of Burkina Faso (1983–1987). Often dubbed Africa’s Che Guevara, Sankara was a charismatic revolutionary known for his passionate speeches, bold stance against corruption, and efforts to challenge former colonial powers. He was assassinated in a coup in 1987, but his legacy continues to inspire young Africans.

    Regime figures, particularly foreign minister Abdoulaye Diop, often refer to legends and historical narratives as part of this myth-making:

    According to recent survey data from the Mali-Mètre, 70% of Malians identified combating insecurity as their highest priority. This indicates how many Malians feel they face a threat similar to the one that existed when the Malinke people pleaded with Sunjata to be their saviour.

    Thus, in an environment of chaos, war, confusion and despair, a hunter-warrior hero is needed. This agent can not only save society, but re-set it in an orderly and just manner, bringing dignity to his people if they undergo the necessary sacrifices.

    This story requires a villain. Finding culprits in Mali was not difficult. All it required was harnessing of social frustrations already directed against France and other external forces failing to combat insurgents and restore security.

    A unifying enemy

    As shown by Afrobarometer and Mali-Mètre, many Malians, as poor and destitute as they may be, take comfort from the regime’s confrontations with and – as it is presented to them – victories over such formidable adversaries as France and the UN.

    With nearly 60% of its population under the age of 25, Mali is one of the youngest countries in the world. The Malian case shows a youthful African population that is desperate for social change and willing to endure hardship to reach their promised land.

    The current political landscape in Mali, and in neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger where conditions are similar, is an invitation to reconsider local agency. Citizens actively and rationally respond to their political contexts. Writing off people as ignorant or stupid will not advance understanding of the new political terrain.

    Our journal article is part of a forthcoming special issue in the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

    Morten Bøås receives funding for the research that this article is based on from the Research Council of Norway – grant number 325236

    Viljar Haavik receives funding from the Research Council of Norway: Grant Number 325236.

    – ref. Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support – https://theconversation.com/winning-hearts-and-power-how-malis-military-regime-gained-popular-support-254518

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Italy’s Meloni is positioning herself as bridge between EU and Trump – but will it work?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Julia Khrebtan-Hörhager, Associate Professor of Critical Cultural & International Studies, Colorado State University

    Italy Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni looks to thread a divide. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

    Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recently became the first European leader to visit the United States after President Donald Trump announced a new tariff regime on trading partners, including a 20% levy on imports from the European Union.

    While those tariffs are currently on hold, the ongoing threat of them being enacted provided a telling backdrop for Meloni’s mid-April 2025 visit.

    Controversial and often perceived by critics as calculating, Meloni has walked a tightrope between European Union solidarity and embracing far-right causes since becoming Italy’s prime minister in 2022. She was the only European leader to attend Trump’s inauguration in January 2025 and counts tech titan Elon Musk among her allies.

    In many ways, Meloni reflects Europe’s own identity crisis: a regional power with global ambition. Italy, after all, was a founding pillar of the European Union, hosting the signing of the Treaties of Rome in 1957 establishing the European common market. Yet, for decades, Italy has often stood just outside the core of EU influence, overshadowed by the Franco-German partnership.

    Still, when the moment is right, Italy knows how to wield its leverage, especially as a bridge between clashing camps in Brussels.

    In Washington, Meloni made her pitch to Trump: a tighter ideological alliance over shared disdain for “woke” politics, diversity, equity and inclusion agendas, and lax immigration. She offered a sweetener – more Italian investment in the U.S. as a sop to the transatlantic trade dispute. But she also reiterated her and the EU’s support for Ukraine, a direct contrast to Trump’s skepticism to continued U.S. support in Ukraine’s conflict with Russia.

    In so doing, Meloni has cast herself as someone who can serve both Brussels and Washington without burning bridges on either side. The gamble? That balancing act could backfire. Trump’s demands over trade and increased defense spending by NATO countries force Meloni to choose between appeasing Washington or staying in line with EU norms. Her overtures to Trump risk alienating key European allies who are wary of his disruptive politics.

    In trying to play both sides, she could end up isolated from both – undermining Italy’s credibility and influence on the world stage.

    Italy was a founder member of the European Union, but it is often a third wheel behind Germany and France.
    Simona Granati/Corbis/Corbis via Getty Images

    Meloni as a bridge

    The story of modern Italy has been one of playing off sides.

    During the Cold War, Italy walked a fine line between NATO commitments and accommodating a powerful domestic Communist Party.

    Italy was regularly governed by a series of often fraught center-right coalitions that were forced to navigate fractious politics and quid pro quo political violence between the far right and far left. The center-right Christian Democrats that dominated this period married conservatism at home with a strong pro-European outlook.

    In the first decades after the Cold War ended, Italy continued to carve out its own lane – pushing for leniency on issues like immigration and fiscal rules. The period saw Italy oscillate between pro-European integration and bouts of euroscepticism, with successive governments frequently challenging Brussels over budgetary constraints or border management.

    Meloni’s own rise is deeply rooted in the post-2015 tensions, when Italy – overwhelmed by the Mediterranean migrant crisis – felt abandoned by its European partners. Her party’s hard-line stance on immigration capitalized on public frustration. While she now presents herself as firmly pro-EU, it’s a version of Europe that aligns with her own vision: more secure borders, stronger national sovereignty and less technocratic interference.

    Ironically, as the bloc itself drifts rightward on migration, Meloni’s positions no longer seem so fringe – perhaps allowing her to embrace the EU pragmatically, even as she critiques it ideologically. Meloni’s own background and rise reflect this ambiguity and duality. Emerging from a political movement with fascist roots, she now presents herself as a passionate Europeanist and pacifist while maintaining right-wing positions on immigration and cultural issues.

    Meloni has governed in that fashion: cultivating ties with conservative heavyweights like Trump and right-wing European leaders, pushing back against Brussels on contentious policy issues, but also remaining firmly committed to the European project when it suits her. Especially when the economy is at stake.

    Meloni as pragmatic European

    Meloni’s strongly nationalist rhetoric and right-wing cultural views might appear at odds with the EU’s purpose, but her approach to the continent is highly pragmatic.

    While she regularly critiques EU bureaucracy at home, her government remains the largest recipient of EU recovery funds, securing €191.5 billion (US$218 billion) from the EU’s post-COVID recovery plan program. That critical cash infusion for an aging country with persistently sluggish growth comes with a commitment to enact a series of stringent fiscal reforms and austerity measures by 2026. In addition, Italy continues to benefit from long-standing cohesion and structural funds, particularly the economically struggling south,.

    Meanwhile, Meloni’s support for Ukraine helps her stand apart from pro-Russia voices in her coalition and strengthens Italy’s standing with NATO and the EU. It’s another strategic move that boosts her credibility both at home and abroad. Far from being a fringe player, Italy under Meloni is central to the EU’s narrative of unity, solidarity and survival.

    A spaghetti Western alliance?

    While Meloni reconciles her nationalist views vis-a-vis the supranationalist EU, she has also prioritized selling her idea of Italy on a bilateral basis.

    That has largely focused on a shrewd charm offensive in the U.S., particularly since the return of Trump, whose right-wing administration provides any easy fit for Meloni. She has attempted to play both Trump and Musk to Italy’s advantage, leveraging Rome’s geopolitical position to secure economic agreements and ease tensions wrought by Trump tariffs, which Meloni called “wrong.”

    Trump has been quick to praise her stance against “anti-woke” politics, while Meloni promises to help resolve trade issues and boost U.S. gas imports, all while keeping Italy at the forefront of negotiations. With Musk, she has attempted to position Italy as a key partner in tech and energy, navigating the global game with both finesse and ambition.

    Italy runs a substantial trade surplus with the U.S. and underspends on NATO defense – two things that typically trigger Trump’s criticism. Yet with Meloni, Trump has been full of admiration: “She’s taken Europe by storm,” he said in April, agreeing during their last meeting to meet again in Rome in the near future.

    Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, left, has expressed solidarity with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
    Thierry Monasse/Getty Images

    Meloni’s diplomatic ambitions extend beyond the U.S., including making moves in the Middle East, particularly with Saudi Arabia. By promoting Italy as a gateway to Europe, she is securing key investments in energy and infrastructure, while boosting Italian exports and increasing her diplomatic leverage. The fact that many in Europe, and indeed Italy, eye such overtures toward Saudi money with distaste, appears neither here nor there. After all, in Italy there has long been an attitude among leaders that “money does not smell” – or “pecunia non olet” as the locals say – a phrase that by legend was uttered by Emperor Vespasian while slapping a tax on public urinals.

    Will all roads lead to Rome?

    While Meloni’s approach of casting Italy as a bridge between the U.S. and Europe may yield some short-term diplomatic gains, it’s nonetheless a delicate path fraught with risk. Cozying up to Washington under Trump, whose policies – especially on trade – have engendered widespread outrage in Europe, risks ruffling feathers in Brussels. Indeed, while Trump praised Meloni’s leadership, and both sides talked trade with no urgency on tariffs, Europe watched warily.

    Trying to navigate between Trump’s protectionist leanings and the EU’s collective trade stance could leave Meloni unable to satisfy either side. Should Trump push for concessions – like shrinking Italy’s trade surplus with the U.S. or increasing defense spending – Meloni may find herself at odds with EU standards and alienating European partners. But leaning too far into EU alignment – and the bloc’s commitment to Ukraine – risks souring her ties with Trump’s camp, potentially weakening her influence across the Atlantic.

    In trying to please both Washington and Brussels, Meloni could end up with enemies on both fronts – and very few wins to show for it.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Italy’s Meloni is positioning herself as bridge between EU and Trump – but will it work? – https://theconversation.com/italys-meloni-is-positioning-herself-as-bridge-between-eu-and-trump-but-will-it-work-254955

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How does soap keep you clean? A chemist explains the science of soap

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Paul E. Richardson, Professor of Biochemistry, Coastal Carolina University

    Be sure to wash your hands for at least 20 seconds. Mladen Zivkovic/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com.

    How does soap clean our bodies? – Charlie H., age 8, Stamford, Connecticut

    Thousands of years ago, our ancestors discovered something that would clean their bodies and clothes. As the story goes, fat from someone’s meal fell into the leftover ashes of a fire. They were astonished to discover that the blending of fat and ashes formed a material that cleaned things. At the time, it must have seemed like magic.

    That’s the legend, anyway. However it happened, the discovery of soap dates back approximately 5,000 years, to the ancient city of Babylon in what was southern Mesopotamia – today, the country of Iraq.

    As the centuries passed, people around the world began to use soap to clean the things that got dirty. During the 1600s, soap was a common item in the American colonies, often made at home. In 1791, Nicholas Leblanc, a French chemist, patented the first soapmaking process. Today, the world spends about US$50 billion every year on bath, kitchen and laundry soap.

    But although billions of people use soap every day, most of us don’t know how it works. As a professor of chemistry, I can explain the science of soap – and why you should listen to your mom when she tells you to wash up.

    You’ll be amazed at how much work it takes to make a bar of soap.

    The chemistry of clean

    Water – scientific name: dihydrogen monoxide – is composed of two hydrogen atoms and one oxygen atom. That molecule is required for all life on our planet.

    Chemists categorize other molecules that are attracted to water as hydrophilic, which means water-loving. Hydrophilic molecules can dissolve in water.

    So if you were to wash your hands under a running faucet without using soap, you’d probably get rid of lots of whatever hydrophilic bits are stuck to your skin.

    But there is another category of molecules that chemists call hydrophobic, which means water-fearing. Hydrophobic molecules do not dissolve in water.

    Oil is an example of something that’s hydrophobic. You probably know from experience that oil and water just don’t mix. Picture shaking up a jar of vinaigrette salad dressing – the oil and the other watery ingredients never stay mixed.

    So just swishing your hands through water isn’t going to get rid of water-fearing molecules such as oil or grease.

    Here’s where soap comes in to save the day.

    Soap, a complex molecule, is both water-loving and water-fearing. Shaped like a tadpole, the soap molecule has a round head and long tail; the head is hydrophilic, and the tail is hydrophobic. This quality is one of the reasons soap is slippery.

    It’s also what gives soap its cleaning superpower.

    The round head and long wiggly tail of the soap molecules work together to eradicate dirt, grease and grime.
    Tumeggy/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

    A microscopic view

    To see what happens when you wash your hands with soap and water, let’s zoom in.

    Picture all the gunk that you touch during the day and that builds up on your skin to make your hands dirty. Maybe there are smears of food, mud from outside, or even sweat and oils from your own skin.

    All of that material is either water-loving or water-fearing on the molecular level. Dirt is a jumbled mess of both. Dust and dead skin cells are hydrophilic; naturally occurring oils are hydrophobic; and environmental debris can be either.

    If you use only water to clean your hands, plenty will be left behind because you’d only remove the water-loving bits that dissolve in water.

    But when you add a bit of soap, it’s a different story, thanks to its simultaneously water-loving and water-fearing properties.

    Soap molecules work together to encapsulate grime within a bubblelike micelle structure.
    TUMEGGY/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

    Soap molecules come together and surround the grime on your hands, forming what’s known as a micelle structure. On a molecular level, it looks almost like a bubble encasing the hydrophobic bit of debris. The water-loving heads of the soap molecules are on the surface, with the water-fearing tails inside the micelle. This structure traps the dirt, and running water washes it all away.

    To get the full effect, wash your hands at the sink for at least 20 seconds. Rubbing your hands together helps force the soap molecules into whatever dirt is there to break it up and envelope it.

    It’s not just dirt

    Along with dirt, your body is covered by microorganisms – bacteria, viruses and fungi. Most are harmless and some even protect you from getting sick. But some microorganisms, known as pathogens, can cause illness and disease.

    Whether liquid or bar, soap gets the job done.
    velvelvel/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    They can also cause you to smell if you haven’t taken a bath in a while. These bacteria break down organic molecules and release stinky fumes.

    Although microorganisms are protected by a barrier – it’s called a membrane – soap and water can disrupt the membrane, causing the microorganism to burst open. The water then washes the remains of the microorganism away, along with the stink.

    To say that soap changed the course of civilization is an understatement. For thousands of years, it’s helped keep billions of people healthy. Think of that the next time Mom or Dad asks you to wash up – which will likely be sometime soon.

    Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

    And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

    Paul E. Richardson receives funding from the NIH and NSF.

    – ref. How does soap keep you clean? A chemist explains the science of soap – https://theconversation.com/how-does-soap-keep-you-clean-a-chemist-explains-the-science-of-soap-247559

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Neag School Alums Take Their Teaching Skills Abroad, Changing Students’ Lives Around the World

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    UConn Neag School of Education alumni Jessica Stargardter ’16 (ED), ’17 MA; Gabriel Castro ’14 (ED), ’15 MA; Nicole Holland Kew ’09 (ED), ’10 MA; and Yurah Robidas Emmenegger ’09 (ED), ’09 (CLAS), ’10 MA; have each embarked on remarkable journeys as educators, spanning continents and cultures. From their foundations at UConn to classrooms across the world, their careers highlight the transformative power of teaching beyond borders.

    “Time after time, our UConn participants have told me that studying and teaching abroad has been one of the most profound experiences of their lives,” says Doug Kaufman, the Neag School’s director of global education and an associate professor of curriculum and instruction. “I see it, too. Moving away from familiar and comfortable contexts has taught them how to recognize the diverse and powerful gifts that their students at home bring into the classroom.

    “Working abroad develops cultural awareness, empathy, humility, and an expanded sense of possibility when working with students. Our teachers learn how to learn from their students and advocate for them all.”

    Stargardter’s passion for gifted education led her from Connecticut to Panama, Singapore, and Finland, shaping her global perspective. She says her experiences reinforce her belief in education as a universal force for change, transcending cultural and linguistic differences.

    Working abroad develops cultural awareness, empathy, humility, and an expanded sense of possibility when working with students. Our teachers learn how to learn from their students and advocate for them all. &#8212 Doug Kaufman, Neag School’s director of global education

    Castro’s path to teaching went from Puerto Rico to Colombia, Costa Rica, and Taiwan, and he has embraced each opportunity with curiosity and openness. His teaching philosophy is rooted in adaptation and connection, ensuring meaningful relationships with students regardless of geography. As he prepares for fatherhood, he looks forward to the next chapter of his journey.

    For Kew, London became home. A study abroad trip led to a life-changing move across the Atlantic, where she has spent over a decade teaching and raising a family. Balancing work and her personal life, she cherishes her role as an educator in a diverse, evolving community.

    Emmenegger’s love for language and culture brought her from Connecticut to France, Portugal, and Switzerland. Teaching French and German in international schools, she exemplifies resilience and adaptability, proving that a commitment to education can create opportunities in unexpected places.

    Together, their stories illustrate the boundless impact of teaching, and the unique paths educators take to inspire students worldwide.

    Reconnecting with Family Roots

    From Connecticut to Puerto Rico, Colombia, Costa Rica, and now Taiwan, every step of Gabriel Castro’s ’14 (ED), ’15 MA journey has been driven by curiosity, a love for teaching, and an openness to change. (Photo courtesy of Gabriel Castro)

    Education wasn’t Castro’s first choice — he entered UConn as a psychology major, uncertain of his career path. However, a mentorship role in a First-Year Experience course changed everything. Standing before a classroom, guiding new college students, he realized teaching was what he was meant to do.

    After graduating from the Neag School, he took his first teaching position in Puerto Rico, reconnecting with his roots. His mother had spent much of her childhood moving between Puerto Rico and Connecticut, and teaching at a K-12 school immersed him in a close-knit community.

    Three years in Puerto Rico deepened his love for international teaching and inspired him to explore the other half of his heritage. His father had emigrated from Colombia, and Castro wanted to experience the country firsthand. Moving to Colombia, he found a vibrant culture, rich with music festivals, soccer, and breathtaking landscapes. It was there he met his wife, Kismeth, a fellow international teacher from New York. He says their shared passion for education and adventure brought them together.

    They had intended to take a sabbatical year traveling through South America, but the COVID-19 pandemic reshaped their plans. With borders closing, they found temporary teaching positions in Costa Rica. Castro stepped in as a last-minute math teacher, navigating virtual classes, hybrid schedules, and masked interactions. Despite the challenges, Costa Rica was a paradise.

    My years of adapting to different educational environments had prepared me well. &#8212 Gabriel Castro ’14 (ED), ’15 MA

    “With tourism at a standstill, nature thrived,” he says. “Sloths and monkeys roamed undisturbed, and sunsets painted the sky in hues of gold and crimson.”

    As the world reopened, they faced their next big decision. Asia had always intrigued them, and Taiwan offered everything they wanted — an excellent school, a safe environment, and a strong culture of hiking, cycling, and running.

    Moving to Taiwan was a leap of faith but quickly felt like home. While the language barrier existed outside the classroom, Castro found his ability to connect with students transcended words.

    “My years of adapting to different educational environments had prepared me well,” he says.

    From Connecticut to Puerto Rico, Colombia, Costa Rica, and now Taiwan, every step of his journey has been driven by curiosity, a love for teaching, and an openness to change. His classroom now extends beyond four walls, spanning countries, cultures, and languages, and he is preparing for an exciting new personal chapter: fatherhood.

    “I have an 11-month-old puppy, so I feel like I’ve been practicing in a way,” he says. “It’s a steep learning curve! But I’m excited to see how we can continue traveling with a baby and incorporating her into our adventures.”

    Finding Love While Abroad

    “It’s the children, really. Seeing them progress, mature, but still retain that spark of who they are — it’s special,” says Nicole Holland Kew ’09 (ED), ’10 MA. (Photo courtesy of Nicole Holland Kew)

    Fourteen years into her teaching career — first in Connecticut and then in London — Kew still finds joy in watching her students grow.

    “It’s the children, really,” she says. “Seeing them progress, mature, but still retain that spark of who they are — it’s special.”

    Having spent 10 years at the same London school, she has become deeply embedded in the community. She gets to know families, watches siblings pass through her classroom, and shares their triumphs and struggles.

    “Teaching wasn’t just a job; it was a life woven into the fabric of so many others,” she says.

    Her path to teaching began in high school when she worked at an after-school program at her former elementary school in Connecticut. Later, as a camp director at a nature center, she solidified her love for mentoring. Her mother had always dreamed of being a teacher but never pursued it.

    Teaching wasn’t just a job; it was a life woven into the fabric of so many others. &#8212 Nicole Holland Kew ’09 (ED), ’10 MA

    “Maybe in a way, I was fulfilling that dream for both of us,” Kew says.

    A single decision changed her trajectory. Studying abroad in London while at the Neag School was supposed to be an adventure — an opportunity to explore a city she had loved since a family trip at 13. She hadn’t expected to meet her future husband just weeks into the program.

    They met in a pub, a chance encounter that turned into a long-distance relationship. After navigating time zones and transatlantic flights, they decided to marry. With her husband’s career established in London and the UK actively recruiting teachers, it made sense for Kew to move.

    Adjusting to teaching in England came with challenges. In Connecticut, Kew had more autonomy in her teaching, while curriculum and behavior management were standardized in London. Leadership opportunities came more readily, and she briefly considered administration but loved being in the classroom too much.

    Balancing work and family was another challenge. With four children — two daughters, 6 and 4, and toddler twins — her hands are full.

    “Honestly,” she says, “going to work feels like a break compared to being home!”

    London has become home in ways she never expected. During the uncertainty of the COVID-19 pandemic, she and her husband considered moving to the U.S. to be closer to her family, but something always held them back. London has given her a life she cherishes, a career she loves, a community she belongs to, and — most importantly — a family she has built from the ground up.

    Focused on All Things French

    Yurah Robidas Emmenegger ’09 (ED), ’09 (CLAS), ’10 MA says her Neag School education instilled adaptability, an open-minded approach to curricula, and a hands-on teaching philosophy. These lessons help her navigate unfamiliar school systems and cultural differences with confidence. (Photo courtesy of Yurah Robidas Emmenegger)

    Emmenegger, who taught for 15 years in Connecticut and now teaches in France, first became interested in education while teaching piano and tutoring in high school. With a mother who was also a teacher, it felt natural.

    “It just made sense that I would become a teacher,” she says.

    Growing up in Bristol and Plainville, Emmenegger developed a love for French through her mother, who had lived in Switzerland and Portugal.

    “She sang to us in French as kids,” Emmenegger says. “In high school, I jumped at the chance to study it.”

    A summer program in France in 2007 and the Neag School’s study abroad program in London during her master’s year of the Integrated Bachelor’s/Master’s teacher education program deepened her passion for language and curriculum planning.

    My marriage, career, and worldview have all been shaped by this journey. While I still hope for a French teaching position, I know I am exactly where I am meant to be. &#8212 Yurah Robidas Emmenegger ’09 (ED), ’09 (CLAS), ’10 MA

    After graduating, she taught French in Ellington, for three years but longed to live in France. She joined the French government’s teaching assistant program and was placed in Monté, where she lived with international assistants and did a weekly language exchange with another teacher. She spoke in English for half an hour for the language exchange to help the other teacher improve his English communication skills. Then, the other half specifically worked on improving her grammar.

    Since she couldn’t teach French in France, Emmenegger explored other opportunities. Her mother’s past in Portugal led her there for Christmas, where she fell in love with the country and found a teaching job. But her journey took an unexpected turn — she met her future husband in Switzerland. When the world shut down in 2020, they spent months apart. Determined to be together, they married in May 2021, and, by July, she had moved to Switzerland.

    Finding a teaching job there was challenging. She took a role at a private school, but it wasn’t the right fit.

    She joined the International School of Basel (ISB), but no French positions were available. Expanding her search, she took a six-month role at a Swiss public school, but left after half a year.

    ISB welcomed her back with an unexpected offer: teaching beginner German. Having learned German just two years earlier through Duolingo and night classes, she thought the interview offer was a joke. But ISB encouraged her. She took the leap and found herself in a supportive, engaging environment. ISB promised her priority for the next French opening, but no one wanted to leave — a testament to the school’s quality.

    Despite career uncertainties, Emmenegger and her husband were building a life together. He was teaching while finishing his studies, and they navigated the challenges of being an international couple.

    “You have to be open to moving,” she says. “Each time I relocated, I rebuilt my support system, making me appreciate my deep connections back home even more.”

    She says her Neag School education instilled adaptability, an open-minded approach to curricula, and a hands-on teaching philosophy. These lessons helped her navigate unfamiliar school systems and cultural differences with confidence.

    For those who love studying abroad, Emmenegger encourages taking the next step and teaching internationally, as she has no regrets.

    “My marriage, career, and worldview have all been shaped by this journey,” she says. “And while I still hope for a French teaching position, I know I am exactly where I am meant to be.”

    From UConn to Global Classrooms

    Jessica Stargardter’s ’16 (ED), ’17 MA teaching journey included a year in Finland as a Fulbright Scholar, during which time she researched teacher evaluations in the country’s globally recognized education system. (Photo courtesy of Jessica Stargardter)

    Stargardter’s journey as an educator has been extraordinary, spanning continents and shaping her perspective on the transformative power of teaching. After graduating from the Neag School, she began her career in Connecticut, teaching in Greenwich Public Schools before moving to Norwalk. There, she discovered her passion for gifted and talented education, an interest sparked during her time at UConn, where she worked at the Renzulli Center for Creativity, Gifted Education, and Talent Development.

    “I started filing papers at first, but then I received a grant to conduct research,” she says, which ignited a lifelong commitment to student potential.

    Stargardter’s dedication led her to teach abroad at the International School of Panama.

    “It was my first experience in a traditional classroom after working across grade levels,” she says. “I felt like a first-year teacher again, but it taught me so much about myself and the world.”

    She later moved to Singapore, where she found a more manageable cultural transition.

    “I was in a classroom with students from all over the world, each bringing something unique,” she says. “It was challenging but incredibly rewarding.”

    Teaching is more than just a profession. It’s a way to change lives, one student at a time, no matter where I teach. &#8212 Jessica Stargardter ’16 (ED), ’17 MA

    Teaching abroad reinforced her belief in education’s universal impact, transcending borders and backgrounds. Reflecting on what initially drew her to teaching, Stargardter credits her third-grade teacher, Mr. Simeone.

    “He gamified everything,” she says. “Learning was fun and engaging. I remember thinking I wanted to do the same for my students.”

    Her teaching journey also included a year in Finland as a Fulbright Scholar, during which time she researched teacher evaluations in the country’s globally recognized education system. Initially considering a career in academia, she realized how much she missed teaching, leading her back to the classroom and eventually to her move to Panama.

    Stargardter’s foundation for success was built at the Neag School, where extensive classroom experiences prepared her for any teaching environment.

    “Neag gave me the tools to step into my first classroom ready to succeed,” she says, crediting the program’s diverse placements for shaping her adaptable teaching philosophy.

    During her master’s year, Stargardter interned in London through one of the Neag School’s study abroad programs, working at a school for adolescents with mental health challenges. She says this experience reshaped her understanding of education, teaching her that learning extends beyond traditional classrooms.

    Her journey abroad has reinforced her belief in cross-cultural education’s power to broaden perspectives.

    “Teaching is more than just a profession,” she says. “It’s a way to change lives, one student at a time, no matter where I teach.”

    To learn more about the Neag School’s teacher education programs, visit teachered.education.uconn.edu.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Governor Newsom announces appointments 4.25.25

    Source: US State of California 2

    Apr 25, 2025

    SACRAMENTO – Governor Gavin Newsom today announced the following appointments:

    Suzanne Martindale, of Oakland, has been appointed Chief Deputy Commissioner at the California Department of Financial Protection and Innovation. Martindale has been the Senior Deputy Commissioner of the Division of Consumer Financial Protection at the California Department of Financial Protection and Innovation since 2021, and a Lecturer at the University of California, Berkeley School of Law since 2019. Martindale was a Student Loan Justice Fellow at the Student Borrower Protection Center from 2018 to 2021. She held multiple positions at Consumer Reports from 2010 to 2021, including Senior Policy Counsel and Western States Legislative Manager, Senior Attorney, and Staff Attorney. She was a Pro Bono Attorney at the East Bay Community Law Center from 2015 to 2018. She is a member of the Bar Association of San Francisco. Martindale earned a Juris Doctor degree from University of California, Berkeley, a Master of Arts degree in Humanities from University of Chicago, and a Bachelor of Arts degree in Philosophy from the University of California, Berkeley. This position does not require Senate confirmation, and the compensation is $207,600. Martindale is registered without party preference.

    Yvonne Hsu, of Washington D.C., has been appointed Deputy Director of Strategic Initiatives and External Affairs at the California Civil Rights Department. Hsu was the Chief of Staff of Rural Housing Service at the United State Department of Agriculture from 2023 to 2025. She was the Chief Policy and Government Affairs Officer at the National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum from 2021 to 2023. Hsu was a Senior Housing Policy Specialist at the National Council of State Housing Agencies from 2020 to 2021. She was a Senior Advisor at the Office of United States Representative Katherine Clark in the United States House of Representatives from 2019 to 2020. Hsu was an Independent Consultant from 2018 to 2019. She held multiple positions at the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development from 2014 to 2017, including Policy Advisor at the Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity and Special Assistant for Public Engagement at the Office of Public Affairs. Hsu held multiple positions in the Office of United States Representative Adam Schiff in the United States House of Representatives from 2008 to 2014, including Senior Legislative Assistant and District Representative. Hsu was the Outreach Coordinator at the Housing Rights Center from 2006 to 2008. She earned a Bachelor of the Arts degree in Sociology and History from the University of California, Riverside. This position does not require Senate confirmation, and compensation is $160,200. Hsu is a Democrat.

    Jaimie Huynh, of Sacramento, has been appointed Deputy Director of Strategic Engagement, Equity and Partnerships at the California Department of Fish and Wildlife. Huynh has been Acting Deputy Secretary for Environmental Justice and Equity at the California Environmental Protection Agency since 2025, where she has held multiple roles since 2022, including Environmental Justice Scientific Advisor and Climate Change Advisor. She was an Environmental Justice Enforcement Liaison at the California Department of Resources, Recycling, and Recovery from 2018 to 2022. Huynh was a California Sea Grant Fellow at the California State Lands Commission from 2017 to 2018. She earned a Master of Advanced Studies degree in Climate Science and Policy and a Bachelor of the Arts degree in Environmental Systems – Policymaking from the University of California, San Diego. This position does not require Senate confirmation, and compensation is $144,972. Huynh is a Democrat. 

    Robert Jenkins, of Victorville, has been appointed Administrator of the Veterans Home of California, Barstow at the California Department of Veterans Affairs. Jenkins has been Acting Administrator of the Veterans Home of California, Barstow since 2024, where he has held multiple roles since 2012, including Staff Services Manager II and Health and Safety Officer. Jenkins was a Firefighter/Security Officer Captain at the Veterans Home of California, Yountville, at the California Department of Veterans Affairs from 2010 to 2012. He was a Structural Firefighter at the Tule River Tribal Reservation Fire Department from 2009 to 2010. Jenkins was a Paid Call Firefighter/Engineer at the San Bernardino County Fire Department from 2009 to 2010. He was a Correctional Facility Fire Captain at the California Institution for Men-Chino Fire Department from 1997 to 2008. Jenkins was a Correctional Facility Firefighter at the Centinela Fire Department from 1993 to 1997. He was a Paid Call Firefighter/Captain at the San Bernardino County Fire Department from 1986 to 1997. Jenkins was a GS-06 Firefighter/Driver Operator at the Barstow Logistics Marine Base Fire Department from 1992 to 1993. This position does not require Senate confirmation, and the compensation is $160,428. Jenkins is a Democrat.

    Joseph “Joe” Nation, of South Lake Tahoe, has been appointed to the Independent Emissions Market Advisory Committee. Nation has been a Professor of the Practice in the Public Policy and Human Biology Programs at Stanford University since 2007. He was the Principal at Joe Nation Consulting from 1992 to 2024. Nation was the Senior Advisor to the President at the RAND Corporation from 1991 to 2024. He was an Assemblymember for District 6 in the California State Assembly from 2000 to 2006. He was an Associate Professor of Economics at the University of San Francisco from 1992 to 2000. Nation is a member of the Economic Advisory Board, Bay Area Council, and Climate Cabinet Action. He earned a Doctor of Philosophy degree in Public Policy Analysis from Pardee RAND Graduate School, a Master of Science degree in Diplomacy and Security from Georgetown University, and Bachelor of the Arts degrees in Economics, German, and French from University of Colorado, Boulder. This position does not require Senate confirmation, and there is no compensation. Nation is a Democrat.

    Press Releases, Recent News

    Recent news

    Apr 25, 2025

    News What you need to know: More Californians than ever are connecting with earthquake warning services as the MyShake app reaches over 4 million downloads. SACRAMENTO – During Earthquake Preparedness Month, Governor Gavin Newsom today announced a major milestone: the…

    Apr 25, 2025

    News What you need to know: California is working with state, local, and federal agencies in a historic project to repopulate the North Yuba River with native fish and help protect the state’s waterways and ecosystems.  MARYSVILLE – Governor Gavin Newsom announced a…

    Apr 24, 2025

    News SACRAMENTO – Governor Gavin Newsom today announced the following appointments:Leia Bailey, of Sacramento, has been appointed Chief Deputy Director at the California Department of Pesticide Regulation. Bailey has been Deputy Director of Communications and Outreach…

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: InvestHK unveils application details for Global Fast Track 2025

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    Invest Hong Kong (InvestHK) announced that the eighth edition of the Global Fast Track (GFT) 2025 is now open for applications until September 21. This year, the programme will be expanded to include other verticals in addition to fintech, unleashing business opportunities for more technology companies in Hong Kong and worldwide. The year-long hybrid programme provides participants with one-on-one meetings, live pitching opportunities, mentorship, and tailored business matching with corporate clients, investors and service providers. A separate competition track will select semi-finalists from each vertical to pitch in person during the Hong Kong FinTech Week x StartmeupHK Festival 2025 in November, with the grand finale taking place at the main conference. Shortlisted companies will also have access to exclusive networking events during the week for potential partnerships. 
     
         The Global Head of Financial Services, FinTech & Sustainability at InvestHK, Mr King Leung, shared, “The Global Fast Track has grown into more than just a fintech-accelerating platform. The expansion into additional verticals beyond fintech reflects a growing trend of technology converging across multiple industries. To date, the GFT has supported over 1 000 fintech companies from more than 50 economies, helping them showcase cutting-edge innovations and expedite market entry into Hong Kong and beyond. We are thrilled to build on this success and continue to offer unparalleled access to a regional network of more than 120 investors, corporate and service champions, mentors, and industry leaders.”
     
         The Head of Startups at InvestHK, Ms Jayne Chan, added, “It is exciting to see the expansion of this meaningful programme this year, as we welcome applications from verticals beyond fintech, including the newly dedicated ‘Innovation & Technology’ or deep tech vertical. Together, we aim to unlock the true potential of innovation across industries and provide a launchpad for transformative solutions. I look forward to welcoming high-calibre start-ups and scaleup applicants from around the world and witnessing the remarkable outcomes this programme will deliver.”
     
    Explore the Seven Expanded Global Fast Track Verticals
     
    The GFT 2025 includes seven key verticals, covering a broader range of categories than ever before:

    • FinTech;
    • Artificial Intelligence;
    • GreenTech;
    • Blockchain & Digital Assets;
    • InsurTech & HealthTech;
    • Innovation & Technology; and
    • Mainland China Track (in Mandarin).

     
    Glimpse of GFT 2025 Featured Partners
     
    HKSTP Global Connect
     
    For the GFT 2025, InvestHK is once again partnering with the Hong Kong Science and Technology Parks Corporation’s Global Connect Programme to support start-ups in expanding their presence in Hong Kong. The programme offers a comprehensive soft-landing package, including:
     

    • Financial grants of up to HK$100,000;
    • Access to co-working space;
    • Investment and business matching;
    • 1-on-1 consultations for setting up businesses in Hong Kong; and
    • Training and networking.

     
    Accenture FinTech Innovation Lab Asia-Pacific
     
    Established by Accenture in collaboration with Hong Kong Cyberport, the FinTech Innovation Lab Asia-Pacific (FILAP) bridges growth-stage fintech start-ups with senior executives from world-leading financial institutions. Since its launch, FILAP alumni have collectively raised over US$1.1 billion in funding and developed 552 Proof of Concepts across nearly 90 companies. Through the GFT 2025, applicants will have the opportunity to fast-track to FILAP 2026 Interview Day, providing access to expert mentorship and exclusive connections to global financial leaders.
     
         The GFT 2025 is an unparalleled opportunity for qualified innovators to showcase their profile in front of thousands of attendees and key corporates and investors looking for solutions and investment opportunities. Previous finalists have come from around the world, including Canada, France, Israel, Mainland China, Korea, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States.
     
    For details of the entire programme of the GFT 2025 and the application process, please visit here.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI: International Petroleum Corporation to release Q1 2025 Financial and Operational Results on May 6, 2025

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    TORONTO, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — International Petroleum Corporation (IPC) (TSX, Nasdaq Stockholm: IPCO) will publish its financial and operating results and related management’s discussion and analysis for the three months ending 31 March 2025, on Tuesday, May 6, 2025 at 07:30 CET, followed by an audiocast at 09:00 CET.

    Follow the 2025 first quarter financial and operating results presentation starting at 09:00 CET live on www.international-petroleum.com or using the link or dial in details below:

    Presentation Link: https://ipc.videosync.fi/2025-05-06-q1

    Dial in number(s) Stockholm: +46 (0) 8 5052 0424
      UK-Wide: +44 (0) 33 0551 0200
      USA Local: +1 786 697 3501
       
    Password Quote IPC when prompted by the operator
       

    International Petroleum Corp. (IPC) is an international oil and gas exploration and production company with a high quality portfolio of assets located in Canada, Malaysia and France, providing a solid foundation for organic and inorganic growth. IPC is a member of the Lundin Group of Companies. IPC is incorporated in Canada and IPC’s shares are listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange (TSX) and the Nasdaq Stockholm under the symbol “IPCO”.

    For further information, please contact:

    Rebecca Gordon
    SVP Corporate Planning and Investor Relations
    rebecca.gordon@international-petroleum.com
    Tel: +41 22 595 10 50

    Or

    		 Robert Eriksson
    Media Manager
    reriksson@rive6.ch
    Tel: +46 701 11 26 15
         

    Forward-Looking Statements
    This press release contains statements and information which constitute “forward-looking statements” or “forward-looking information” (within the meaning of applicable securities legislation). Such statements and information (together, “forward-looking statements”) relate to future events, including the Corporation’s future performance, business prospects or opportunities. Actual results may differ materially from those expressed or implied by forward-looking statements. The forward-looking statements contained in this press release are expressly qualified by this cautionary statement. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date of this press release, unless otherwise indicated. IPC does not intend, and does not assume any obligation, to update these forward-looking statements, except as required by applicable laws.

    All statements other than statements of historical fact may be forward-looking statements. Any statements that express or involve discussions with respect to predictions, expectations, beliefs, plans, projections, forecasts, guidance, budgets, objectives, assumptions or future events or performance (often, but not always, using words or phrases such as “seek”, “anticipate”, “plan”, “continue”, “estimate”, “expect”, “may”, “will”, “project”, “forecast”, “predict”, “potential”, “targeting”, “intend”, “could”, “might”, “should”, “believe”, “budget” and similar expressions) are not statements of historical fact and may be “forward-looking statements”.

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Election Diary: Labor to slash more consultant costs and increase visa charges to pay for fresh election commitments

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The government has dug out last-minute savings of more than
    A$7 billion, to ensure its election commitments are more than offset in every year of the forward estimates.

    Its costings, released Monday, include savings of $6.4 billion from further reducing spending on consultants, contractors and labour hire, as well as non-wage expenses including travel, hospitality and property.

    The second saving is $760 million from increasing the visa application fee for primary student visa applicants to $2000 from July 1.

    Treasurer Jim Chalmers told a news conference Labor’s costings “show that we will more than offset our election campaign commitments in every year of the forward estimates”.

    “We will finish this election campaign with the budget in a stronger position than at the start of the election campaign”.

    “We have improved the budget position by more than $1 billion, comparing the pre-election outlook to the costings that we release today,” he said.

    With its costings out, Labor is piling the pressure onto the opposition to produce its numbers.

    “We call on the Coalition now to come clean on their cuts. We’ve made it very clear what our costs are and how we will pay for the commitments that we have made in this election campaign,” Chalmers said.

    The opposition “need to come clean on what their secret cuts for nuclear reactors means for Medicare, for pensions and payments, for skills and housing and other essential investments.

    “They have committed more than $60 billion in this election campaign and in their policy commitments, and that’s before we get to their $600 billion of nuclear reactors.”

    Chalmers said if the opposition costings did not include the cost of the nuclear reactors they “will not be worth the paper they are written on”.

    Shadow treasurer Angus Taylor said opposition costings, coming later this week, would project a stronger budget position than Labor’s. He also said if the Coalition was elected it would have an economic statement later this year.

    As the costings war ramps up, ratings agency S&P warned Australia’s AAA credit rating could be threatened if election promises resulted in larger structural deficits, and debt and interest expenses increased more than expected.

    Given deficits and international circumstances, “how the elected government funds its campaign pledges and rising spending will be crucial for maintaining the rating”, the agency said.

    Asked about the comments, Chalmers said: “I say to that particular agency, indeed, all of the ratings agencies, that in our time in office, we’ve engineered the biggest positive turnaround in a budget of any parliamentary term ever”. He pointed to the improvement in the budget numbers during the campaign to underline Labor’s credentials.

    The fresh impact of Labor’s promises on the bottom line has also been limited because most of them were already factored into the budget.

    After the savings and spends are netted out the deficit for 2025-26 is estimated to be $41.9 billion compared to the $42.2 billion in the pre-election economic and fiscal outlook.

    Chalmers says Dutton to build nuclear reactor in his own seat

    Jim Chalmers must carry off the prize for the most brazen “scare” of a campaign full of attempted scares.

    Chalmers picked up on Anthony Albanese’s question to Peter Dutton in Sunday’s debate, when the PM asked the opposition leader whether he’d be willing to have a nuclear power plant in his seat of Dickson. Dutton said he would.

    Chalmers’ message to voters in “that wonderful part of southeast Queensland” is: “your local member wants to build a nuclear reactor in your suburbs.”

    “[The Labor candidate,] Ali France, is not going to build a nuclear reactor in your local community but Peter Dutton wants to.

    “I would encourage you to think about that […] as you choose your local member,” Chalmers told his news conference.

    The treasurer kept a straight face while delivering this warning to Dickson voters.

    Dutton questions Welcome to Country ceremonies at Anzac Dawn services

    Peter Dutton has widened his criticism of the extent of Welcome to Country ceremonies by saying he does not believe they belong at Anzac Day dawn services.

    He said that listening to veterans, “I think the majority view would be that they don’t want it on that day”. But he said it was an individual decision up to the RSLs.

    Discussion of the Welcome to Country ceremonies has come to the fore after a group of neo-Nazis heckled the ceremony at the Shrine of Remembrance service on Friday. It also came up in Sunday’s debate between the leaders, when Dutton said the ceremonies should be reserved for significant occasions such as the opening of parliament.

    Questioned by reporters on Monday, Dutton said the acknowledgment to country given by Qantas when planes landed was “over the top”.

    “We are all equal Australians,” he said. “I believe we should stand behind one flag united to help Indigenous Australians deal with disparity around health outcomes, around education outcomes, around housing, around safety […] I want to provide support for practical reconciliation. The prime minister’s policy is to please inner city Greens, which is not something we signed up to.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Election Diary: Labor to slash more consultant costs and increase visa charges to pay for fresh election commitments – https://theconversation.com/election-diary-labor-to-slash-more-consultant-costs-and-increase-visa-charges-to-pay-for-fresh-election-commitments-255386

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: APO Group joins forces with AFRICA24 Group, Africa’s leading TV and digital media company

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    APO Group joins forces with AFRICA24 Group, Africa’s leading TV and digital media company All text, images, video and audio content distributed by APO Group will be published on AFRICA24 Group’s website in English and French PARIS, France, April 28, 2025/APO Group/ — APO Group (www.APO-opa.com), the leading Pan-African communications consultancy and press release distribution service, today announced a content agreement with Africa’s leading TV and digital media company (www.Africa24TV.com). The partnership means that all text, images, video and audio content distributed by APO Group will be published on AFRICA24’s website in English and French. Watch the video: https://apo-opa.co/42w8uFD Launched in 2009 by its founder Constant Nemale, a reference in the media and communications industry, the AFRICA24 Group is the world leader in news and television on Africa, with a global daily audience of more than 80 million households on the continent and in the global African diaspora.  The AFRICA24 Group is the only media conglomerate focused on Africa, with 4 high-audience television & digital channels available on leading operators: – AFRICA24 TV: (French), world leader in Francophone African news – AFRICA24 English: the reference for news in English – AFRICA24 Sport: leader in African sports news and competitions – AFRICA24 infinity: leader in creative industries, culture, music and art The AFRICA24 Group is regularly ranked in the Top 5 of television channels most watched by African policy makers, business executives and leaders – providing leadership alongside channels such as CNN, BBC World News and Al Jazeera. Available worldwide on all the major operators: Canal+, Orange, SFR, Bouygues, Bell, etc. AFRICA24 has been the most watched French-speaking African channel for over 15 years without interruption. The AFRICA24 Group has innovated on the digital front with the launch of the myafrica24 application, the first and only HD streaming platform on Africa available on all digital media (smartphone, tablet, computer, SmartTV). A leader in digital, the AFRICA24 Group has a substantial online audience with 1 million subscribers on Facebook, 1 million subscribers on X (Twitter), and 802,000 on YouTube. The AFRICA24 Group has the largest online catalogue on Africa with its replay offer accessible on the www.Africa24TV.com website, which has become a key vector, accounting for hundreds of thousands of monthly visitors. For several years now, Africa’s leading institutions have chosen the AFRICA24 Group as their partner of reference:

    • African Union: In 2019, the continent’s leading institution signs an MOU that will make AFRICA24 Group the one and only official media partner of the prestigious African Union. The two organisations have joined forces to produce and broadcast content aimed at promoting Africa’s image and its development narrative. The AFRICA24 group launched in 2022, with huge success the weekly magazine ‘African Union Journal’ the first and only exclusive weekly television programme providing news, features, interviews and analysis and on the activities of the African Union organisation and its member states.
    • AfCFTA: In 2024, the AFRICA24 Group was chosen by AfCFTA, the African Union body responsible for promoting the Free Trade Area, to promote African economic integration through high-impact initiatives. The AFRICA24 Group thus becomes the one and only flagship media chosen to promote a single common market of 1.5 million inhabitants and Africa’s economic prosperity.

    The AFRICA24 Group is also the official media partner of many leading institutions and companies such as Afreximbank, UBA, the African Development Bank (AfDB), the United Nations for Africa (UNECA), the World Bank, the Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Organisation mondiale de la Francophonie (OIF), the Attijariwafa Bank Group, the OCP Group, etc. The partnership with APO Group gives AFRICA24 Group access to authoritative content from all over Africa, from more than 300 multinational companies operating in Africa, as well as major international institutions, sports organisations and African governments, which will be published on www.Africa24TV.com. APO Group is thus completing a cycle of partnerships with leading African and international media that enable it to constantly improve the reach of its press release distribution service. These partnerships are mutually beneficial. Through a significant increase in the impact and visibility of content for APO Group’s clients, but also through access for media such as those of AFRICA24 Group to a qualitative flow of information from the largest organisations operating in Africa. Content distributed by APO Group is automatically published on more than 320 African news sites and on international platforms such as Bloomberg Terminal, Thomson Reuters Eikon, Lexis Nexis and Factiva. AFRICA24 Group and APO Group share a common vision of Africa. APO Group worked closely with the African Union, providing pro bono support to the African Union Commission through a full range of strategic communications services for the duration of the Dubai World Expo. “APO Group is the undisputed leader in high-quality news and certified content from organisations operating in Africa,’ said Constant Nemale, founder and chairman of AFRICA24 Group. ‘We are delighted to be able to strengthen our online presence by publishing some of the most important and relevant information about Africa.” “APO Group is always committed to offering its customers direct access to the heart of Africa and beyond,’ said Nicolas Pompigne-Mognard (www.Pompigne-Mognard.com), founder and chairman of APO Group. ‘The AFRICA24 Group has the most dominant African television channels in their segment. The AFRICA24 Group enjoys the confidence of Africa’s political decision-makers and business leaders, as well as Africa’s international partners. We share the same vision of changing the narrative about Africa and bringing positive African news to new audiences around the world.” This is a joint press release by APO Group and AFRICA24 media group. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of APO Group. Media contact: APO Group marie@apo-opa.com AFRICA24 infos@africa24tv.com Follow on: Facebook: https://apo-opa.co/4lGn4BU Twitter: https://apo-opa.co/44cDpIh YouTube: https://apo-opa.co/3GuCQzR About APO Group: Founded in 2007, APO Group (www.APO-opa.com) is the leading pan-African communications consultancy and press release distribution service. We assist private and public organizations in sharpening their reputation and increasing their brand equity in target countries across Africa. Our role as a trusted partner is to leverage the power of media and build bespoke strategies that enable organisations to produce a real, measurable impact in Africa and beyond. The trust and recognition granted to APO Group by global and multinational companies, governments, and NGOs inspires us to continuously enhance our value proposition within Africa to better cater to our clients’ needs. Among our prestigious clients: Facebook, Dangote Group, Nestle, GE, NBA, Canon, Coca-Cola, DHL, Marriott Group, Ecobank, Siemens, Standard Chartered, Orange, Jack Ma Foundation, African Development Bank, World Health Organization, Islamic Development Bank, Liquid Telecom, Rotary International, Kaspersky, Greenpeace… Headquarters: Lausanne, Switzerland | Offices in Senegal, Dubai and Hong Kong For further information, please visit our website: https://www.APO-opa.com About AFRICA24: AFRICA24 is the first African-owned global news channel and was launched in 2009. The network is devoted to news about Africa, and broadcasts 24-hours-a-day, 7-days-a-week to audiences in Africa, North America, the Middle East and Europe. AFRICA24 embodies the leading continental media which endows Africa its own tribune in the international media scene. Since its launch in 2009, AFRICA24 has been the reference for African news. AFRICA24 is the reference media partner of the Continent’s institutions and major events such United Nations, African Union, US Africa Business Summit… AFRICA24 is the reference media for all leaders across the world to address Africa related topics. AFRICA24 group will launched new channel, full HD, 24/24,  starting in 2022 : AFRICA24 English, AFRICA24 infinity (Music, fashion, Culture…) and AFRICA24 Sport. Headquarters: Dubaï, UAE | Offices in Morocco, Senegal, Ivory Coast and Cameroon. Find out more by visiting www.Africa24TV.com.

    Text copied to clipboard.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI: Atos announces the appointment of Marie de Scorbiac as Head of Investor Relations and CSR

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press Release

    Atos announces the appointment of Marie de Scorbiac as Head of Investor Relations and CSR

    Paris, France – April 28, 2025 – Atos Group today announces the appointment of Marie de Scorbiac as head of investor relations and CSR. Her mission will be to define and implement the Atos Group’s financial reporting strategy and develop its relations with shareholders, investors and financial analysts. She will also oversee Atos’s CSR strategy in favor of a secure and decarbonized digital world, creating sustainable value for all its stakeholders.

    Before joining Atos, Marie de Scorbiac was vice president of investor relations, public affairs, sustainability, and group financial planning and analysis. She was notably responsible for investor relations and CSR at Adevinta, the global leader in online classifieds for consumer goods, mobility, real estate and employment.

    From 2011 to 2019, Marie de Scorbiac was head of investor relations and financial communication of listed companies in Paris: Areva and then Elior Group.

    With a master’s degree in economic and social information from the University of Paris Dauphine, Marie started her career as a financial analyst at Thomson and Deutsche Bank.

    Philippe Salle, chairman and chief executive officer of Atos Group, said: “I am delighted to welcome Marie to the Atos Group management team. Her expertise and in-depth knowledge of financial markets will be key in developing and consolidating our relationships with the financial community. I wanted to bring investor relations and CSR under the same department, as I am convinced of the positive impact of Atos’s social and environmental commitment on its long-term performance.”

    ***

    About Atos

    Atos is a global leader in digital transformation with c. 74,000 employees and annual revenue of c. € 10 billion. European number one in cybersecurity, cloud and high-performance computing, the Group provides tailored end-to-end solutions for all industries in 68 countries. A pioneer in decarbonization services and products, Atos is committed to a secure and decarbonized digital for its clients. Atos is a SE (Societas Europaea) and listed on Euronext Paris.

    The purpose of Atos is to help design the future of the information space. Its expertise and services support the development of knowledge, education and research in a multicultural approach and contribute to the development of scientific and technological excellence. Across the world, the Group enables its customers and employees, and members of societies at large to live, work and develop sustainably, in a safe and secure information space.

    Press contact | globalprteam@atos.net

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    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: Best Online Casinos 2025: 7Bit Casino Rated As Top Real Money Casino

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    PORTLAND, Ore., April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The online gambling world is growing rapidly, making it tough to choose the best online casino from so many options. Players everywhere want secure, rewarding, and diverse gaming experiences, but the number of choices can be confusing. Our team of experts reviewed dozens of casinos, looking at licensing, game variety, bonuses, payout speeds, and user experience.

    After thorough testing, 7Bit Casino was ranked as the best online casino for 2025, offering a perfect combination of features that make it the best casino online for players around the world.

    JOIN 7BIT CASINO TO CLAIM YOUR FREE SPINS NOW!

    Whether you’re spinning slots, strategizing at blackjack, or diving into live dealer games, 7Bit Casino delivers a top-tier real-money experience. This review explores why it’s the top online casino, detailing its bonuses, games, payments, support, and responsible gambling tools, all tailored for players seeking the best real money online casino.

    A Closer Look At The Best Online Casino: 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino has secured the top spot as the best online casino site through our comprehensive global analysis. Here’s why it stands out.

    7Bit Casino – Our Favorite Best Online Casino

    Since 2014, 7Bit Casino has been a leader in online gambling, earning its place as the best-rated online casino with a Curacao eGaming license (7Bit Casino). It uses 128-bit SSL encryption and provably fair algorithms, ensuring a secure and fair environment for all players.

    New players are welcomed with an extraordinary 325% match bonus up to 5.25 BTC + 250 free spins across four deposits, a standout feature among the best casino sites. Ongoing promotions, like Monday reloads, Wednesday free spins, and up to 20% cashback, keep the excitement alive, making it the best online real money casino.

    With over 10,000 games from providers like NetEnt, Microgaming, and Evolution Gaming, 7Bit caters to every taste (Casino.org). From slots to live dealer tables, it’s the biggest online casino for variety. Demo modes let players try games risk-free, a rare perk.

    Payments are seamless, supporting cryptocurrencies (Bitcoin, Ethereum) and fiat options (Visa, Skrill). Crypto withdrawals are instant, reinforcing 7Bit’s status as a top real online casino. 24/7 support via live chat and email ensures quick resolutions, enhancing its appeal as a top casino online platform.

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    Pros and Cons

    Pros:

    • Lucrative Welcome Bonus: 325% up to 5.25 BTC + 250 free spins, a top offer for the best new online casino players.
    • Massive Game Library: Over 10,000 games, from slots to live dealers, making it the best casino online.
    • Instant Crypto Payouts: Withdrawals in minutes, ideal for best online real money casino enthusiasts.
    • 24/7 Support: Live chat and email assistance, a hallmark of top online casino service.
    • Crypto and Fiat Flexibility: Supports Bitcoin, Ethereum, Visa, and more.
    • Mobile-Friendly: Seamless play on iOS and Android (Cryptovantage).

    Cons:

    • KYC for Large Withdrawals: Verification is required for withdrawals over $2,000, which may delay payouts.
    • Geographical Restrictions: Not available in some regions; check terms for eligibility.

    How to Join 7Bit Casino

    Joining 7Bit Casino, the best online casino, is simple and user-friendly:

    1. Visit 7Bit Casino: Click here to access the sign-up page directly.
    2. Create Account: Enter your email, choose a password, and select your currency.
    3. Verify Email: Confirm your account via the emailed link.
    4. Deposit Funds: Choose crypto or fiat, meeting the minimum for the welcome bonus ($10 or 0.0005 BTC).
    5. Enter Promo Code: Use codes like “VIP7” for bonuses, if required.
    6. Claim Bonus: Receive your bonus and free spins automatically.
    7. Start Playing: Explore the game library and enjoy real-money gaming.

    Ensure accurate details to avoid issues, and check promo codes to secure the best online casino bonus.

    How We Selected The Best Online Casino

    Our selection of the best online casino for 2025 involved a rigorous, multi-faceted evaluation to ensure a safe, rewarding experience. Here’s a detailed breakdown of our methodology, which led us to crown 7Bit Casino as the top online casino:

    License and Security

    A valid license is non-negotiable for trust. 7Bit Casino operates under a Curacao eGaming license, a respected authority ensuring compliance with fair play and player protection standards (Casino.org). We verified that 7Bit uses 128-bit SSL encryption to secure all data transactions, safeguarding personal and financial information.

    Regular audits by independent bodies like eCOGRA confirm game fairness, with random number generators (RNGs) ensuring unbiased outcomes. We also assessed the casino’s privacy policies and data handling practices to ensure compliance with global standards, making 7Bit a secure, best real online casino.

    Bonuses and Promotions

    Bonuses significantly enhance player value. 7Bit’s 325% welcome bonus up to 5.25 BTC + 250 free spins is among the industry’s most competitive, distributed as:

    • 1st Deposit: 100% match + 100 free spins.
    • 2nd Deposit: 75% match + 100 free spins.
    • 3rd Deposit: 50% match.
    • 4th Deposit: 100% match + 50 free spins. We compared this to industry averages (typically 100-200% bonuses) and found 7Bit’s offer superior in value and flexibility. Ongoing promotions, including Monday 25% reloads, Wednesday free spins (up to 100), and 20% weekend cashback, were evaluated for fairness, with a 40x wagering requirement deemed reasonable (Bitcoin Casino Kings). We also checked for transparency in terms and conditions to ensure no hidden clauses.

    Game Variety

    A diverse game library is crucial for broad appeal. 7Bit Casino excels with over 10,000 games, covering slots, table games, live dealer options, and crypto-specific titles. We assessed the range across categories, ensuring options for casual players and high rollers. The inclusion of demo modes for risk-free play was a significant advantage, rare among top casinos online. We also evaluated game accessibility across devices, confirming seamless performance on desktops and mobiles.

    Game Providers

    Quality depends on providers. 7Bit partners with industry leaders like NetEnt (known for Starburst), Microgaming (Mega Moolah), Betsoft (3D slots), and Evolution Gaming (live dealer excellence). These providers are renowned for high-quality graphics, innovative features, and certified fairness, ensuring a premium gaming experience. We verified that all games undergo regular testing for RNG integrity, reinforcing 7Bit’s status as a best-rated online casino.

    Banking Methods

    Fast, secure payments are essential. 7Bit supports cryptocurrencies (Bitcoin, Ethereum, Litecoin, Dogecoin, Tether, Ripple) with instant transactions, ideal for best online real money casino players. Fiat options include Visa, Mastercard, Skrill, and Neteller, with instant deposits and 1-3 day withdrawals. Bank transfers, while slower (3-5 days), cater to traditional players. We tested transaction speeds and confirmed no hidden fees, with minimums at $10 or 0.0005 BTC and a $4,000 withdrawal cap (Cryptovantage).

    Customer Support

    Responsive support is a hallmark of excellence. 7Bit offers 24/7 live chat and email support (support@7bitcasino.com). Our tests showed response times under 2 minutes for live chat and within 24 hours for email. The comprehensive FAQ section addresses common queries, enhancing the user experience. We also assessed staff knowledge and friendliness, finding 7Bit’s team exceptional.

    This thorough methodology confirms 7Bit Casino as the best online casino for 2025, excelling in all critical areas.

    Best Online Casino Games At 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino’s game library, with over 10,000 titles, makes it the best-rated online casino for variety. Powered by top providers like NetEnt, Microgaming, Betsoft, and Evolution Gaming, it offers something for every player, from casual gamers to seasoned strategists. Here’s an in-depth look at its offerings:

    Online Slots

    With over 7,000 slots, 7Bit caters to all tastes. Popular titles include Mega Moolah, offering multi-million-dollar progressive jackpots, and Starburst, known for vibrant visuals and frequent payouts (Bitcoin Casino Kings). Crypto-specific slots like 7Bit Bonanza appeal to digital currency users. Slots feature diverse themes (adventure, mythology, pop culture), high RTPs (up to 98%), and bonus rounds like free spins and multipliers. Players can filter by volatility or provider, enhancing accessibility.

    Blackjack

    Offering 162 variants, 7Bit includes classics like Single Deck Blackjack (better odds) and innovative options like Atlantic City Blackjack with unique rules (Coincentral). Variants cater to different strategies, with low-stakes tables for beginners and high-stakes options for pros. Live blackjack tables add real-time excitement.

    Roulette

    With 113 versions, players can enjoy European Roulette (single zero, better odds), American Roulette, and Multi-Wheel Roulette for multiplied action. Unique variants like Lightning Roulette offer random multipliers up to 500x, adding thrill. High-quality graphics and customizable betting options enhance the experience.

    Poker

    108 poker options include video poker (Jacks or Better, Deuces Wild) and live tables (Caribbean Stud, Texas Hold’em). Stakes range from micro to high, accommodating all skill levels. Live poker features professional dealers, fostering competitive play.

    Live Dealer Games

    Powered by Evolution Gaming, 7Bit’s live dealer section includes blackjack, roulette, baccarat, and game shows like Dream Catcher. High-definition streaming, interactive chat, and multiple camera angles create an immersive experience, rivaling land-based casinos.

    Instant Win Games

    279 titles like Aviator (crash game), Plinko (chance-based), and digital scratch cards offer quick, engaging play. These games are ideal for players seeking instant results with minimal strategy.

    This diverse, high-quality library positions 7Bit as the best casino online for gaming variety.

    Best Online Casino Payment Methods At 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino excels in banking, offering versatile options for a seamless, best online real money casino experience. Its hybrid system supports both cryptocurrencies and fiat methods, catering to diverse player needs.

    Cryptocurrencies

    7Bit supports Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), Litecoin (LTC), Dogecoin (DOGE), Tether (USDT), and Ripple (XRP), with instant deposits and withdrawals (Cryptovantage). Crypto offers anonymity, low fees (often under $1), and blockchain security, making it ideal for privacy-conscious players. Minimum deposits start at 0.0005 BTC, with no upper withdrawal limits for crypto.

    Debit/Credit Cards

    Visa, Mastercard, and Maestro are accepted, with instant deposits. Withdrawals take 1-3 days, standard for fiat methods. Cards are popular for their familiarity, though fees may apply (typically 2-3%).

    E-Wallets

    Skrill, Neteller, and EcoPayz provide instant transactions, combining speed and security. E-wallets are favored for not requiring direct bank details, with no fees on most transactions.

    Bank Transfer

    Suitable for large withdrawals, bank transfers are secure but slower, taking 3-5 days. Fees may apply, and minimum withdrawals are higher ($50).

    Transaction Limits

    Minimum deposits are $10 or 0.0005 BTC, accessible for all budgets. Maximum withdrawals are $4,000 per transaction, though VIPs can negotiate higher limits.

    7Bit’s diverse, fast, and secure payment options make it the best casino site leader, ensuring players can focus on gaming, not transactions.

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    Responsible Gambling at 7Bit Casino

    As a best casino online, 7Bit Casino prioritizes player safety with a robust suite of responsible gambling tools to prevent problematic behavior and promote healthy gaming habits.

    • Deposit Limits: Players can set daily, weekly, or monthly caps on deposits to manage spending. This tool helps budget-conscious players avoid overspending, ensuring gambling remains enjoyable.
    • Loss Limits: Loss limits restrict the amount players can lose over a set period (e.g., daily or weekly). Once reached, play is paused until the period resets, preventing chasing losses.
    • Wagering Limits: These cap total bets within a timeframe, helping players control risk and maintain disciplined gambling habits, especially during high-stake sessions.
    • Session Time Limits: Players can limit playtime per session. When the limit is reached, they’re logged out, encouraging breaks and balancing gaming with other activities.
    • Cooling-Off Periods: Temporary account suspensions (24 hours to months) allow players to step back from gambling, ideal for those needing a break to reassess habits.
    • Reality Checks: Pop-up notifications alert players to their session duration (e.g., every 30 minutes), fostering awareness and prompting breaks to avoid excessive play.

    These measures make 7Bit the best online casino for player welfare.

    VIP Program at 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino’s 12-level VIP program rewards loyalty with Comp Points (CPs) earned at a rate of 1 CP per $12.5 wagered on real-money bets (Wisergamblers). Progression through levels unlocks escalating benefits, enhancing the best online casino experience.

    • Earning CPs: Every real-money bet contributes to CPs, tracked in the player’s account. Slots typically earn CPs faster than table games due to higher house edges.
    • Level Benefits:
      • Levels 1-3: 10-50 free spins on select slots (e.g., Starburst).
      • Levels 4-6: $10-$50 cash bonuses with 30x wagering.
      • Levels 7-9: 10-15% cashback and exclusive tournament access.
      • Levels 10-12: Personalized offers, priority withdrawals (under 10 minutes), and dedicated account managers.
    • Additional Perks: Higher levels offer birthday bonuses, higher withdrawal limits, and invitations to VIP-only events.

    The program’s transparency and tangible rewards make 7Bit the best casino site choice for loyal players seeking long-term value.

    Tournaments and Competitions

    7Bit Casino keeps excitement high with regular tournaments, offering players chances to win cash, free spins, and crypto prizes.

    • Daily Drop Tournaments: Held daily with 0.5-1 BTC prize pools, these focus on specific slots or table games. Players earn points based on wins or bets, with top leaderboard finishers (e.g., top 10) sharing prizes. Example: A slot tournament on Book of Dead might award 100 free spins to the winner.
    • Special Event Tournaments: Tied to holidays or milestones, these feature larger pools (up to 10 BTC). Themes like “Christmas Jackpot” or “Summer Spin Fest” include curated game lists, with prizes for top 50 players. Participation requires playing qualifying games during the event period.
    • How to Join: Opt-in via the tournaments page, play eligible games, and track progress on real-time leaderboards. No entry fees apply, making it accessible.

    These events add competitive thrill, positioning 7Bit as a top casinos online destination.

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    Why 7Bit Stands Out Globally

    7Bit Casino’s global appeal stems from its accessibility and player-centric features, making it the best online casino:

    • Multilingual Interface: Supports English, German, French, Russian, Italian, Japanese, and more, ensuring players from diverse regions can navigate easily. The interface auto-adjusts to the user’s language, enhancing usability.
    • Diverse Currencies: Offers fiat (EUR, USD, AUD, CAD, NOK, PLN, NZD) and crypto (BTC, ETH, LTC, DOGE, USDT, XRP) options, eliminating conversion hassles. Players can switch currencies seamlessly.
    • VPN Accessibility: In restricted regions, 7Bit permits VPN use, allowing secure access without compromising account integrity. This is ideal for players in jurisdictions with gambling bans.
    • Crypto Gaming Focus: Over 4,000 Bitcoin-based games, like BTC Blackjack and Bitcoin Roulette, cater to crypto enthusiasts. These games leverage blockchain for transparency, appealing to tech-savvy players.

    These features make 7Bit the best casino online for a global audience, combining flexibility, security, and innovation.

    Mobile Gaming at 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino’s mobile platform is a standout feature, offering a seamless best online casino experience on iOS and Android devices. The responsive website, built with HTML5, ensures all 10,000+ games are accessible without a dedicated app. Players can enjoy slots, live dealer games, and instant win titles on the go, with intuitive navigation and fast load times. Mobile banking supports instant crypto transactions, and 24/7 support is available via live chat, making 7Bit a best casino sites leader for mobile gaming.

    7Bit Casino Conclusion: The Best Online Casino

    After evaluating global platforms, 7Bit Casino is the best online casino for 2025. Its 10,000+ games, from slots to live dealers, cater to all preferences, powered by top providers like NetEnt and Evolution Gaming.

    The 325% welcome bonus up to 5.25 BTC + 250 free spins, plus ongoing promotions, delivers unmatched value. Instant crypto payouts, robust security via Curacao licensing and SSL encryption, and 24/7 support via live chat and email (support@7bitcasino.com) ensure a seamless experience. Responsible gambling tools and a 12-level VIP program further elevate 7Bit as the top online casino for real-money gaming worldwide.

    Frequently Asked Questions

    • What makes 7Bit Casino the best online casino?

    7Bit Casino excels with over 10,000 games, a 325% bonus up to 5.25 BTC, 250 free spins, instant crypto payouts, and robust security, making it ideal for global players.

    • Is 7Bit Casino licensed and secure?

    Licensed by Curacao eGaming, 7Bit Casino uses 128-bit SSL encryption and provably fair algorithms, ensuring a safe and fair gaming environment for all players.

    • What bonuses does 7Bit Casino offer?

    7Bit Casino provides a 325% welcome bonus up to 5.25 BTC, 250 free spins, plus reload bonuses, cashbacks, and free spins for ongoing player rewards.

    • Can I play 7Bit Casino games on mobile?

    7Bit Casino’s mobile-optimized platform supports iOS and Android, offering seamless access to 10,000+ games for gaming on the go.

    • What payment methods does 7Bit Casino accept?

    7Bit Casino supports Bitcoin, Ethereum, Litecoin, Visa, Mastercard, Skrill, and more, with instant crypto withdrawals and flexible fiat options.

    • Does 7Bit Casino require KYC verification?

    KYC is required for withdrawals over $2,000 at 7Bit Casino, involving photo ID and address verification to ensure security.

    • Are there country restrictions at 7Bit Casino?

    7Bit Casino is restricted in some regions; players should review terms to confirm eligibility, as access varies by jurisdiction.

    • How fast are withdrawals at 7Bit Casino?

    Crypto withdrawals at 7Bit Casino are instant, while fiat withdrawals via Visa or bank transfer take 1-3 days for processing.

    • What games are available at 7Bit Casino?

    7Bit Casino offers slots, blackjack, roulette, poker, live dealer games, and instant win titles, with 10,000+ options for all players.

    • Why is 7Bit Casino the best real money online casino?

    7Bit Casino leads with its vast game selection, generous bonuses, instant payouts, and robust security, making it the top choice for real-money gaming.

    Email: support@7bitcasino.com

    Legal Disclaimer

    This content is for informational and entertainment purposes only and is not legal, financial, or gambling advice. Information is presented “as is,” with no warranties on accuracy or completeness. Readers must verify information and ensure compliance with local gambling laws. The publisher and authors are not liable for losses or consequences from using this information.

    Affiliate Disclosure

    Some links may be affiliate links, earning a commission at no cost to you. Recommendations are based on objective criteria, and affiliate partnerships do not influence content or conclusions.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/c2b1b32c-15fa-44db-8e7f-2136c3a99b3b

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: Best Online Casinos New Zealand: 7Bit Casino Picked as Top Casino for NZ Players

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    WELLINGTON, New Zealand, April 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — After spending some time exploring various online casinos in New Zealand, it became clear that most just didn’t deliver when it came to bonuses or overall experience. That’s when a few local players in New Zealand pointed us toward something better- 7Bit Casino. It stood out from the moment we signed up, kicking things off with a massive welcome bonus. With thousands of games and easy crypto payments, it turned out to be one of the smoothest and most enjoyable platforms we’ve tried.

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    Our Favourite Overall Casino New Zealand: 7Bit

    7Bit Casino earns its place as the top pick for the best online casinos in New Zealand due to its all-around excellence. Its massive game selection, from classic pokies like Mega Moolah to immersive live dealer tables, ensures endless entertainment. The anonymous online casino approach, combined with robust security, appeals to players who value privacy. Regular promotions, such as weekly cashback and free spins, keep the experience fresh. For Kiwi players, 7Bit’s blend of variety, bonuses, and fast payouts makes it a standout.

    The casino’s commitment to innovation, such as integrating cryptocurrencies and offering a seamless mobile experience, sets it apart. Its retro aesthetic adds a unique charm, making every session visually engaging. Whether you’re a casual player or a high roller, 7Bit delivers a gaming experience that’s hard to beat.

    7Bit Casino Features

    7Bit Casino has earned its spot as one of the best online casinos in New Zealand. Licensed by Curacao and trusted for over a decade, it offers a secure, reliable experience for real money players. With a massive library of 10,000+ games, including pokies, table games, and live dealers, it covers all bases.

    The site supports Pay ID and crypto, making deposits and withdrawals fast and hassle-free. Its sleek, retro design works flawlessly on both desktop and mobile. Regular tournaments, a rewarding VIP program, and no KYC requirements give players flexibility, privacy, and extra perks.

    Whether you’re spinning the reels or playing live blackjack, 7Bit delivers top-tier entertainment for Kiwi gamblers in 2025.

    Why 7Bit Casino Stands Out From Other Casinos

    • Vast Game Selection: 10,000+ games, including slots, table games, live dealers, and Bitcoin exclusives from top providers.
    • Big Bonuses: Get 325% up to 10800 NZD + 250 FS
    • Crypto Support: Accepts BTC, ETH, LTC, DOGE with fast deposits and withdrawals, plus fiat options.
    • Fair Play: Provably fair games like Plinko and Aviator ensure transparency.
    • Easy to Use: Mobile-friendly, intuitive design with demo modes.
    • 24/7 Help: Live chat and email support in multiple languages.

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    How to Join 7Bit Casino

    Joining 7Bit Casino is straightforward, making it easy to dive into the Best Online Casinos New Zealand. Follow these steps:

    1. Visit the Website: Go to the official 7Bit Casino site by clicking here.
    2. Register: Click “Sign Up” and fill in your email, password, and preferred currency.
    3. Verify Your Account: Check your email for a verification link.
    4. Deposit Funds: Choose from fiat or crypto payment methods, including Pay ID Casino options.
    5. Claim Your Bonus: Activate the 325% welcome bonus + 250 free spins on your first deposit.
    6. Start Playing: Explore the 10,000+ games and enjoy.

    The process takes minutes, and the best no KYC casino ensure minimal hassle for anonymous play. Always ensure you meet New Zealand’s legal gambling age (19) before signing up.

    Pros and Cons of 7Bit Casino

    Pros

    • Extensive game library with over 10,000 titles, including high-RTP pokies.
    • Generous welcome bonus: Get 325% up to 10800 NZD + 250 F
    • Supports multiple cryptocurrencies for fast, secure transactions.
    • Lightning-fast withdrawals via Pay ID Casino and crypto methods.
    • Frequent promotions and a rewarding VIP program.
    • Mobile-friendly platform with a robust app-like experience.

    Cons

    • High wagering requirements on bonuses can be challenging.
    • Bank transfers are slower compared to crypto or e-wallet options.
    • Limited customer support hours for live chat.

    Despite these drawbacks, 7Bit’s strengths make it a top contender among New Online Casinos in New Zealand, offering a balanced mix of entertainment and reliability.

    How We Selected the Best Online Casinos in New Zealand

    Choosing the best online casinos in New Zealand involves a rigorous evaluation process. Our experts assess multiple factors to ensure only top-tier platforms like 7Bit Casino make the cut. Here’s how we evaluate:

    1. License and Security

    A valid license is non-negotiable. 7Bit Casino holds a Curacao eGaming license, ensuring compliance with industry standards. SSL encryption protects player data, and provably fair games guarantee transparency. For players seeking an anonymous online casino, 7Bit’s minimal KYC requirements add an extra layer of privacy.

    2. Bonuses and Promotions
    Generous bonuses attract players, and 7Bit excels here. Its welcome package (Get 325% up to 10800 NZD + 250 FS) is unmatched. Ongoing promotions, like weekly cashback and daily free spins, keep players engaged. We also check wagering requirements to ensure fairness.

    • 1st Deposit Offer: 100% + 100 FS
    • 2nd Deposit Offer: 75% + 100 FS
    • 3rd Deposit Offer: 50% Match
    • 4th Deposit Offer: 100% + 50 FS
    • New Game Offer: 50 free spins
    • Easter Crypto Offer: 75 free spins
    • Spring Elite Offer: 100 free spins
    • Weekly Cashback: Up to 20%
    • Monday Offer: 25% + 50 FS
    • Wednesday Offer: Up to 100 free spins
    • Reload Friday Offer: 111 free spins
    • Reload Weekend Offer: 99 free spins
    • Telegram Offer: 50 free spins
    • Telegram Friday Offer: 111 free spins
    • Telegram Sunday Offer: 66 free spins

    3. Casino Games

    A diverse game library is crucial. 7Bit offers over 10,000 games, including pokies, table games, and live dealer options. High-RTP titles like Johnny Cash and Mega Moolah are highlights, catering to all skill levels.

    4. Casino Game Providers

    Top providers ensure quality. 7Bit partners with industry leaders like NetEnt, Microgaming, Betsoft, and Evolution Gaming. These providers deliver cutting-edge graphics, smooth gameplay, and innovative features.

    5. Banking Methods

    Flexible payment options are vital. 7Bit supports fiat (Visa, Mastercard, Neosurf) and cryptocurrencies (Bitcoin, Ethereum, Litecoin), ensuring fast, secure transactions. The Pay ID Casino feature simplifies deposits for Kiwi players.

    6. Customer Support

    Reliable support enhances trust. 7Bit offers 24/7 live chat, email, and a comprehensive FAQ. While phone support is absent, the live chat team is responsive and knowledgeable.

    Our methodology ensures that only the best online casinos in New Zealand, like 7Bit, meet the needs of Kiwi players, balancing fun, safety, and convenience.

    How We Choosed 7Bit as Best Online Casino NZ

    Selecting top-rated casino sites like 7Bit involves a detailed process. We prioritize player experience, focusing on usability, game variety, and payout speed. Security is paramount, with licensed platforms like 7Bit undergoing regular audits. Bonuses must be generous yet fair, and customer support should be accessible. For New Online Casinos, we also consider innovation, such as crypto integration or unique features like 7Bit’s best no KYC casino option. This ensures only the best platforms shine.

    We also analyze user reviews and industry trends to gauge reputation. 7Bit’s decade-long presence and positive feedback from Kiwi players solidify its status. By combining objective metrics with real-world insights, we identify casinos that deliver exceptional value.

    The Selection Process: Defining Excellence in Online Gaming

    Our selection process for the best online casinos in New Zealand is thorough and transparent. We evaluate casinos based on:

    • Game Quality and Variety: Platforms must offer diverse, high-quality games. 7Bit’s 10,000+ titles set a high standard.
    • User Experience: Intuitive navigation and mobile compatibility are key. 7Bit’s retro design and responsive platform excel here.
    • Bonuses and Fairness: Promotions should enhance play without excessive restrictions. 7Bit’s free spins and cashback offers are player-friendly.
    • Payment Flexibility: Fast, secure methods are essential. 7Bit’s crypto and Pay ID Casino options cater to modern needs.
    • Security and Trust: Licensing, encryption, and fair play are non-negotiable. 7Bit’s Curacao license and SSL protection ensure safety.

    This process confirms 7Bit as a leader among New Online Casinos, delivering excellence in every aspect of online gaming.

    Games Offered in 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino is a gaming paradise, offering over 10,000 games to suit every taste. From classic pokies to immersive live dealer tables, the variety is staggering. Popular titles like Mega Moolah, Raging Lion, and Johnny Cash offer high RTPs and thrilling gameplay. The casino also features instant-win games, scratch cards, and progressive jackpots, ensuring something for everyone. For fans of best online casinos New Zealand, 7Bit’s library is a treasure trove.

    The platform regularly updates its catalog with new releases, keeping the experience fresh. Tournaments add a competitive edge, with cash prizes and free spins up for grabs. Whether you’re a casual player or a seasoned gambler, 7Bit’s diverse offerings make it a top choice.

    1.   Craps

    Craps at 7Bit Casino is a thrilling dice game with multiple betting options. Available in both RNG and live dealer formats, it appeals to players seeking fast-paced action. The game’s intuitive interface and high-quality graphics enhance the experience. For fans of the Best Online Casinos New Zealand, craps at 7Bit offers a dynamic way to test luck and strategy. New players can use free spins or bonuses to explore the game risk-free.

    2.   Live Dealer Games

    7Bit’s live dealer games bring the casino floor to your screen. Powered by Evolution Gaming and Pragmatic Play, options include blackjack, roulette, baccarat, and game shows like Dream Catcher. High-definition streaming and professional dealers create an immersive experience. The anonymous online casino feature allows discreet play, making 7Bit a top pick for live gaming enthusiasts in the Best Online Casinos New Zealand.

    Live tables cater to all budgets, with low-stake and VIP options. The social aspect, with real-time chat, adds excitement, replicating a land-based casino vibe.

    3.   Poker

    Poker at 7Bit includes video poker, RNG table games, and live dealer variants like Texas Hold’em and Caribbean Stud. Titles like Jacks or Better and Deuces Wild offer high RTPs, appealing to strategic players. Tournaments add a competitive edge, with cash prizes and leaderboards. For Kiwi players, 7Bit’s poker selection is a highlight among New Online Casinos, supported by generous bonuses like free spins for new players.

    4.   Roulette

    Roulette at 7Bit comes in multiple variants, including European, American, and French. RNG and live dealer options cater to different preferences, with Evolution Gaming’s live tables standing out for their quality. The game’s simplicity and high stakes make it a favorite in the Best Online Casinos New Zealand. Players can use bonuses to explore strategies like Martingale or D’Alembert without risking much.

    5.   Blackjack

    Blackjack at 7Bit is a staple, with classic, multi-hand, and live dealer versions. Titles like Blackjack Surrender and Infinite Blackjack offer unique twists. Low house edges and strategic depth make it ideal for skilled players. The Pay ID Casino feature ensures quick deposits, letting you jump into the action. 7Bit’s blackjack offerings solidify its status as a leader in Best Online Casinos New Zealand.

    6.   Slots

    Slots dominate 7Bit’s library, with over 8,000 titles from providers like NetEnt and Betsoft. Popular pokies include Mega Moolah, Starburst, and Raging Lion, known for high RTPs and massive jackpots. Themes range from classic fruit machines to modern video slots with immersive storylines. free spins promotions make slots accessible, enhancing 7Bit’s appeal as a best no KYC casino for slot enthusiasts.

    Progressive jackpots offer life-changing payouts, while regular tournaments keep the excitement alive. 7Bit’s slot variety is unmatched, making it a go-to for Kiwi players.

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    Payment Options Available in 7Bit Casino

    7Bit Casino offers a wide range of payment methods, catering to both traditional and crypto-savvy players. Below is a comprehensive list based on the uploaded document and additional research:

    Fiat Currency Methods

    • Visa: Secure credit/debit card deposits, processed instantly.
    • Mastercard: Widely accepted, with fast deposits but slower withdrawals.
    • Neosurf: Prepaid voucher for anonymous deposits.
    • Skrill: E-wallet with instant deposits and withdrawals.
    • Neteller: Popular e-wallet for quick, secure transactions.
    • PaysafeCard: Prepaid option for safe deposits.
    • Interac: Canadian-focused method, also available for Kiwi players.
    • Bank Transfer: Reliable but slower, with withdrawals taking 3-5 days.
    • MuchBetter: Mobile-friendly e-wallet with low fees.
    • EcoPayz: Versatile e-wallet for fast transactions.

    Cryptocurrency Methods

    • Bitcoin (BTC): Fast, anonymous deposits and withdrawals.
    • Litecoin (LTC): Low-fee alternative to Bitcoin.
    • Ethereum (ETH): Secure blockchain-based transactions.
    • Dogecoin (DOGE): Fun, low-cost crypto option.
    • Binance Coin (BNB): Growing in popularity for casino payments.
    • Tether (USDT): Stablecoin for consistent value.
    • Ripple (XRP): Fast and cost-effective crypto payments.

    Additional Notes

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    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: Exosens delivers strong revenue growth in Q1 2025 in a dynamic defense market environment; Fully on track to 2025 guidance

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    EXOSENS DELIVERS STRONG REVENUE GROWTH IN Q1 2025 IN A DYNAMIC DEFENSE MARKET ENVIRONMENT

    FULLY ON TRACK TO 2025 GUIDANCE

    HIGHLIGHTS

    • Sustained revenue growth of +21.1% to €104.9m in Q1 2025, reflecting strong like-for-like performance (+18.0%)
      • Continued strong growth in Amplification revenue (+29.1% vs. Q1 2024), driven by a growing demand of image intensifier tubes for Defense night vision applications from NATO and Tier-1 allies forces
      • Detection & Imaging revenue slightly down (-1.0% vs. Q1 2024), affected by temporary headwinds mostly related to Telops, the Group’s imaging systems business in Canada (+16% growth vs. Q1 2024 excluding Telops). Growth is expected to resume and accelerate throughout the remainder of the year supported by solid underlying end-market trends
    • Adjusted gross margin up +28.1% to €52.6m in Q1 2025 (margin rate of 50.1%, +270bps vs. Q1 2024), mainly driven by strong Amplification growth (+39.5%)
    • Closing of Noxant acquisition, reinforcing Exosens’ position in high-performance cooled infrared imaging, particularly in fast growing Defense and Surveillance markets

    OUTLOOK

    • Fully on track to deliver on 2025 guidance: continued strong performance expected, with revenue growth in the high-teens and adjusted EBITDA growth in the low twenties

    Mérignac (France), 28 April 2025 – Exosens (EXENS; FR001400Q9V2), a high-tech company focused on providing mission and performance-critical amplification, detection and imaging technologies, today publishes its revenue and adjusted gross margin for the first quarter of 2025.

    “After a very successful 2024, which marked a turning point in our trajectory and saw us exceed our IPO guidance, we are proud to start 2025 with a strong Q1 performance, confirming the positive momentum across our core markets. Regarding our Defense-related activities, demand remains high amid increasing geopolitical tensions and sustained investment from NATO countries and Tier-1 allies. This solid start of the year demonstrates the strength of our positioning and our ability to execute. Amplification continues to be a key growth engine, supported by accelerating demand and increased capacity, while our Detection & Imaging segment is on track to deliver solid like-for-like growth, progressively improving over the course of the year.

    Supported by strong fundamentals , and solid operational performance, we are fully confident in our ability to deliver our 2025 objectives and continue creating long-term value for all stakeholders.” commented Jérôme Cerisier, CEO of Exosens.

    Strong revenue performance in Q1 2025 in a dynamic defense market environment

      Q1 2024 Q1 2025 Change Like-for-like
      In €m In €m In €m In % In %
    Amplification 63.3 81.7 +18.4 +29.1% +29.3%
    Detection & Imaging 24.2 24.0 (0.2) (1.0)% (13.0)%
    Eliminations & Other (0.8) (0.7) +0.1 n/a n/a
    Total revenue 86.7 104.9 +18.3 +21.1% +18.0%

    Exosens delivered strong revenue performance in Q1 2025, demonstrating its ability to continue its sustained growth trajectory. Consolidated revenue amounted to €104.9 million, which represented a growth of +21.1% (+€18.3 million) compared to Q1 2024. On a like-for-like basis, revenue grew by +18.0% year-over-year, driven by continued strong momentum in Defense end-markets.

    Amplification revenue amounted to €81.7 million in Q1 2025, marking a significant growth of +29.1% (+€18.4 million) compared to Q1 2024, reflecting higher sales volumes due to increased production capacity and growing demand of image intensifier tubes for Defense night vision applications.

    Reflecting this dynamic market environment, Exosens has continued benefiting from its position as the strategic supplier of NATO and Tier-1 allies, which have continued to ramp up their procurement of night vision systems on the back of the need for armies to enhance their night fighting capabilities. This positive trend was particularly noticeable in Europe with a number of major business wins, notably in Eastern and Northern Europe.

    Detection and Imaging revenue amounted to €24.0 million in Q1 2025, representing a small decline of -1.0% compared to Q1 2024. The first semester revenue contribution for Detection & Imaging is typically lower due to seasonality. On a like-for-like basis, D&I revenue was down -13.0% (-€3.1 million), mainly due to Telops, the Group’s Canadian-based imaging system business. Telops was temporarily impacted by US tariff uncertainties and reductions in federal science funding, which resulted in softer demand from US customers, as well as by delays in securing certain export licenses. Excluding Telops, D&I revenue grew by around +16% year-over-year and was broadly stable on a like-for-like basis.

    Exosens continued to see robust demand across its key high-growth markets, particularly in Nuclear and Defense & Surveillance.

    The Group expects D&I like-for-like growth to resume and accelerate throughout the remainder of the 2025 fiscal year, supported by solid underlying end-market trends.

    On the M&A front, Exosens closed on 13thMarch 2025 the acquisition of Noxant, a specialist in high-performance cooled infrared cameras. Noxant’s range of high-performance MWIR cooled camera cores provides complementary capabilities that meet the increasing demand for advanced infrared solutions, particularly for drone-based Defense and Surveillance applications where camera integration is required. Meaningful synergies are expected with Exosens’ imaging business leveraging its technologies portfolio and worldwide commercial reach.

    The Group has started Noxant’s integration process, which is expected to be finalized by end-June. Q1 2025 revenue and adjusted gross margin do not include any contribution from this acquisition.

    Otherwise, the closing of the acquisition of NVLS, a specialist in man-portable night vision and thermal devices, is expected to occur during Q2 2025, pending customary clearances and approvals.

    Adjusted gross margin up +28.1% in Q1 2025

      Q1 2024 Q1 2025 Change
      In €m % of sales In €m % of sales In €m In %
    Amplification 29.2 46.2% 40.8 49.9% +11.6 +39.5%
    Detection & Imaging 11.8 48.9% 11.8 49.3% (0.0) (0.1)%
    Eliminations & Other 0.0 n/a 0.0 n/a n/a n/a
    Adjusted gross margin 41.1 47.4% 52.6 50.1% +11.5 +28.1%

    Exosens recorded a strong increase in adjusted gross margin at Group level, mainly driven by higher sales volumes, improved yields and favorable product mix. The Group’s adjusted gross margin stood at €52.6 million in Q1 2025, reflecting a growth of +28.1% (+€11.5 million) compared to Q1 2024. As a percentage of consolidated revenue, adjusted gross margin was 50.1% in Q1 2025, representing an improvement of 270 basis points year-on-year.

    Adjusted gross margin for the Amplification segment reached €40.8 million in Q1 2025, recording a growth of +39.5% (+€11.6 million) compared to Q1 2024. Margin rate increased by 370 basis points to 49.9% in Q1 2025, driven by the strong growth in sales volume with increased production capacity, improved yields and favorable product mix.

    Adjusted gross margin for the Detection and Imaging segment amounted to €11.8 million in Q1 2025, stable compared to Q1 2024. Margin rate improved by 50 basis points to 49.3% in Q1 2025, despite lower revenue, driven by better yields, effective cost control, and supply chain synergies.

    Evolution of corporate governance

    The Board of Directors of Exosens, at its meeting on 25 April 25, proposed to the upcoming annual combined General Meeting on 23 May to appoint Bpifrance Investissement as a director.

    This nomination of Bpifrance Investissement, represented by Ms. Dorianne Bonfils as permanent representative, for a seat on the Board of Directors is aligned with Bpifrance Participations’ increased investment in Exosens’ share capital.

    Following the exercise of the call option on Exosens shares granted by HLD as part of Exosens’ IPO, Bpifrance Participations acquired an additional 2.7% stake in the share capital and voting rights on 25 April 2025 and now ranks as Exosens’ second-largest shareholder, holding 7.2% of the share capital and voting rights, behind the HLD Group.

    At its meeting on 25 April 2025, the Board of Directors, following the recommendation of Exosens’ Nominations and Compensation Committee, and after evaluating its independence according to the AFEP-MEDEF code criteria, confirmed Bpifrance Investissement’s status as an independent director, should it be appointed by the Company’s General Meeting.

    Outlook for 2025 and the 2024-2026 period confirmed

    Exosens expects a continued strong performance in 2025, with revenue growth in the high-teens and adjusted EBITDA growth in the low twenties compared to 2024.

    The Group expects a high-teens 2024-2026 adjusted EBITDA CAGR and a cash conversion1ratio in the range of 70%-75% over the period, taking into account capacity investment in Europe and in the US.

    Furthermore, the Group intends to pursue its growth strategy, at a pace consistent with historical trend, while maintaining a leverage ratio2of around 2x.

    Financial calendar

    • 29/04/2025: Publication of 2024 universal registration document;
    • 23/05/2025: Annual general meeting;
    • 31/07/2025: H1 2025 results (publication before market opening);
    • 27/10/2025: Q3 2025 revenue & adj. gross margin (publication before market opening).

    About Exosens

    Exosens is a high‐tech company, with more than 85 years of experience in the innovation, development, manufacturing and sale of high‐end electro‐optical technologies in the field of amplification, detection and imaging. Today, it offers its customers detection components and solutions such as travelling wave tubes, advanced cameras, neutron & gamma detectors, instrument detectors and light intensifier tubes. This allows Exosens to respond to complex issues in extremely demanding environments by offering tailor‐made solutions to its customers. Thanks to its sustained investments, Exosens is internationally recognized as a major innovator in optoelectronics, with production and R&D carried out on 11 sites, in Europe and North America, and with over 1,800 employees. Exosens is listed on compartment A of the regulated market of Euronext Paris ﴾Ticker: EXENS – ISIN: FR001400Q9V2﴿. Exosens is a member of Euronext Tech Leaders segment and is also included in several indices, including the SBF 120, CAC All-Tradable, CAC Mid 60, FTSE Total Cap and MSCI France Small Cap. For more information: www.exosens.com.

    Investor relations

    Laurent Sfaxi, l.sfaxi@exosens.com

    Media relations

    Brunswick Group, exosens@brunswickgroup.com

    APPENDIX

    Definitions

    Like-for-like growth is the revenue growth achieved by the Group excluding currency impact and scope effect, which corresponds to the revenue recorded during period “n” by all the companies included in the Group’s scope of consolidation at the end of period “n-1” (excluding any contribution from the companies acquired after the end of period “n-1”), compared with revenue achieved during period “n-1” by the same companies. Like-for-like growth for the first quarter of 2025 therefore excludes the contribution of Centronic and LR Tech, acquired by the Group in July 2024 and September 2024, respectively.

    Adjusted gross margin is equal to the difference between the selling price and the cost price of products and services (including notably employee benefits).

    Adjusted EBITDA is defined as operating profit, less (i) additions net of reversals to depreciation, amortization and impairment of non-current assets; (ii) non-recurring income and expenses as presented in the Group’s consolidated income statement within “Other income” and “Other expenses”, and (iii) the impact of items that do not reflect ordinary operating performance (in particular business reorganization and adaption costs, costs relating to acquisition and external growth transactions, as well as the IFRS 2 share-based payment expense).

    Cash conversion is calculated as follows: (adjusted EBITDA – capitalized research and development costs – capital expenditure) / adjusted EBITDA – capitalized research and development costs).

    Leverage ratio is calculated as net debt / adjusted EBITDA as defined in the Group’s Senior Credit Facilities Agreement entered into as part of the refinancing executed in the frame of the IPO.

    Forward-looking statements

    Certain information included in this press release are not historical facts but are forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements are based on current beliefs, expectations and assumptions, including, without limitation, assumptions regarding present and future business strategies and the environment in which Exosens operates, and involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors, which may cause actual results, performance or achievements to be materially different from the forward-looking statements included in this press release. These risks and uncertainties include those set out and detailed in Chapter 3 “Risk Factors” of the registration document approved on 22 May 2024 by the French financial markets’ authority (“Autorité des marchés financiers”) under number I. 24-010. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date of this press release and the Group expressly disclaims any obligation or undertaking to release any update or revisions to any forward-looking statements included in this press release to reflect any change in expectations or any change in events, conditions or circumstances on which these forward-looking statements are based. Forward-looking information and statements are not guarantees of future performances and are subject to various risks and uncertainties, many of which are difficult to predict and generally beyond the control of the Group. Actual results could differ materially from those expressed in, or implied or projected by, forward-looking information and statements. This press release is provided for information purposes only. It does not constitute and should not be deemed to constitute an offer to the public of securities.

    1 Cash conversion is defined as (adjusted EBITDA – capitalized R&D – capex) / (adjusted EBITDA – capitalized R&D).
    2 Leverage ratio is defined as net financial debt / adjusted EBITDA.

    Attachment

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to study looking at ultra-processed food consumption and premature deaths

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A study published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine looks at ultra-processed foods (UPFs) and premature mortality. 

    Prof Nita Forouhi, Professor of Population Health and Nutrition, MRC Epidemiology Unit, University of Cambridge, said:

    “There are limitations to this paper, including the points the authors themselves raised.  Nonetheless, evidence on the ‘health harms of UPF’ are accumulating and this paper does add to that body of evidence, and UPFs are unlikely to be healthful.

    “We already know that correlation does not necessarily mean causation.  But well conducted observational studies with long term prospective cohort data are often the best we are going to get realistically; we will not get randomised controlled trials (RCTs) of behaviours awaiting death or chronic disease events, and RCTs have their own biases and limitations, particularly for behavioural factors (different to taking medication vs placebo studies).  So we should not ignore such findings, especially as the current research has reported consistently similar associations in several countries which increases the degree of confidence.

    “In addition to the 8 countries they included for their population attributable fraction (PAF) estimates (Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, UK, USA), it would have been useful if they had also included the countries that provided the results on associations of UPFs with mortality but were not included (e.g. France, Italy, Spain).”

    Prof Kevin McConway, Emeritus Professor of Applied Statistics, Open University, said:

    “I’d be pretty cautious about the details and specific numerical estimates in this paper, for reasons I’ll explain.  Also, some of the terminology in the paper and the press release appears, in my opinion, much more definite about what’s causing what than the evidence in the paper merits.  That’s partly because some of the technical wording, even though it’s standard in this kind of research, doesn’t mean quite the same as it means in ordinary English.

    “The problems of interpretation arise because the studies involved are observational, but they go further than that.  The researchers have to make mathematical assumptions about exactly how UPF consumption is correlated with mortality risk, and even though they base these assumptions on data, there is at least one issue (described later).  And in calculating what’s known as the attributable epidemiological burden, or population attributable fraction, of UPF consumptions, the researchers may appear to be making a simple comparison, but in fact it’s a lot more complicated than you might think.

    “The data that the paper draws on for its conclusions, about consumption of UPFs and mortality, is all observational.  The researchers are not reporting any new data here – they are taking data from previous studies, and population estimates for the countries concerned, and putting it all together.  Nothing at all wrong with that – in fact in general it’s a good idea to review studies of the same things from different times and places, to see what overall picture emerges.

    “The seven studies that the authors of this paper used, to find an overall pooled estimate of the association between UPF consumption and all-cause mortality, are all themselves observational.  Again there’s nothing wrong with that – it’s pretty difficult, indeed impossible in most cases, to do a study linking diet to long-term health outcomes that is not observational.  Such a study would have to allocate different individuals to different diets, and somehow ensure that they stuck to these diets for many years.  So instead, researchers record what people eat, and then follow them up for a long time and record if and when they die.

    “This all means that it’s impossible, for any one study like that, to be sure whether differences in mortality between people who consume different UPF amounts are actually caused by differences in their UPF consumption.  There are bound to be many other differences between groups who consume different UPF amounts, in terms of other details of their diet, their lifestyle, their economic position, their sex and age, and so on.  These differences might be, in part or in whole, the reason for the differences in the risk of early death.  In other words, each individual study can find a correlation, an association, but can’t say for sure whether the association between UPF consumption and mortality is one of cause and effect.  It might be, or it might not.

    “The researchers in each of the studies reviewed in this new paper obviously are aware of this, and they all made statistical adjustments to allow for differences in other factors (though in different ways in different studies).  But that doesn’t make the problem disappear – you still can’t be sure from any study of this kind exactly what’s causing what.

    “The fact that the new paper puts together data from seven different observational studies does again help somewhat with the issue of what’s causing what, but it can’t deal with it entirely.  There have been many criticisms of interpretation of observational studies involving UPFs and health outcomes, some of them on the basis that UPFs are defined in rather different ways by different writers, or on the grounds that the mechanisms by which UPFs might actually cause ill health haven’t been established clearly enough.

    “I’m certainly not saying that there is no association between UPF consumption and ill health – just that it’s still far from clear whether consumption of just any UPF at all is bad for health, or of what aspect of UPFs might be involved.

    “Then there are particular aspects of this new study that make the interpretation more complicated than it would be for other observational studies of UPFs and health.

    “The authors begin by estimating the nature of the association between the consumption of UPFs and the risk of premature death.  That is, they aren’t just trying to see whether high levels of UPF consumption are correlated with higher mortality.  They want to know something more precise – exactly how much does the risk of dying increase, for every additional 10 per cent of a person’s calorie intake that comes from UPFs.  (Again, no assumption here that the increase in risk is all caused by UPFs.)  That sounds fine, but it involves assuming a particular mathematical form for the association (in the light of the data).

    “After that, the authors use the estimate of that association between UPF consumption and risk of early death to calculate estimates of the population fraction of premature deaths (ages 30-69) attributable to UPF consumption, for 8 different countries including the UK.  They use that to calculate estimates of the number of additional deaths in each of the 8 countries attributable to UPF consumption, and some of those numbers look pretty large.

    “This is done by taking data on the number of people in different groups (defined by age and sex) in each country.  This is then used to calculate how many would be expected to die at current levels of UPF consumption (using data from the estimate of the association between UPF consumption and premature death in all the studies that were put together in the first part of the work, so not just for the UK for example).  Finally this is compared with the number that would be expected to die in a theoretical population where nobody consumes (or ever consumed) UPFs.  No such population exists, not in a whole country, so this calculation has to be based on a statistical model.  Then the deaths attributable to UPF consumption is the difference between these two expected numbers of deaths.

    “What this sounds like, for the UK in 2018-19 for example, is that there would have been almost 18,000 fewer deaths of people aged between 30 and 69, if nobody in the country had consumed any UPFs (ever). However, that’s very far from the whole story, for a lot of reasons.

    “First, it doesn’t mean that, because the studies involved are observational, and as the authors of the new paper rightly point out, there could be factors that could not be adjusted for in the original studies, that are involved in causes of early death.  That’s why it’s called a population attributable fraction, rather than something even more definite, like population fraction caused by UPFs.  Technically, it can’t mean that we know we could save those lives just by changing UPF consumption.

    “But it’s deeper than that.  There isn’t a whole population in the UK or in the other seven countries in the study, where nobody ever consumed any UPFs.  So the comparison is being made between an estimate for current UPF consumption levels and an estimate for a theoretical population that can’t exist.  Even if somehow all UPFs were banned today, it would take many decades before there was a population where nobody had ever consumed UPFs.

    “And even if somehow we did get to that position, well, people have to eat something, and if they aren’t getting their calories from UPFs, they would need to get them from something else.  They might well not get them all in the same way that people who consume very few UPFs do today.  We just can’t tell.

    “So it’s not the case that we could save 18,000 premature deaths annually in the UK by taking action to reduce UPF consumption.  This doesn’t mean that taking such actions wouldn’t reduce early deaths – just that we can’t tell how much the reduction might be, or when it would occur, or how much longer the individuals concerned might have lived – not from the calculations in this paper.

    “I have some other concerns.

    “Several of the authors of the new paper collaborated on a previous paper, published in 2023 (reference 17 in the new paper, which is the reference given for the model used in the new paper for estimates of attributable deaths).  The 2023 paper uses similar methodology to make an estimate of the premature deaths attributable to UPFs in Brazil in 2019.  This uses similar data on the association between UPF consumption and premature mortality, from a systematic review and meta-analysis, to what’s used in the new paper, except that there are three additional studies reviewed in the new paper.  The estimate is only for Brazil, and is 57,000 deaths in a year.  The estimate for Brazil in the new paper is just over 25,000 deaths in a year.

    “The big difference between the 2023 and the 2025 estimates for Brazil seems to be very largely because of a different assumption made in the two papers about the mathematical form of the association between UPF consumption and death risk.  (In the jargon, they use a log-linear model in the 2023 paper but a linear model in the 2025 paper.)  The new estimate is based on more data from more countries – but the big difference does emphasise the importance of mathematical modelling assumptions.  Data can throw light on what assumptions are appropriate, but don’t tie things down very firmly at all in a situation like this.

    “Finally, the systematic review and meta-analysis in the new paper is missing some of the technical details that one normally sees in this kind of work.  The paper is very unclear on how the researchers chose the studies they included in their review, which after all drives all the estimates of attributable deaths.  The authors write that studies were selected ‘on the basis of recently published systematic reviews’.  That’s not normally the way it’s done, and in any case three of the included studies were not mentioned in the systematic reviews that are referred to in the new paper.  I don’t know where the researchers got them.  They may well be perfectly respectable studies – I haven’t had time to look at them – but really the authors of the new paper should have been much clearer about what they were doing, if we are to be confident about their conclusions.  Also it’s usual in a systematic review to give some assessment of the quality of the research studies that were included, and that just isn’t done here.  None of this increases trust in how the work was done.”

    Dr Nerys Astbury, Associate Professor – Diet & Obesity, Nuffield Department of Primary Health Care Sciences, University of Oxford, said:

    “Here Nilson and colleagues report findings from a study reporting associations between consumption of Ultra Processed Foods (UPF), defined by the NOVA classification system, and premature mortality.

    “This study combines evidence on dietary intake of UPF from Columbia, Brazil, Australia, Canda, United Kingdom and USA and reports that for each 10% increase in proportion of UPF in the diet there was a 3% increase in all-cause mortality.  The authors then used a mathematical formula to estimate the population attributable fraction, which is an estimate of the number of deaths which could be prevented if the exposure (consumption of UPF) was eliminated.  It is important to note this does not mean that these deaths were caused by UPF consumption.  The methods of this study simply cannot determine this.

    “It’s been established for some time including in the Global Burden of Disease Consortium that consuming diets higher in energy, fat and sugar can have detrimental effects on health, including premature mortality.  This study adds to the body of evidence on the association between UPF and ill health and disease.  However, many UPF tend to be high in these nutrients, and studies to date have been unable to determine with certainty whether the effects of UPF are independent of the already established effects of diets high in foods which are energy dense and contain large amounts of fat and sugar.

    “The authors of the study conclude that advice to reduce UPF consumption should be included in national dietary guideline recommendations and in public policies.  However, rushing to add recommendations on UPF to these recommendations is not warranted based on this study in my opinion.  Many national dietary guidelines and recommendations already advise the reduction of consumption of energy dense high-fat high-sugar foods, which typically fall into the UPF group.  Adding additional recommendations based on UPF could cause consumer confusion – some foods may be considered unhealthy by nutrient standards, but not so by NOVA classification (and vice versa).

    “This study and other similar studies that have explored the association between UPF and diet related disease, have used the NOVA classification system invented by Dr Carlos Monteiro (an author on this paper).  In my view the NOVA system which defines foods according to different levels of food processing has many limitations, including arbitrary definitions and overly broad food categories, the over-emphasis of food ingredients opposed to the processing per se and the difficult practical application of the system in accurately classifying foods.  This is especially notable when attempting to classify foods from dietary data collected in large cohort studies, as in this study.

    “More research is needed to ascertain a causal link between UPF and disease and to establish the mechanisms involved.”

    Dr Stephen Burgess, statistician in the MRC Biostatistics Unit, University of Cambridge, said:

    “This study assesses observational associations rather than interventions, and so it is not able to make reliable causal claims.  That is to say, it shows that individuals who consume higher levels of ultraprocessed foods have greater risk of premature mortality, rather than showing that increasing your consumption of ultraprocessed foods would increase your mortality risk.  However, the similarity of findings across populations is notable, as consistent associations were seen in a variety of contexts, including those where high consumption of ultraprocessed foods is a sign of relative wealth and those where it is a sign of relative deprivation.  This type of research cannot prove that consumption of ultraprocessed foods is harmful, but it does provide evidence linking consumption with poorer health outcomes.  It is possible that the true causal risk factor is not ultraprocessed foods, but a related risk factor such as better physical fitness – and ultraprocessed foods is simply an innocent bystander.  But, when we see these associations replicated across many countries and cultures, it raises suspicion that ultraprocessed foods may be more than a bystander.”

    ‘Premature Mortality Attributable to Ultraprocessed Food Consumption in 8 Countries’ by Eduardo A.F. Nilson et al. was published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine at 05:05 UK time on Monday 28 April 2025. 

    DOI: 10.1016/j.amepre.2025.02.018

    Declared interests

    Prof Nita Forouhi: “No conflicts of interest to declare.”

    Prof Kevin McConway: “Previously a Trustee of the SMC and a member of its Advisory Committee.”

    Dr Nerys Astbury: “No conflicts.”

    Dr Stephen Burgess: “No relevant conflict of interest to declare.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why film and TV creators will still risk it all for the perfect long take shot

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kristian Ramsden, PhD Candidate, University of Adelaide

    Apple TV

    In the second episode of Apple TV’s The Studio (2025–) – a sharp satirical take on contemporary Hollywood – newly-appointed studio head Matt Remick (Seth Rogen) visits the set of one of his company’s film productions.

    He finds the crew anxiously attempting to pull off an extremely audacious and technically demanding shot known as a “oner”, or “long take”. Chaos ensues.

    But despite the difficulties associated with it, the long take has a long history and continues to be a promising creative choice in contemporary film and television.

    High stakes on the set

    The long take is a shot which captures a scene in a single, unbroken take.

    It’s a risky endeavour. While most film and TV production is constructed through the use of coverage – different shots edited together – the long take can’t hide behind the editing process. Every minute detail needs to be perfectly planned, executed and captured.

    As a result, the oner is often associated with big, ostentatious, showstopping set pieces that exemplify technical and directorial prowess. Think of the “Copacabana” sequence from Goodfellas (1990), or the opening scene of Children of Men (2006).

    The shot has gained a cultish type of reverence among film enthusiasts, with countless online articles and videos counting down the “best long takes in film history”.

    Yet the practice also has its detractors. Film critic A.A. Dowd’s recent article for The Ringer says that “to the unimpressed, oners often come across as an act of glorified self-glorification”.

    This dichotomy is also highlighted in The Studio, when one executive complains long takes are just directors showing off. Rogen’s character counters the oner is, in fact, “the ultimate cinematic achievement”.

    A theory of the long take

    The long take has existed in nearly every stage of film history – from silent films to sound, from Asian films to European, and from art-house to mainstream.

    The greatest advocate of the long take was arguably French film theorist André Bazin. In his piece The Evolution of Film Language, Bazin argued cinema’s greatest asset was its ability to capture reality – and the long take was central to his understanding of how film achieved that.

    For Bazin, editing “did not show us the event, but alluded to it”. To illustrate his point, he examines a scene from Robert Flaherty’s controversial silent documentary Nanook of the North (1922), in which a hunter patiently waits for his prey.

    The passage of time could have been suggested by editing but, as Bazin notes, Flaherty “confines himself to showing the actual waiting period”. If the act of editing creates a synthetic manipulation of space and time, then the long take does the opposite – bringing us closer to a true representation of reality. For Bazin, the length “is the very substance of the image”.

    The tradition of the long take – of showing “reality” – is perhaps most upheld in the world of art-house cinema. Directors such as Chantal Akerman, Béla Tarr, Hou Hsiao-Hsien and Tsai Ming-liang have used the long take to “de-dramatise” narrative, creating a deliberately slow pace to prompt audiences to contemplate aspects of existence traditional narratives usually ignore.

    Mainstream cinema also uses the long take to show “reality”, albeit in a different manner. Here, the long take has often been used as a mark of authenticity for the amazing feats of practical performers, whether this is the wild stunts or camera trickery of Buster Keaton, the balletic graces of Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers or this white-knuckled fight scene from The Protector (2005), starring Thai martial artist Tony Jaa.

    However, our strong association between the oner and a distinct directorial vision likely began with Citizen Kane (1941). In this film, screen reality itself is manipulated, as director Orson Welles and cinematographer Gregg Toland liberated the camera to move as if it was its own player in the drama.

    In the below example, the camera starts outside, before reversing backwards through a window and two different rooms. The actors are constantly repositioning themselves around the camera for dramatic impetus, rather than for reality.

    Bazin would refer to this as “shooting in depth”. Subsequent auteurs also embraced this technique, including William Wyler, Max Ophüls, Stanley Kubrick and Steven Spielberg.

    Many viewed it as a chance to up the ante from Welles, something the director did himself with the remarkable opening sequence of his 1958 film Touch of Evil.

    The future of the long take

    There are far too many oners for me to list here, and they seem to only be increasing. It’s now common to see entire films seemingly shot in one take, such as Russian Ark (2002), Birdman (2014), 1917 (2019) and Boiling Point (2021), to name a few.

    Technological advancements have made the long take more achievable. Camera stabilisers enable greater freedom of movement, while digital camera tech allows us to record for longer durations.

    Furthermore, digital compositing has made it easier to fake the long take, such as in Birdman and 1917. Both of these films use multiple long takes that are strategically edited to look like a single shot. Impossible-to-see cuts may be hidden in dark moments, or through fast whip pans.

    Prestige television has also lifted the oner practice, with examples from shows such as Mr. Robot (2015-19), True Detective (2014–), The Bear (2022-), Severance (2022) and, of course, The Studio.

    But perhaps the most remarkable recent example comes from Netflix’s Adolescence (2025), a show in which four separate standalone episodes are all shot in a single long take.

    In the age of TikTok and shortening attention spans, it should strike us as positive to see a resurgence of the long take as a creative choice in so much contemporary film and TV.

    Kristian Ramsden receives funding, in the form of a research stipend, from The University of Adelaide.

    – ref. Why film and TV creators will still risk it all for the perfect long take shot – https://theconversation.com/why-film-and-tv-creators-will-still-risk-it-all-for-the-perfect-long-take-shot-254796

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Peter Dutton: a Liberal leader seeking to surf on the wave of outer suburbia

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    In searching for the “real” Peter Dutton, it is possible to end up frustrated because you have looked too hard.

    Politically, Dutton is not complicated. There is a consistent line in his beliefs through his career. Perhaps the shortest cut to understanding the Liberal leader is to go back to his maiden speech, delivered in February 2002.

    The former Queensland policeman canvassed “unacceptable crime rates”, the “silent majority”, the “aspirational voters”, how the “politically correct” had a “disproportionate say in political debate”, the “grossly inadequate sentences” dispensed by the courts, and the centrality of national security. The way the last was handled was “perhaps the most significant challenge our society faces today,” the novice MP told the House of Representatives.

    “National security” would be a foundational pillar of Dutton’s career, as well as his political security blanket.

    Dutton had been a member of the Liberal Party since about age 18 and hoped “to use my experience both in small business and in law enforcement to provide perhaps a more practical view on some of the issues and problems” of the day.

    The 32-year-old Dutton, who’d recently been in the building business with his father, following his nine years in the police force, arrived in parliament on a high, as something of a dragon-slayer in his Brisbane seat of Dickson. He had defeated Labor’s Cheryl Kernot, former leader of the Australian Democrats who had jumped ship in a spectacular defection in October 1997.

    Dutton came from Brisbane’s outer suburbia, just as the Liberals were reorienting their focus towards this constituency, the so-called “Howard battlers”.

    The eager newcomer was soon noted by the prime minister who, after the 2004 election, appointed him to the junior ministry. One Liberal insider from the time says that when campaigning in Dickson, John Howard saw Dutton “was very good at establishing himself in a marginal seat”. (Years later, when a redistribution turned Dickson into a notional Labor seat for the 2010 election, Dutton tried to do a runner to the safe seat of McPherson. But he failed to win preselection; in the event he held Dickson with a hefty swing. This election Dickson is on 1.7%.)

    Dutton brought to his first ministry, workforce participation, the view he had expressed in his maiden speech: “We are seeing an alarming number of households where up to three generations – in many cases by choice – have never worked in their lives, and a society where in many cases rights are demanded but no responsibility is taken.”

    By 2006 he had been promoted by Howard to assistant treasurer, a job that gave the ambitious Dutton a chance to work closely with Treasurer Peter Costello. Nick Minchin was finance minister then. He paints a picture of Dutton as a sort of guard dog protecting the revenue. In the cabinet expenditure review committee, “Peter was particularly helpful and supportive of Costello and my fending off the demands of spending ministers”.

    The one-time police officer was “strong and resolute in questioning ministers”. Minchin was impressed; the junior minister was “obviously going places”.

    From defensive to offensive

    After the Liberals went into opposition, Dutton “shadowed” health, becoming health minister in Tony Abbott’s government after the 2013 election.

    His legacy from the health portfolio dogs him in this campaign. He presided over the government’s failed attempt in the 2014 budget to put a co-payment on bulk-billed services. A poll conducted by Australian Doctor magazine voted him the worst health minister in memory.

    A former senior public servant who observed him at the time presents a more positive picture, saying it was a very difficult time and Dutton was well across the complexity of the portfolio. On the notorious co-payment, Abbott says it was not Dutton’s idea: “It was absolutely 150% my idea”.

    When in December 2014 Abbott moved him to immigration and border protection, Dutton was both in his comfort zone and on the escalator. Looking back, Abbott says Dutton was “a better match” for that portfolio. “In health the Coalition tends to play a defensive game. In border protection it plays an offensive game.”

    Partnered by empire-building bureaucrat Mike Pezzullo, Dutton agitated for the creation of a mega security department (a push that earlier originated with Scott Morrison when he was in immigration). Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull felt the need to accommodate Dutton – then one of his conservative backers – with the creation of the home affairs super department, which was controversial and divided ministers. Someone who observed him closely in that portfolio says Dutton was always clear what he wanted, but didn’t get too deeply involved in the processes of policy.

    Dutton, however, had another goal, and the turmoil surrounding Turnbull’s leadership seemed to offer the opportunity to shoot for the top. It was a false hope. Tactically outsmarted by Turnbull, Dutton lost the first face-off between the two in August 2018. The second bout, later the same week, provided not victory but a pathway to the prime ministership for Scott Morrison.

    It wasn’t all downside for Dutton: during the Morrison government he became defence minister. The post suited a China hawk when the bilateral relationship was in a deep trough.

    Early on, he met with one-time Labor defence minister (and later Labor leader) Kim Beazley. Beazley recalls: “He wanted to talk to me about what being defence minister was like”. They spoke about submarines: Beazley suggested Australia should cancel its then-existing contract for French conventional submarines and get a new contract for their nuclear subs (this was before AUKUS).

    “He knew a fair bit,” Beazley says. “So he was looking to think a way through the huge problems we confronted.” Dutton was “aware we were slipping into an era of constant danger. He had all the attitude you would want of a contemporary defence minister” (although, Beazley adds, the Morrison government had “a propensity for unfunded defence annoucements”).

    Leadership and control

    By the time the Liberals went into opposition, Dutton was the only leadership candidate standing. His long-term rival Josh Frydenberg had lost his seat – a bonus for Dutton, who hasn’t had to look over his shoulder in the past three years, but a big loss for a party deprived of choice. The Liberals’ moderate wing had been decimated with the rise of the “teals”.

    Many immediately declared Dutton unelectable, a view that would soften over time, then return again, to an extent, close to the election.

    As opposition leader, Dutton’s laser-like focus was on keeping the party together, avoiding the backbiting and schisms that often follow a serious loss. Colleagues found him approachable and willing to listen. A backbencher says: “He was always very respectful of people in the party room. He will make himself available if people want to talk.”

    Yet how much was he willing to hear? The same backbencher says, “I don’t think there was a lot of consultation in the development of policy – it was a bit of a black box. The emphasis has been on unity and discipline.”

    Russell Broadbent, a moderate Liberal who defected to the crossbench in 2023 when he lost preselection for his seat of Monash (which he is recontesting an an independent) says, “I’ve never had a cup of tea or a meal with [Dutton]. I wasn’t in his group – I was on the wrong side of the party somewhere.” He says their only conversation was when Dutton told him his preselection was under threat. Broadbent said he knew his opponents had the numbers: Dutton asked whether he’d go to the crossbench. “I said, ‘probably’”.

    Anthony Albanese gave his opponent a big political break, when the Voice, opposed by the Coalition, crashed spectacularly in October 2023. The prime minister had invested heavily in a doomed and faulty campaign that misread the mood of Australians, just when many people were being dragged down by the cost of living.

    It took Albanese well over a year to recover his stride. Indeed, he did not do so fully until early 2025, when a pre-campaign burst of announcements put the government in a strong position. Dutton’s miscalculation was to believe that when he had Albanese down, his opponent would be out for the count.

    Dutton gambled by holding back key policies until the campaign and making the opposition a relatively small target. The big exception was the nuclear pitch, released fairly early and driven in part by the need to keep the Nationals, a number of whom were restive about the Coalition commitment to the 2050 net zero emissions target, in the tent. Saturday’s result will be the ultimate test of the “hold back” tactic.

    As the election neared, there was increasing criticism in Coalition ranks of the handling of the campaign, which has been shambolic at times. One example was the delay in producing modelling for a signature policy – the proposal for a gas reservation scheme. That pales beside the fiasco of the (aborted) plan to force Canberra public servants back into the office.

    The bold defence policy, to take spending to 3% of GDP within a decade, was not only released after pre-polling had started, but came without detail.

    On strategy and tactics, Dutton is controlling, wanting to keep things tight, in his own hands or those of a small group. Perhaps it is the policeman’s mindset. Certainly it has worked to the disadvantage of his campaign, which has appeared under-cooked on large and small things. Among the latter, Dutton’s office insisted on doing his transcripts, rather than having them done by the campaign HQ. Predictably, they were overwhelmed and the transcripts ran late.

    Dutton seemed to be working on the assumption he was in a similar situation to Abbott in 2013, when Labor was gone for all money. But this election people needed to be convinced the alternative was robust and, late in the day, many swinging voters remained sceptical about that. Dutton is a strong negative campaigner, who hasn’t put much work into strengthening his weaker skill set to be a “positive” voice as well.

    Going into the campaign’s final days, Labor held the edge in the polls. But the Liberals maintained that in key marginals, the story was rather different.

    There is a degree of mismatch between the private Dutton and the public figure. Often those who meet or know him remark that one-to-one or in small groups he is personable. Yet his public demeanour is frequently awkward and somewhat aloof. This leaves him open to caricature, and raises the question of why he has been so unsuccessful in projecting more of his private self into his public image.

    The latest Newspoll, published Sunday night, had Dutton’s approval rating at minus 24, compared to Anthony Albanese’s minus 9. A just-released Morgan poll on trust in leaders found Dutton had the highest net distrust score (when people were asked in an open-ended question to nominate whom they trusted and distrusted). It’s a long-term thing: he was third in the 2022 list.

    The gender problem that dogs the Liberals

    One of Dutton’s problems has been the women’s vote. The Poll Bludger’s William Bowe says looking at the polls, “Dutton wasn’t doing too badly [with women] in the first half of the term, but a gap opened up in 2024 and substantially widened in 2025”. Sunday’s Newspoll found 66% of female voters had “little or no confidence” the Coalition was ready to govern, compared to 58% of male voters.

    Retiring Liberal senator Linda Reynolds, who preceded Dutton in the defence portfolio, has worked on gender issues in the Liberal Party for 15 years. She believes this is “a party problem, not specifically a Peter Dutton problem”. She says the Liberals’ failure to embrace and deal with gender issues “leaves the leader of the day vulnerable”.

    Kos Samaras, from Redbrige political consultancy, agrees. “It’s a brand issue, rather than him personally. He’s just the leader of [the brand].” Scott Morrison made the brand problem a lot worse. “It’s gone back to a normal [Liberal] problem, be it still bad.”

    There are differences between constituencies, but there is a “very significant problem with professional women”, Samaras says, which highlights the Liberals’ challenge with the “teal” seats.
    Dutton is classic right-wing on law and order, defence policy, nationalism, anti-wokeness, and much more. But he can be pragmatic when the politics demands.

    He was personally opposed to marriage equality, but was behind the postal survey that enabled the Turnbull government to achieve it, so removing the issue from the agenda. And the China hawk has recently softened his line on that country, in part to facilitate a pitch for the votes of Chinese-Australians, alienated by the Morrison government.

    In this campaign, Dutton has been painted by his opponents as “Trump-lite”. Confronted with this in the third leaders’ debate, he was unable to provide an answer. Initially expecting the election of Trump would be potentially helpful for the opposition, he failed to appreciate the dangers for him, which only increased as the new president became more arbitrary and unpredictable.

    The opposition leader’s anti-public service attitude might be a milder version of Trump’s stand but it is also a Queenslander’s view of Canberra, as well as typical of what the Liberals roll out before elections. But his appointment of Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price as shadow minister for government efficiency was blatantly and foolishly Trumpian.

    Dutton is not nimble or nuanced. He is also prone to going off half-cocked, which can lead to missteps (as when he wrongly said the Indonesian president had announced a Russian request to base planes in Papua). Earlier examples are easy to find. In his autobiography A Bigger Picture, Turnbull wrote of him that he would do interviews with right-wing shock jock in which he would “echo their extreme views […] He always apologised for going too far, and I generally gave him the benefit of the doubt”.

    Dutton talks little about Liberal Party history, or political philosophy. Is he ideological? Abbott says he is ideological in the way Howard was. “He has strong instincts, he has convictions but they are more instinctual than ideological.”

    Dutton at every opportunity points to Howard as his lodestar. Howard also came from a small business family, didn’t have much time for the public service, and had the quality of political doggedness. Regardless of some similarities, however, it is a very long stretch to see Dutton walking in Howard’s shoes.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Peter Dutton: a Liberal leader seeking to surf on the wave of outer suburbia – https://theconversation.com/peter-dutton-a-liberal-leader-seeking-to-surf-on-the-wave-of-outer-suburbia-254590

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: The end of Ebola outbreak in Uganda demonstrates World Health Organization (WHO)’s value in controlling and stopping diseases

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    KAMPALA, Uganda, April 27, 2025/APO Group/ —

    Uganda has officially declared the end of the Ebola disease outbreak, which was confirmed on 30 January 2025 by Uganda’s Ministry of Health. The outbreak infected 14 people, two of whom were probable (not confirmed by laboratory tests) and caused four deaths (including two probable). 

    Disease outbreaks, such as Ebola, Marburg, and yellow fever, are not new in Uganda. The country has faced multiple outbreaks and, in doing so, has built a resilient health system capable of detecting and containing outbreaks rapidly. With active support from the World Health Organization (WHO) and other partners, this outbreak again demonstrated Uganda’s capacity to deal with such challenges. 

    The latest Ebola disease outbreak occurred in the bustling, highly mobile city of Kampala. In many places, such an announcement could have triggered widespread panic. But, within 72 hours of confirmation, the Ministry of Health, actively supported by the WHO and health partners, activated its response mechanisms. Rapid response teams were deployed on the ground, identifying contacts to the confirmed patient, collecting samples for testing, setting up treatment units, and educating the community about Ebola prevention. 

    Similarly, within 24 hours of notification, the WHO Deputy Director General and Executive Director for Emergencies, Dr Mike Ryan, was in Uganda to guide WHO’s strategic and operational support to the response. 

    “The outbreak occurring in an urban setting is of significant concern to us, given past experiences. In this outbreak, every minute is of the essence, and we must set up rapidly to avert a potential disaster,” said Dr Mike Ryan upon arrival in the country.

    WHO mobilized 129 national and international staff to support the response. They brought a wealth of technical expertise, ensuring that WHO’s input was present at every critical stage.

    The impact of these efforts was quickly evident. On 14 March 2025, the last confirmed patient was discharged, and 534 contacts had been successfully identified and followed up daily. This is no mean achievement given the area in which the outbreak occurred. It is a testament to Uganda’s strengthened capacity to detect and respond to disease outbreaks in line with the International Health Regulations (2005) (IHR), for which WHO is the principal custodian.

    Uganda has now completed the 42-day mandatory countdown without a confirmed Ebola case. During this critical period, WHO worked closely with the Ministry of Health to conduct active case search and mortality surveillance to ensure that no potential chains of transmission went undetected.

    It’s important to acknowledge the groundwork that made this rapid response possible. WHO’s presence on the ground through its regional hubs and prior technical leadership in helping Uganda develop a multisectoral preparedness and response plan were pivotal. These provided clear direction for all responding actors, enabling effective coordination, optimizing resource allocation, and preventing duplication.

    Another key enabler was the swift deployment by WHO of 165 multidisciplinary Rapid Response Team members (RRTs) to hotspot districts. These members strengthened local capacity for alert management, case investigation, and contact tracing, even in remote areas. Backed by WHO’s technical training and tools, the RRTs worked hand in hand with district teams to ensure that no case went undetected. This strong collaboration helped halt the further spread of the disease.

    Special attention was also given to border health. With the international imperative to prevent cross-border transmission, health workers were rapidly reoriented, thermal scanners were deployed, and screening protocols were enforced at 13 key entry points, especially at Entebbe International Airport. 

    The laboratory response was equally robust. Over 1500 samples were collected, transported, and tested, with national labs rising to the challenge. Thanks to WHO’s prior technical support, Uganda had the capacity to manage samples under strict biosafety and quality standards. Laboratory teams at the Uganda Virus Research Institute and Central Public Health Laboratories handled the workload professionally and efficiently, earning praise for their quick turnaround. 

    At the heart of the response was a courageous and well-prepared case management team. Equipped with WHO Ebola supplies designed to protect health workers and support clinical care, they treated patients with professionalism and care. Of the 12 confirmed cases, two patients succumbed, while the rest were successfully treated and reintegrated into their communities. Two probable cases were identified after their death, therefore not managed in the treatment center. 

    WHO-supported 78 Emergency Medical Teams (EMTs) further reinforced case management efforts. These highly trained and well-equipped teams ensured the safe transportation and treatment of patients across affected regions, delivering high-quality care at every step.

    For the second time in an Ebola outbreak caused by the Sudan virus in Uganda,  WHO  deployed anthropologists, risk communication experts, and community engagement teams. These specialists worked directly with communities to address stigma, mistrust, and misinformation, while providing real-time public health information. Their efforts were instrumental in gaining trust and reinforcing safety practices.

    Despite the absence of a licensed vaccine against the Sudan virus, candidate vaccines are in various phases of clinical trials, recommended by the independent WHO candidate vaccine prioritisation working group. Within four days of the government’s declaration of the outbreak, a randomized clinical trial for vaccine safety and efficacy using the ring vaccination approach was launched. In addition, the administration of Remdesivir treatment under the Monitored Emergency Use of Unregistered and Experimental Interventions (MEURI) protocol was initiated. 

    Ecological studies aimed at identifying the source of infection were initiated and are continuing. These are important because they help to anticipate risks of outbreaks as well as ensure health systems are well prepared and ready to detect outbreaks early and respond effectively.

    Behind the scenes, coordination and partner engagement played crucial roles. WHO was responsible for aligning resources, reducing duplication, and maximizing impact. Through its coordination role, WHO mapped out key stakeholders and facilitated effective resource use at all levels of the response.

    No successful outbreak response is complete without adequate financial backing. So far, WHO has mobilized and utilized US $6.2 million for this response. This support, along with in-kind contributions of essential medicines, supplies, and equipment, has been vital in maintaining the momentum of operations.

    WHO acknowledges and deeply appreciates all partners who contributed through the WHO Contingency Fund for Emergencies (CFE), including: Germany, Norway, Ireland, Canada, France, New Zealand, Kuwait, Portugal, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Switzerland, Estonia, and the WHO Foundation. Thanks to the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, the Netherlands, the European Commission – Health Emergency Preparedness and Response (HERA), International Development Research Centre (IDRC), European Commission – European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (DG ECHO) and the African Public Health Emergency Fund (APHEF) for supporting WHO’s interventions.

    As the situation in Uganda stabilizes, this outbreak highlights three clear lessons: early preparedness saves lives, rapid response is critical, and WHO’s support remains vital, not only for Uganda, but for global health security.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Skilled migrants are leaving the U.S. for Canada — how can the north gain from the brain drain?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ashika Niraula, Senior Research Associate, Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration & Integration Program, Toronto Metropolitan University

    Skilled migrants and international students are leaving the United States for Canada in growing numbers. A March 2025 report by Statistics Canada reveals a sharp rise in the numbers of American non-citizen residents moving to Canada. Reasons given are largely restrictive U.S. immigration policies, visa caps and long wait times for green cards.

    This is a shift from earlier decades when American-born citizens dominated the trend. By 2019, nearly half of those making the move were U.S. non-citizen residents.

    Since U.S. President Donald Trump’s election win and early days in office, Google searches by American residents on how to move to Canada, New Zealand and Australia have surged.

    Several high-profile academics have relocated to Canadian universities amid growing concerns over threats to academic freedom.

    British Columbia recently announced plans to launch landmark policies to streamline the credential recognition process for internationally trained health-care professionals, particular American doctors and nurses.

    Skilled talent like health-care professionals, researchers and engineers are essential to building innovative, future-ready economies. But attracting them requires staying competitive in an increasingly global bid for talent.

    Global competition for talent

    In this global race for talent, Canada and Australia need to offer not only efficient immigration pathways but also faster credential recognition and better integration support.

    Yet both nations find themselves walking a tightrope. Once both celebrated as welcoming destinations for global talent, each country has experienced recent immigration restrictions and growing anti-immigration sentiments, undermining those reputations.



    Read more:
    Canada at a crossroads: Understanding the shifting sands of immigration attitudes

    What can these countries learn from each other to stay competitive and benefit from this talent flow?

    Research from Toronto Metropolitan University’s Migration and Integration Program shows Canada’s appeal for skilled migrants is rooted in a mix of practical and aspirational factors. This includes a combination of high living standards, the promise of better career prospects, more accessible permanent residency pathways and a broadly welcoming society.

    But for migrants in Canada, these goals are becoming harder to attain.

    A more cautious approach

    Since the pandemic, Canada’s immigration approach has shifted. During the early COVID-19 years, Canada was praised for its inclusive response, including recognizing immigrants as essential to economic recovery. Temporary workers, including essential workers, international student graduates and French-speaking immigrants, were offered new routes to permanent residency through a federal program.

    However, since 2024, Canada has taken a more cautious approach.

    New policy changes that target international students and cut temporary and permanent migration numbers have tarnished Canada’s global reputation as a welcoming place.

    While permanent residency is still more accessible than in the U.S., skilled migrants are increasingly questioning whether the wait for permanent residency is worth it.

    Australia visa rules slow things down

    Australia faces similar dilemmas. In late 2023, the government launched a new migration strategy to address critical workforce shortages in construction, tech and health care. The Skills in Demand visa promised faster processing and clearer pathways to permanent residency for workers in priority sectors.

    Yet a recent report by the Grattan institute warns that tighter eligibility rules risk excluding much-needed talent, potentially weakening Australia’s competitiveness.

    Growing visa delays are also noted to be an additional barrier that may deter both prospective migrants and employers.

    Working in jobs far below qualifications

    Migration data often tells a story of numbers, categories and eligibility thresholds. However, the human stories behind the numbers reveal deep systemic issues and missed opportunities. One recurring issue is the widespread phenomenon of deskilling.

    In both Canada and Australia, many skilled migrants often find themselves working in jobs far below their qualifications.

    These experiences are part of a pattern that affects not only individuals but also national economies, which lose out on the full potential of their skilled workforce.

    Credential recognition systems are opaque, inconsistent and frequently biased.

    Another overlooked issue is that many skilled migrants do not move alone. People arrive with spouses, children and sometimes elderly parents.

    Yet immigration and settlement systems in both countries are largely structured around individual economic migrants rather than families. In Canada, for instance, federally funded settlement services are mainly geared toward supporting only permanent residents.

    Many spouses, particularly women, face even greater barriers to employment. Issues also include things like high fees for visa processing for parents. Other considerations include children who may struggle with schooling and identity in unfamiliar environments.

    Housing shortages and high costs in major urban centres compound these challenges, pushing newcomers into unaffordable living conditions.

    All this contributes to growing disillusionment. Migrants initially drawn to Canada or Australia as alternatives to unwelcoming environments elsewhere may choose to still come, but it doesn’t mean they will stay.



    Read more:
    Canada halts new parent immigration sponsorships, keeping families apart

    Learning from each other: Canada and Australia

    The experiences of skilled migrants in Canada and Australia show that attracting talent is only half the battle. The real challenge is in retention and integration.

    Many countries like Germany, Japan, South Korea and some Gulf states have begun offering more competitive pathways to immigration along with promises of a work-life balance, streamlined visa programs and competitive salaries. This means skilled migrants are increasingly mobile.



    Read more:
    The states want a bigger say in skilled migration – but doing that actually leaves them worse off

    Australia has made strides in streamlining visa categories and targeting sectoral needs, while Canada has built a strong narrative around inclusion and multiculturalism.

    However, there is a need to combine Australia’s responsiveness and Canada’s inclusive ethos to build resilient migration systems.

    Build future-ready migration systems

    In an era defined by geopolitical uncertainties, countries can no longer afford to treat skilled migrants as temporary fixes or just economic inputs. They are people with aspirations, with families and with dreams.

    They must be seen and supported as future citizens. To build future-ready migration systems Canada must:

    • Ensure transparency and consistency in immigration pathways to reduce uncertainties caused by policy reversals and lengthy processing times.

    • Improve credential recognition and career support to help skilled migrants, including temporary residents, transition into roles that match their qualifications.

    • Develop regional settlement strategies to address where migrants settle and ensure equitable access to services, job markets and housing, especially outside major cities.

    • Adopt inclusive, intersectional policies that consider gender, race and class in shaping the migrant experience, including support for spouses, children and aging parents.

    • Foster collaborative and responsive policymaking. This involves connecting researchers, employers, community organizations and migrants to inform policy making.

    For Canada, the challenge ahead is clear. It’s not just about opening the door. It’s about making sure that once here, migrants have the support, rights and opportunities to walk through that door — and thrive.

    ​Ashika Niraula works as a Senior Research Associate at the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration & Integration Program at Toronto Metropolitan University. The Skilled Migrant Decision Making Under Uncertainty project has received financial support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Insight Grant (435-2021-0752) and from the wider program of the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration and Integration at Toronto Metropolitan University.

    Iori Hamada does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Skilled migrants are leaving the U.S. for Canada — how can the north gain from the brain drain? – https://theconversation.com/skilled-migrants-are-leaving-the-u-s-for-canada-how-can-the-north-gain-from-the-brain-drain-254435

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: LCQ5: Nurturing foreign language talents

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    LCQ5: Nurturing foreign language talents 
    Question:
     
         In 2018, the State President stated at the National Conference on Education that vigorous efforts should be made to nurture international talents proficient in foreign languages and adept at Chinese-foreign negotiations and communications. There are views that as the country’s super connector and super value-adder, as well as the premier international financial centre connecting the country and the Middle East market, Hong Kong needs to nurture a large pool of foreign language talents. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
     
    (1) when Government officials make overseas visits and when the Government releases videos and hands out publications overseas to promote Hong Kong, whether local mother tongues of the relevant places have been used as the medium of communication; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that;
     
    (2) as it is learnt that there are a number of language universities in the country, such as Beijing Foreign Studies University, which is approved to teach more than a hundred foreign languages, whether the Government will study allocating more resources to tertiary institutions to strengthen training in foreign languages other than English, or establishing foreign language universities drawing on the models of the Mainland, with a view to nurturing multilingual talents in public and private organisations, so that they can tell the good stories of Hong Kong in different languages; and
     
    (3) whether it will study enhancing the existing “biliterate and trilingual” policy by turning it into a “triliterate and quadrilingual” policy?
     
    Reply:
     
    President,
     
         Hong Kong is a cosmopolitan city. In recent years, various national strategies have even brought about tremendous development opportunities for Hong Kong, which require us to strengthen exchanges and co-operation with the Mainland and overseas regions and countries by capitalising on our advantage of “linkage with our Motherland and close connection to the world”. To enhance our international competitiveness and strengthen our position as an international post-secondary education hub, we have been striving to nurture talents who are biliterate and trilingual, and proficient in other languages.
     
         Having consulted the Commerce and Economic Development Bureau and the Information Services Department (ISD), I would like to reply to the Hon Benson Luk’s questions as follows:
     
    (1) Currently, in taking forward overseas promotion work, the overseas Economic and Trade Offices (ETOs) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government and Invest Hong Kong (InvestHK) will make appropriate arrangements taking into account the common languages of the relevant places. For instance, apart from the English version of the relevant ETOs’ websites, languages commonly used in the countries/regions under their respective purview are also available, e.g. Japanese, Thai, German, Arabic to facilitate local people in understanding the information disseminated by ETOs. Also, for meetings between officials of the HKSAR Government and local officials/representatives of the political and business sectors and preparation of relevant promotional materials, the ETOs concerned will arrange interpretation and prepare and issue the relevant promotion materials in local languages as appropriate.
     
         In addition, to facilitate investors from around the world to understand the latest information about Hong Kong’s business environment, InvestHK’s website is available in a number of major languages, including simplified Chinese, traditional Chinese, English, Japanese, Spanish, French, Italian, as well as Arabic, which has been newly added. Separately, InvestHK’s promotional videos are mainly in English and Putonghua. Depending on the origin of individual successful case studies, subtitles may be available in the local language. As for InvestHK’s client meetings and promotional materials, Putonghua and simplified Chinese are used on the Mainland, while English and the local language where necessary are used in overseas markets. Interpretation will also be arranged at investment promotion seminars.
     
         On external promotion, the ISD produces a series of creative contents in multiple languages for placement in overseas and Mainland cities through digital and social media platforms, as well as outdoor advertising, in the form of short videos and banner advertisements to tell the good stories of Hong Kong. These creative contents are available in Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia, Dutch, English, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Malay, Thai, Vietnamese, etc. The ISD also translated and printed the promotional booklet entitled “HK Connect” into foreign languages such as Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia, Malay and Thai for distribution to target recipients at promotional activities during senior officials’ overseas visits.
     
         Moreover, the ISD has held the “Immersive Hong Kong” promotional roving exhibitions in Jakarta, Indonesia; Bangkok, Thailand; Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; and Guangzhou, China since July 2023. It will also be staged in Dubai, the Middle East next month. In addition to English, the exhibition information is also available in the local languages of each stop to enhance the publicity effect.
     
    (2) The eight University Grants Committee (UGC)-funded universities have all along been making flexible use of their resources to offer a wide range of publicly-funded programmes with regard to their respective roles and positioning, as well as providing diversified learning opportunities for students in response to market demands. Learning foreign languages can help students to understand multiculturalism and strengthen their connections with different parts of the world, thereby enhancing their competitiveness in entering the workforce, pursuing further studies or starting their own businesses in the future. University education also aims to encourage students to acquire knowledge and skills in different fields, and nurture the high-calibre talents required by different industries, so as to inject impetus into the development of Hong Kong.
     
         In recent years, the eight UGC-funded universities have offered as many as 12 contemporary foreign languages for learning, including Arabic, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Kiswahili, Korean, Portuguese, Russian, Swedish, Spanish and Thai. They also offer a range of specialised programmes majoring in individual foreign languages or cultures for students who aspire to become professionals in relevant fields in the future. As for students pursuing undergraduate programmes in other areas such as engineering technology, business or social sciences, a number of universities also offer minor options or foreign language courses as free electives for interested students to pursue having regard to their personal aspirations and abilities. In addition, a number of self-financing institutions at present offer post-secondary programmes related to different foreign languages and relevant elective subjects according to market demand.
     
         The above arrangements for major, minor and free electives enable students to study foreign languages having regard to their learning objectives in an appropriate manner. The existing arrangements meet practical needs with flexibility; hence the Government has no plans to set up a foreign language university. Nevertheless, we will continue to encourage the UGC-funded universities to provide students with opportunities to learn foreign languages, and through various avenues, such as student exchange programmes and experiential learning activities, enable students to gain exposure to the cultures of more places, broaden their horizons, seize Hong Kong’s unique advantages, and be better prepared for their future development.
     
    (3) Over the years, the Government has been collaborating with the Standing Committee on Language Education and Research, other advisory bodies and stakeholders to enable the Hong Kong people, particularly students and working adults, to become biliterate and trilingual, through sponsoring and implementing various measures using the Language Fund. Moreover, the Education Bureau (EDB) endeavours to develop students’ multilingual competence, enabling them to make life planning based on their own interests, abilities and aspirations, and to connect to the world. Over the years, the EDB has offered “other languages” courses (Note 1) (Category C of the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination) for senior secondary students to study as an elective subject. As announced in the 2024 Policy Address, the EDB will implement a pilot scheme to invite schools to apply for additional resources to provide opportunities for junior secondary students to learn “other languages” (Note 2), in order to facilitate a stronger articulation in their learning of “other languages” as an elective subject at the senior secondary level.
     
         Thank you, President.
     
    Note 1: The EDB subsidises schools to offer courses of the six “other languages”, i.e. French, German, Japanese, Korean, Spanish and Urdu, for secondary four to six students.
     
    Note 2: Schools can use the funding to offer junior secondary courses of the six designated “other languages” (i.e. French, German, Japanese, Korean, Spanish and Urdu), which are the senior secondary elective subjects. Arabic and Russian could also be considered.
    Issued at HKT 15:40

    NNNN

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: LCQ9: Students’ use of mobile phones in school

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    LCQ9: Students’ use of mobile phones in school 
    Question:
     
    It has been reported that, starting from this school year, middle schools in a number of districts in France have launched an experimental project to prohibit students from using mobile phones in school, requiring them to hand over their phones upon arrival at school. The objective of the project concerned is to reduce the use of mobile phones by students, so as to avoid affecting their physical and mental development. In addition, it is learnt that different states of the United States also have similar requirements. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
     
    (1) whether it has grasped the existing rules and arrangements of primary and secondary schools across the territory in respect of students bringing mobile phones to school, e.g. allowing students to keep the mobile phones in their own custody after switching them off, having schools keep the mobile phones under their custody and store in lockers, or completely prohibiting the bringing of mobile phones;
     
    (2) whether the authorities have provided guidelines to assist schools in drawing up a “code of conduct for bringing mobile phones” and setting out specific regulations and penalties, so as to ensure that students are not allowed to use mobile phones in school, thereby avoiding problems such as impeding the lesson progress and affecting the learning atmosphere and classroom order;
     
    (3) whether it had, in the past three years, gained an understanding of the various problems arising from students bringing mobile phones to school, such as the pecuniary losses resulting from the loss of mobile phones; if so, how the schools addressed such problems; and
     
    (4) whether the authorities will make reference to the practices in other regions and formulate measures or policies to regulate students’ use of mobile phones in school; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that?
     
    Reply:
     
    President,
     
    In accordance with the Education Ordinance (Cap. 279), the management committee or incorporated management committee of a school shall be responsible for ensuring that the school is managed satisfactorily and the education of the pupils is promoted in a proper manner. For implementation, schools should lay down school rules to specify the basic requirements on the behaviour of students in the school, thus cultivating a safe, healthy and orderly learning environment for the students.
     
    Our consolidated reply to the four parts of the question is as follows:
     
    The School Administration Guide issued by the Education Bureau (EDB) sets out clearly the general principles that schools may refer to when formulating and enforcing their school rules. Schools should collect and consider the views of teachers, parents and students when drawing up their school rules. Through discussion and communication, schools should help students apprehend the meaning of the school rules as well as reach a common understanding and consensus, and review the school rules periodically. Schools should enforce the school rules in a lawful, sensible and reasonable manner while ensuring fairness and consistency in application. Due regard should be paid to students’ dignity, individual differences and their rights to education. In this connection, when schools formulate rules in relation to students taking mobile phones to or using mobile phones at schools, they should make reference to the relevant guidelines and legislations and consider their own circumstances. While paying concern to students’ learning and classroom discipline, schools should also take into account the genuine needs of students and parents so as to make appropriate school-based arrangements. In addition, the EDB has suggested ways of handling students who play games on smartphones during lessons in the Case Study Kit on Managing Students’ Behavioural Problems for schools’ reference.
     
    Furthermore, facing the challenges brought by emerging information and communication technologies, the EDB attaches importance to nurturing students’ information literacy and provides the “Information Literacy for Hong Kong Students” Learning Framework to strengthen the relevant information literacy learning elements in primary and secondary curricula, so as to foster students’ ability and attitude to use information and communication technology effectively and ethically in their learning and daily lives, so that they can use the Internet and electronic devices properly and healthily.
     
    Formulation and enforcement of school rules fall within a school’s daily operation and internal affairs. It is in general handled directly and professionally by a school according to the school context. Schools are not required to submit details of day-to-day case handling (such as cases of individual students losing mobile phones at school) to the EDB. Hence, the EDB does not have the particular information.
     
    The EDB has been maintaining close communication and exchanging views with school sponsoring bodies and the education sector regarding the professional aspects of school administration and management. The prevailing school-based approach to handle student mobile phone use at schools follows the principles outlined in the School Administration Guide. It effectively meets the operational needs of schools while also enables schools to follow the established school administrative framework for good school governance. The EDB will continue to support the operation of schools and will provide appropriate advice and assistance when necessary.
    Issued at HKT 11:10

    NNNN

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: SRFTI Film “A Doll Made Up of Clay” Makes Historic Cannes 2025 Entry

    Source: Government of India

    SRFTI Film “A Doll Made Up of Clay” Makes Historic Cannes 2025 Entry

    23-Minute Experimental Film Highlights Cross-Border Collaboration and Global Storytelling Excellence

    Posted On: 26 APR 2025 6:24PM by PIB Delhi

    In a moment of pride for Indian cinema, “A Doll Made Up of Clay”, a student film by the Satyajit Ray Film & Television Institute (SRFTI), has achieved official selection in the prestigious La Cinef section at the 78th Festival de Cannes 2025. As the only Indian entry in this category, the film marks a significant milestone in India’s cinematic education journey.

    About Film

    Driven by ambition, a young Nigerian athlete sells his father’s land to pursue his dream of becoming a professional footballer in India. However, a career-ending injury leaves him disillusioned and stranded in an unfamiliar country. Through physical pain, emotional trauma, and an identity crisis, he reconnects with the spiritual traditions of his ancestors, finding redemption and meaning. A Doll Made Up of Clay is a powerful exploration of displacement, loss, and cultural resilience.

    This 23-minute experimental film, produced under SRFTI’s Producing for Film and Television (PFT) department, showcases cross-border collaboration. Produced by Sahil Manoj Ingle, a PFT student, and directed by Kokob Gebrehaweria Tesfay, an Ethiopian student under the ICCR African Scholarship, the film underscores SRFTI’s dedication to global cinematic innovation.

    Receiving an invitation to compete in La Cinef at Cannes, the film highlights emerging talent from top global film schools. The festival takes place in France this May.

     Dreams, Resilience and Global Recognition

    Prof. Sukanta Majumdar (Dean, SRFTI) highlighted that  “Any cinematic expressions of our students, when recognized on a prestigious global platform, make us feel reassured. This is a huge moment of pride for us, and we are very proud of our students. I wish them the very best for the competition.”

    “This project is a shared vision across continents—a story that transcends borders. The Cannes selection is a dream realized and proof of global thinking within SRFTI’s walls,” said producer Sahil Manoj Ingle.

    Director Kokob Gebrehaweria Tesfay added, “This deeply personal story speaks to the journey of dreamers who navigate new challenges, reshaping who they are. Cannes celebrates resilience and untold stories.”

    Global Collaboration:

     The film’s cast and crew represent an exceptional international effort:

     

    • Producer: Sahil Manoj Ingle
    • Writer & Director: Kokob Gebrehaweria Tesfay (Ethiopia)
    • DOP: Vinod Kumar
    • Editor: Haru – Mahmud Abu Naser (Bangladesh)
    • Sound Design: Soham Pal
    • Music Composer: Himangshu Saikih
    • Executive Producer: Uma Kumari & Rohit Kodere
    • Line Producer: Avinash Shankar Rhurve
    • Lead Actor: Ibrahim Ahmed (Nigeria)
    • Casts: Geeta Doshi, Ibrahim Ahmed, Rwitban Acharya

     

    About SRFTI

    Founded in 1995, SRFTI is named after the legendary filmmaker Satyajit Ray, continuing it’s legacy of empowering new generations of storytellers through excellence in film education.

    *****

    Dharmendra Tewari/ Navin Sreejith

    (Release ID: 2124574) Visitor Counter : 52

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matthew Sharpe, Associate Professor in Philosophy, Australian Catholic University

    Hitler and Mussolini in Munich, Germany, June 18, 1940. Everett Collection/Shutterstock

    This Monday marks 80 years since Italian dictator Benito Mussolini was killed in an Italian village towards the end of the Second World War in 1945. The following day, his body was publicly desecrated in Milan.

    Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.
    State Library of Victoria

    Given the scale of Adolf Hitler’s atrocities, our image of fascism today has largely been shaped by Nazism. Yet, Mussolini preceded Hitler. Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.

    Today, as commentators, bloggers and scholars are debating whether the governments of US President Donald Trump, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Russian President Vladimir Putin are “fascist”, we can learn from Il Duce’s career about how democracies fail and dictators consolidate autocratic rule.

    The early years

    The term “fascist” itself originated around the time of Mussolini’s founding in 1914 of the Fasci d’Azione Rivoluzionaria, a militaristic group promoting Italy’s entry into the First World War.

    Mussolini had been raised in a leftist family. Before WWI, he edited and wrote for socialist newspapers. Yet, from early on, the young rebel was also attracted to radically anti-democratic thinkers like Friedrich Nietzsche, George Sorel, and Wilfred Pareto.

    When WWI broke out, Mussolini broke from the socialists, who opposed Italy’s involvement in the conflict. Like Hitler, he fought in the war. Mussolini considered his front-line experience as formative for his future ideas around fascism. His war experience led him to imagine making Italy great again – an imperial power worthy of the heritage of ancient Rome.

    In March 1919, Mussolini formed the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento in Milan. This group brought together a motley collection of war veterans, primarily interested in fighting the socialists and communists. They were organised in squadristi (squads), which would become known for their black shirts and violence – they forced many of their targets to drink castor oil.

    The political success of Mussolini’s fascist ideals, however, was neither instant nor inevitable. In the 1919 Italian elections, Mussolini received so few votes, communists held a mock funeral march outside his house to celebrate his political death.

    The rise to power and the march on Rome

    Fascism became a part of national political life in 1920-21, following waves of industrial and agricultural strikes and worker occupations of land and factories.

    As a result, rural and industrial elites turned to the fascist squadristi to break strikes and combat workers’ organisations. Fascist squads also overturned the results of democratic elections in Bologna and Cremona, preventing left-wing candidates from assuming office.

    Mussolini’s political capital, remarkably, was boosted by this violence. He was invited to enter Prime Minister Ivanoe Bonomi’s first government in July 1921.

    The following October, fascists occupied the towns of Bolzano and Trento. The liberals, socialists and Italian monarchy were indecisive in the face of these provocations, allowing Mussolini to seize the moment. Mustering the fascist squads, he ordered the famous “march on Rome” in late October 2022 to demand he be appointed prime minister.

    All the evidence suggests if the government had intervened, the march on Rome would have disbanded. It was a bold piece of political theatre. Nevertheless, fearing civil war — and the communists more than the black shirts — King Victor Emmanuel III caved in without a shot being fired.

    Mussolini was made leader of a new government on October 31, 1922.

    The consolidation of dictatorship

    Like Hitler in 1933, Mussolini’s rule started as the head of a coalition government including non-fascist parties. Yet, with the repressive powers of the state now at his disposal, Mussolini exploited the division among his rivals and gradually consolidated power.

    In 1923, the communist party was targeted with mass arrests and the fascist squads were brought under official state control as a paramilitary force. Mussolini began to use state powers to surveil all non-fascist political parties.

    In the 1924 general election, with fascist militia menacingly manning the polls, Il Duce won 65% of the vote.

    Then, in June, socialist leader Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by black shirts. When investigations pointed to Mussolini’s responsibility, he at first denied any knowledge of the killing. Months later, however, Mussolini proudly admitted responsibility for the deed, celebrating the fascists’ brutality. He faced no legal or political consequences.

    The last nail in the coffin of Italy’s enfeebled democracy came in late 1926. Following an assassination attempt in which Mussolini’s nose was grazed (he wore a bandage for a time afterwards), Mussolini definitively banned all political opposition.

    The “lesser evil”

    Following his death in April 1945, Mussolini’s dictatorship was often portrayed as “dictatorship-lite”, a “lesser evil” compared to Nazism or Stalinist Russia. This narrative, bolstered by German crimes against Italians in the last months of the war, has understandably been embraced by many Italians.

    Yet, Mussolini’s was the first regime to advertise itself as totalitarian. Styling himself as a “man of destiny”, Mussolini claimed that fascism embodied the “spiritual renewal” of the Italian people.

    His goal of making Italy a power again required total control of the state. His 1932 “Doctrine of Fascism” describes the need “to exercise power and to command” all administrative, policing, and judicial institutions. This included censorship of the press and educational institutions.

    Mussolini announcing Italy’s declaration of war on France and Britain in 1940.
    Australian War Memorial

    While portraying fascism as a “populist” movement, Mussolini also shut down independent trade unions, bailed out big banks, and prevented the right to strike. As a result, economic inequality between Italians actually grew wider under his rule.

    Mussolini also pursued an imperialist dream by invading Ethiopia. Defying international conventions, Il Duce’s troops used chemical weapons and summary executions to quell acts of resistance. Over 700,000 Ethiopians are estimated by scholars to have been killed by the invaders, with around 35,000 forced into internment camps.

    Italian Ca-111 bombers over Ethiopia in the 1930s.
    Getty Images/Wikimedia Commons

    Mussolini’s fascists ran over 30 concentration camps from 1926–45, almost all of them offshore. Some 50–70,000 Libyans alone died in camps set up under Italy’s brutal colonial regime from 1929–34. Many more died through executions, starvation and ethnic cleansing.

    When the notorious SS leader Heinrich Himmler visited Libya in in 1939, he deemed the Italian colony a successful model to emulate.

    And after Mussolini’s forces aided the Axis invasions of Yugoslavia, Albania and Russia in the Second World War, more than 80,000 more prisoners were interned in camps. At the camp on the Croatian Island of Rab, more than 3,000 prisoners died in grossly inhumane conditions in 1942–43, at a mortality rate higher than the Nazi camp at Buchenwald.

    Slovenian prisoner of the Italian Rab concentration camp.
    Archives, Museum of Modern History, Ljubljana/Wikimedia Commons

    From late 1943, Italian fascists also participated in the rounding up of over 7,000 Italian Jews to transfer to Auschwitz. Almost all of them were murdered.

    Following the war, even with Il Duce dead, few perpetrators faced justice for these atrocities.

    Lessons for democracies after 80 years

    The infamy of the crimes associated with the word “fascism” has meant that few people today claim the label – even those attracted to the same kinds of authoritarian, ethnonationalist politics.

    Mussolini, even more than Hitler, can seem a bombastic fool, with his uniform, theatrical gestures, stylised hyper-masculinity and patented steely jaw.

    Yet, one of the lessons of Mussolini’s career is that such political adventurists are only as strong as the democratic opposition allows. To fail to take them seriously is to enable their success.

    Mussolini pushed his luck time and again between 1920 and 1926. As the wonderful recent teleseries of his ascent, Mussolini, Figlio del Seculo shows, time and again, the opposition failed to concertedly oppose the fascists’ attacks on democratic norms and institutions. Then it was too late.

    Democracies mostly fall over time, by a thousand cuts and shifts of the goalposts of what is considered “normal”. Fascism, moreover, depends in no small measure on shameless political deception, including the readiness to conceal its own most radical intentions.

    Fascist “strongmen” like Mussolini accumulate power thanks to people’s inabilities to believe that the barbarisation of political life – including open violence against opponents – could happen in their societies.

    And there is a final, unsettling lesson of Mussolini’s career. Il Duce was a skilled propagandist who portrayed himself as leading a popular revolt to restore respectable values. He was able to win widespread popular support, including among the elites, even as he destroyed Italian democracy.

    Yet, if the monarchy, military, other political parties and the church had attempted a principled, united opposition to fascism early enough, most of Mussolini’s crimes would likely have been avoided.

    Matthew Sharpe has in the past (2013-17) received funding from the ARC to study religion and politics in the contemporary world.

    – ref. 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise? – https://theconversation.com/80-years-after-benito-mussolinis-death-what-can-democracies-today-learn-from-his-fascist-rise-251154

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI: Best Online Casinos UK 2025: JACKBIT Rated As Top UK Casino Site

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

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    Disclaimer: This press release is provided by the Jackbit. The statements, views, and opinions expressed in this content are solely those of the content provider and do not necessarily reflect the views of this media platform or its publisher. We do not endorse, verify, or guarantee the accuracy, completeness, or reliability of any information presented. We do not guarantee any claims, statements, or promises made in this article. This content is for informational purposes only and should not be considered financial, investment, or trading advice.

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    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-Evening Report: 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Sharpe, Associate Professor in Philosophy, Australian Catholic University

    Hitler and Mussolini in Munich, Germany, June 18, 1940. Everett Collection/Shutterstock

    This Monday marks 80 years since Italian dictator Benito Mussolini was killed in an Italian village towards the end of the Second World War in 1945. The following day, his body was publicly desecrated in Milan.

    Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.
    State Library of Victoria

    Given the scale of Adolf Hitler’s atrocities, our image of fascism today has largely been shaped by Nazism. Yet, Mussolini preceded Hitler. Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.

    Today, as commentators, bloggers and scholars are debating whether the governments of US President Donald Trump, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Russian President Vladimir Putin are “fascist”, we can learn from Il Duce’s career about how democracies fail and dictators consolidate autocratic rule.

    The early years

    The term “fascist” itself originated around the time of Mussolini’s founding in 1914 of the Fasci d’Azione Rivoluzionaria, a militaristic group promoting Italy’s entry into the First World War.

    Mussolini had been raised in a leftist family. Before WWI, he edited and wrote for socialist newspapers. Yet, from early on, the young rebel was also attracted to radically anti-democratic thinkers like Friedrich Nietzsche, George Sorel, and Wilfred Pareto.

    When WWI broke out, Mussolini broke from the socialists, who opposed Italy’s involvement in the conflict. Like Hitler, he fought in the war. Mussolini considered his front-line experience as formative for his future ideas around fascism. His war experience led him to imagine making Italy great again – an imperial power worthy of the heritage of ancient Rome.

    In March 1919, Mussolini formed the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento in Milan. This group brought together a motley collection of war veterans, primarily interested in fighting the socialists and communists. They were organised in squadristi (squads), which would become known for their black shirts and violence – they forced many of their targets to drink castor oil.

    The political success of Mussolini’s fascist ideals, however, was neither instant nor inevitable. In the 1919 Italian elections, Mussolini received so few votes, communists held a mock funeral march outside his house to celebrate his political death.

    The rise to power and the march on Rome

    Fascism became a part of national political life in 1920-21, following waves of industrial and agricultural strikes and worker occupations of land and factories.

    As a result, rural and industrial elites turned to the fascist squadristi to break strikes and combat workers’ organisations. Fascist squads also overturned the results of democratic elections in Bologna and Cremona, preventing left-wing candidates from assuming office.

    Mussolini’s political capital, remarkably, was boosted by this violence. He was invited to enter Prime Minister Ivanoe Bonomi’s first government in July 1921.

    The following October, fascists occupied the towns of Bolzano and Trento. The liberals, socialists and Italian monarchy were indecisive in the face of these provocations, allowing Mussolini to seize the moment. Mustering the fascist squads, he ordered the famous “march on Rome” in late October 2022 to demand he be appointed prime minister.

    All the evidence suggests if the government had intervened, the march on Rome would have disbanded. It was a bold piece of political theatre. Nevertheless, fearing civil war — and the communists more than the black shirts — King Victor Emmanuel III caved in without a shot being fired.

    Mussolini was made leader of a new government on October 31, 1922.

    The consolidation of dictatorship

    Like Hitler in 1933, Mussolini’s rule started as the head of a coalition government including non-fascist parties. Yet, with the repressive powers of the state now at his disposal, Mussolini exploited the division among his rivals and gradually consolidated power.

    In 1923, the communist party was targeted with mass arrests and the fascist squads were brought under official state control as a paramilitary force. Mussolini began to use state powers to surveil all non-fascist political parties.

    In the 1924 general election, with fascist militia menacingly manning the polls, Il Duce won 65% of the vote.

    Then, in June, socialist leader Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by black shirts. When investigations pointed to Mussolini’s responsibility, he at first denied any knowledge of the killing. Months later, however, Mussolini proudly admitted responsibility for the deed, celebrating the fascists’ brutality. He faced no legal or political consequences.

    The last nail in the coffin of Italy’s enfeebled democracy came in late 1926. Following an assassination attempt in which Mussolini’s nose was grazed (he wore a bandage for a time afterwards), Mussolini definitively banned all political opposition.

    The “lesser evil”

    Following his death in April 1945, Mussolini’s dictatorship was often portrayed as “dictatorship-lite”, a “lesser evil” compared to Nazism or Stalinist Russia. This narrative, bolstered by German crimes against Italians in the last months of the war, has understandably been embraced by many Italians.

    Yet, Mussolini’s was the first regime to advertise itself as totalitarian. Styling himself as a “man of destiny”, Mussolini claimed that fascism embodied the “spiritual renewal” of the Italian people.

    His goal of making Italy a power again required total control of the state. His 1932 “Doctrine of Fascism” describes the need “to exercise power and to command” all administrative, policing, and judicial institutions. This included censorship of the press and educational institutions.

    Mussolini announcing Italy’s declaration of war on France and Britain in 1940.
    Australian War Memorial

    While portraying fascism as a “populist” movement, Mussolini also shut down independent trade unions, bailed out big banks, and prevented the right to strike. As a result, economic inequality between Italians actually grew wider under his rule.

    Mussolini also pursued an imperialist dream by invading Ethiopia. Defying international conventions, Il Duce’s troops used chemical weapons and summary executions to quell acts of resistance. Over 700,000 Ethiopians are estimated by scholars to have been killed by the invaders, with around 35,000 forced into internment camps.

    Italian Ca-111 bombers over Ethiopia in the 1930s.
    Getty Images/Wikimedia Commons

    Mussolini’s fascists ran over 30 concentration camps from 1926–45, almost all of them offshore. Some 50–70,000 Libyans alone died in camps set up under Italy’s brutal colonial regime from 1929–34. Many more died through executions, starvation and ethnic cleansing.

    When the notorious SS leader Heinrich Himmler visited Libya in in 1939, he deemed the Italian colony a successful model to emulate.

    And after Mussolini’s forces aided the Axis invasions of Yugoslavia, Albania and Russia in the Second World War, more than 80,000 more prisoners were interned in camps. At the camp on the Croatian Island of Rab, more than 3,000 prisoners died in grossly inhumane conditions in 1942–43, at a mortality rate higher than the Nazi camp at Buchenwald.

    Slovenian prisoner of the Italian Rab concentration camp.
    Archives, Museum of Modern History, Ljubljana/Wikimedia Commons

    From late 1943, Italian fascists also participated in the rounding up of over 7,000 Italian Jews to transfer to Auschwitz. Almost all of them were murdered.

    Following the war, even with Il Duce dead, few perpetrators faced justice for these atrocities.

    Lessons for democracies after 80 years

    The infamy of the crimes associated with the word “fascism” has meant that few people today claim the label – even those attracted to the same kinds of authoritarian, ethnonationalist politics.

    Mussolini, even more than Hitler, can seem a bombastic fool, with his uniform, theatrical gestures, stylised hyper-masculinity and patented steely jaw.

    Yet, one of the lessons of Mussolini’s career is that such political adventurists are only as strong as the democratic opposition allows. To fail to take them seriously is to enable their success.

    Mussolini pushed his luck time and again between 1920 and 1926. As the wonderful recent teleseries of his ascent, Mussolini, Figlio del Seculo shows, time and again, the opposition failed to concertedly oppose the fascists’ attacks on democratic norms and institutions. Then it was too late.

    Democracies mostly fall over time, by a thousand cuts and shifts of the goalposts of what is considered “normal”. Fascism, moreover, depends in no small measure on shameless political deception, including the readiness to conceal its own most radical intentions.

    Fascist “strongmen” like Mussolini accumulate power thanks to people’s inabilities to believe that the barbarisation of political life – including open violence against opponents – could happen in their societies.

    And there is a final, unsettling lesson of Mussolini’s career. Il Duce was a skilled propagandist who portrayed himself as leading a popular revolt to restore respectable values. He was able to win widespread popular support, including among the elites, even as he destroyed Italian democracy.

    Yet, if the monarchy, military, other political parties and the church had attempted a principled, united opposition to fascism early enough, most of Mussolini’s crimes would likely have been avoided.

    Matthew Sharpe has in the past (2013-17) received funding from the ARC to study religion and politics in the contemporary world.

    – ref. 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise? – https://theconversation.com/80-years-after-benito-mussolinis-death-what-can-democracies-today-learn-from-his-fascist-rise-251154

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Press Briefing Transcript: European Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

     MR. HELGE BERGER, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MS. OYA CELASUN, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MR. ALFRED KAMMER, Director, European Department, IMF

    MODERATOR: 

    MS. CAMILA PEREZ, Senior Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    P R O C E E D I N G S

    (10:00 a.m.)

    MS. PEREZ: Hi everyone.  Thank you so much for joining today’s press conference on the European Economic Outlook.  I’m Camila Perez.  I’m a Communications Officer with the IMF.  We’re pleased to be joined today by Alfred Kammer, sitting next to me, Director of the European Department here at the IMF.  Also, with us we’ve got Oya Celasun and Helge Berger, both Deputy Directors of the Department. 

    We’ll begin as usual with some opening remarks from Alfred, and then we’ll take your questions.  I see some colleagues joining online, so we will also go to your questions online.  Alfred, over to you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Welcome to this press conference on Europe. I have posted my opening remarks and also circulated.  You should have them.  So, I will just make a few points for emphasis. 

    First of all, in terms of the outlook, we have had a meaningful downgrade for Europe that reflects the impact of tariffs, partially compensated by an increase in infrastructure spending and defense spending, in particular from Germany.  But the biggest impact is coming from uncertainty and tighter financial conditions.  The impact is different for the Euro area versus CESEE (Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe).  CESEE is more affected as it has a larger manufacturing sector and is more exposed to tariffs. 

    Second point to make is when we are looking at the medium term, we see rather weak growth, and that has not changed from our previous outlook.  And that is a clear result of a large productivity gap Europe has to the global economy.  And that is something which clearly needs to be fixed.  We were talking about internal barriers; we are talking about financial barriers which need to be overcome.  So that’s part of the medium-term growth story, and that is something for the policy part. 

    On the policy recommendations, first, our recommendation is more trade is better and therefore we are very encouraged that the European Union is continuing to move forward on trade agreements.  Those who have been — which have been negotiated, they should be brought to a conclusion. 

    The second policy advice is on the monetary side.  In the Euro area, we had success in the disinflation effort.  We are forecasting now that we hit the target in the second half of 2025.  What does that mean for ECB monetary policy?  One more cut in the summer of 25 basis points and then keep the rate on hold at 2 percent until — unless major shocks ask for a recalibration of that monetary stance.  A bit different in CESEE, where inflation is more persistent and still higher, and there needs to be taken more caution in terms of the easing part.

    On fiscal consolidation, fiscal consolidation should continue.  Europe needs to build up buffers for the next shock.  But also, Europe needs to build fiscal space for long-term spending pressures, which we have on aging, health care, the energy transition, and of course, now an accelerated need is on defense spending. 

    Final point, focus needs to be on structural reforms.  In Europe, we have been making suggestions on reforms which could be taken at the EU level.  Draghi Letta, we have a shared diagnostic.  We also have an understanding of the policy solutions.  These reforms should be undertaken with urgency.  We selected a number of key reforms which are under discussion.  If we are looking at the benefit of the implementation, it would add 3 percent to the level of GDP in Europe.  So, these reforms need to be pushed forward with urgency. 

    There’s also a need for national structural reforms.  There’s lots of benefit to those.  Priority in Europe actually is on the labor market side, including on upskilling and reskilling of workers.  We put together, country by country, a set of priority reform areas.  If countries actually close the gap to the best-performing countries, best-practice countries in these areas by only 50 percent, it would give a boost to the level of GDP by 5 percent for advanced European countries, by 6 to 7 percent for CESEE countries and for the Western Balkan countries, the number is 9 percent increase in GDP.  So, the reform areas are discussed, the reform areas are agreed.  What now needs to happen is the political will, and that is not easy to overcome vested interests, but it needs to be done because this is to secure the future of Europe.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks so much, Alfred. We can now start with your questions.  We will go to the room.  Please raise your hand when called, identify yourself, name, and outlet.  We’re going to get started with the lady sitting here.  Thank you.  First row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  So, in recent weeks financial market has shown increasing pressure on U.S. Treasury while demand on the European debt appears to be rising.  Do you believe this shift represents a sustainable trend?  And more broadly, do you think that what some have termed European exceptionalism could eventually supplant the American exceptionalism in the global economic and financial order?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: First, to move to European exceptionalism. It’s still a long and hard road away, and it starts with utilizing the single market in order to create the productivity gains necessary actually to create markets to scale and to create financing to scale so that we get a dynamic business sector going.  And that is a must, which needs to be done in order to increase growth, and also, given all of the spending needs coming to secure the European welfare state. 

    On your other question, we should not overinterpret the shifts which have taken place on the portfolio side over the last few weeks.  When markets are adjusting, you would expect rebalancing to take place.  At this stage, way too early to say whether there has been a structural shift. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you, Alfred. We’re going to go now to the gentleman in the fourth row with the blue jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Mr. Kammer, Germany has been very praised here during the Spring Meetings for its new fiscal stimulus package.  But in Germany we have a little bit of different discussion.  A lot of economists criticize the lack of structural reforms in Germany.  Do you have already a first assessment of how the fiscal stimulus package could boost the weak German potential growth?  And do you think that the expenditures are in line with the EU fiscal rules, or must the EU fiscal rules be reformed again so that Germany just can spend the money in the end?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: On your first question, yes, we do. And I hand over to Oya. 

    MS. CELASUN: Thank you very much. So, you’re asking how the fiscal stimulus will impact the German economy and how it fits in with the broader structural reform agenda.  So, it will bring some — blow some energy into the economy after several years of weak growth.  We don’t expect the ramp-up in expenditures to be very quick.  We expect the peak effect in 2026.  Basically in ’25, it will bring some partial offset to the increased drags we are seeing from the trade side from global uncertainty, weak consumer and business confidence.  But as we move into 2026 and 2027, it will be a dominant factor offsetting the expected ongoing drag from trade tensions.  So, it will certainly lift aggregate demand. 

    And the part on infrastructure spending is very welcome.  For years we’ve pointed to deficient public infrastructure as a factor holding back growth in Germany.  So not only will it help growth in the near-term through aggregate demand, but it should have, if fully spent, it should have an effect on lifting potential growth in the long-term as well.  It is one of the important areas we see for lifting potential growth as Germany moves into a period with weak growth in its workforce — in fact, a sharp contraction in the coming five years.  So that’s very welcome.  But there are other important areas.  One of them is cutting red tape, actually important for lifting public infrastructure spending as well.  It’s important for Germany to be a leader in pushing European integration and also deal with its shrinking labor force by helping women work full-time.  Thanks. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks, Oya. We’re —

    QUESTIONER: [off mic]

    MS. CELASUN: So maybe the important thing to mention is that Germany has fiscal space, it has low debt, it has low deficits, it has low borrowing costs. So that’s very important.  We, our own forecasts suggest that Germany, once you exclude defense spending of about 1.5 percent of GDP relative to 2021, will keep its deficits below 3 percent.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go now to the center. Gentlemen on the second row.  Thank. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  In the updated World Economic Outlook, the IMF downgraded its projection for Ukraine up to 2 percent this year compared with the November forecast, which was 2.5-3.5 percent.  Could you please elaborate on the aspects that have affected the current forecast?  What share of this is due to the global and regional slowdown, domestic factors, war, or external support?  And secondly, may I ask you to comment on the issue of debt restructuring for Ukraine?  Do you have communication with the Ukrainian government on this, and how do you evaluate the risks for Ukraine if they couldn’t reach a deal on this issue?  Thank you.

    MS. PEREZ: Let me see if there’s any other questions on Ukraine. The lady in the third row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: I also want to ask you about the crisis and there are — have many — many different cases, many countries have had their debt written off.  And do you recommend the creditors write off part of Ukraine’s debt, and is this option being considered now?  Thank you.

    MR. KAMMER: So, let me start with a question on growth first. What we are seeing is lower growth momentum carrying forward from 2024.  That is a reflection of the bombing of the energy infrastructure and that is hampering the economy.  It’s also reflecting a very tight labor market and it’s reflecting continued uncertainty of the length of the war and how the war will evolve and affect the economy.  And that is clearly weighing on growth in 2025. 

    I should say, of course, and emphasize again that the Ukraine economic team, Minister of Finance, Central Bank Governor are doing an extraordinary job to maintain macro stability under these conditions and also to prepare the economy for a post-war reconstruction period.  And important for that is the need to work on the medium-term national revenue strategy because Ukraine will need revenue in order to provide all of the necessary service of a modern state and their support the reconstruction.  So, I think that’s very important.  But praise again for the economic team to operate and attain macro stability in this difficult situation. 

    On the debt part, what we are seeing is that there is a credible process underway with private creditors that is proceeding, and that is an important element of the Fund program.  So that in the end, under the Fund program, we are going to see that sustainability in Ukraine emerging. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go to this side of the room.  The lady in the second row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  A question on the UK.  There’s a lot of speculation in the UK about a potential trade deal with the U.S.  Will it make any difference to growth?  And our finance minister was on the radio this morning saying our trading relationship with Europe was arguably even more important because they’re nearer to us.  Do you agree with that?

    MR. KAMMER: Helge?

    MR. BERGER: We agree with everybody who concludes that more trade is better than less trade. We understand that trade has been sort of in the past and will be in the future, I’m sure, an engine for growth and productivity improvements. So, in that spirit, sort of any trade agreements that the UK will be concluding with any country going forward that will improve sort of the trading relationships that they already have are very welcome.  And we would generally encourage all countries to follow this path. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go.  The gentleman in the second row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi. I was just wondering, during the meetings this week, there seem to be differing opinions among European leaders about the prospects of a trade deal with the United States.  The French saying they think perhaps a deal might be some way off.  The Germans expressing more optimism.  I just wondered from your vantage point how important you think it is that a deal be done for growth for the European Union and for Europe more broadly.  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so clearly our message is more trade is better. Trade tensions are bad for growth.  And so, we are encouraging to have constructive negotiations.  And the U.S. is a large trading partner of the European Union, so we are hoping that there will be successful negotiations taking place.  And in our discussions with European leaders, I don’t sense any difference of views with regard to the importance of that relationship and that an effort needs to be made to de-escalate and to negotiate a deal. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go online now. Go ahead please.  You can unmute yourself. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you so much.  Trade between Russia and Europe has shrunk dramatically due to sanctions and counter-sanctions.  How does the IMF characterize the current state of Russia-Europe trade flows?  Are we essentially seeing a permanent decoupling of the Russian economy from its European trading partners, or are there still significant economic interactions that could influence the outlook?  Moreover, what does the IMF foresee for the future of these trade relations?  Is any normalization expected within the forecast horizon, taking into account U.S. tariffs, or will they remain at minimal levels?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: So, it would be speculative on my side to pronounce on what the future will bring with regard to the European Russian relations. Fact is that there has been a decoupling taking place, or trade has been reduced quite considerably. And Russia, in response, has increased domestic production, import substitution, and reoriented trade relations, in particular to China and India.  So that has taken place.  When we are looking at the Russian economy, what we are seeing is a quite sharp slowdown this year from last year’s growth, and that shows the strain the war is imposing on the Russian economy.  Importantly, what we see is if this isolation of Russia is going to continue, it will impact, of course, on the transfer of technology.  And we are forecasting that potential growth in Russia has fallen significantly to 1.2 percent.  And with such a potential growth rate, it will not converge to Western European living standards.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks. We’re going to go with the first row.  The gentleman in the jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  Italy’s growth forecast was cut in half, almost from 0.7 to 0.4.  Was it just on account of trade or for other factors?  And if you have any policy recommendation for the government.  And also, another question on the ECB, you are recommending that they cut 2 percent.  Most economists expect the rate to go down below 2 percent.  Are you suggesting they should stay at that level.

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, maybe I’ll start with the ECB question, and Helge can take the question on the growth performance of Italy. So, what we are seeing is that inflation is coming down as expected. The uncertainty at this stage is at the wage side.  But here we also see a slowdown, and we are expecting wages to converge to projections by the end of this year.  And the bottom line of this is that we expect that the inflation target of 2 percent will be sustainably met in the second half of 2025.  We will see that headline inflation may be a bit below and that reflects the impact of lower energy prices.  We will see that core inflation may stay a bit above 2.  The bottom line on our side is we are looking at a monetary policy stance which will maintain sustainably this inflation rate at 2 percent.  And we are seeing that can be achieved with another 25-basis point cut and then hold at 2 percent.  We don’t see a need for going lower than 2 percent. 

    This, of course, is subject to major shocks affecting the monetary policy stance in the future.  We should not forget.  And we are emphasizing major shocks because the impact on monetary policy on inflation is not going to become evident within the first 18 months.  So, this is a long-term endeavor whenever you are changing the monetary stance.

    MS. PEREZ: Helge. 

    MR. BERGER: Italy.  So, thanks for the question.  The downgrade as in 2025, this year, 2.4 from 0.7, and next year from 0.9 to 0.8, is roughly in line what we have seen in other countries.  So, there are two factors at play.  One is the trade tensions.  They have a direct element, so there’s an exposure to tariffs.  But there’s also trade uncertainty.  And this uncertainty has also left its marks on financial conditions which have tightened.  So, all these factors sort of slow down growth. 

    In ’26, the downgrade is a bit lower because some of these effects are less urgent.  But we also do have some countervailing factors such as the NRP public investment surging as the program comes to an end.  And that’s something we welcome.  The government is making good progress in this area, and we like the public investment and reforms attached to it.  It is also clear that after ’26, when this program is over, there is an opportunity to ramp up domestic structural reforms.  The country has a comprehensive agenda which we encourage it to continue on.  That includes reforms in education and upskilling, includes business environment reforms.  And finally, labor market participation is a perennial issue in Italy, as we heard.  It’s also an issue in other countries, but I think Italy is part of this. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go towards the back of the room.  The lady in the light green jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  I would like to ask about Turkish economy.  In the World Economic Outlook report, unlike most countries, we see a slight upward revision in Türkiye’s growth forecast this year.  And the country’s economic growth is also projected to accelerate next year.  How do you assess the current state of Turkish economy?  Also, how does the IMF view the country’s progress in controlling inflation? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so what we are seeing under growth performance is to some extent a carryover from a very strong momentum in the second half of 2024.  And that led to a growth upgrade, a small one, but compensating.  And that is important for the negative impact of tariffs and uncertainty on the outlook. 

    With regard to the government’s disinflation program that is moving forward.  The economic team is implementing disinflation program.  Our recommendation remains, disinflation should happen faster and that requires a tighter macroeconomic policy mix.  And the linchpin of that needs to be tighter fiscal policy.  And why do we advocate that?  The longer the disinflation effort is dragging out the longer the time of vulnerability and being hit by shocks which we don’t know yet to even think about it.  So, disinflation program accelerate linchpin is tied to fiscal policy. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row.  Thank you. 

    QUESTIONER:  Good afternoon.  Mr. Kammer, you strongly advocate trade agreements between Europe and other countries.  As you well know, France is quite reluctant to sign the Mercosur Agreement.  The whole political spectrum is very reluctant, saying that there are issues on farming and environment.  What would you say to convince France and other maybe reluctant countries to sign this Mercosur Agreement? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, I would say first, it’s not just Mercosur.  Mercosur is one aspect.  There are other trade agreements in place.  And when you’re looking at the success of technology and of trade in terms of lifting up living standards globally, is just immense.  It’s not just putting people out of poverty, it is helping the rich world also grow richer. 

    There’s no question that whenever you have technological changes or when you are getting rid of trade barriers, that some sectors and some industries and the people working there will be negatively affected.  And on that our recommendation has always been and continues to be, and this has to be a continuous focus when you’re looking at the transformation which will be triggered by technological progress and artificial intelligence in particular, to make sure that the people have a social safety net to fall into.  It’s one part. 

    But then also, and that is as important, and that needs to be strengthened, to upskill skills of the labor force so that they find jobs in growing new dynamic sectors.  And that has to be a focus.  If I see one model which works and worked very well in the global economy, it’s the Flexicurity program in Denmark, which allows workers to move to jobs quickly, including getting the reskilling and upskilling.  And I think that needs to be the focus. 

    But it’s very clear we need to take care of those who are displaced and who are losing their jobs.  And we know how to do this, but it needs to be done. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go to the first row here, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  In the context of European and European market integration, do you see that it’s possible Bulgaria to become next member of the euro area in the next year?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: The answer is definitely yes.  But Helge, you may want to elaborate. 

    MR. BERGER: Thanks for the setup.  So, yes, we’re following this closely, of course.  I think it’s clear that Bulgaria has made major progress towards fulfilling the conditions for the access to the eurozone.  We have seen deficits in line with the EU fiscal framework of 3 percent.  We have seen inflation coming down.  So, the next step is for the European authorities to speak to this, the European Commission, the ECB, will speak to accession and then we expect the process to continue.

    From our end, this would be a welcome step for the country.  EU accession, sorry, euro accession means lower trading costs, more beneficial environment for the FDI flows, and so on.  So, there’s, there are a lot of upsides for the country, but of course it should enter strongly, just as strongly as it has performed in the last few years.  That means sort of taking care of fiscal policy, remain prudent, have an open eye on any financial sector risks that could come, including from accession, and last, not least, sort of work to complete the structural form agenda that the government has.  You know, you want to enter the euro, but you want to enter it on a strong footing. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go online now.  Olena, please unmute yourself.

    QUESTIONER:  Hi, everyone.  I have a question related to Europe.  Although you mentioned that increased defense spending is an upside risk, do you think that trade wars and tariffs can undermine its role for growth on European continent?  And if we compare, how do you evaluate the implementation of your policy recommendations by Europe comparing to the previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Sorry, I didn’t get the last part. 

    QUESTIONER:  How do you evaluate the implementing of policy recommendations in Europe comparing to your previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay, good.  So, clearly tariffs do have an impact and the longer they last, the more pronounced the impact will be, including on the medium-term outlook.  And therefore, our call on talking in terms of de-escalating and negotiating agreements, but also in general the idea of trade matters and more trade is better to look for new opportunities to lower trade barriers. 

    When it comes to our recommendations with regard to Europe, I would say on the macroeconomic front, both on the monetary policy side and also on the fiscal policy side, the right steps were taken, and the right steps are being implemented.  And clearly, on the monetary policy side, they are already showing the results.  Monetary policy, again, showed that it works in order to bring inflation down.  That was doubted at one point in time over the last few years.

    Where we seem to be repeating our policy recommendations is under EU reforms and also under structural reform sides.  And those reform areas are more difficult to tackle.  They are facing political economy considerations and resistance.  And so, clearly what we are happy about is that there is a shared diagnostic and there is a shared understanding of the policy solutions. 

    And I could tell you in our discussion with the European policymakers during these meetings, that is the case.  They all agree on the diagnostics and they all agree also on what needs to be done on the policy solution side.  And what we discussed was, so how to actually do it.  There’s willingness to do it, but it is some of the things are technical.  But there’s a lot of resistance, of course, from certain sectors and in certain countries towards change.  And what one needs to consider is maybe have a bigger approach to that and to start not discussing and negotiating just individual areas of reform where you have perceived winners and losers, but to think about more of a package deal where everybody can see something which is a win situation, and they need to make compromise on other parts. 

    I think on our side, what we are trying to do in messaging, it is very little understood, and it’s not really communicated by policymakers and politicians of the huge value an integrated single market is created for Europe.  You usually hear a point towards net contribution to a very small European budget, which is 1 percent of European GDP.  That is just a rounding mistake in the bigger scheme of things, of what wealth that single market already has created for all of the member countries and what it can create in the future by deepening this market.  And I think that is something where we are trying to help policymakers with, to change that narrative that Europe is a burden.  No.  Europe is a winner for all the 27 countries which are participating in the European Union.  And I think that’s an important message to make. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re running out of time, so we’ll take one or two more questions.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thanks.  I have two questions.  One is, could you a little bit elaborate more on your policy advice?  For example, in Austria we have a big debate about should wage costs go down in order to bring back industry.  But if I’m correct, I hear that you see more potential in kind of a stronger integration in Europe. 

    And my second question is, I was just at the Peterson Institute where they said basically that this 10 percent appreciation of the euro versus the dollar is more or less equivalent to the 20 percent additional tax.  So what was your assumption on the exchange rate of the dollar and the euro?  And is there a danger that this might lead to more trouble if the dollar keeps getting weaker?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: Mm-hmm.  Oya, do you want to take this question? 

    MS. CELASUN: Sure.  On the Austrian side, basically what we have, we’ve recently concluded a consultation with Austria and the reforms that we found to be the most important ones were to lift female and elderly labor force participation because Austria, like others, is aging rapidly.  And for that, childcare and elder care availability and access are very important.  Also, Austria is yet another country where we would see a strong push, we would like to see a strong push for European integration.  Especially the regulatory growth financing environment for startups need to be bolstered and that those require, in our view, reforms at the European level. 

    On the second side, I don’t think I caught everything. 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay.  So, on the euro, first of all, we shouldn’t translate swings and volatility into long-term trends.  We need to be careful about that.  But, of course, the exchange rate will have an impact on Europe, including on the inflation outlook, if persistent.  But what I would point towards is, there is a narrative out there that Europe is not competitive.  And that narrative is actually wrong.  Europe is competitive.  Europe has a current account surplus versus the rest of the world.  What we are arguing is that Europe has a gap in its productivity and in particular a gap in labor productivity.  And it is that to focus on in order to actually create more income.  And that’s the important stuff. 

    Now, how to deal with changes in the external environment.  The key message to Europe for that is external shocks are going to persist.  Transformations will have to take place because technology is moving, energy security needs to be established.  The green transition is a key policy priority for Europe.  And for that we need a more dynamic business sector.  And we don’t have that in Europe.  When you’re looking at startups in particular, it’s not that Europe doesn’t have the capacity to innovate, it does.  Does Europe have the startups?  Europe has the startups.  But we don’t have the environment for these startups to flourish.  They don’t need bank loans, bank loans need collateral.  And many of the startups are in the intellectual sphere in terms of what they’re providing.  And so, what you need for that is risk capital, equity and venture capital for those startups to move forward.  Many will die, but there will be winners, and they need to scale up.  And for that you need to have this risk capital.  And what happens right now is they’re going to the U.S. for that.  And that’s one part of the business dynamism which is actually taken away from Europe because companies cannot scale up.  We have these internal barriers. 

    And companies cannot scale up because we have the financial barriers.  And the financial barriers are, in Europe, we don’t have deep capital markets which can provide debt risk capital to these young startups.  We have an abundance of small and medium-sized enterprises in Europe and when you’re looking at comparison to the U.S. these small and medium term and medium sized enterprises, they are old, and their productivity is not that high.  But the young spectrum is missing.  And when we have successes, then you need to for these success stories to have the market to operate in and scale up.  We don’t yet.  And you need the capital for those companies to grow to scale.  And again, many of these companies who reach that state, they list at the New York Stock Exchange because European capital markets are too small. 

    So, if I point towards a big issue in order to address many of the problems we are seeing in the future, it must be a more dynamic business sector, including more exit of firms which are not viable. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you so much.  I’m afraid we’re going to have to leave it here, but please do come to us bilaterally for the questions we couldn’t take.  I would like to thank our speakers and thank you here, joining us, and colleagues joining us online with this.  We can wrap it up.  Have a good day everyone. 

    MR. KAMMER: Thank you. 

    *  *  *  *  *

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Camila Perez

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/tr-04252025-eur-press-briefing-transcript

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: European Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

     MR. HELGE BERGER, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MS. OYA CELASUN, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MR. ALFRED KAMMER, Director, European Department, IMF

    MODERATOR: 

    MS. CAMILA PEREZ, Senior Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    P R O C E E D I N G S

    (10:00 a.m.)

    MS. PEREZ: Hi everyone.  Thank you so much for joining today’s press conference on the European Economic Outlook.  I’m Camila Perez.  I’m a Communications Officer with the IMF.  We’re pleased to be joined today by Alfred Kammer, sitting next to me, Director of the European Department here at the IMF.  Also, with us we’ve got Oya Celasun and Helge Berger, both Deputy Directors of the Department. 

    We’ll begin as usual with some opening remarks from Alfred, and then we’ll take your questions.  I see some colleagues joining online, so we will also go to your questions online.  Alfred, over to you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Welcome to this press conference on Europe. I have posted my opening remarks and also circulated.  You should have them.  So, I will just make a few points for emphasis. 

    First of all, in terms of the outlook, we have had a meaningful downgrade for Europe that reflects the impact of tariffs, partially compensated by an increase in infrastructure spending and defense spending, in particular from Germany.  But the biggest impact is coming from uncertainty and tighter financial conditions.  The impact is different for the Euro area versus CESEE (Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe).  CESEE is more affected as it has a larger manufacturing sector and is more exposed to tariffs. 

    Second point to make is when we are looking at the medium term, we see rather weak growth, and that has not changed from our previous outlook.  And that is a clear result of a large productivity gap Europe has to the global economy.  And that is something which clearly needs to be fixed.  We were talking about internal barriers; we are talking about financial barriers which need to be overcome.  So that’s part of the medium-term growth story, and that is something for the policy part. 

    On the policy recommendations, first, our recommendation is more trade is better and therefore we are very encouraged that the European Union is continuing to move forward on trade agreements.  Those who have been — which have been negotiated, they should be brought to a conclusion. 

    The second policy advice is on the monetary side.  In the Euro area, we had success in the disinflation effort.  We are forecasting now that we hit the target in the second half of 2025.  What does that mean for ECB monetary policy?  One more cut in the summer of 25 basis points and then keep the rate on hold at 2 percent until — unless major shocks ask for a recalibration of that monetary stance.  A bit different in CESEE, where inflation is more persistent and still higher, and there needs to be taken more caution in terms of the easing part.

    On fiscal consolidation, fiscal consolidation should continue.  Europe needs to build up buffers for the next shock.  But also, Europe needs to build fiscal space for long-term spending pressures, which we have on aging, health care, the energy transition, and of course, now an accelerated need is on defense spending. 

    Final point, focus needs to be on structural reforms.  In Europe, we have been making suggestions on reforms which could be taken at the EU level.  Draghi Letta, we have a shared diagnostic.  We also have an understanding of the policy solutions.  These reforms should be undertaken with urgency.  We selected a number of key reforms which are under discussion.  If we are looking at the benefit of the implementation, it would add 3 percent to the level of GDP in Europe.  So, these reforms need to be pushed forward with urgency. 

    There’s also a need for national structural reforms.  There’s lots of benefit to those.  Priority in Europe actually is on the labor market side, including on upskilling and reskilling of workers.  We put together, country by country, a set of priority reform areas.  If countries actually close the gap to the best-performing countries, best-practice countries in these areas by only 50 percent, it would give a boost to the level of GDP by 5 percent for advanced European countries, by 6 to 7 percent for CESEE countries and for the Western Balkan countries, the number is 9 percent increase in GDP.  So, the reform areas are discussed, the reform areas are agreed.  What now needs to happen is the political will, and that is not easy to overcome vested interests, but it needs to be done because this is to secure the future of Europe.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks so much, Alfred. We can now start with your questions.  We will go to the room.  Please raise your hand when called, identify yourself, name, and outlet.  We’re going to get started with the lady sitting here.  Thank you.  First row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  So, in recent weeks financial market has shown increasing pressure on U.S. Treasury while demand on the European debt appears to be rising.  Do you believe this shift represents a sustainable trend?  And more broadly, do you think that what some have termed European exceptionalism could eventually supplant the American exceptionalism in the global economic and financial order?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: First, to move to European exceptionalism. It’s still a long and hard road away, and it starts with utilizing the single market in order to create the productivity gains necessary actually to create markets to scale and to create financing to scale so that we get a dynamic business sector going.  And that is a must, which needs to be done in order to increase growth, and also, given all of the spending needs coming to secure the European welfare state. 

    On your other question, we should not overinterpret the shifts which have taken place on the portfolio side over the last few weeks.  When markets are adjusting, you would expect rebalancing to take place.  At this stage, way too early to say whether there has been a structural shift. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you, Alfred. We’re going to go now to the gentleman in the fourth row with the blue jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Mr. Kammer, Germany has been very praised here during the Spring Meetings for its new fiscal stimulus package.  But in Germany we have a little bit of different discussion.  A lot of economists criticize the lack of structural reforms in Germany.  Do you have already a first assessment of how the fiscal stimulus package could boost the weak German potential growth?  And do you think that the expenditures are in line with the EU fiscal rules, or must the EU fiscal rules be reformed again so that Germany just can spend the money in the end?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: On your first question, yes, we do. And I hand over to Oya. 

    MS. CELASUN: Thank you very much. So, you’re asking how the fiscal stimulus will impact the German economy and how it fits in with the broader structural reform agenda.  So, it will bring some — blow some energy into the economy after several years of weak growth.  We don’t expect the ramp-up in expenditures to be very quick.  We expect the peak effect in 2026.  Basically in ’25, it will bring some partial offset to the increased drags we are seeing from the trade side from global uncertainty, weak consumer and business confidence.  But as we move into 2026 and 2027, it will be a dominant factor offsetting the expected ongoing drag from trade tensions.  So, it will certainly lift aggregate demand. 

    And the part on infrastructure spending is very welcome.  For years we’ve pointed to deficient public infrastructure as a factor holding back growth in Germany.  So not only will it help growth in the near-term through aggregate demand, but it should have, if fully spent, it should have an effect on lifting potential growth in the long-term as well.  It is one of the important areas we see for lifting potential growth as Germany moves into a period with weak growth in its workforce — in fact, a sharp contraction in the coming five years.  So that’s very welcome.  But there are other important areas.  One of them is cutting red tape, actually important for lifting public infrastructure spending as well.  It’s important for Germany to be a leader in pushing European integration and also deal with its shrinking labor force by helping women work full-time.  Thanks. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks, Oya. We’re —

    QUESTIONER: [off mic]

    MS. CELASUN: So maybe the important thing to mention is that Germany has fiscal space, it has low debt, it has low deficits, it has low borrowing costs. So that’s very important.  We, our own forecasts suggest that Germany, once you exclude defense spending of about 1.5 percent of GDP relative to 2021, will keep its deficits below 3 percent.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go now to the center. Gentlemen on the second row.  Thank. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  In the updated World Economic Outlook, the IMF downgraded its projection for Ukraine up to 2 percent this year compared with the November forecast, which was 2.5-3.5 percent.  Could you please elaborate on the aspects that have affected the current forecast?  What share of this is due to the global and regional slowdown, domestic factors, war, or external support?  And secondly, may I ask you to comment on the issue of debt restructuring for Ukraine?  Do you have communication with the Ukrainian government on this, and how do you evaluate the risks for Ukraine if they couldn’t reach a deal on this issue?  Thank you.

    MS. PEREZ: Let me see if there’s any other questions on Ukraine. The lady in the third row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: I also want to ask you about the crisis and there are — have many — many different cases, many countries have had their debt written off.  And do you recommend the creditors write off part of Ukraine’s debt, and is this option being considered now?  Thank you.

    MR. KAMMER: So, let me start with a question on growth first. What we are seeing is lower growth momentum carrying forward from 2024.  That is a reflection of the bombing of the energy infrastructure and that is hampering the economy.  It’s also reflecting a very tight labor market and it’s reflecting continued uncertainty of the length of the war and how the war will evolve and affect the economy.  And that is clearly weighing on growth in 2025. 

    I should say, of course, and emphasize again that the Ukraine economic team, Minister of Finance, Central Bank Governor are doing an extraordinary job to maintain macro stability under these conditions and also to prepare the economy for a post-war reconstruction period.  And important for that is the need to work on the medium-term national revenue strategy because Ukraine will need revenue in order to provide all of the necessary service of a modern state and their support the reconstruction.  So, I think that’s very important.  But praise again for the economic team to operate and attain macro stability in this difficult situation. 

    On the debt part, what we are seeing is that there is a credible process underway with private creditors that is proceeding, and that is an important element of the Fund program.  So that in the end, under the Fund program, we are going to see that sustainability in Ukraine emerging. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go to this side of the room.  The lady in the second row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  A question on the UK.  There’s a lot of speculation in the UK about a potential trade deal with the U.S.  Will it make any difference to growth?  And our finance minister was on the radio this morning saying our trading relationship with Europe was arguably even more important because they’re nearer to us.  Do you agree with that?

    MR. KAMMER: Helge?

    MR. BERGER: We agree with everybody who concludes that more trade is better than less trade. We understand that trade has been sort of in the past and will be in the future, I’m sure, an engine for growth and productivity improvements. So, in that spirit, sort of any trade agreements that the UK will be concluding with any country going forward that will improve sort of the trading relationships that they already have are very welcome.  And we would generally encourage all countries to follow this path. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go.  The gentleman in the second row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi. I was just wondering, during the meetings this week, there seem to be differing opinions among European leaders about the prospects of a trade deal with the United States.  The French saying they think perhaps a deal might be some way off.  The Germans expressing more optimism.  I just wondered from your vantage point how important you think it is that a deal be done for growth for the European Union and for Europe more broadly.  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so clearly our message is more trade is better. Trade tensions are bad for growth.  And so, we are encouraging to have constructive negotiations.  And the U.S. is a large trading partner of the European Union, so we are hoping that there will be successful negotiations taking place.  And in our discussions with European leaders, I don’t sense any difference of views with regard to the importance of that relationship and that an effort needs to be made to de-escalate and to negotiate a deal. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go online now. Go ahead please.  You can unmute yourself. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you so much.  Trade between Russia and Europe has shrunk dramatically due to sanctions and counter-sanctions.  How does the IMF characterize the current state of Russia-Europe trade flows?  Are we essentially seeing a permanent decoupling of the Russian economy from its European trading partners, or are there still significant economic interactions that could influence the outlook?  Moreover, what does the IMF foresee for the future of these trade relations?  Is any normalization expected within the forecast horizon, taking into account U.S. tariffs, or will they remain at minimal levels?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: So, it would be speculative on my side to pronounce on what the future will bring with regard to the European Russian relations. Fact is that there has been a decoupling taking place, or trade has been reduced quite considerably. And Russia, in response, has increased domestic production, import substitution, and reoriented trade relations, in particular to China and India.  So that has taken place.  When we are looking at the Russian economy, what we are seeing is a quite sharp slowdown this year from last year’s growth, and that shows the strain the war is imposing on the Russian economy.  Importantly, what we see is if this isolation of Russia is going to continue, it will impact, of course, on the transfer of technology.  And we are forecasting that potential growth in Russia has fallen significantly to 1.2 percent.  And with such a potential growth rate, it will not converge to Western European living standards.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks. We’re going to go with the first row.  The gentleman in the jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  Italy’s growth forecast was cut in half, almost from 0.7 to 0.4.  Was it just on account of trade or for other factors?  And if you have any policy recommendation for the government.  And also, another question on the ECB, you are recommending that they cut 2 percent.  Most economists expect the rate to go down below 2 percent.  Are you suggesting they should stay at that level.

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, maybe I’ll start with the ECB question, and Helge can take the question on the growth performance of Italy. So, what we are seeing is that inflation is coming down as expected. The uncertainty at this stage is at the wage side.  But here we also see a slowdown, and we are expecting wages to converge to projections by the end of this year.  And the bottom line of this is that we expect that the inflation target of 2 percent will be sustainably met in the second half of 2025.  We will see that headline inflation may be a bit below and that reflects the impact of lower energy prices.  We will see that core inflation may stay a bit above 2.  The bottom line on our side is we are looking at a monetary policy stance which will maintain sustainably this inflation rate at 2 percent.  And we are seeing that can be achieved with another 25-basis point cut and then hold at 2 percent.  We don’t see a need for going lower than 2 percent. 

    This, of course, is subject to major shocks affecting the monetary policy stance in the future.  We should not forget.  And we are emphasizing major shocks because the impact on monetary policy on inflation is not going to become evident within the first 18 months.  So, this is a long-term endeavor whenever you are changing the monetary stance.

    MS. PEREZ: Helge. 

    MR. BERGER: Italy.  So, thanks for the question.  The downgrade as in 2025, this year, 2.4 from 0.7, and next year from 0.9 to 0.8, is roughly in line what we have seen in other countries.  So, there are two factors at play.  One is the trade tensions.  They have a direct element, so there’s an exposure to tariffs.  But there’s also trade uncertainty.  And this uncertainty has also left its marks on financial conditions which have tightened.  So, all these factors sort of slow down growth. 

    In ’26, the downgrade is a bit lower because some of these effects are less urgent.  But we also do have some countervailing factors such as the NRP public investment surging as the program comes to an end.  And that’s something we welcome.  The government is making good progress in this area, and we like the public investment and reforms attached to it.  It is also clear that after ’26, when this program is over, there is an opportunity to ramp up domestic structural reforms.  The country has a comprehensive agenda which we encourage it to continue on.  That includes reforms in education and upskilling, includes business environment reforms.  And finally, labor market participation is a perennial issue in Italy, as we heard.  It’s also an issue in other countries, but I think Italy is part of this. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go towards the back of the room.  The lady in the light green jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  I would like to ask about Turkish economy.  In the World Economic Outlook report, unlike most countries, we see a slight upward revision in Türkiye’s growth forecast this year.  And the country’s economic growth is also projected to accelerate next year.  How do you assess the current state of Turkish economy?  Also, how does the IMF view the country’s progress in controlling inflation? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so what we are seeing under growth performance is to some extent a carryover from a very strong momentum in the second half of 2024.  And that led to a growth upgrade, a small one, but compensating.  And that is important for the negative impact of tariffs and uncertainty on the outlook. 

    With regard to the government’s disinflation program that is moving forward.  The economic team is implementing disinflation program.  Our recommendation remains, disinflation should happen faster and that requires a tighter macroeconomic policy mix.  And the linchpin of that needs to be tighter fiscal policy.  And why do we advocate that?  The longer the disinflation effort is dragging out the longer the time of vulnerability and being hit by shocks which we don’t know yet to even think about it.  So, disinflation program accelerate linchpin is tied to fiscal policy. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row.  Thank you. 

    QUESTIONER:  Good afternoon.  Mr. Kammer, you strongly advocate trade agreements between Europe and other countries.  As you well know, France is quite reluctant to sign the Mercosur Agreement.  The whole political spectrum is very reluctant, saying that there are issues on farming and environment.  What would you say to convince France and other maybe reluctant countries to sign this Mercosur Agreement? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, I would say first, it’s not just Mercosur.  Mercosur is one aspect.  There are other trade agreements in place.  And when you’re looking at the success of technology and of trade in terms of lifting up living standards globally, is just immense.  It’s not just putting people out of poverty, it is helping the rich world also grow richer. 

    There’s no question that whenever you have technological changes or when you are getting rid of trade barriers, that some sectors and some industries and the people working there will be negatively affected.  And on that our recommendation has always been and continues to be, and this has to be a continuous focus when you’re looking at the transformation which will be triggered by technological progress and artificial intelligence in particular, to make sure that the people have a social safety net to fall into.  It’s one part. 

    But then also, and that is as important, and that needs to be strengthened, to upskill skills of the labor force so that they find jobs in growing new dynamic sectors.  And that has to be a focus.  If I see one model which works and worked very well in the global economy, it’s the Flexicurity program in Denmark, which allows workers to move to jobs quickly, including getting the reskilling and upskilling.  And I think that needs to be the focus. 

    But it’s very clear we need to take care of those who are displaced and who are losing their jobs.  And we know how to do this, but it needs to be done. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go to the first row here, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  In the context of European and European market integration, do you see that it’s possible Bulgaria to become next member of the euro area in the next year?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: The answer is definitely yes.  But Helge, you may want to elaborate. 

    MR. BERGER: Thanks for the setup.  So, yes, we’re following this closely, of course.  I think it’s clear that Bulgaria has made major progress towards fulfilling the conditions for the access to the eurozone.  We have seen deficits in line with the EU fiscal framework of 3 percent.  We have seen inflation coming down.  So, the next step is for the European authorities to speak to this, the European Commission, the ECB, will speak to accession and then we expect the process to continue.

    From our end, this would be a welcome step for the country.  EU accession, sorry, euro accession means lower trading costs, more beneficial environment for the FDI flows, and so on.  So, there’s, there are a lot of upsides for the country, but of course it should enter strongly, just as strongly as it has performed in the last few years.  That means sort of taking care of fiscal policy, remain prudent, have an open eye on any financial sector risks that could come, including from accession, and last, not least, sort of work to complete the structural form agenda that the government has.  You know, you want to enter the euro, but you want to enter it on a strong footing. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go online now.  Olena, please unmute yourself.

    QUESTIONER:  Hi, everyone.  I have a question related to Europe.  Although you mentioned that increased defense spending is an upside risk, do you think that trade wars and tariffs can undermine its role for growth on European continent?  And if we compare, how do you evaluate the implementation of your policy recommendations by Europe comparing to the previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Sorry, I didn’t get the last part. 

    QUESTIONER:  How do you evaluate the implementing of policy recommendations in Europe comparing to your previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay, good.  So, clearly tariffs do have an impact and the longer they last, the more pronounced the impact will be, including on the medium-term outlook.  And therefore, our call on talking in terms of de-escalating and negotiating agreements, but also in general the idea of trade matters and more trade is better to look for new opportunities to lower trade barriers. 

    When it comes to our recommendations with regard to Europe, I would say on the macroeconomic front, both on the monetary policy side and also on the fiscal policy side, the right steps were taken, and the right steps are being implemented.  And clearly, on the monetary policy side, they are already showing the results.  Monetary policy, again, showed that it works in order to bring inflation down.  That was doubted at one point in time over the last few years.

    Where we seem to be repeating our policy recommendations is under EU reforms and also under structural reform sides.  And those reform areas are more difficult to tackle.  They are facing political economy considerations and resistance.  And so, clearly what we are happy about is that there is a shared diagnostic and there is a shared understanding of the policy solutions. 

    And I could tell you in our discussion with the European policymakers during these meetings, that is the case.  They all agree on the diagnostics and they all agree also on what needs to be done on the policy solution side.  And what we discussed was, so how to actually do it.  There’s willingness to do it, but it is some of the things are technical.  But there’s a lot of resistance, of course, from certain sectors and in certain countries towards change.  And what one needs to consider is maybe have a bigger approach to that and to start not discussing and negotiating just individual areas of reform where you have perceived winners and losers, but to think about more of a package deal where everybody can see something which is a win situation, and they need to make compromise on other parts. 

    I think on our side, what we are trying to do in messaging, it is very little understood, and it’s not really communicated by policymakers and politicians of the huge value an integrated single market is created for Europe.  You usually hear a point towards net contribution to a very small European budget, which is 1 percent of European GDP.  That is just a rounding mistake in the bigger scheme of things, of what wealth that single market already has created for all of the member countries and what it can create in the future by deepening this market.  And I think that is something where we are trying to help policymakers with, to change that narrative that Europe is a burden.  No.  Europe is a winner for all the 27 countries which are participating in the European Union.  And I think that’s an important message to make. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re running out of time, so we’ll take one or two more questions.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thanks.  I have two questions.  One is, could you a little bit elaborate more on your policy advice?  For example, in Austria we have a big debate about should wage costs go down in order to bring back industry.  But if I’m correct, I hear that you see more potential in kind of a stronger integration in Europe. 

    And my second question is, I was just at the Peterson Institute where they said basically that this 10 percent appreciation of the euro versus the dollar is more or less equivalent to the 20 percent additional tax.  So what was your assumption on the exchange rate of the dollar and the euro?  And is there a danger that this might lead to more trouble if the dollar keeps getting weaker?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: Mm-hmm.  Oya, do you want to take this question? 

    MS. CELASUN: Sure.  On the Austrian side, basically what we have, we’ve recently concluded a consultation with Austria and the reforms that we found to be the most important ones were to lift female and elderly labor force participation because Austria, like others, is aging rapidly.  And for that, childcare and elder care availability and access are very important.  Also, Austria is yet another country where we would see a strong push, we would like to see a strong push for European integration.  Especially the regulatory growth financing environment for startups need to be bolstered and that those require, in our view, reforms at the European level. 

    On the second side, I don’t think I caught everything. 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay.  So, on the euro, first of all, we shouldn’t translate swings and volatility into long-term trends.  We need to be careful about that.  But, of course, the exchange rate will have an impact on Europe, including on the inflation outlook, if persistent.  But what I would point towards is, there is a narrative out there that Europe is not competitive.  And that narrative is actually wrong.  Europe is competitive.  Europe has a current account surplus versus the rest of the world.  What we are arguing is that Europe has a gap in its productivity and in particular a gap in labor productivity.  And it is that to focus on in order to actually create more income.  And that’s the important stuff. 

    Now, how to deal with changes in the external environment.  The key message to Europe for that is external shocks are going to persist.  Transformations will have to take place because technology is moving, energy security needs to be established.  The green transition is a key policy priority for Europe.  And for that we need a more dynamic business sector.  And we don’t have that in Europe.  When you’re looking at startups in particular, it’s not that Europe doesn’t have the capacity to innovate, it does.  Does Europe have the startups?  Europe has the startups.  But we don’t have the environment for these startups to flourish.  They don’t need bank loans, bank loans need collateral.  And many of the startups are in the intellectual sphere in terms of what they’re providing.  And so, what you need for that is risk capital, equity and venture capital for those startups to move forward.  Many will die, but there will be winners, and they need to scale up.  And for that you need to have this risk capital.  And what happens right now is they’re going to the U.S. for that.  And that’s one part of the business dynamism which is actually taken away from Europe because companies cannot scale up.  We have these internal barriers. 

    And companies cannot scale up because we have the financial barriers.  And the financial barriers are, in Europe, we don’t have deep capital markets which can provide debt risk capital to these young startups.  We have an abundance of small and medium-sized enterprises in Europe and when you’re looking at comparison to the U.S. these small and medium term and medium sized enterprises, they are old, and their productivity is not that high.  But the young spectrum is missing.  And when we have successes, then you need to for these success stories to have the market to operate in and scale up.  We don’t yet.  And you need the capital for those companies to grow to scale.  And again, many of these companies who reach that state, they list at the New York Stock Exchange because European capital markets are too small. 

    So, if I point towards a big issue in order to address many of the problems we are seeing in the future, it must be a more dynamic business sector, including more exit of firms which are not viable. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you so much.  I’m afraid we’re going to have to leave it here, but please do come to us bilaterally for the questions we couldn’t take.  I would like to thank our speakers and thank you here, joining us, and colleagues joining us online with this.  We can wrap it up.  Have a good day everyone. 

    MR. KAMMER: Thank you. 

    *  *  *  *  *

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Camila Perez

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    MIL OSI Economics –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Hubble Visits Glittering Cluster, Capturing Its Ultraviolet Light

    Source: NASA

    As part of ESA/Hubble’s 35th anniversary celebrations, the European Space Agency (ESA) shared new images that revisited stunning, previously released Hubble targets with the addition of the latest Hubble data and new processing techniques.
    ESA/Hubble released new images of NGC 346, the Sombrero Galaxy, and the Eagle Nebula earlier in the month. Now they are revisiting the star cluster Messier 72 (M72).
    M72 is a collection of stars, formally known as a globular cluster, located in the constellation Aquarius roughly 50,000 light-years from Earth. The intense gravitational attraction between the closely packed stars gives globular clusters their regular, spherical shape. There are roughly 150 known globular clusters associated with the Milky Way galaxy.
    The striking variety in the color of the stars in this image of M72, particularly compared to the original image, results from the addition of ultraviolet observations to the previous visible-light data. The colors indicate groups of different types of stars. Here, blue stars are those that were originally more massive and have reached hotter temperatures after burning through much of their hydrogen fuel; the bright red objects are lower-mass stars that have become red giants. Studying these different groups help astronomers understand how globular clusters, and the galaxies they were born in, initially formed.
    Pierre Méchain, a French astronomer and colleague of Charles Messier, discovered M72 in 1780. It was the first of five star clusters that Méchain would discover while assisting Messier. They recorded the cluster as the 72nd entry in Messier’s famous collection of astronomical objects. It is also one of the most remote clusters in the catalog.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Press Briefing Transcript: African Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

    Speaker: ABEBE AEMRO SELASSIE, Director, African Department, IMF

    Moderator: KWABENA AKUAMOAH-BOATENG, Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening to all of you here in the room and those joining us online. My name is Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng.  I am with the Communications Department of the IMF, and

    I will be your moderator for today. 

    Welcome to today’s press briefing on the Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa. I am pleased to introduce Abebe Aemro Selassie, Director of the IMF’s African Department.  Abebe will share key insights from our new report titled Recovery Interrupted. 

    But before I turn to Abebe, a reminder that we have simultaneous interpretation in French and Portuguese, both online and in the room.  And the materials for this press briefing, the report, are all available online at IMF.org/Africa. Abebe, the floor is yours.

    MR. SELASSIE: Good morning and good afternoon to colleagues joining us from the region and beyond. Thank you for being here today for the release of our April Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Six months ago, I highlighted our region’s sluggish growth, and the steep political and social hurdles governments had to overcome to push through essential reforms.  Today, that fragile recovery faces a new test: the surge of global policy uncertainty so profound it is reshaping the region’s growth trajectory.

    Just when policy efforts began to bear fruit, with regional growth exceeding expectations in 2024, the region’s hard-won recovery has been overtaken by a sudden realignment of global priorities, casting a shadow over the outlook.  We now expect growth in Sub-Saharan Africa to ease to 3.8 percent in 2025 and 4.2 percent in 2026, marked down from our October projections, and these have been driven largely by difficult external conditions: weaker demand abroad, softer commodity prices, and tighter financial markets.

    Any further increase in trade tensions or tightening of financial conditions in advanced economies could further dampen regional confidence, raise borrowing costs further, and delay investment.  Meanwhile, official development assistance to Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to decline further, placing extra strain on the most vulnerable population.

    These external headwinds come on top of longer-standing vulnerabilities. High debt levels constrain the ability of many countries to finance essential services and development priorities.  While inflationary pressures have moderated at the regional level, quite a few countries are still grappling with elevated inflation, necessitating a tighter monetary stance and careful fiscal policy.

    Against this challenging backdrop, our report underscores the importance of calibrating policies to balance growth, social development, and macroeconomic stability.  Building robust fiscal and external buffers is more important than ever, underpinned by credibility and consistency in policymaking.

    In particular, there is a premium on policies to strengthen resilience: mobilize domestic revenue, improve spending efficiency, and strengthen public finance management and fiscal framework and fiscal frameworks to lower borrowing costs.  Reforms that enhance growth, improve the business climate, and foster regional trade integration are also needed to lay the groundwork for private sector-led growth.  High growth is imperative to engender the millions of jobs our region needs. 

    A strong, stable, and prosperous Sub-Saharan Africa is important for its people but also the world.  It is the region that will be the main source of labor and incremental investment and consumption demand in the decades to come.  External support as the region goes through its demographic transition is of tremendous strategic importance for the future of our planet. 

    The Fund is doing its part to help, having dispersed over $65 billion since 2020 and more than $8 billion just over the last year.  Our policy advice and capacity development efforts support more countries still. 

    Thank you and I’m happy to answer your questions. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Thank you, Abebe. Before we turn to you for your questions, a couple of ground rules, please. If you want to ask a question, raise your hand, and we’ll come to you.  Identify yourself and your organization and please limit it to one question.  For those online, you can use the chat function, or you can also raise your hand, and then we’ll come to you.  I will start from my right. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  You mentioned several things in your report.  The recovery that is going on the continent as well as some of the challenges that the continent is facing and the dividends that the continent currently has in its youth.  Leaders on the continent are working — I was at an event yesterday where they are looking at ways to raise funds to develop projects.  So, what is your recommendation for projects?  We’re seeing a need for projects like this as well as revenue mobilization on the continent.  So, is your recommendation to leaders on the continent on how to source these funds that are needed, given that some of the advanced economies are cutting back? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, any related questions before we go to Abebe?

    QUESTIONER: Abebe, you just made the point that the recovery has been hit by these uncertainties.  Beyond just policy direction, is there any scope to do anything in terms of, for example, maybe you dispense some money though, but maybe a little more to expect — to countries that are coming off defaults and what have you to help in this recovery, even at such a time?  This is also aided by, beyond the fact that some are coming, they have no buffers whatsoever.  And then, coming from defaults, things become very difficult for some of these countries to even have the money to do this.  Could there be any extra funding, even if on a regional level, to back the policy prescriptions that you have proposed? 

    MR. SELASSIE: I think there’s two different points here. The first one is more of a broader meta point, whether financing is the only constraint that is hindering more investment, more robust economic activity, and job creation. Of course, financing plays a role, but it is not the only constraint. It depends on country-to-country circumstances, what sectors we are talking about.  But it really is important to recognize that there are many other things that can be done to engender higher growth to facilitate more investment. 

    One of the issues that we have seen in our region over the years is that a lot of growth has –in many countries– been driven by public spending and public investment for many years.  That, of course, has made a major contribution.  It has facilitated all the investment that we have seen in infrastructure, building schools, building clinics.  So, that has a role to play. But I would say that going forward it will be as important to see if we can find ways in which the private sector is the main engine of growth. So, there are reforms that can be done to facilitate this growth. 

    The second one I am sensing from both your questions is about the circumstance right now where a combination of cuts in aid [and] tighter financing conditions are causing dislocation [and difficulties for governments. We have been, more than anybody else, stressing just what a difficult environment our governments have been facing.  We have been talking about the brutal funding squeeze that countries are under.  It has ebbed a little bit and flowed, you know, like the external market conditions, for example. There have been periods when they have been opened and some of our market access countries have been able to borrow, and then other periods where they have been closed, and we are going through one right now.  And this is on top of the cuts in aid that we have seen and tighter domestic financing conditions.  

    When this more cyclical point is playing out, I think it’s important for countries to be a bit more measured in how they are seeking to tackle their development needs.  So, maybe it means a bit more relying on domestic revenue mobilization, expenditure prioritization when conditions are particularly difficult as they are now, and, as I said earlier, going back to see what can be done to find ways to engender growth over the medium-term.  But it is a difficult period, as we note in our report, and one that is causing quite a bit of dislocation to our countries. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will come to the middle. The lady in the front.

    QUESTIONER: My first question is around recovery, of course, your reports are called “interrupted”.  So, with recovery slipping, growth downgraded, debt pressures mountain, is Sub-Saharan Africa at risk of another lost decade?  Because in your report you mentioned that the last four years have been quite turbulent for Africa, and we are trying to get back on track.  What is IMF’s message on bold actions that leaders must take now to avoid being left behind in the global economy and to avoid Africa being in a permanent state of vulnerability?  Because we always hear that we are in a permanent state of vulnerability.  Then for Nigeria, macros are under threat right now.  How can the government — what are your suggestions on how the government can actually push through deep reforms that deliver tangible growth for its people?  Of course, for your report, you did mention the millions and millions of people that you know live below $2.15 a day. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Any more Nigeria questions? I will take the gentleman right here.

    QUESTIONER: In your report you said that debt has stabilized.  And when you look at Nigeria’s debt profile, what insights can you share as to where the borrowings are going to?  Are you seeing more of long-term loans or short-term loans?  So that’s one.  So, what — recently the World Bank expressed concerns about the performance of Nigeria’s statistical body, saying that the institution is performing Sub optimally.  Do you share that sentiment?  Thank you very much. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will take one more on Nigeria. The gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTIONER: I [would] like to know in specific terms, Nigeria has already undertaken several reforms, especially removed oil subsidies and floated the naira.  What more specific things do you expect of Nigeria in terms of reform?

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thank you. Abebe?

    MR. SELASSIE: So, in terms of the reforms that have been going on in Nigeria and the particularities of the challenge, the first thing to note is that we have been really impressed by how much reforms have been undertaken in recent years. Most notably, trying to go to the heart of the cause of the macroeconomic imbalances in Nigeria, which are related to the fact that, oil subsidies were taking up a very large share of the limited tax revenues that the government have and not necessarily being used in the most effective way to help the most vulnerable people. The issues related to the imbalances on the external side with the exchange rate extremely out of line. 

    So it’s been really good to see the government taking these on, head-on, address those, and also beginning to roll out the third component of the reforms that we have been advocating for and of course, the government has been pursuing, which is to expand social protection, to target generalized subsidies to help the most vulnerable.  This has all been very good to see, but more can be done, particularly on the latter front, expanding social protection and enhancing a lot more transparency in the oil sector so that the removal of subsidies does translate into flow of revenue into the government budget.  So, there is still a bit more work to do in these areas. 

    We just had a mission in Nigeria where there was extensive discussions on these and other issues on the macroeconomic area, but also other areas where there is a need to do reforms to engender more private sector investment and also how more resources can be devoted to help Nigeria generate the revenues it so desperately needs to build more schools, more universities, and, of course, more infrastructure.  So, there is a comprehensive set of reforms that Nigeria can pursue that would help engender more growth and help diversify the economy away from reliance on oil.  And this diversification is, of course, all the more important given what we are seeing happening to commodity prices.  So, I think this is an important agenda. 

    Second, as the government is doing this, of course there will be a financing need.  And here what is needed is really a judicious and agile way of dealing with the financing challenges the country faces.  In the long run, the financing gap can only be filled by permanent sources such as revenue mobilization.  But in the interim, carefully looking at all the options the country must borrow in a contained way will be part of that solution.  And I think the government has been going about this prudently and cautiously so far, and we are encouraged by that. 

    And lastly, on data issues in Nigeria we really applaud the effort the government’s making to try and revise and upgrade data quality in Nigeria.  This task is not an easy one in our countries, given the extent of informality there is, given the extent of relative price changes that play out in our economies.  So doing this cautiously is what is needed methodically.  And that is exactly what we see happening.  We welcome, though, the efforts the government is making because without good data, it is difficult to make good policies.  So, we really applaud the effort the government is making to try and upgrade data quality. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take a round of questions online.

    QUESTIONER: There are bills in the UK Parliament and the New York State Assembly that aim to force holdout private creditors to accept debt treatments on comparable terms to other creditors and to limit or stop such litigation.  Are these bills needed, do you think, or is the current international debt architecture sufficient?  So, you know, IMF, DSAs, creditor groups, the common framework, where applicable. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead with your question.

    QUESTIONER: Earlier this month, the IMF reached a staff-level agreement with Burkina Faso to complete the Third Review of the country’s program.  So as part of the review, the IMF allowed a greater fiscal flexibility, allowing Burkina Faso to raise its public deficit target to 4 percent, up from the 2 percent cap set by the West African Economic Monetary Union.  So, given that the country’s challenges, such as persistent insecurity, high social demands, are common across the region, wouldn’t it be wiser to consider applying this flexibility more broadly to the West African Economic Monetary Union?  And my second question will be about the downward revision of the growth forecast for 2025 and 2026 in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Does the IMF view this new crisis – I am talking about the global uncertainty and the recent U.S. tariff measures.  Does the IMF view this crisis as potentially more severe and with broader consequences for the region than previous shocks such as COVID and the war in Ukraine? 

    MR. SELASSIE: On the first question on debt workouts and the challenges there, I am not fully informed about the specifics of the bills that Rachel, you are talking about, indeed, we have seen from time to time some private creditor groups holding out, trying to hold out, but I am not sure that a bill is what’s needed, but rather, force of argument to try and bring people to the table. And in recent restructurings, at least I am not aware of this being the main hindrance in advancing discussions.  There have been many other factors, including just the complexity of the current creditor landscape, that have played a role. 

    On Burkina Faso, flexibility under the program or the deficit targets for the WAEMU countries more generally, just it is important to distinguish between particular years’ fiscal deficit targets that the government wants to pursue and we, incorporate in the program and just the more medium-term criteria, convergence criteria that there is for the WAEMU countries. 

    So, the 3 percent target criteria are for the medium- to long-term.  And it has been very clear that when there are shocks or when there are pressing social development needs, countries do have the scope to deviate from that.  In fact, often the constraint on the Sahel countries has been not having enough, sufficient, enough financing to be able to meet these to advance development objectives.  The other constraint of course is that overall, the more you exceed this 3 percent target and add to the overall debt burden, the more you are going to have – you are likely to build up debt vulnerabilities. 

    So, in the work that we do with countries, whether it is Burkina Faso or other WAEMU countries or indeed beyond, what we try and help with is of course to help countries strike this balance between addressing the immediate and pressing needs that they have while avoiding medium-term debt sustainability problems.  I think one is just thinking about how to strike this balance.  And then second, we put resources on the table very cheaply to help countries, avoid, at least in the near term, more difficult financing difficulties.  So, for Burkina and others, it is just about striking this balance.

    And on growth, whether this latest shock is as bad for the region as the previous ones. I think it is really important also to point out that as difficult, I mean the last four or five years have been incredibly difficult time for our countries, a lot of challenges, a lot of dislocation, but there is also been quite a lot of resilience, and I think that is important to stress.  I would note that, even now, it is this year, 11 out of the 20 fastest growing economies in the world are from Sub-Saharan Africa.  So, there are quite a lot of countries that are going to be sustaining significant growth in the region.  So, we should also not lose sight of this resilience. 

    Second, and more broadly, the buildup of uncertainties I think is very negative.  And this is interrupting what we are seeing in terms of a recovery.  But growth is not, we are not projecting growth to collapse.  And our hope is that as things calm down, the region can resume its growth trajectory also.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take three more questions online, then we will come back to the room.

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to know about Senegal, in terms of whether funds would be repaid after the misreporting of data and if the IMF has learned anything from that?  And also, just if you can, the status of the IMF’s programs and even operations in Sudan and South Sudan? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead.

    QUESTIONER: The IMF is urging countries to focus on domestic revenue mobilization.  But you may have seen that South Africa’s Finance Minister has withdrawn the VAT increase that he had proposed in the budget, in the face of opposition from coalition partners.  Does the IMF see any alternative sources of revenue that are feasible for the South African government as the parties hoped?  And are there any lessons here for other countries trying to mobilize domestic revenue?                                                         

    QUESTIONER: Building on the question that Hilary has asked that the REO does make the case for domestic revenue mobilization, and you made that argument, I believe, in the last two Regional Economic Outlook reports as well.  But poverty is still endemic.  Incomes, as far as I can tell, have not really recovered to pre-pandemic levels.  So other than broadcast to tax exemptions what else can be done to raise tax-to-GDP ratios?  One last question on this.  Has there been any progress that has been made in the Sovereign Debt Roundtable in deciding how debt from Afreximbank, and Trade and Development Bank should be treated, at least under the common framework for countries like Ghana and Zambia?  Now, do they qualify to not have their debt restructured in the same way that the IMF, the World Bank’s credit lines?

    MR. SELASSIE: On Senegal, I was recently in Dakar for discussions building on work that our team has been doing. What we are waiting for is the government to finalize the work that’s ongoing.  Right now, the audits are going on and reconciliation work is going on. 

    On the extent of domestic and external debt.  We have been very clear in welcoming the transparency and really robust and collegial way in which the government has been engaging on the issues that have arisen in the misreporting case and we look forward to the numbers stabilizing, and engaging in discussions on the next steps in terms of bringing the, the findings to our Executive Board and next steps in our engagement with Senegal. 

    On South Sudan, it has just been a difficult period of course for South Sudan.  They have been hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from the conflict in the north.  The conflict has also interrupted, disrupted heavily their main source of tax revenue, oil exports through the pipeline.  So, it’s been a really wrenching period.  Over the last three, four years we have provided, you know, we have been trying to provide South Sudan with emergency financing and trying to find a way in which we can engage with a more structured longer-term program.  We remain hopeful that we are going to be able to do that.  But first and foremost, I think we need to see what can be done to make sure that the policy making environment is as robust and as strong as it is, and as transparent, so we can come in, step in and support South Sudan.

    On revenue mobilization, I want to just first link this to the point I made earlier that what we have observed and again there is a risk of generalizing, but what we’ve observed over the last 10, 15 years in the region is that governments have made a very significant effort to invest in really important infrastructure needs in building schools, in building health clinics and much else.  And you see very positive outcomes.  Look at the electricity coverage in our region, look at the human development indicators and how much they have moved over the years in the region. 

    But we have also seen that despite a lot of investment, for example, in electricity generation capacity and electricity coverage in our countries, many roads are being built.  The returns of all this investment have not been captured in the tax revenue, which is one of the points, the pressure points where debt levels have gone up and the interest-to-revenue ratio.  So, the interest payment-to-revenue ratio has also been rising.  And this has been one of the key points of vulnerability in many economies and why a few countries have gotten into debt difficulty and needed to restructure. 

    So going forward, I think it’s very clear that to be able to continue investing; to be able to continue expanding economies and the government doing its core function, it has to find more ways other than borrowing to address this. 

    Now, in the past, governments have been quick to cut spending, and that has, we found, again and again, to be very detrimental to development progress and growth outcomes.  I think this, again, at the risk of generalizing, was the approach that was generally pursued in the 1980s and found to be very problematic, very challenging, very depressing to growth.  So, we would very much love for countries to avoid this. When there are pressing spending needs, there’s generally only a couple of ways that you can finance this.  Spending cuts or revenue mobilization.  You can borrow, of course, but as I said, borrowing is not optimal. 

    Now, this doesn’t mean revenue mobilization is easy.  Far, far from it. It requires not only political engagement, but also a lot of communication, a lot of effort to show that the resources the government is trying to generate are going to be going to the right areas to help strengthen the social contract.  So, it’s a deep and engaged process, and we are very, very cognizant of that.  But I do think that this is the most optimal way, the most economically sensible way in which our countries can help address the tremendous development needs that we have.

    Now, specifically on South Africa, ultimately when issues like this arise, these are deeply domestic political issues to be resolved as to what the best way to do the financing is.  So, if a tax rate increase for a particular tax is not possible, then maybe finding ways to expand the tax base, maybe trying different tax angles or if all of those are not possible, then revisiting spending priorities may be one of the ways that countries must handle this.  And this is typically what we see playing out in countries in the region when financing constraints are binding. 

    So, whether it is in Kenya, South Africa, or other countries the issue of revenue mobilization is a live one, but one that is extremely complex.  We are very cognizant of that.  And one that requires quite a lot of consensus building, quite a lot of discussion to be able to advance, and of course, broader societal support.  And we absolutely see countries engaging in this and do what we can to help bring lessons from other countries where we are asked to.

    Then there was a question about the GSDR.  So, this Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, this is the initiative launched by the Fund and the Bank to try and bring creditors and debtors together around the table to find ways in which debt work[outs] can be easier because you are discussing general principles rather than country-specific debt restructuring issues. And we have seen this making quite a lot of progress. Perhaps the most recent development has been the preparation of a debt work[out] playbook that is a very helpful document that has been put out building on the experience of recent work[outs].  What has worked particularly well.  What kind of information sharing ahead of debt work[outs] have been helpful in terms of accelerating debt processes.  Debt restructurings are one of the most contentious and challenging issues that there are between states, between creditors and debtors, and it requires quite a lot of discussion, and it is not such an easy thing to do, including what the parameter of debt should be.  I think one of the questions that was raised is about the debt parameter.  This is fundamentally an issue for the debtor countries and creditors to resolve, and intra-creditor disputes also have to be done. 

    So, in terms of the principles that generally we see creditors apply when these kinds of disputes arise about what the right parameter should be or not and who gets preferential treatment. I think there’s generally been two rules of thumb. One is that the terms in which new financing is being provided or the financing is provided, whether it’s commercial or concessional has been a factor that most creditors look at in terms of whether a particular credit should be included in the parameter or not, and then also the extent to which new financing is being made available.  So, what differentiates senior creditors like the IMF, the World Bank, of course, is that for most countries we operate providing concessional financing very long-term.  And we are the ones that come in and provide financing consistently through crisis and otherwise. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have time for one more round of questions. I will start with the gentleman in the front here. 

    QUESTIONER: The U.S. is your largest shareholder, and we are seeing mixed messages this week from the Treasury Secretary mentioning that he remains committed to the Fund but also calling on you to hold countries accountable to program performance, empower staff to walk away if reform commitment is lacking. 

    So, I wanted to ask you, should we expect the IMF spigot to start closing in response to U.S. pressure?  Or if not, are you changing your approach to countries, what you are telling them and how to deal with their issues?  Are you being a little more stringent in your requirements? 

    You have talked about Senegal, maybe Ghana, Ethiopia, related to that issue of the U.S stepping in.  The CEMAC negotiations this week, we saw American energy companies working with the CEMAC on repatriation of funds dedicated to the rehabilitation of oil sites.  I’m wondering if you have a stance on that, what the IMF position is?  I understand the U.S is trying to get the IMF involved in that.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thanks. Gentleman. 

    QUESTIONER: Kenyan authorities here have indicated the need to present a credible fiscal framework as they try and unlock a new program for Kenya.  Would you offer more color into the discussions this week, noting again that the same credibility questions led to the cancellation or the termination of the program at its final review?  

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have a question online “what is the IMF’s view on Kenya’s debt position?”

    MR. SELASSIE: So, on the first question, I would like to refer you to Kristalina who gave comprehensive responses to the Secretary’s IMFC Statement. What I want to add though is that in the region, in Sub-Saharan Africa, in terms of programs, the calibration of reforms, incorporation of reforms, I would say that we are always in terms of each program has its particularities and what we always try and do in these programs is make sure that we’re striking a balance of helping countries address the long term challenges and also the cyclical challenges that are often the ones that cause them to come to us.  And I would say that I don’t think there are many countries that think that the adjustment efforts that they’re being asked to make are easy ones.

    On CEMAC.  Just to be very clear there is this dispute that is going on between member states, the BEAC, and oil companies with respect to what are called restitution funds.  The funds under contracts that countries have with oil companies are meant to be available to help restore the sites where oil is extracted back to their pre-extraction standards. 

    What has been a bit frustrating is that we are not privy to the contents of these documents. We have been calling on members and the companies involved to be transparent about this, to publish these documents.  They are after all documents that are about how countries natural resource wealth are used.  And we’ve been on record going seven, eight, nine years pushing for production sharing agreements, the terms of these things to be published so that each side can hold the other accountable.  I think that is the first thing that could be done to bring more transparency and light and understanding to the rest of the world about what is going on in these discussions. 

    Second, we have also made it clear to both parties that given that we do not have full information, it is difficult for us to know what to say.  But in general, any encumbrances in terms of how we look at foreign exchange reserves and these standards are published, any encumbrances like the type that we think there may be in the document, i.e., that is the expectation that these resources will be used for specific purposes means they’re not general use reserves.  So, they would not be classified as part of reserves. 

    On Kenya, we have had a very strong engagement with Kenya over the years and will continue to have such engagement going forward.  As we have noted, government has asked for a follow-on program to try and address the remaining challenges in Kenya, and we are discussing how to do that including in the context of these meetings. 

    It has been good to hear and see that the economy has been performing quite well in some parts.  Particularly the external adjustment front seems to have been proceeding well.  The current account has been narrowing.  So, there are quite a lot of strengths.  But also of course there remain fiscal challenges which were a significant part of the last program’s objectives that need to be advanced.  So, we are going to engage with the government and do everything that we can to be able to help it go forward. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Unfortunately, that is all the time we have. So, if you have any questions that we didn’t get to, please send them to me or to Media at IMF.org and we will try and get back to you as soon as possible.  So, also to mention that the report is now available at IMF.org/Africa.  The Spring Meetings continue.  Later this morning, we have the press briefing for the European Department and later in the afternoon we have the IMFC, and the Western Hemisphere Department press briefings. 

    On behalf of Abebe and the African and Communications Departments, thank you all for coming to this press briefing and see you next time. 

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/tr-04252025-african-department-press-briefing-transcript

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Shortages of health workers in France and the EU – E-001540/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001540/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Laurent Castillo (PPE)

    According to a survey carried out in April and May 2022 by the Hospital Federation of France (Fédération hospitalière de France) among more than 400 public health establishments, 99% of establishments face recruitment difficulties, in particular for nurses and night services.

    The shortage of doctors, nurses and caregivers in the EU is estimated at 1.2 million. Without action, the shortfall could reach 4 million by 2030. This is a deep and widespread crisis which is primarily the responsibility of each Member State, but in which the EU can play a role:

    – through the use of artificial intelligence to optimise patient referral, diagnostics and treatment, simplify administrative procedures and provide better prevention through predictive analysis;

    – through training, with the recognition of diplomas and professional experience or the development of skills. However, care must be taken not to create geographical distortions that would leave some territories without health practitioners because a neighbouring country might pay more.

    • 1.Is the Commission considering a European action plan, in line with its competences, to address the shortages in the health workforce?
    • 2.What specific measures does the Commission intend to implement to promote these innovations in order to reduce the burden on healthcare professionals and improve patient safety?

    Submitted: 15.4.2025

    Last updated: 25 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News –

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee against Torture Praise Measures to Prevent Torture in Ukraine, Ask about Alleged Torture of Russian Prisoners of War and Reports of Corruption and Torture in Prisons

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee against Torture today concluded its consideration of the seventh periodic report of Ukraine, with Committee Experts praising the State’s legislative and policy measures to prevent torture, and raising questions about alleged torture of Russian prisoners of war, as well as reports of torture and corruption in prisons.

    Claude Heller, Committee Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, said Ukraine had suffered a devastating war since the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, in flagrant violation of international law and the United Nations Charter.  More than three years of war had led to numerous military and civilian deaths and serious violations of international human rights law, including summary executions, torture and ill-treatment, and arbitrary detentions.

    Mr. Heller said that, over the past decade, Ukraine had made considerable amendments to legislation and ministries, including with respect to the occupied territories.  He welcomed that the national strategy for human rights had been updated to include strategic goals for combatting torture, the appointment of human rights inspectors in places of detention, and the State’s ratification of the Rome Statute in 2024.

    Since February 2022, Mr. Heller said, 240 Russian prisoners of war had reported suffering torture during the armed conflict in Ukrainian detention centres.  What measures had been taken in cases where torture had been confirmed?  The Committee was concerned about reports of illegal detentions by Ukrainian authorities. How many people had been detained illegally?

    Peter Vedel Kessing, Committee Expert and Country Co-Rapporteur, said prisons under Ukrainian control were suffering under the war. Some faced frequent shelling by Russian troops, and were reportedly becoming hotbeds of torture and corruption. Newly arrived prisoners were reportedly routinely beaten, and there was reported overcrowding in prisons.  What steps had been taken to reduce overcrowding and improve prison conditions?

    Introducing the report, Liudmyla Suhak, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration of Ukraine and head of the delegation, said Ukraine was systematically implementing measures to prevent and combat torture at the national level. The 2021 strategy for combatting torture in the criminal justice system introduced a system for combatting torture by law enforcement, while the national human rights strategy had been updated to include specific strategic goals for combatting torture.

    Ms. Suhak said that the conditions of detention for Russian prisoners of war complied with international humanitarian law and had been inspected 112 times by the International Committee of the Red Cross between 2018 and 2024.  To ensure that prisoners of war were not tortured during transfers to detainment camps, the delegation added, clear legal procedures had been developed.  Military officials were trained on the rights of prisoners of war.

    The delegation said that the State party had undertaken measures to combat corruption and ill-treatment of inmates in the penitentiary system.  An internal security unit had been created to investigate reports of violations by penitentiary staff and inmates.  In 2024, persons responsible for observing the rights of convicts and preventing torture were also introduced into the staff of 56 penal institutions.

    In closing remarks, Mr. Heller said that the State party’s efforts to engage in the dialogue were commendable in the context of the bloodthirsty war.  The issues discussed were not issues of the past but were ongoing.  Ukraine sought to protect its territorial integrity and the well-being of its population.  The rest of the world was hoping for an end to the war that respected the territorial integrity of Ukraine.  The Committee hoped that its next dialogue with Ukraine would take place in conditions of peace, prosperity and democracy.

    In her concluding remarks, Ms. Suhak said that Ukraine would actively work to implement the Committee’s concluding observations.  Tens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens were being held by Russia, and virtually every Ukrainian citizen who had been returned from Russia had suffered some form of torture.  Ukraine urged Russia to fully comply with its obligations under international law and to end its illegal war.  The Committee’s efforts would help to hold Russia to account.

    The delegation of Ukraine consisted of representatives from the Ministry of Social Policy; Coordination Centre for Legal Aid Provision; Prosecutor General’s Office; Security Service; Ministry of Defence; Ministry of Justice; State Migration Service; State Bureau of Investigation; National Police; Ministry of Health; the Permanent Mission of Ukraine to the United Nations Office at Geneva; and the European Court of Human Rights.

    The Committee will issue concluding observations on the report of Ukraine at the end of its eighty-second session on 2 May.  Those, and other documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, will be available on the session’s webpage.  Summaries of the public meetings of the Committee can be found here, and webcasts of the public meetings can be found here.

    The Committee will next meet in public on Tuesday, 29 April at 4 p.m. to hear the presentation of reports on follow-up to articles 19 and 22 of the Convention and reprisals.

    Report

    The Committee has before it the seventh periodic report of Ukraine (CAT/C/UKR/7).

    Presentation of Report

    LIUDMYLA SUHAK, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration of Ukraine and head of the delegation, said Ukraine was systematically implementing measures to prevent and combat torture at the national level.  The 2021 strategy for combatting torture in the criminal justice system outlined the development of a national system for combatting torture committed by law enforcement personnel.  The national human rights strategy had been updated to include specific strategic goals for combatting torture and ensuring the right to liberty and security of person. The strategy for the reform of the penitentiary system 2021-2026 aimed to address structural problems and create a humanistic system for the execution of criminal penalties.

    During the reporting period, several amendments were made to criminal legislation.  The Criminal Code had been revised to bring the definition of torture into line with the provisions of the Convention, and to introduce criminal liability for the crime of enforced disappearance. Additionally, legislation was revised to guarantee the right of detainees to be held in proper conditions and to facilitate the consideration of complaints about improper detention conditions.  The criminal penalty system now also included probation supervision. 

    In 2024, amendments were made to the Code of Administrative Offences to distinguish between domestic violence, gender-based violence and sexual harassment, to increase administrative liability for such acts.  Several legislative initiatives were currently under consideration by Parliament, including a draft law on the penitentiary system, as well as other draft laws that would introduce a standard for minimum cell space of four square metres per detainee, the right of convicts to short-term visits outside the colony under certain conditions, and revised procedures for detaining persons.

    New internal regulations for the temporary detention centres of the national police adopted in 2023 stipulated that police officers were not allowed to carry out acts of torture or other forms of inhuman treatment on detainees.  In 2018 and 2019, internal regulations for pre-trial detention centres and penitentiary institutions of the State Penitentiary Service were approved.  These rules were regularly updated.  In 2024, the Security Service’s procedure for holding persons in temporary detention facilities was revised. 

    Ukraine provided unhindered access for both national and international monitoring mechanisms. In 2024, the national preventive mechanism of the Ombudsperson conducted 543 visits to penitentiary institutions, and the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine carried out 44 visits between 2018 and 2024.

    Efforts were being made to develop a child-friendly juvenile justice system.  As a result, over the past five years, there had been a steady reduction in juvenile crime, and over the past seven years, the number of minors registered by probation authorities had dropped three-fold.

    In 2024, a Commissioner for Missing Persons under Special Circumstances was appointed within the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and a specialised unit for combatting torture and other ill-treatment of persons, staffed with 157 investigators, had been launched within the State Bureau of Investigation.  Within the Office of the Prosecutor General, separate specialised units had been established to combat human rights violations in the law enforcement and penitentiary sectors, as well as to combat crimes committed in the context of the armed conflict.  The Ministry of Justice also had a separate Department of Penitentiary Inspections.

    In 2024, persons responsible for observing the rights of convicts and preventing torture were introduced into the staff of 56 penal institutions.  The State had developed the digital infrastructure of both law enforcement agencies and the penitentiary system, launching registers of convicted persons, persons taken into custody, and missing persons under special circumstances.  An automated exchange of information on detained persons between law enforcement agencies and free legal aid centres was being introduced.  In cases of violence or torture against detainees and convicts, they had the right to free legal representation in court.

    State social programmes aimed at preventing and combatting domestic violence, gender-based violence, and human trafficking were being implemented.  Free secondary legal aid was provided to victims of domestic violence and human trafficking.

    In response to Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, Ukrainian law enforcement agencies had initiated investigations into 163,700 war crimes and crimes of aggression on Ukrainian territory.  In 2024, the Criminal Code was amended to ensure criminal prosecution for the most serious international crimes, as well as to bring it into line with the Rome Statute, which entered into force for Ukraine in 2025. 

    In 2022, the procedure for the detention of prisoners of war was approved.  It stipulated that the interrogation of prisoners of war should be carried out in a language they understood, without the use of torture or other coercive measures.  The conditions of detention for Russian prisoners of war complied with international humanitarian law and had been inspected 112 times by the International Committee of the Red Cross between 2018 and 2024.  Conversely, Russian authorities continued to deny access to Ukrainian prisoners of war, as well as civilian detainees, held by Russia in violation of international humanitarian law.

    Ukraine had also been taking measures to support victims and those affected by armed aggression. Since 2022, victims of a number of criminal offences, including torture or cruel treatment, had been entitled to free secondary legal aid.  In 2024, the legal status of victims of sexual violence related to Russia’s armed aggression and the legal basis for providing them with urgent interim reparations were determined at the legislative level.  An international compensation mechanism for damages caused by Russia’s aggression was being developed.  In 2024, 40 categories of claims that could be submitted to the International Register of Damages were approved, including some related to torture, deprivation of liberty, and sexual violence.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, welcomed the delegation’s presence, considering that Ukraine had suffered a devastating war since the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, in flagrant violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations.  After more than three years of war, hundreds of thousands of military personnel on both sides were estimated to have died, with many more wounded, missing in action and in captivity.  From February 2022 to February 2025, there had been more than 12,800 civilian deaths and more than 30,000 injuries in systematic attacks on civilian towns, cities, and infrastructure, while the number of deaths of Russian civilians was expected to have risen to 360.  These were very conservative elements.

    The war had led to serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including summary executions; torture and ill-treatment; arbitrary detentions; forced transfer of people, including minors, to the occupying State; and acts of sexual violence. More than 13 million people required humanitarian assistance, more than two million homes had been destroyed in Ukraine, and there were 10.6 million displaced people in Ukraine.

    Over the past decade, Ukraine had made considerable amendments to legislation and ministries, including with respect to the occupied territories.  The national strategy for human rights had been updated to include strategic goals for combatting torture.  The adoption of the strategy to combat torture and the related plan of action and the appointment of human rights inspectors in places of detention would contribute to preventing torture and facilitating investigations.  It was also welcome that in 2024, a commissioner for disappeared persons was appointed within the police force, and that Ukraine had ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

    The Committee was concerned that not all the elements of the Convention had been incorporated in the Criminal Code, which did not establish the State’s responsibility to hold public officials accountable when they committed acts of torture under orders from superiors.  Why was the number of cases of torture that reached court much smaller than the number of investigations carried out?

    The Ombudsperson carried out independent monitoring of constitutional rights and freedoms.  However, the body lacked financial resources and experts on monitoring.  There was a lack of transparency in the selection of its staff, and a lack of balanced regional representation.  The national preventive mechanism had also been criticised for its lack of experts and funding, delays in its investigations, and its lack of cooperation with civil society. There was a low level of implementation of recommendations made by the Ombudsperson; only one-third of the recommendations made in 2023 were addressed.  Could the delegation comment on these issues?

    State bodies responsible for guaranteeing the rights of detainees appeared to have been ineffective. Victims of torture were allegedly subjected to reprisals by authorities and the Istanbul Protocol was not applied well by the State.  Could the delegation comment on this?

    In 2015, Parliament had adopted a decision to suspend certain obligations stemming from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention of Human Rights and impose martial law until the cessation of the Russian aggression. The Committee was concerned by acts carried out by armed groups in eastern Ukraine from 2014 to 2017. During this period, more than 100 criminal cases were brought against Ukrainian security officials, including related to offences of torture and sexual violence.  Had court proceedings concluded?

    The State party had taken a significant step by ratifying the Rome Statute in 2024.  The implementation law partially harmonised criminal law with the Statute, requiring acts of torture systematically committed against the civilian population to be tried as crimes against humanity.  However, the law did not amend legislation on war crimes to bring it in line with the Statute.  Would the State do this?

    Both Russia and Ukraine had mutually accused each other of acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment against civilians.  There were more than 6,000 Ukrainian prisoners under Russian custody, who reportedly lacked access to food and medical support.  There were credible reports that Russian authorities had carried out around 80 executions of Ukrainian forces.  The United Nations Independent Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine had reported widespread torture of civilians in areas under Russian control. Persons arrested in these territories were tried by non-recognised courts and were not granted access to lawyers of their choice.  Information on trials was not provided to families.  Could the State party provide information on the number of such trials carried out?

    Since February 2022, 240 Russian prisoners of war had reported suffering torture during the armed conflict in Ukrainian detention centres.  Could the delegation comment on these accusations?  What measures had been taken in cases where torture had been confirmed, and how was the State party preventing torture?  The Committee was concerned about reports of illegal detentions by Ukrainian authorities.  How many people had been detained illegally?  There had also been allegations of arbitrary detention of civilians suspected of collaborating with Russia after territories were reclaimed.

    The Committee was also concerned about the impact of the conflict on the rule of law.  Several cases of threats and violence against journalists had been reported.  Ukraine introduced a procedure in 2022 to prohibit broadcasts that “could jeopardise the independence and sovereignty of the country”.  Some journalists had been criminalised after working in occupied territories, despite there being no evidence of having committed unlawful acts. Could the delegation comment on this issue?

    More than 2,000 criminal lawsuits had been filed on the glorification of Russian actions.  This had reportedly given rise to 443 guilty verdicts involving non-custodial sentences.  Authorities had imposed security restrictions, including limiting access to information.  A bill before Parliament sought to restrict access to court decisions until the cessation of martial law, and several other bills had sought to limit certain rights for human rights defenders.  There was deep-rooted impunity for crimes against activists.

    There had been an unprecedented increase in gender-based violence in Ukraine.  The number of cases of domestic violence had increased by more than 30 per cent in 2024, with a number of these cases involving men returning from the front. The State was seemingly reluctant to hold members of the armed forces accountable for such crimes.

    A 2017 law amended legislation regarding psychiatric care in response to past violations of patients’ rights. Norms allowing for involuntary sterilisation were eliminated.  However, there were reports of excessive hospitalisation of persons with psychosocial disabilities, including children, and a lack of provision of alternative, community-based care services.  There were allegations of torture and ill-treatment in psychiatric hospitals; could the delegation comment on this?

    PETER VEDEL KESSING, Committee Expert and Country Co-Rapporteur, said that the situation in Ukraine was tragic after three years of war.  Mr. Kessing commended Ukraine’s commitment to its human rights obligations in these difficult times, adopting laws and policies to strengthen human rights protections.  Ukraine had continued to engage with the European Court of Human Rights since 2022, resulting in the closure of 75 cases.

    What steps had been taken to ensure that Ukrainian soldiers and State officials did not engage in torture? What training did these officials receive on the Convention?  Could the delegation confirm that its derogations from international law in the martial law period did not relate to the Convention?  Did Ukraine continue to apply international human rights law in situations of armed conflict?

    The State party needed to prosecute and hold accountable all those who committed torture on occupied territories when it regained control of the territory.  What steps had been taken to document such acts?  How had the State party ensured that Ukrainian citizens who were victims of torture had access to remedies when they returned to Ukraine? Ukraine had developed a draft law on compensation for victims of violent crimes and a related State fund.  Had this law been adopted?

    There had been reports of beatings of men who sought to avoid conscription.  In one case, a man claimed he had been drafted illegally as he had not undergone a medical examination.  Could the delegation provide statistical information on injuries and deaths linked to hazing and investigations into such incidents?  How did the State ensure that conscripts were treated in line with international obligations?

    There had been reports of excessive use of force by Ukrainian police over the reporting period.  Detainees in police detention did not have access to food or drinking water.  What steps had been taken to prevent ill-treatment in police detention? Access to a lawyer was not always provided for arrested persons; how would the State ensure this?  Video recording of interrogation was discretionary. Would the State make recording mandatory and ensure that recorded footage of interrogations was kept?  Were Russian prisoners of war and civilians arrested by Ukrainian forces provided with procedural safeguards?  How many children had been held in pre-trial detention over the last three years?  Were there time limits on the detention of children, and were children separated from adults in detention?

    Prisons under Ukrainian control were suffering under the war; some faced frequent shelling by Russian troops, and were reportedly becoming hotbeds of torture and corruption.  Since winter 2024, there had been increased raids on prisons by special forces.  The Committee commended that human rights observers had been appointed in some prisons. What actions did they carry out and were they now appointed in all prisons? 

    Newly arrived prisoners were reportedly routinely beaten, and special forces used illegal force against inmates. Was it necessary to deploy special forces in prisons?  Would the State abandon this practice?  There was reported overcrowding in prisons, with inmates in one prison forced to alternatively sleep on the floor.  There were also reports of limited access to fresh air, clean drinking water and sunlight in some prisons.  What steps had been taken to reduce overcrowding and improve prison conditions? Some prisoners were appointed as “duty” prisoners and given duties to oversee other prisoners.  Had steps been taken to eliminate this practice and protect all prisoners’ rights?

    Medical staff in prisons reportedly did not document inmates’ injuries.  Could the delegation provide information on the number of deaths in custody over the last three years?  What steps had been taken to strengthen healthcare in prisons?  There were no rules banning force-feeding in prisons; did the Government intend to elaborate such rules?  Did the Ukrainian Ombudsperson have access to all places of detention and could it conduct unannounced visits?  To what extent could non-governmental organizations access places of detention?  Article 391 of the Criminal Code made it an offence to disobey orders by prison staff. This provision was reportedly abused by staff to engage in corrupt practices; would it be revised?

    Other Committee Experts asked questions on measures taken by State authorities to respond to and prevent domestic violence; the status of the draft bill criminalising domestic violence and sexual violence; measures to ensure penalties for domestic and sexual violence were commensurate with the gravity of the crime; the number of investigations and convictions for domestic violence cases over the reporting period; efforts made to establish civil registries to facilitate birth registration and prevent trafficking of children; whether the State party held Ukrainian forces that were returned to the State accountable when they were accused of torture; how the State treated prisoners of war from third countries; and whether the clergy and staff of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church had been provided with support after the banning of the Church.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the State party provided training on the Convention and other international and European human rights norms for penitentiary staff.  Currently, there were 119 children held in pre-trial detention and 177 children held in juvenile detention facilities, including just one girl. Judges assessed the necessity of detention for children once every three months.

    The State party had undertaken measures to combat corruption and ill-treatment of inmates in the penitentiary system.  An internal security unit had been created to investigate reports of violations by penitentiary staff and inmates and to initiate criminal proceedings against accused persons; the Government was currently recruiting staff for the unit. The State party had recruited 54 out of 56 human rights inspectors for its prisons and adopted a resolution on their scope of activity.  These inspectors reported directly to the State about the problems they witnessed.

    Currently, there were 37,000 inmates in places of deprivation of liberty in Ukraine.  The prison population was declining gradually.  More than 8,000 prisoners had been voluntarily mobilised at the beginning of the war.  The Government had allocated funds to build a new detention facility in Kyiv that could accommodate more than 1,000 detainees and decrease the population of other prisons. Norms on construction had been revised to protect prisons from shelling and improve security.  Despite budget cuts, over 7,500 places had been newly created in detention centres since 2022.

    The State party was fighting the spread of criminal influence and a criminal subculture in prisons.  It sought to proactively prosecute crimes occurring within prisons and to adopt a law on prison labour, which would increase salaries paid to prisoners who engaged in labour and improve conditions for prison labour.

    There had been 432, 376 and 368 deaths in prisons respectively in 2022, 2023 and 2024.  Some 98 per cent of prisoners infected with AIDS and 93 per cent of prisoners with disabilities were held in inclusive settings.  The Ministry of Justice supported the idea of transferring the management of healthcare services in prisons to the Ministry of Health; discussions on this would begin soon.  Rules on force-feeding were adopted two years ago.

    The Ombudsperson had not complained about not being able to access any detention facilities.  Some non-governmental organizations had been granted access to penitentiary facilities.  An anonymous, online complaints system for prisons had been set up; last year, 6,000 complaints had been submitted by prisoners on various topics. A commission was also being created that would handle complaints of improper conditions in prisons. Discussions were underway on the revision of article 391 of the Criminal Code.

    All prisoners of war were kept in common conditions.  Persons with criminal records were separated from those without.  Ukraine fully followed its international obligations under the Geneva Conventions.  It had allowed 400 monitoring missions to visit its detention facilities for prisoners of war.

    Since 2014, the State party had lost 34 penitentiary institutions located in occupied territories, including seven since 2022, in which more than 3,000 inmates were held.  More than 1,000 of these inmates had already served their sentences, but had no money or documents needed to return to Ukraine. The State was working with non-governmental organizations to support their return.  More than 500 persons had thus far returned.

    On 10 October last year, Parliament adopted a law on the ratification of the Rome Statute.  Ukraine had taken on board comments from the International Criminal Court regarding its legislation on crimes against humanity and the responsibility of superiors; the State had amended its Criminal Code in response.

    Certain restrictions could be imposed on rights and freedoms under martial law, but Ukraine had not restricted the right to freedom of religious belief.  The President had last year signed a Presidential Order that banned the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church, which was based on the ideology of the regime of the Russian Federation and condoned Russia’s war crimes.

    Ukraine had not introduced severe restrictions on freedom of expression.  Domestic media faced challenges, including the mobilisation of journalists as soldiers, dwindling resources, and damaged infrastructure caused by the Russian aggression.  The State party sought to bring its media legislation in line with that of the European Union.  Ukraine had risen 18 places in the World Press Freedom Index thanks to the reforms implemented.

    The national police continued to manage custody records, which recorded arrests, pre-trial detention and releases, as well as detainees’ injuries.  These records were kept for 25 years.  There was constant video surveillance of police detention sites and independent monitoring visits were carried out.  The Criminal Procedural Code had been amended to ensure that officials involved in arrests were not responsible for managing detainees’ stay in police detention. Detainees in temporary detention were provided with three hot meals per day.  Standards for detention facilities stipulated that cells needed to have a water supply that detainees could access.

    Since February 2022, 83,000 criminal proceedings had been instigated related to missing civilians and military officers.  Some 9,000 missing persons had been found alive, while many deaths were also identified. Specialised departments for the investigation of crimes committed in the armed conflict had been established in police departments in several regions and a centre for tracing missing persons had been established in Kyiv.

    The police force had recorded 179,000 administrative offences related to domestic violence, registered 19,000 perpetrators for monitoring, and had set up specialised units for tackling domestic violence in more than 60 regions.  In 2024, more than 5,000 officers were trained on combatting domestic and gender-based violence.

    The State constantly looked for crimes of human trafficking and took prompt responses when cases were identified. As of May 2025, 1,500 criminal offences of human trafficking had been investigated.  International organizations supported training for State officials on trafficking in persons.  Ukraine had joined two international taskforces to combat trafficking in persons, through which more than 3,000 Ukrainian victims of trafficking were identified across the world.

    Eleven years since the Maidan revolution, investigators were continuing to investigate crimes related to it. Courts had issued 11 guilty verdicts against 14 people.  The State Bureau of Investigation had suspected 340 people. The former President of Ukraine and other former high-level officials were under suspicion of having facilitated the murders of more than 67 persons between 2013 and 2014.  In this period, police officers were deployed to supress protests, and courts had found activists guilty on spurious grounds.  In some cases, police officers beat activists and even participated in premeditated murders.  In total, there were more than 4,000 cases of criminal activity and more than 2,000 victims.  There was now an opportunity to bring justice for these past crimes. There were three criminal proceedings underway related to armed gangs that had attacked individuals and homes.

    War crimes were investigated by the national security service and the police.  In 2024, 149 Ukrainians had been executed by Russians, and 54 had so far been executed this year.  These were conservative estimates.  Almost every Ukrainian prisoner of war had suffered some form of violence. 

    There were around 20 cases under examination of war crimes committed by Ukrainians.  Doctors who provided medical examinations of prisoners of war were required to document signs of torture.

    According to Ukrainian law, information about persons in detention was immediately communicated to the legal aid centre.  If evidence was gathered while a defence lawyer was absent, there was a high likelihood that courts would not admit it.  The State was providing legal support for prisoners who had been illegally transferred to Russia and supporting them to serve the remainder of their sentences in Ukraine.  Persons with disabilities and older persons could access legal aid if they had low income or were internally displaced.  Legal aid was provided to minors and victims of gender-based violence and trafficking in persons.

    National standards on detention of prisoners of war stipulated that detainees’ human dignity and international law needed to be respected.  No violations of human rights or cases of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment had been found while monitoring visits of places of detention.

    Pre-trial investigations were underway into alleged war crimes against Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russia, including extrajudicial executions and the use of physical, psychological and sexual violence.  These prisoners were systematically subjected to violence over the course of their detention; this had been confirmed by medical examinations.  Some 4,000 prisoners had been returned to Ukraine.

    Since February 2022, some 433 persons were detained for crimes of collaboration with Russia.  The draft law of December 2022 on collaboration included provisions to improve liability for collaboration; it was currently under consideration.  Some 819 investigations were underway on cases of collaboration related to healthcare and education.  The teaching of school subjects based on the standards of the aggressor State did not constitute an offence.  Some teachers deliberately carried out propaganda in educational institutions; this could constitute an offence. 

    Around 22 doctors had been notified of being under suspicion of collaboration.  Criminal liability was excluded for actions carried out while providing healthcare to patients.  Since February 2022, pre-trial investigations on collaboration had been carried out into 97 affiliates of religious organizations, including more than 20 clerics of the Orthodox Church.  The security service had declared 197 minors as suspects in offences such as high treason, sabotage and damage to property.  Many cases involved minors who were recruited by the Russian special services. Training was provided for investigators who interviewed children on the best interests of the child.

    To ensure that prisoners of war were well-treated and not tortured during transfers to detainment camps, clear legal procedures had been developed.  The Chief of Defence had issued orders to ensure that international human rights law was strictly followed in this process. Military officials were trained on capturing enemy combatants and on the rights of prisoners of war.

    To ensure that human rights were followed during mobilisation and conscription, clear legislation had been established.  Persons could apply for deferment of conscription for medical or family reasons. An investigator had been appointed within the Land Force Command to investigate allegations of human rights violations occurring during conscription.

    The Ministry of Health had made changes to ensure that only psychiatric patients who posed a danger to themselves or others were isolated for legally defined periods.  All primary health care providers were obligated to undergo training on identifying mental health issues and referring patients to mental health care services.  These measures would help to decrease the number of patients needing institutionalisation.

    More than 34,000 persons with disabilities and older persons lived in residential institutions.  The Government had developed a strategy to reform these institutions and support community-based care and assisted living. Approximately 7,000 people received day care services.  There were around 4,600 children cared for in institutions.  The Government had approved a strategy to ensure the right of every child in Ukraine to grow up in a family environment by 2028.  A law preventing violence against children had been adopted in 2024 and the State was currently developing a procedure for responding to cases of violence against children.

    In 2024, around 182,000 reports of domestic violence had been received by the State.  A programme for addressing traumatic war experiences had been developed. Measures had been implemented to coordinate policies on domestic violence and protect victims.

    In 2022, Parliament adopted a law on amending the Criminal Code in line with the Convention.  The revised law’s definition of torture addressed the liability of persons who conspired to commit torture.  Discriminatory motives for the crime of torture were considered to be aggravating offences and carried a harsher penalty.  The law also addressed the criminal liability of officials who ordered acts of torture.  Amnesty was not issued to persons who committed torture crimes.

    No derogations had been made from the State party’s obligations under international human rights law during the martial law period.  Martial law foresaw the ability to prohibit peaceful assembly, but in practice, this restriction had not been applied.  The Government took steps to provide compensation for victims of various types of crimes.

    A special draft law had been developed that sought to improve the institutional capacity of the Ombudsperson, including by lowering the age limit for members of the Ombudsperson’s Office and imposing restrictions on reductions to the Office’s budget.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, welcomed information on measures to provide compensation for victims of human rights violations.  Up to mid-February 2025, 159,000 criminal cases had been recorded related to the armed conflict, but it was unclear how many of these cases related to torture.  The justice system had not been prepared to deal with the challenges brought by these cases.  Acts of torture committed in occupied territories, difficulties in verifying evidence, and the internal displacement of victims hindered investigations.  There was a lack of guarantees of a fair trial for trials in absentia, in which 95 per cent of accused persons were sentenced. Articles 27 and 28 of the Criminal Code needed to be amended to protect the victims and witnesses of serious international crimes.

    Crimea was annexed 11 years ago, and the freedom of the media had been called into question under the Russian occupation.  Russian authorities reportedly curtailed the rights to freedom of expression and assembly. Lawyers and human rights defenders had been victims of persecution and had been unable to perform their work. The European Court of Human Rights had recently found that Russia followed a pattern of criminally sentencing persons in Crimea who discredited the Russian forces.  Had there been cases of torture in Crimea?

    PETER VEDEL KESSING, Committee Expert and Country Co-Rapporteur, said it was positive that overcrowding had been reduced, that a new prison facility had been established, that an electronic register had been established, and that measures were taken to remove the prison hierarchy and improve access to health care.  How could prisoners access the internet to make complaints to the Prison Service?  How did the Service respond to complaints?  Did any concern torture?  Human rights monitors in prisons were commendable.  Did these monitors also perform other functions in prisons?  How many complaints had been received from human rights monitors and what follow-up had been conducted?  There was reportedly a risk of reprisals for prisoners who lodged complaints.  What measures were in place to counter reprisals against prisoners?

    Prisoners of war were at a high risk of ill-treatment.  What measures were taken to monitor that Russian prisoners of war were treated in line with requirements under international law?  Did they undergo medical exams and was there video recording of interrogations?  Was there a procedure for releasing prisoners of war who required medical treatment?

    Another Committee Expert asked follow-up questions on the situation of prisoners and prison conditions in Crimea, including on the transfer of prisoners and cases of torture occurring during transfers; the situation in closed psychiatric institutions and steps taken to protect vulnerable groups such as children, and to improve conditions and oversight of these institutions; and measures taken to promote the return of children forcibly transferred from Ukraine to Russia and to ensure accountability for such acts.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said around 7,000 complaints had been submitted by prisoners, around 1,700 of which were submitted electronically.  Inmates could access specific web pages where they could submit complaints using tablets in a dedicated room.  Human rights inspectors reported suspected cases of torture to the Chief of Police. Their work was supplemented by the internal security unit, which started disciplinary proceedings that could result in criminal investigations.  There had been complaints submitted to the Ombudsperson regarding reprisals against prisoners.  These were under investigation.

    The State party was gathering evidence on war crimes and crimes against humanity occurring in occupied territories. It transferred evidence of such crimes to the International Criminal Court on request.  A working group had been established to improve the implementation of the Rome Statute in Ukraine, including through legal amendments.  Last year, the State had documented over 2,800 Ukrainian civilians and over 4,000 prisoners of war who were victims of torture. Many liberated civilians chose to move to different countries rather than return to Ukraine, making investigations difficult.

    Ukrainian non-governmental organizations had reported that there were at least 4,700 transfers of detainees from Crimea to the territory of the Russian Federation, including 220 female detainees. The Russian Federation had failed to provide information in response to the judgement of the European Court of Human Rights that obliged Russia to return these prisoners to Ukraine.

    The Government had adopted several measures to address the issue of the forcible displacement of Ukrainian children, including a procedure for identifying and returning such children, a register of deported and forcibly displaced children, and an inter-agency commission on the issue.

    Concluding Remarks

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair, said that, based on the dialogue, the Committee would issue concluding observations, which would include recommendations that the State party could implement within one year, as well as other recommendations that would require more time to implement.  The Committee believed that its recommendations would support the implementation of the Convention in Ukraine.

    The State party’s efforts to engage in the dialogue were commendable in the context of the bloodthirsty war.  The issues discussed were not issues of the past but were ongoing.  The last dialogue with Ukraine happened over 11 years ago and many things had happened since.  Ukraine sought to protect its territorial integrity and the well-being of its population. The rest of the world was looking on, hoping for an end to the war that respected the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The dialogue had been constructive and frank.  The Committee hoped that its next dialogue with Ukraine would take place in conditions of peace, prosperity and democracy.

    LIUDMYLA SUHAK, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the dialogue and civil society organizations that had submitted alternative reports.  Ukraine would actively work to implement the Committee’s concluding observations.

    Tens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens were being held by Russia.  More than 170 torture chambers had been identified in Russia and virtually every Ukrainian citizen who had been returned from Russia had suffered some form of torture, which was carried out in a systemic, widespread manner by Russian authorities.  The State party was grateful to the Committee for keeping the issue of Russian war crimes on the international agenda.  Ukraine urged Russia to fully comply with its obligations under international law and to end its illegal war of aggression.  The Committee’s efforts would help to hold Russia to account.

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