Category: Germany

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Euro Area: IMF Staff Concluding Statement of the 2025 Mission on Common Policies for Member Countries

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    July 19, 2025

    A Concluding Statement describes the preliminary findings of IMF staff at the end of an official staff visit (or ‘mission’), in most cases to a member country. Missions are undertaken as part of regular (usually annual) consultations under Article IV of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement, in the context of a request to use IMF resources (borrow from the IMF), as part of discussions of staff monitored programs, or as part of other staff monitoring of economic developments.

    The authorities have consented to the publication of this statement. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF Executive Board for discussion and decision.

    Washington, DC: Europe’s economy remains resilient with record-low unemployment, headline inflation broadly at target, and a stable financial system. However, policymakers face mounting challenges, including trade tensions, rising demand for defense spending, and the need to ensure energy security, all while addressing subpar productivity, rapid aging, and weak medium-term growth. The most effective solutions require decisive EU actions. Deepening the EU single market is the key tool available to policymakers to enhance investment, innovation, and productivity. A better-integrated EU single market, in turn, calls for a joint provision of key public goods including for energy connectivity and defense—including through the multiannual financial framework. This can help internalize positive cross-border externalities of investments, leverage economies of scale, and avoid costly duplicative national efforts. Ensuring orderly growth-friendly fiscal consolidations designed to address country-specific risks is critical to preserving fiscal sustainability and managing long-term spending pressures associated with aging and increased spending on security. Diversifying economic ties and expanding rule-based trade integration can further bolster competitiveness and strengthen economic resilience. Safeguarding price and financial stability continues to be the bedrock for addressing these longer-term challenges. 

    Outlook and Risks

    The euro area economy is navigating an increasingly challenging global environment of higher tariffs, elevated trade policy uncertainty, and geopolitical risks. The April 2025 World Economic Outlook (WEO) projected growth to remain moderate at 0.8 percent in 2025, picking up to 1.2 percent in 2026. Trade tensions and elevated uncertainty have dimmed the outlook for domestic demand and exports, outweighing an anticipated boost from higher defense and infrastructure spending. In addition, the geopolitical situation in Europe is expected to dampen sentiment and weigh on investment and consumption, despite looser monetary policy and projected gains in real income.   

    Headline inflation is close to 2 percent and, under staff’s April WEO projections, is expected to remain broadly at target with weak energy and core goods inflation offsetting elevated services inflation. Ongoing nominal wage growth moderation amid subdued activity and firmly anchored inflation expectations is expected to gradually lower services inflation. As a result, core inflation is projected to decline to 2 percent later than headline inflation, in 2026.

    Risks to growth are on the downside. Trade policy uncertainty, further tariff escalation, or geopolitical tensions could weigh on demand and growth more than expected. These would likely outweigh possible positive impacts of unanticipated further fiscal easing if more countries were to boost defense spending. The April 9th announcements of a pause in US tariffs constitutes a small upside risk to the April 2025 WEO projections as they lower the effective tariff rate on EU exports to the US.

    Risks to inflation are two-sided. Lower-than-expected non-energy goods prices because of trade diversion, weaker-than-expected activity and wages, as well as the recent euro appreciation could pull inflation lower than in the baseline. On the other hand, fiscal spending could turn out larger or more inflationary than assumed in the baseline, while geopolitical tensions, supply chain disruptions and tariff escalation could lead to faster increases in import prices, and wage growth may not moderate as strongly as expected. 

    Structural constraints weigh on the medium-term outlook. Risks of persistently elevated trade policy uncertainty, an escalation of tariffs, still high and volatile energy prices, and the shifting geopolitical context all add to pre-existing challenges from aging, skills shortages, and weak productivity trends.

    Policy Priorities

    Given the challenges outlined above, a comprehensive policy strategy for decisive EU level actions on multiple fronts is needed. The goals include strengthening potential growth amidst aging and a more difficult external environment, ensuring new public spending priorities are met without risking fiscal sustainability, and safeguarding broader macro and financial stability.

    Structural and Trade Policies

    To bolster productivity growth and resilience in the EU, it is crucial to enhance innovation and facilitate the scaling up of firms (Draghi 2024; Letta 2024; Adilbish and others 2025). The key lever available to achieve this is deeper integration of the EU single market. Staff analysis finds that remaining barriers within the single market are equivalent on average to a 44 percent tariff on goods and 110 percent on services (Adilbish and others 2025). More integration will unlock gains from specialization within the EU, as global value chains reconfigure and enable firms to capitalize on economies of scale. 

    Staff analysis highlights four key actionable priorities to help complete the single market and realize these ambitions (Arnold and others 2025). First, lowering regulatory fragmentation. For instance, a 28th corporate regime—alternative to national regimes—that establishes uniform regulations and legal rules crucial for not only the formation and operation of firms, but also their dissolution can provide a voluntary EU-wide legal framework to support firms’ expansion without requiring them to navigate divergent national regulations. By offering an alternative viable solution to simplify the regulatory landscape, the 28th regime can facilitate firms’ scaling up and enhance the efficiency of cross-border capital allocation, ultimately fostering innovation. Second, advancing the Capital Markets Union (CMU) to facilitate more efficient channeling of savings to risk capital for firms. For instance, increasing institutional investors’ familiarity with venture capital (VC) as an asset class and addressing remaining undue restrictions on their ability to invest in it can help meaningfully increase VC investment in the EU from a very low level currently (Arnold and others 2024). This, together with continued efforts to complete the Banking Union (BU)—critical for a more resilient and efficient banking sector—will build a well-functioning Savings and Investments Union (SIU). Lowering barriers to cross-border bank mergers and acquisitions would help augment bank finance, address long-standing concerns of structurally low profitability and high costs, and spur competition within the euro area’s banking sector. Third, enhancing intra-EU labor mobility (such as through extending the automatic system of professional qualification recognition) can offer productive firms greater access to talent and improve skills matching. Last, integrating the EU energy market, guided by a coordinated strategy for an energy system transformation, can help provide lower and more stable energy prices. Simulation results suggest that a few actionable steps along these dimensions could jumpstart the process of deeper integration and deliver a meaningful payoff by increasing the EU potential GDP level relative to baseline by around 3 percent over 10 years, benefiting every country. In this regard, the digital euro also has an important role to play. In addition to reinforcing monetary sovereignty in the growing presence of private digital currencies, the digital euro can help deepen the integration of financial services within the European market by streamlining and unifying cross-border retail payments. It can improve payment system efficiency, reduce transaction costs, and complement the SIU and the single market more broadly.

    While deeper intra-Europe integration is one key element in boosting growth prospects, complementary policy actions are needed at the national level. Recently published staff analysis (Budina and others 2025) identifies domestic structural reform priorities for individual European countries. Successful implementation—by which countries aim to close 50 percent of their prioritized policy gaps with respect to the most growth-friendly regulatory settings—would entail sizable gains in GDP level of around 5.7 percent for the EU in the medium term. The prioritized reforms cover labor market and human capital (e.g., education and training), fiscal structural issues (e.g., tax policy), business regulation, and credit and capital markets.

    An escalation of trade tensions poses important challenges to the EU. The EU would benefit from its continued advocacy for a stable, rules-based global trading system. Further diversifying economic ties can help strengthen supply chain resilience and capture efficiency gains from trade. Any new industrial policies should be limited to well-defined market failures and be coordinated at the EU level.

    Fiscal Policy

    Fiscal risks and optimal fiscal policy strategies differ across countries. For countries with high debt and limited fiscal space, significant fiscal adjustments are needed to mitigate risks, while countries with fiscal space can implement a more back-loaded fiscal adjustment. For the euro area economies excluding Germany, staff recommends improving the structural primary balance to a surplus of 1.4 percent of GDP in 2030—a cumulative improvement of 2.9 percentage points from a deficit of 1.5 percent of GDP in 2024. Achieving this requires an additional cumulative deficit reduction of close to 2 percentage points over 2024–30 relative to the baseline (typically predicated on current budgets and specified, concrete measures under consideration).

    The needed deficit-reduction creates challenging tradeoffs because, at the same time, Europe faces high and rising spending pressures that are crystallizing faster than previously anticipated. Pressures from interest costs, an aging population, climate transition and energy security, and defense would reach 4.4 percent of GDP annually for the euro area economies in 2050 (Eble and others 2025). Member states should transparently account for rising spending pressures to lay out trade-offs within the fiscal framework and develop credible plans to ensure sustainability. 

    The use of escape clauses to support member states’ ramp-up in defense spending should be restricted to its initial phase. Member states and the Commission should assess the impact of increased defense spending on debt sustainability on an ongoing basis and develop plans to put debt on a stable/declining path over the medium term. Also, it is crucial that care be taken in implementing the EU fiscal rules to ensure that countries with low fiscal risks that intend to increase spending to boost potential growth and enhance resilience should not be constrained from doing so by the rules. Eventually, a broader reassessment of key parameters may be needed to achieve an optimal balance between allowing countries with low fiscal risks to fulfill spending objectives that can also have favorable EU-wide spillovers, and ensuring that debt remains sustainable.

    Coordinated efforts at the EU level and targeted investments can help address shared challenges in a cost-effective manner, supporting member states in managing fiscal tradeoffs (Busse and others 2025). Identifying existing investment gaps and areas where joint EU-level initiatives would deliver cost-effective solutions can provide a blueprint for priority actions—for instance, public goods investment including on innovation, clean energy transition, and collective defense. To support investments in these areas, the EU budget size will need to increase by at least 50 percent, if existing programs are to be maintained. Coordinated investments that better internalize positive cross-border externalities and minimize duplicative national efforts will generate net budgetary savings for member states. In the area of the clean energy transition, for instance, our recent work estimates that better EU-level coordination and planning can lower investment costs by 7 percent (IMF 2024). In addition, reforms are needed to make the budget more streamlined, responsive to evolving needs, and more effective by incentivizing good performance. A performance-based approach that links financial support to implementing national-level reforms that support EU priorities and enhance growth potential can deliver objectives more effectively, particularly in areas where incentives are currently weak, and outcomes are closely linked to efforts. Lastly, strengthening the financing framework of the budget with borrowing capacity and increased own resources will help meet the growing demand for EU level investment in shared priorities in a timely manner while spreading the fiscal burden over time.

    Monetary and Financial Sector Policies

    Since headline inflation is broadly at target, core inflation is slightly above 2 percent, and the output gap is mildly negative, a monetary policy stance close to neutral is justified. Barring further shocks that materially revise the inflation outlook, maintaining the policy rate at 2 percent will help keep inflation around target in the second half of 2025 and beyond. But the outlook is highly uncertain, and the policy path may need to be adjusted on the basis of incoming data or developments.

    The concurrent Financial Stability Assessment Program (FSAP) found that the banking system generally appears adequately capitalized and liquid, but the authorities should closely monitor the vulnerabilities from the growing NBFI sector. Although financial stability risks linked to past monetary tightening are easing, a deteriorating business environment for corporates, especially those with trade exposures to the US, could weigh on banks’ otherwise healthy balance sheets. Moreover, new systemic risks have emerged, particularly from market volatility due to higher tariffs and banks’ exposures to NBFIs. Authorities should stand ready to address potential liquidity stress, including by preparing a framework for the provision of emergency liquidity assistance to NBFIs, paired with closer oversight.

    Facilitating better data sharing among EU and national authorities will improve risk monitoring, particularly to close gaps that hinder system-wide analyses. A key policy priority is to improve system-wide risk monitoring of the financial sector beyond banks, including by closing data gaps arising from legal restrictions for sharing or timely access by supervisors, which currently limit the ability to undertake complete system-wide analyses.

    Fragmentation continues to hinder the full benefits of the banking union and the development of a more resilient, deeper and integrated EA-wide financial system. Further steps to strengthen the euro area financial architecture include completing the Banking Union with the introduction of a common deposit insurance system; allowing a greater use of national deposit guarantee funds for resolution and making bail-in requirements more flexible; putting in place arrangements for the Single Resolution Fund to provide guarantees to enhance the provision of central bank liquidity in resolution, ideally with an EU fiscal backstop; fully implementing the international capital standard for banks (Basel III); and strengthening the resources and prudential powers of the European authorities overseeing NBFIs, including empowering ESMA to top-up national measures for substantially leveraged investment funds and to enforce cross-border reciprocation.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Eva-Maria Graf

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/06/18/mcs-06182025-euro-area-imf-cs-of-2025-mission-on-common-policies-for-member-countries

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  • MIL-OSI United Nations: 19 June 2025 Departmental update Re-building trust and a new financing framework: H20 Summit to set the stage for G20 health priorities

    Source: World Health Organisation

    Leading G20 policy-makers, global health experts and representatives from both the private and public sectors are meeting in Geneva from 19–20 June for the annual Health20 Summit (H20) organized by the G20 Health & Development Partnership and co-hosted by the World Health Organization (WHO).

    The Summit comes at a critical moment for global health amid geopolitical shifts, economic uncertainty, and shock funding cuts to development aid. It will focus on the future of global health and finance, and explore how to build resilience, trust, and sustainability into health systems.

    This year marks the conclusion of the first cycle of G20 meetings, which began in 1999 as a forum for Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors of industrialized and developing countries to discuss global economic and financial stability.

    The H20 Summit, which has been held annually since the first G20 Health Ministers Meeting in Germany in 2017, will explore strategies to secure the role of health and development in the next cycle starting in 2026, under the leadership of the United States of America.

    Outcomes from the two-day deliberations will inform both the upcoming UN General Assembly’s fourth high-level meeting on noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) in September and the G20 health ministers and leaders’ summit in South Africa this November.

    “WHO thanks the H20 for its advocacy at this critical time in global health. Severe disruptions to funding and changing disease burdens require new partnerships and approaches, including an increased focus on promoting health and preventing disease,” said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General. “WHO is working with all health and development partners, and supporting the G20, to help countries pivot from aid dependency to greater self-reliance in mobilizing domestic resources to deliver the health services their people need.”

    Dr Ghebreyesus delivered the keynote address. Other high-level speakers included: H.E. Dr Jaleela bint Alsayed Jawad Hasan, Minister of Health, Kingdom of Bahrain; H.E. Dr Jean Kaseya, Director General, Africa CDC; H.E. Dr Hanan Al Kuwari, Advisor to the Prime Minister for Public Health Affairs; Former Minister of Health, Qatar H.E. Prof Orazio Schillaci, Minister of Health, Italy; Dr Pakishe Aaron (PA) Motsoaledi, Minister of Health, South Africa; and Dr Sania Nishtar, CEO, GAVI.
     

    Key reports launched at the event

    The first NCDs and Mental Health Global Legislators Report, which offers a toolkit for parliamentarians to advance preventative global health goals; and a second, The health taxonomy report that provides a first framework for a health investment tool aimed at fostering a shared understanding and common language between governments, companies, and investors, to help drive future health financing. This report is pertinent in light of the landmark health financing resolution adopted at last month’s World Health Assembly.

    Under the theme ‘Reimagining partnerships & building back public trust in global health’ participants at the Summit will discuss the status of global health financing and why public-private partnerships are essential for future progress. The H20 Summit is unique in offering an inclusive and collaborative platform where the traditional global health community can intersect with decision-makers from politics and finance, with the purpose of elevating public health within the G20’s broader development agenda.

    NCDs such as cancers, diabetes, and chronic respiratory diseases account for more than 43 million deaths each year and are on the rise. Mental health conditions including anxiety, depression, psychosis and self-harm, affect close to 1 billion people worldwide and represent a significant long-term risk to economic growth and security. The NCD and health taxonomy reports offer relevant and actionable recommendations for legislators and governments to close the NCD financing gap.

    H.E. Dr Jaleela bint Alsayed Jawad Hasan, Minister of Health, Kingdom of Bahrain, said: “I welcome the NCDs and Mental Health Global Legislators Report launched at the H20 Summit. It is a timely contribution that demonstrates the role of parliamentarians in translating health commitments into lasting impact. As global health systems adapt to complex and evolving challenges, the Kingdom of Bahrain is advancing a model grounded in inclusive governance, robust legislation, and strategic investment.”

    On financing specifically, Dr Agnes Soucat, Director of Health and Social Protection, Agence Française de Développement said: “We must differentiate between health funding and health financing. A health taxonomy already exists for operational costs but not for capital costs, which is what investors are most interested in.”
     

    Note to editors

    The G20 Health & Development Partnership is a not-for-profit advocacy organization representing over 27 global health organizations from across the public and private sector and academia aiming to ensure G20 countries coordinate their current and future health innovation strategies to tackle the growing global burden of communicable and noncommunicable diseases and promote the delivery of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 with a focus on SDG3 ‘health and well-being for all’ and SDG17 ‘strengthening partnerships’.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: 19 June 2025 Departmental update Civil society shapes global health at WHA78

    Source: World Health Organisation

    With the theme “One World for Health,” WHA78 brought together Member States and other stakeholders to address major health priorities, including the Pandemic Agreement, antimicrobial resistance, climate-related health risks, and noncommunicable diseases.

    A key development was the growing inclusion of civil society in the policy-making process. “Civil society is not only identifying critical challenges – it is contributing actionable, community-informed solutions,” said Taina Nakari, WHO’s lead for civil society engagement. “This is central to building trust and delivering results that meet the needs of populations.”

    One of the main vehicles for strengthening civil society is the WHO Civil Society Commission, launched to support more systematic and inclusive civil society participation in global health governance. The Commission brings together over 400 organizations and individuals to co-develop policy inputs, share knowledge, and identify entry points into WHO processes.

    “We’ve built a space where civil society can speak with one voice while honouring our diversity,” said Lisa Hilmi, Co-Chair of the Commission and CORE Group, Executive Director.

    “We’re not just advising WHO,” added fellow Co-Chair and Medwise Solutions Director of Research and Evaluation, Ravi Ram. “We’re helping shape the way civil society engages in global health governance.”

    In parallel with the Commission’s work, WHO also supported over 60 non-State actors –including NGOs, foundations, and associations – in delivering more than 200 formal statements to Member States. Nearly 50 official side events provided additional platforms for dialogue and collaboration. While these organizations are not all members of the WHO Civil Society Commission, their engagement is an important avenue to ensure more inclusive and participatory decision-making across WHO processes.

    Another notable example was the high-level side event, “Securing Investments in Global Health: Time for a New Approach,” co-hosted by Save the Children, Medicus Mundi, World Vision, and the Government of Germany. Civil society representatives emphasized the need to reform global health financing by:

    • moving beyond traditional aid models;
    • strengthening domestic health financing;
    • leveraging multisectoral partnerships and innovation; and
    • reaffirming global solidarity amidst declining development assistance and weakening multilateralism.

    “We organized this event to underscore that sustainable financing for health is not only a technical necessity – it’s a matter of equity, accountability, and long-term impact,” said Tara Brace-John, Head of Policy, Advocacy and Research, Save the Children Fund. “Civil society brings grounded perspectives that can help policy-makers design solutions that prioritize health systems and deliver for the people who need them most.”
     

    Strengthening civil society’s policy influence

    WHA78 also featured the second Global Parliamentary Dialogue, convening legislators from around the world to discuss how parliaments can support health priorities through inclusive, accountable governance. During the session, the WHO Civil Society Commission introduced its flagship report: “Civil Society Engagement in the Development of World Health Assembly Resolutions.”

    The report offers practical guidance – including a checklist and real-world case studies – for systematically involving civil society throughout the resolution process.

    “This report is the result of extensive consultation and shared learning across regions,” said Kjeld Steenbjerg Hansen, a member of the WHO Civil Society Commission and Past-Chair of the European Lung Foundation (ELF). “It provides Member States with practical tools to engage civil society from the beginning and systematically throughout the resolution – from early input to final negotiations – while also emphasizing the political value of more inclusive and participatory policy-making.”

    Parliamentarians were encouraged to support the uptake of the report in their national and regional platforms, helping translate civil society perspectives into policy outcomes.
     

    Looking beyond the Assembly

    WHO’s engagement with civil society extends well beyond formal meetings. In May 2025, more than 500 civil society participants joined WHO’s Epidemic and Pandemic Intelligence – Information Network (WHO–EPI-WIN) technical briefing on the public health risks of avian influenza. Speakers at the session:

    • shared real-time updates on outbreak risks;
    • briefed civil society organizations on WHO preparedness and response;
    • explored how civil society organizations can support emergency response efforts; and
    • strengthened pathways for collaboration.

    Civil society also participated in similar sessions on the Universal Health and Preparedness Review (UHPR), antimicrobial resistance (AMR), the Interim Medical Countermeasures Platform, the WHO Investment Round, and access to safe, effective, and quality-assured health products. These engagements reflect WHO’s commitment to ensuring civil society is not only informed but also actively involved in shaping global public health.

    Their growing involvement in WHO governance helps ensure that health decisions are more inclusive, responsive, and effective, especially for those most affected.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI: QuestionPro Appoints Laura Baker, Former KnowledgeHound CEO, as President of InsightsHub and Communities

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    AUSTIN, Texas, June 19, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — QuestionPro today announced the appointment of Laura Baker to the position of President of Communities and InsightsHub. In her new role, Baker will lead the strategic vision and growth for two of QuestionPro’s cornerstone platforms that enable organizations to streamline research operations and unlock real-time customer insights.

    Vivek Bhaskaran, CEO and Founder of QuestionPro, stated, “We look forward to Laura Baker joining the QuestionPro leadership team. Her exceptional track record in scaling data-focused businesses and her deep understanding of the research landscape make her the ideal leader to spearhead our Communities and Insights Hub divisions.”

    Baker joins QuestionPro with deep experience leading high-performing commercial teams in the SaaS and market research industries. She previously served as CEO of KnowledgeHound, a search-based survey data analysis solution, where she guided the team through significant product and revenue growth. Following KnowledgeHound’s strategic acquisition by YouGov, she served as Chief Commercial Officer, integrating the teams and market offerings. Her earlier career includes building and growing commercial teams for over 14 years at Mintel International. Most recently, she founded Vista Growth Solutions, a boutique consultancy advising companies on strategic growth, team performance, and go-to-market effectiveness.

    “I am incredibly excited to join QuestionPro, a company that is at the forefront of revolutionizing how businesses engage with their customers and leverage insights,” said Laura Baker. “The opportunity to combine InsightsHub’s powerful, centralized intelligence solution with the deep engagement of the Communities platform is incredibly exciting,” said Baker. “I’m looking forward to partnering with the team to help our clients drive more value from their insights and build truly customer-led strategies.”

    About QuestionPro

    Founded in 2006, QuestionPro is a global provider of online survey and research services that help companies make better decisions through data. Our fully integrated online platform includes surveys, research & insights, customer experience (CX) and workforce/employee experience software. We additionally offer polling, journey mapping, employee 360s and data visualization. Our clientele ranges from small businesses to Fortune 100 companies, who rely on us for insights about customers, employees, and the marketplace. With offices in the US, Canada, Mexico, U.K., Germany, Japan, Australia, the United Arab Emirates and India, we offer customers 24-7 access to highly trained support specialists and engineers. More information is available at www.questionpro.com.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/9cd68657-8166-4c74-91d7-1c6ddfc87c27

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  • MIL-OSI: QuestionPro Appoints Laura Baker, Former KnowledgeHound CEO, as President of InsightsHub and Communities

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    AUSTIN, Texas, June 19, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — QuestionPro today announced the appointment of Laura Baker to the position of President of Communities and InsightsHub. In her new role, Baker will lead the strategic vision and growth for two of QuestionPro’s cornerstone platforms that enable organizations to streamline research operations and unlock real-time customer insights.

    Vivek Bhaskaran, CEO and Founder of QuestionPro, stated, “We look forward to Laura Baker joining the QuestionPro leadership team. Her exceptional track record in scaling data-focused businesses and her deep understanding of the research landscape make her the ideal leader to spearhead our Communities and Insights Hub divisions.”

    Baker joins QuestionPro with deep experience leading high-performing commercial teams in the SaaS and market research industries. She previously served as CEO of KnowledgeHound, a search-based survey data analysis solution, where she guided the team through significant product and revenue growth. Following KnowledgeHound’s strategic acquisition by YouGov, she served as Chief Commercial Officer, integrating the teams and market offerings. Her earlier career includes building and growing commercial teams for over 14 years at Mintel International. Most recently, she founded Vista Growth Solutions, a boutique consultancy advising companies on strategic growth, team performance, and go-to-market effectiveness.

    “I am incredibly excited to join QuestionPro, a company that is at the forefront of revolutionizing how businesses engage with their customers and leverage insights,” said Laura Baker. “The opportunity to combine InsightsHub’s powerful, centralized intelligence solution with the deep engagement of the Communities platform is incredibly exciting,” said Baker. “I’m looking forward to partnering with the team to help our clients drive more value from their insights and build truly customer-led strategies.”

    About QuestionPro

    Founded in 2006, QuestionPro is a global provider of online survey and research services that help companies make better decisions through data. Our fully integrated online platform includes surveys, research & insights, customer experience (CX) and workforce/employee experience software. We additionally offer polling, journey mapping, employee 360s and data visualization. Our clientele ranges from small businesses to Fortune 100 companies, who rely on us for insights about customers, employees, and the marketplace. With offices in the US, Canada, Mexico, U.K., Germany, Japan, Australia, the United Arab Emirates and India, we offer customers 24-7 access to highly trained support specialists and engineers. More information is available at www.questionpro.com.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/9cd68657-8166-4c74-91d7-1c6ddfc87c27

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  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Dire warning on 1.5°C goal must spark urgent climate action

    Source: Greenpeace Statement –

    Bonn, Germany, New data indicating there may be just three years left to keep the Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C goal alive must urgently galvanise accelerated global emissions cuts and enhanced climate action.

    Data from scientists revealed that the available carbon budget is rapidly shrinking and that at the current rate of emissions the remaining carbon budget to limit global warming to 1.5°C goal could be surpassed in three years.[1]

    Shiva Gounden, Head of Pacific, Greenpeace Australia Pacific said: “This message is a matter of survival for us in the Pacific and all small island developing states. The message is clear – we need to end climate and nature destruction and act with the urgency required. The answer is simple: end the production and burning of coal, oil and gas and defend our future.” 

    “We continue to hope and act, but where is the urgency from the major emitters? It’s time to genuinely stand in solidarity with the people on the frontlines of this crisis. The climate is on fire and our way of life is on the line. This is the greatest existential threat for our Pacific to live as Pasifika people.”

    Tracy Carty, Climate Politics Expert, Greenpeace International said: “This is yet another dire warning that must spark a response. Talk must turn into action. But here in Bonn that urgency seems to be lacking. Our backs are against the wall and governments need to step up.”

    “That means unveiling bold and ambitious 2035 climate action plans that rapidly push ahead with the phase out of coal, oil and gas – especially in rich developed countries who need to move the fastest.” 

    “As emissions continue and monthly temperature records stack up, it’s getting harder and harder to achieve the 1.5°C goal, but now is not the time to give up! Every fraction of a degree matters and more action is needed. What matters now is what we do today and tomorrow.”

    An Lambrechts, Biodiversity Politics Expert, Greenpeace International said: “The 1.5°C goal is also hugely reliant on ending deforestation and that’s why governments must agree at COP30 on an action plan to implement existing commitments to end deforestation and forest degradation by 2030. As COP30 heads to the Amazon under Brazil’s presidency, we must seize this significant opportunity to accelerate protection and restoration of critical ecosystems.”

    ENDS

    Notes:
    [1]Scientists find three years left of remaining carbon budget for 1.5°C

    Greenpeace Bonn Climate Change Conference media briefing

    Contacts:
    Aaron Gray-Block, Climate Politics Communications Manager, Greenpeace International, [email protected]

    Gaby Flores, Communications Coordinator, Greenpeace International, +1 214 454 3871, [email protected]

    Greenpeace International Press Desk, +31 (0)20 718 2470 (available 24 hours), [email protected]

    Join the Greenpeace UNFCCC WhatsApp Update Group

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  • MIL-OSI Africa: TUI Hotels & Resorts contributes to growth in Africa with strong leisure hotel brands

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    • TUI Blue and TUI Suneo extend their portfolio in North Africa
    • New openings planned in The Gambia and Côte d’Ivoire
    • New luxury brand The Mora celebrates its first anniversary

    TUI Group (www.TUIGroup.com) continues to expand its hotel business worldwide and pursues ambitious plans to support the African hospitality industry. With its 12 leisure hotel brands, TUI offers unique experiences for holidaymakers and invites them to enjoy the respective region with its culinary delights, natural beauty and cultural heritage. A few weeks ago, the brands TUI Blue and TUI Suneo expanded their portfolio in Africa. In Egypt, TUI Blue Samaya with 143 rooms and an aqua park has been added to the premium brand’s portfolio. The hotel is located in the growing destination of Marsa Alam. For holidaymakers looking for value for money, TUI Suneo Palm Beach Skanes in Tunisia has also opened its doors. With 294 rooms and a large garden area, the hotel is offering an attractive all-inclusive package with a wide range of sports and entertainment options.

    “Together with our long-standing JV partners, we have more than 20 hotels in our pipeline that will open in Africa in the coming months and years”, says Artur Gerber, Managing Director TUI Hotels & Resorts, at the Future Hospitality Summit Africa. “We already have a strong presence in North Africa, the Cape Verde Islands and Zanzibar, but we are convinced that other destinations can also benefit from our strong leisure hotel brands.” For example, the lifestyle brand TUI Blue is planning its first hotel in The Gambia, which will open at the end of this year. The resort features 140 rooms and a unique location along Kotu Beach. “With our expertise, along with management and franchise agreements, we are also attracting hotel partners in entirely new destinations. One example is Côte d’Ivoire, where the construction of a new TUI Blue hotel has just started and is scheduled to open in 2027”, adds Wesam Okasha, Head of Global Development TUI Blue.

    Last year, TUI launched a new brand targeting the upscale market and selected Tanzania as its inaugural destination. The Mora Zanzibar has just celebrated its first anniversary, offering laid-back, contemporary luxury with highly personalized and flexible service. “Our guest reviews show that The Mora is resonating strongly with this new audience and delivering an exceptional experience. We are very proud of this achievement and look forward to introducing more carefully selected The Mora hotels across Africa,” says Artur Gerber.

    TUI Hotels & Resorts’ current portfolio in Africa comprises a total of 97 hotels with over 30,000 rooms across eight countries.

    – on behalf of TUI Blue Hotels.

    TUI Group – Group Corporate & External Affairs:
    Natascha Kreye
    Corporate Communications
    Phone: +49 (0) 511 566 6029
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    group.communications@tui.com
    www.TUIGroup.com

    About TUI Group:
    The TUI Group is one of the world’s leading tourism groups and operates worldwide. The Group is headquartered in Germany. TUI shares are listed in the MDAX index of the Frankfurt Stock Exchange and in the regulated market of the Lower Saxony Stock Exchange in Hanover. TUI Group offers its over 20 million customers integrated services from a single source and forms the entire tourism value chain under one roof. The Group owns over 400 hotels and resorts with premium brands such as RIU, TUI Blue and Robinson and 18 cruise ships, ranging from the MS Europa and MS Europa 2 in the luxury class and expedition ships in the HANSEATIC class to the Mein Schiff fleet of TUI Cruises and cruise ships operated by Marella Cruises in the UK. The Group also includes Europe’s leading tour operator brands and online marketing platforms, for example for hotel-only or flight-only offers, five airlines with 125 modern medium- and long-haul aircraft and around 1,200 travel agencies. In addition to expanding its core business with hotels and cruises via successful joint ventures and activities in vacation destinations, TUI is increasingly focusing on the expansion of digital platforms. The Group is transforming itself into a global tourism platform company.  

    Global responsibility for sustainable economic, environmental and social action is at the heart of our corporate culture. With projects in 25 countries, the TUI Care Foundation initiated by TUI focuses on the positive effects of tourism, on education and training and on strengthening environmental and social standards. In this way, it supports the development of vacation destinations. The globally active TUI Care Foundation initiates projects that create new opportunities for the next generation.  

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  • MIL-Evening Report: A war on diplomacy itself – Israel’s unprovoked attack on Iran

    ANALYSIS: By Joe Hendren

    Had Israel not launched its unprovoked attack on Iran on Friday night, in direct violation of the UN Charter, Iran would now be taking part in the sixth round of negotiations concerning the future of its nuclear programme, meeting with representatives from the United States in Muscat, the capital of Oman.

    Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu claimed he acted to prevent Iran from building a nuclear bomb, saying Iran had the capacity to build nine nuclear weapons. Israel provided no evidence to back up its claims.

    On 25 March 2025, Trump’s own National Director of Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard said: 

    “The IC [Intelligence Community] continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamenei has not authorised the nuclear weapons programme he suspended in 2003. The IC is monitoring if Tehran decides to reauthorise its nuclear weapons programme”

    Even if Iran had the capability to build a bomb, it is quite another thing to have the will to do so.

    Any such bomb would need to be tested first, and any such test would be quickly detected by a series of satellites on the lookout for nuclear detonations anywhere on the planet.

    It is more likely that Israel launched its attack to stop US and Iranian negotiators from meeting on Sunday.

    Only a month ago, Iran’s lead negotiator in the nuclear talks, Ali Shamkhani, told US television that Iran was ready to do a deal. NBC journalist Richard Engel reports:

    “Shamkhani said Iran is willing to commit to never having a nuclear weapon, to get rid of its stockpiles of highly enriched uranium, to only enrich to a level needed for civilian use and to allow inspectors in to oversee it all, in exchange for lifting all sanctions immediately. He said Iran would accept that deal tonight.”

    Inside Iran as Trump presses for nuclear deal.   Video: NBC News

    Shamkhani died on Saturday, following injuries he suffered during Israel’s attack on Friday night. It appears that Israel not only opposed a diplomatic solution to the Iran nuclear impasse: Israel killed it directly.

    A spokesperson for the Iranian Foreign Ministry, Esmaeil Baghaei, told a news conference in Tehran the talks would be suspended until Israel halts its attacks:

    “It is obvious that in such circumstances and until the Zionist regime’s aggression against the Iranian nation stops, it would be meaningless to participate with the party that is the biggest supporter and accomplice of the aggressor.”

    On 1 April 2024, Israel launched an airstrike on Iran’s embassy in Syria, killing 16 people, including a woman and her son. The attack violated international norms regarding the protection of diplomatic premises under the Vienna Convention.

    Yet the UK, USA and France blocked a United Nations Security Council statement condemning Israel’s actions.

    It is worth noting how the The New York Times described the occupation of the US Embassy in November 1979:

    “But it is the Ayatollah himself who is doing the devil’s work by inciting and condoning the student invasion of the American and British Embassies in Tehran. This is not just a diplomatic affront; it is a declaration of war on diplomacy itself, on usages and traditions honoured by all nations, however old and new, whatever belief.

    “The immunities given a ruler’s emissaries were respected by the kings of Persia during wars with Greece and by the Ayatollah’s spiritual ancestors during the Crusades.”

    Now it is Israel conducting a “war on diplomacy itself”, first with the attack on the embassy, followed by Friday’s surprise attack on Iran. Scuppering a diplomatic resolution to the nuclear issue appears to be the aim. To make matters worse, Israel’s recklessness could yet cause a major war.

    Trump: Inconsistent and ineffective
    In an interview with Time magazine on 22 April 2025, Trump denied he had stopped Israel from attacking Iran’s nuclear sites.

    “No, it’s not right. I didn’t stop them. But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, because I think we can make a deal without the attack. I hope we can. It’s possible we’ll have to attack because Iran will not have a nuclear weapon.

    “But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, but I didn’t say no. Ultimately I was going to leave that choice to them, but I said I would much prefer a deal than bombs being dropped.”

    — US President Donald Trump

    In the same interview Trump boasted “I think we’re going to make a deal with Iran. Nobody else could do that.” Except, someone else had already done that — only for Trump to abandon the deal in his first term as president.

    In July 2015 Iran signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) alongside the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and the European Union. Iran pledged to curb its nuclear programme for 10-15 years in exchange for the removal of some economic sanctions. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) also gained access and verification powers.

    Iran also agreed to limit uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent U-235, allowing it to maintain its nuclear power reactors.

    Despite clear signs the nuclear deal was working, Donald Trump withdrew from the JCPOA and reinstated sanctions on Iran in November 2018. Despite the unilateral American action, Iran kept to the deal for a time, but in January 2020 Iran declared it would no longer abide by the limitations included in JCPOA but would continue to work with the IAEA.

    By pulling out of the deal and reinstating sanctions, the US and Israel effectively created a strong incentive for Iran to resume enriching uranium to higher levels, not for the sake of making a bomb, but as the most obvious means of creating leverage to remove the sanctions.

    As a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Iran is allowed to enrich uranium for civilian fuel programmes.

    Iran’s nuclear programme began in the 1960s with US assistance. Prior to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran was ruled by the brutal dictatorship of the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahavi.

    American corporations saw Iran as a potential market for expansion. During the 1970s the US suggested to the Shah he needed not one but several nuclear reactors to meet Iran’s future electricity needs. In June 1974, the Shah declared that Iran would have nuclear weapons, “without a doubt and sooner than one would think”.

    In 2007, I wrote an article for Peace Researcher where I examined US claims that Iran does not need nuclear power because it is sitting on one of the largest gas supplies in the world. One of the most interesting things I discovered while researching the article was the relevance of air pollution, a critical public health concern in Iran.

    In 2024, health officials estimated that air pollution is responsible for 40,000 deaths a year in Iran. Deputy Health Minister Alireza Raisi said the “majority of these deaths were due to cardiovascular diseases, strokes, respiratory issues, and cancers”.

    Sahimi describes levels of air pollution in Tehran and other major Iranian cities as “catastrophic”, with elementary schools having to close on some days as a result. There was little media coverage of the air pollution issue in relation to Iran’s energy mix then, and I have seen hardly any since.

    An energy research project, Advanced Energy Technologies provides a useful summary of electricity production in Iran as it stood in 2023.

    Iranian electricity production in 2023. Source: Advanced Energy Technologies

    With around 94.6 percent of electricity generation dependent on fossil fuels, there are serious environmental reasons why Iran should not be encouraged to depend on oil and gas for its electricity needs — not to mention the prospect of climate change.

    One could also question the safety of nuclear power in one of the most seismically active countries in the world, however it would be fair to ask the same question of countries like Japan, which aims to increase its use of nuclear power to about 20 percent of the country’s total electricity generation by 2040, despite the 2011 Fukushima disaster.

    Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated that Iran’s uranium enrichment programme “must continue”, but the “scope and level may change”. Prior to the talks in Oman, Araghchi highlighted the “constant change” in US positions as a problem.

    Trump’s rhetoric on uranium enrichment has shifted repeatedly.

    He told Meet the Press on May 4 that “total dismantlement” of the nuclear program is “all I would accept.” He suggested that Iran does not need nuclear energy because of its oil reserves. But on May 7, when asked specifically about allowing Iran to retain a limited enrichment program, Trump said “we haven’t made that decision yet.”

    Ali Shamkhani, an adviser to Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said in a May 14 interview with NBC that Iran is ready to sign a deal with the United States and reiterated that Iran is willing to limit uranium enrichment to low levels. He previously suggested in a May 7 post on X that any deal should include a “recognition of Iran’s right to industrial enrichment.”

    That recognition, plus the removal of U.S. and international sanctions, “can guarantee a deal,” Shamkhani said.

    So with Iran seemingly willing to accept reasonable conditions, why was a deal not reached last month? It appears the US changed its position, and demanded Iran cease all enrichment of uranium, including what Iran needs for its power stations.

    One wonders if Zionist lobby groups like AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) influenced this decision. One could recall what happened during Benjamin Netanyahu’s first stint as Israel’s Prime Minister (1996-1999) to illustrate the point.

    In April 1995 AIPAC published a report titled ‘Comprehensive US Sanctions Against Iran: A Plan for Action’. In 1997 Mohammad Khatami was elected as President of Iran. The following year Khatami expressed regret for the takeover of the US embassy in Tehran in 1979 and denounced terrorism against Israelis, while noting that “supporting peoples who fight for their liberation of their land is not, in my opinion, supporting terrorism”.

    The threat of improved relations between Iran and the US sent the Israeli government led by Netanyahu into a panic. The Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz reported that “Israel has expressed concern to Washington of an impending change of policy by the United States towards Iran” adding that Netanyahu “asked AIPAC . . . to act vigorously in Congress to prevent such a policy shift.”

    20 years ago the Israeli lobby were claiming an Iranian nuclear bomb was imminent. It didn’t happen.

    Netanyahu’s Iran nuclear warnings.   Video: Al Jazeera

    The misguided efforts of Israel and the United States to contain Iran’s use of nuclear technology are not only counterproductive — they risk being a catastrophic failure. If one was going to design a policy to convince Iran nuclear weapons may be needed for its own defence, it is hard to imagine a policy more effective than the one Israel has pursued for the past 30 years.My 2007 Peace Researcher article asked a simple question: ‘Why does Iran want nuclear weapons?’ My introduction could have been written yesterday.


    “With all the talk about Iran and the intentions of its nuclear programme it is a shame the West continues to undermine its own position with selective morality and obvious hypocrisy. It seems amazing there can be so much written about this issue, yet so little addresses the obvious question – ‘for what reasons could Iran want nuclear weapons?’.

    “As Simon Jenkins (2006) points out, the answer is as simple as looking at a map. ‘I would sleep happier if there were no Iranian bomb but a swamp of hypocrisy separates me from overly protesting it. Iran is a proud country that sits between nuclear Pakistan and India to its east, a nuclear Russia to its north and a nuclear Israel to its west. Adjacent Afghanistan and Iraq are occupied at will by a nuclear America, which backed Saddam Hussein in his 1980 invasion of Iran. How can we say such a country has no right’ to nuclear defence?’”

    This week the German Foreign Office reached new heights in hypocrisy with this absurd tweet.

    Iran has no nuclear weapons. Israel does. Iran is a signatory to the NPT. Israel is not. Iran allows IAEA inspections. Israel does not.

    Starting another war will not make us forget, nor forgive what Israel is doing in Gaza.

    From the river to the sea, credibility requires consistency.

    I write about New Zealand and international politics, with particular interests in political economy, history, philosophy, transport, and workers’ rights. I don’t like war very much.

    Joe Hendren writes about New Zealand and international politics, with particular interests in political economy, history, philosophy, transport, and workers’ rights. Republished with his permission. Read this original article on his Substack account with full references.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: A war on diplomacy itself – Israel’s unprovoked attack on Iran

    ANALYSIS: By Joe Hendren

    Had Israel not launched its unprovoked attack on Iran on Friday night, in direct violation of the UN Charter, Iran would now be taking part in the sixth round of negotiations concerning the future of its nuclear programme, meeting with representatives from the United States in Muscat, the capital of Oman.

    Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu claimed he acted to prevent Iran from building a nuclear bomb, saying Iran had the capacity to build nine nuclear weapons. Israel provided no evidence to back up its claims.

    On 25 March 2025, Trump’s own National Director of Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard said: 

    “The IC [Intelligence Community] continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamenei has not authorised the nuclear weapons programme he suspended in 2003. The IC is monitoring if Tehran decides to reauthorise its nuclear weapons programme”

    Even if Iran had the capability to build a bomb, it is quite another thing to have the will to do so.

    Any such bomb would need to be tested first, and any such test would be quickly detected by a series of satellites on the lookout for nuclear detonations anywhere on the planet.

    It is more likely that Israel launched its attack to stop US and Iranian negotiators from meeting on Sunday.

    Only a month ago, Iran’s lead negotiator in the nuclear talks, Ali Shamkhani, told US television that Iran was ready to do a deal. NBC journalist Richard Engel reports:

    “Shamkhani said Iran is willing to commit to never having a nuclear weapon, to get rid of its stockpiles of highly enriched uranium, to only enrich to a level needed for civilian use and to allow inspectors in to oversee it all, in exchange for lifting all sanctions immediately. He said Iran would accept that deal tonight.”

    Inside Iran as Trump presses for nuclear deal.   Video: NBC News

    Shamkhani died on Saturday, following injuries he suffered during Israel’s attack on Friday night. It appears that Israel not only opposed a diplomatic solution to the Iran nuclear impasse: Israel killed it directly.

    A spokesperson for the Iranian Foreign Ministry, Esmaeil Baghaei, told a news conference in Tehran the talks would be suspended until Israel halts its attacks:

    “It is obvious that in such circumstances and until the Zionist regime’s aggression against the Iranian nation stops, it would be meaningless to participate with the party that is the biggest supporter and accomplice of the aggressor.”

    On 1 April 2024, Israel launched an airstrike on Iran’s embassy in Syria, killing 16 people, including a woman and her son. The attack violated international norms regarding the protection of diplomatic premises under the Vienna Convention.

    Yet the UK, USA and France blocked a United Nations Security Council statement condemning Israel’s actions.

    It is worth noting how the The New York Times described the occupation of the US Embassy in November 1979:

    “But it is the Ayatollah himself who is doing the devil’s work by inciting and condoning the student invasion of the American and British Embassies in Tehran. This is not just a diplomatic affront; it is a declaration of war on diplomacy itself, on usages and traditions honoured by all nations, however old and new, whatever belief.

    “The immunities given a ruler’s emissaries were respected by the kings of Persia during wars with Greece and by the Ayatollah’s spiritual ancestors during the Crusades.”

    Now it is Israel conducting a “war on diplomacy itself”, first with the attack on the embassy, followed by Friday’s surprise attack on Iran. Scuppering a diplomatic resolution to the nuclear issue appears to be the aim. To make matters worse, Israel’s recklessness could yet cause a major war.

    Trump: Inconsistent and ineffective
    In an interview with Time magazine on 22 April 2025, Trump denied he had stopped Israel from attacking Iran’s nuclear sites.

    “No, it’s not right. I didn’t stop them. But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, because I think we can make a deal without the attack. I hope we can. It’s possible we’ll have to attack because Iran will not have a nuclear weapon.

    “But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, but I didn’t say no. Ultimately I was going to leave that choice to them, but I said I would much prefer a deal than bombs being dropped.”

    — US President Donald Trump

    In the same interview Trump boasted “I think we’re going to make a deal with Iran. Nobody else could do that.” Except, someone else had already done that — only for Trump to abandon the deal in his first term as president.

    In July 2015 Iran signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) alongside the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and the European Union. Iran pledged to curb its nuclear programme for 10-15 years in exchange for the removal of some economic sanctions. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) also gained access and verification powers.

    Iran also agreed to limit uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent U-235, allowing it to maintain its nuclear power reactors.

    Despite clear signs the nuclear deal was working, Donald Trump withdrew from the JCPOA and reinstated sanctions on Iran in November 2018. Despite the unilateral American action, Iran kept to the deal for a time, but in January 2020 Iran declared it would no longer abide by the limitations included in JCPOA but would continue to work with the IAEA.

    By pulling out of the deal and reinstating sanctions, the US and Israel effectively created a strong incentive for Iran to resume enriching uranium to higher levels, not for the sake of making a bomb, but as the most obvious means of creating leverage to remove the sanctions.

    As a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Iran is allowed to enrich uranium for civilian fuel programmes.

    Iran’s nuclear programme began in the 1960s with US assistance. Prior to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran was ruled by the brutal dictatorship of the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahavi.

    American corporations saw Iran as a potential market for expansion. During the 1970s the US suggested to the Shah he needed not one but several nuclear reactors to meet Iran’s future electricity needs. In June 1974, the Shah declared that Iran would have nuclear weapons, “without a doubt and sooner than one would think”.

    In 2007, I wrote an article for Peace Researcher where I examined US claims that Iran does not need nuclear power because it is sitting on one of the largest gas supplies in the world. One of the most interesting things I discovered while researching the article was the relevance of air pollution, a critical public health concern in Iran.

    In 2024, health officials estimated that air pollution is responsible for 40,000 deaths a year in Iran. Deputy Health Minister Alireza Raisi said the “majority of these deaths were due to cardiovascular diseases, strokes, respiratory issues, and cancers”.

    Sahimi describes levels of air pollution in Tehran and other major Iranian cities as “catastrophic”, with elementary schools having to close on some days as a result. There was little media coverage of the air pollution issue in relation to Iran’s energy mix then, and I have seen hardly any since.

    An energy research project, Advanced Energy Technologies provides a useful summary of electricity production in Iran as it stood in 2023.

    Iranian electricity production in 2023. Source: Advanced Energy Technologies

    With around 94.6 percent of electricity generation dependent on fossil fuels, there are serious environmental reasons why Iran should not be encouraged to depend on oil and gas for its electricity needs — not to mention the prospect of climate change.

    One could also question the safety of nuclear power in one of the most seismically active countries in the world, however it would be fair to ask the same question of countries like Japan, which aims to increase its use of nuclear power to about 20 percent of the country’s total electricity generation by 2040, despite the 2011 Fukushima disaster.

    Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated that Iran’s uranium enrichment programme “must continue”, but the “scope and level may change”. Prior to the talks in Oman, Araghchi highlighted the “constant change” in US positions as a problem.

    Trump’s rhetoric on uranium enrichment has shifted repeatedly.

    He told Meet the Press on May 4 that “total dismantlement” of the nuclear program is “all I would accept.” He suggested that Iran does not need nuclear energy because of its oil reserves. But on May 7, when asked specifically about allowing Iran to retain a limited enrichment program, Trump said “we haven’t made that decision yet.”

    Ali Shamkhani, an adviser to Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said in a May 14 interview with NBC that Iran is ready to sign a deal with the United States and reiterated that Iran is willing to limit uranium enrichment to low levels. He previously suggested in a May 7 post on X that any deal should include a “recognition of Iran’s right to industrial enrichment.”

    That recognition, plus the removal of U.S. and international sanctions, “can guarantee a deal,” Shamkhani said.

    So with Iran seemingly willing to accept reasonable conditions, why was a deal not reached last month? It appears the US changed its position, and demanded Iran cease all enrichment of uranium, including what Iran needs for its power stations.

    One wonders if Zionist lobby groups like AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) influenced this decision. One could recall what happened during Benjamin Netanyahu’s first stint as Israel’s Prime Minister (1996-1999) to illustrate the point.

    In April 1995 AIPAC published a report titled ‘Comprehensive US Sanctions Against Iran: A Plan for Action’. In 1997 Mohammad Khatami was elected as President of Iran. The following year Khatami expressed regret for the takeover of the US embassy in Tehran in 1979 and denounced terrorism against Israelis, while noting that “supporting peoples who fight for their liberation of their land is not, in my opinion, supporting terrorism”.

    The threat of improved relations between Iran and the US sent the Israeli government led by Netanyahu into a panic. The Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz reported that “Israel has expressed concern to Washington of an impending change of policy by the United States towards Iran” adding that Netanyahu “asked AIPAC . . . to act vigorously in Congress to prevent such a policy shift.”

    20 years ago the Israeli lobby were claiming an Iranian nuclear bomb was imminent. It didn’t happen.

    Netanyahu’s Iran nuclear warnings.   Video: Al Jazeera

    The misguided efforts of Israel and the United States to contain Iran’s use of nuclear technology are not only counterproductive — they risk being a catastrophic failure. If one was going to design a policy to convince Iran nuclear weapons may be needed for its own defence, it is hard to imagine a policy more effective than the one Israel has pursued for the past 30 years.My 2007 Peace Researcher article asked a simple question: ‘Why does Iran want nuclear weapons?’ My introduction could have been written yesterday.


    “With all the talk about Iran and the intentions of its nuclear programme it is a shame the West continues to undermine its own position with selective morality and obvious hypocrisy. It seems amazing there can be so much written about this issue, yet so little addresses the obvious question – ‘for what reasons could Iran want nuclear weapons?’.

    “As Simon Jenkins (2006) points out, the answer is as simple as looking at a map. ‘I would sleep happier if there were no Iranian bomb but a swamp of hypocrisy separates me from overly protesting it. Iran is a proud country that sits between nuclear Pakistan and India to its east, a nuclear Russia to its north and a nuclear Israel to its west. Adjacent Afghanistan and Iraq are occupied at will by a nuclear America, which backed Saddam Hussein in his 1980 invasion of Iran. How can we say such a country has no right’ to nuclear defence?’”

    This week the German Foreign Office reached new heights in hypocrisy with this absurd tweet.

    Iran has no nuclear weapons. Israel does. Iran is a signatory to the NPT. Israel is not. Iran allows IAEA inspections. Israel does not.

    Starting another war will not make us forget, nor forgive what Israel is doing in Gaza.

    From the river to the sea, credibility requires consistency.

    I write about New Zealand and international politics, with particular interests in political economy, history, philosophy, transport, and workers’ rights. I don’t like war very much.

    Joe Hendren writes about New Zealand and international politics, with particular interests in political economy, history, philosophy, transport, and workers’ rights. Republished with his permission. Read this original article on his Substack account with full references.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Christine Lagarde: Strengthening economies in a stormy and fragmenting world

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, at the ninth Annual Research Conference “Economic and financial integration in a stormy and fragmenting world” organised by the National Bank of Ukraine and Narodowy Bank Polski in Kyiv, Ukraine

    Kyiv, 19 June 2025

    It is an honour to be here in Kyiv – a city that has come to symbolise resilience, dignity and the enduring spirit of freedom. Kyiv stands not only as the heart of Ukraine, but as a beacon of what it means to hold fast to democratic values in the face of immense challenge.

    As the great Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko once wrote, “In your own house – your own truth. Your own strength and freedom.” Ukraine’s fight today reminds all of Europe of this powerful truth: our security and prosperity rely on unity, on integration with our neighbours.

    In the face of Russia’s unjustified war of aggression, Ukrainians have demonstrated extraordinary courage and resilience in defence of their country.

    In my remarks today, and in keeping with the theme of this conference, I would like to reflect on the historical lessons we have learned about strengthening and integrating economies in an increasingly stormy and fragmented world.

    Experience shows that closer ties with the European neighbourhood can provide a strong foundation for Ukraine to rebuild and emerge stronger. And as geopolitical tensions rise and global supply chains fragment, the case for deeper regional cooperation has never been clearer.

    Europe’s own long history of integration offers valuable insights that can help guide Ukraine’s path forwards. Two key lessons stand out.

    First, while deeper integration increases the potential rewards, it also raises the risks if not managed wisely. Sound domestic policy frameworks are essential to maximise growth and safeguard stability.

    Second, the benefits of integration are neither automatic nor permanent. Maintaining them depends on continuous reform – but reforms must also deliver tangible improvements for people’s lives, and do so relatively quickly.

    The benefits of integration in a fragmenting world

    During the Cold War, the Iron Curtain fractured the European economy. Trade between East and West fell by half. This division was like imposing a 48% tariff – leading to immense welfare losses and isolating the Eastern bloc from global markets.[1]

    But the transformation since Europe’s eastern enlargement has been nothing short of remarkable. On average, countries that joined the EU in 2004 have nearly doubled their GDP per capita over the past two decades.

    Critically, this was not just about catching up from a low base. Between 2004 and 2019, the EU’s new Member States saw their GDP per capita grow 32% more than comparable non-EU countries.[2] The difference was deeper economic integration – and those that were already highly embedded in the regional economy gained the most.

    While all new members experienced gains, countries with stronger integration into regional value chains recorded nearly 10 percentage points higher GDP per capita growth compared with less integrated peers – regardless of geographic proximity.[3]

    This difference was driven mainly by technology and productivity spillovers. ECB research shows that a 10% increase in productivity among western EU firms translated into a 5% productivity gain for central and eastern European firms linked to their supply chains.[4]

    The case for regional integration is therefore clear – and in today’s increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape, it has become even more compelling.

    First, regional integration underpins growth.

    European economies are highly open, which means a world splintering into rival trading blocs poses clear risks to prosperity. Yet Europe’s most important trading partner is Europe itself: around 65% of euro area exports go to other European countries, including the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Norway. For Ukraine too, Europe is the principal trading partner, accounting for over 50% of its goods trade in 2024.

    By deepening economic ties – more closely linking neighbouring economies – we can reduce our exposure to external shocks. Rising trade within our region can help offset losses in global markets.

    Second, regional integration strengthens resilience.

    One consequence of geopolitical fragmentation is the realignment of supply chains toward trusted partners. Nearly half of firms involved in external trade have already revised their strategies – or intend to do so – including relocating parts of their operations closer to home.[5] While this trend reduces strategic dependencies, it can also raise costs.

    Yet large integrated regions can mitigate these costs by replicating many of the benefits of globalisation at the regional level. Supply chains can be reorganised regionally, allowing each country to specialise based on its comparative advantage within regional value chains.

    Ukraine stands to benefit significantly from expanding these networks across the region – and the EU stands to benefit, too, from having Ukraine as a partner.[6]

    In the automotive sector, for example, Ukrainian firms already produce around 7% of all wire harnesses used in EU vehicles.[7] As the industry shifts towards electric vehicles, which require more complex wiring systems, Ukraine’s manufacturing base is well positioned to scale up and play a larger role in the EU value chain.

    Equally transformative is Ukraine’s drone industry, which has become one of the most advanced in the region. Drones are not only a critical component of modern warfare, but also a technology with substantial spillover effects and far-reaching dual-use applications.

    Indeed, the country’s ambitious goal of producing 4.5 million drones by 2025 has accelerated innovation in materials science, battery technology and 3D printing. These advances are already finding civilian applications in sectors such as logistics, agriculture and emergency response.

    In short, for both existing EU members and neighbouring countries like Ukraine, regional integration is both a path to prosperity and a strategic anchor in an increasingly fragmented world.

    Managing the risks of integration

    But examining the experience of countries that have used regional integration as a platform for growth and reform reveals two important lessons.

    The first is that if integration is not accompanied by appropriate reforms, it can create new vulnerabilities – especially in the financial sphere.

    Financial integration often brings volatile capital inflows, which can make it difficult to distinguish sustainable growth from unsustainable excesses in real time.

    One way this can happen is when productivity gains in tradable sectors, such as manufacturing, drive up wages in those sectors, which then spill over into higher wages in non-tradable sectors and push up overall inflation.[8]

    While this effect is a normal feature of catching-up, it can make it easy to mistake genuine convergence for economic overheating. If foreign capital is in fact driving financial imbalances – such as unsustainable real estate booms – countries may exhibit the same patterns of rising wages and inflation, masking underlying vulnerabilities.

    Another potential distortion is that capital inflows can significantly affect government fiscal positions by boosting tax revenues and creating the illusion of permanently greater fiscal space. This often leads to procyclical fiscal policies, with governments increasing spending or cutting taxes during boom periods – only to face fiscal stress when inflows reverse or growth slows.

    Both dynamics have been visible during Europe’s recent experience with regional integration.

    After the eastern enlargement, financial integration accelerated rapidly. Between 2003 and 2008, the new Member States experienced an extraordinary surge in capital inflows, averaging over 12% of GDP annually – twice the typical level for emerging markets globally.[9]

    Initially, this rapid financial integration brought clear benefits: it expanded access to credit, fuelled growth and enabled much-needed development. However, in many countries, foreign capital was disproportionately channelled into consumption and construction booms, while tax revenues rose sharply on the back of property transactions and buoyant domestic demand.[10] This led to widespread misallocation of private capital and inefficient public spending.

    Capital flows then reversed sharply when the global financial crisis struck, exposing these imbalances. Between December 2008 and May 2013, external bank liabilities in non-euro area central and eastern European countries declined by an average of 27% – with some countries experiencing drops of more than 50%.[11]

    Yet the risks associated with financial integration can be avoided. Not all countries in the region were affected equally. Those that performed better typically shared two key features.

    First, they had clear policies to channel foreign investment into productive sectors. Strong industrial strategies, a skilled workforce and integration into global supply chains helped direct capital towards manufacturing and tradable services – sectors that drive export growth and are less prone to unsustainable booms and asset bubbles.[12]

    Second, they maintained robust financial policy frameworks. Tighter capital requirements, active macroprudential measures and countercyclical buffers strengthened domestic banking sectors and curbed excessive mortgage lending. These tools enabled those countries to absorb large capital inflows without creating destabilising imbalances.[13]

    The lesson is clear: as countries integrate into the region, strong domestic policy frameworks are critical to ensuring that capital inflows support long-term growth rather than generating financial instability or inefficient allocation.

    This insight is especially relevant for Ukraine today as it charts its path towards recovery. If reconstruction proceeds as planned, the country could attract significant capital inflows over the next decade. But without the right safeguards, that capital risks being misallocated – undermining long-term productivity instead of strengthening it.

    There are encouraging signs. The EU–Ukraine Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area have already driven significant reforms in the financial sector. Ukraine’s banking regulation now aligns with more than 75% of EU standards, covering critical areas such as capital adequacy, governance and auditing.[14]

    The National Bank of Ukraine has adopted a risk-based supervisory model inspired by the Single Supervisory Mechanism – the system of banking supervision in Europe – markedly improving oversight. Despite extremely challenging circumstances, Ukraine is also modernising its capital markets – consolidating exchanges, upgrading settlement systems and strengthening regulatory enforcement to attract long-term investors.

    These reforms are already delivering results: in 2023, Ukraine’s banking sector remained profitable and well capitalised despite the ongoing war – an outcome that would have been unthinkable a decade ago.

    Still, further progress is essential, especially in fiscal governance. Strengthening public investment management will be critical to ensure that reconstruction funds are allocated transparently and efficiently.

    This is not just about meeting external standards. It is about ensuring that every euro, and every hryvnia, delivers real returns for the Ukrainian people.[15]

    Making integration sustainable

    However, reforms cannot be treated as a one-time effort.

    So, the second key lesson is that the benefits of regional integration are neither automatic nor permanent. Sustaining them requires continuous reform – and, just as importantly, it requires citizens to see visible, tangible improvements in their daily lives.

    In this context, there are two risks to watch out for.

    The first is that institutional reform momentum can fade if economic benefits do not follow quickly.

    Deeper regional integration typically begins with aligning framework conditions, such as legal systems, regulation and public administration. These areas often improve rapidly. But for the economic gains to materialise, domestic entrepreneurs and foreign investors must respond to the new incentives created – and this takes time.

    In the long run, evidence shows that countries with initially weaker institutions benefit the most from adopting higher standards.[16] But in the short run, if people only see the effort and not the payoff, public support for further reforms can weaken, putting long-term convergence at risk.

    The second risk is that structural shifts in the economy may weaken the link between integration and economic convergence over time.

    The integration of goods markets has traditionally driven convergence almost automatically, as foreign direct investment flows to countries with lower land and labour costs, supply chains relocate and lower-income countries benefit from technology transfers.

    As I mentioned earlier, this will remain an important mechanism even in an era of supply chain reshoring. But countries cannot rely on it as heavily as in the past. Future growth in intra-EU trade is expected to depend increasingly on services – particularly digital services.

    However, research shows that services sector activity tends to concentrate in larger, more affluent urban areas that exhibit the hallmarks of a knowledge economy: high tertiary education rates, strong technology and science sectors and robust digital infrastructure.[17]

    This means that deeper integration alone will not guarantee broad-based convergence across all regions. Over time, countries will need to invest more in education, skills and digitalisation to ensure they can build high levels of human capital.

    Maintaining the path of convergence is therefore not easy. But slowing down reform efforts is not the answer – especially in the shock-prone world we face today.

    There is a clear link between strong institutions and economic resilience. ECB research indicates that, during the pandemic, regions with lower institutional quality experienced – all else equal – an additional decline of around 4 percentage points in GDP per capita compared with the ten regions with the highest quality of government.[18]

    As our economies are increasingly buffeted by global turbulence, institutional backsliding therefore risks creating a vicious circle: repeated shocks can undermine economic convergence and further erode public confidence in the reform process.

    The best way for countries to sustain reform momentum is to recognise the importance of maintaining public support and, as far as possible, pair governance improvements with a focus on sectors where they have a clear competitive edge – and where deeper integration with the region can unlock significant and rapid growth opportunities.

    This way, the benefits of reforms will be felt more quickly and more widely.

    Ukraine is well positioned to put this into practice. Its IT sector is already relatively strong: IT services exports reached nearly USD 7 billion in 2023, making it one of the country’s leading export sectors despite the war.[19]

    Ukraine also produces around 130,000 STEM graduates each year – exceeding Germany and France[20] – and it ranks among the top five countries globally for certified IT professionals.[21] Successful IT clusters are active in several cities, and major foreign firms – including Apple, Microsoft, Boeing and Siemens – have established R&D operations in the country.

    A dynamic defence tech ecosystem is also taking shape[22], with Ukrainian start-ups attracting almost half a billion US dollars in funding in 2024 – surpassing many of their peers across central and eastern Europe.[23] Experience from countries like Israel suggests that such a foundation can enable the country to emerge as a broader technology hub in the years ahead.

    If Ukraine stays the course on institutional reform and continues to adapt its economy to new opportunities, despite the stormy environment, it can emerge as a vital engine of growth and a key contributor to the region’s future.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude.

    Ukraine stands at a pivotal moment – facing the hardships of war, the challenge of reconstruction and the opportunity of deeper regional integration.

    In a world marked by shifting geopolitical realities, such integration offers a clear path to recovery and lasting prosperity.

    The recent history of regional integration shows not only its immense benefits, but also the importance of managing transitional risks through robust policy frameworks. It also underlines the need to sustain reform over time by ensuring that people feel its benefits.

    I am confident that Ukraine will be able to fully realise its economic potential, turning the upheaval of today into the foundation for a dynamic future.

    As Ivan Franko, one of Ukraine’s greatest poets, once wrote: “even though life is but a moment and made up of moments, we carry eternity in our souls.”

    This enduring spirit captures the resilience and potential of Ukraine’s people and its economy – a spirit that will continue to drive advancement and renewal in the years ahead.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Sanctioning of sham charities supporting Hamas – E-002378/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002378/2025
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Pina Picierno (S&D)

    In October 2024, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned three individuals and one sham charity that are prominent financial supporters of Hamas but also active in Italy, Germany and Austria[1].

    On 10 June 2025, OFAC sanctioned another five people and five sham charities outside the US that stand accused of financing Hamas’s military wing under the guise of conducting humanitarian work both internationally and in Gaza. Some of them operate in the EU, specifically, in Italy and the Netherlands, and are run by people already subject to sanctions[2].

    Despite those measures, the charities continue to operate undisturbed in Europe, carrying out activities for a movement that the EU has designated a terrorist organisation.

    Taking into account that the US, an important Atlantic Alliance partner in efforts to tackle international terrorism and bring stability to the Middle East, has already sanctioned those charities, will the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy apply similar sanctions at EU level with a view to curbing terrorist activities in the Member States?

    Submitted: 12.6.2025

    • [1] https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy2632.
    • [2] https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sb0162.
    Last updated: 18 June 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Family reunification from countries where polygamy is practiced – E-002343/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002343/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Mary Khan (ESN), Petra Steger (PfE)

    A current case in Austria[1], and similar cases in Germany, reveal conflicts between EU rules on family reunification and prohibitions of polygamous marriages enshrined in criminal law. A Syrian refugee applied for family reunification for his wife and eight children. However, DNA analyses showed that the children are from two different mothers. While the second wife was refused entry, all children were granted entry under family reunification. Under current law, it can be assumed that the four children of the second wife can successfully apply for family reunification for their mother. The applicable provisions of EU law, in particular Directive 2003/86/EC on the right to family reunification, may, in their practical application, create situations which could be interpreted as indirect toleration of polygamous relationships. This raises significant questions as to the coherence of European legislation and national legal systems, such as the prohibition of bigamy enshrined in the national law of Austria (Section 44 of the Austrian Civil Code (ABGB) and Section 192 of the Austrian Criminal Code (StGB)) and of Germany (Section 1306 of the German Civil Code (BGB) and Section 172 of the German Criminal Code (StGB)).

    • 1.How does the Commission assess the compatibility of Directive 2003/86/EC and its implementation in practice with national prohibitions of polygamy in the context of family reunification in relation to polygamous marriages?
    • 2.What measures is the Commission considering in order to counteract the normalisation of polygamous relationships in the context of family reunification and to prevent the emergence of a right to protection under Union law for polygamous relationships?

    Submitted: 11.6.2025

    • [1] https://www.heute.at/s/familiennachzug-syrer-wollte-zweitfrau-ins-land-holen-120101639
    Last updated: 19 June 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Potential discrimination of traders on Amazon Marketplace – E-002348/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002348/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Pascal Arimont (PPE), Liesbet Sommen (PPE)

    On 25 March 2024, the Commission announced preliminary investigative steps under the Digital Markets Act[1] (DMA) into potential self-preferencing by Amazon on Amazon Marketplace.

    This announcement came 15 months after the Commission accepted Amazon’s commitments following an investigation’s preliminarily conclusion that Amazon had abused its dominant market position and unfairly gave preferential treatment to its own products and sellers that paid for Fulfilment by Amazon services.

    • 1.Does the Commission have any information evaluating the effectiveness and compliance with the commitments it agreed with Amazon in 2022?
    • 2.The US Federal Trade Commission has accused Amazon of enforcing price clauses via its automated systems, effectively preventing sellers from providing their products at a lower price off-Amazon. This practice is also under investigation by Germany’s Bundeskartellamt. Such practices are likely to constitute a violation of Article 5(3) DMA. Is the Commission examining Amazon’s compliance with Article 5(3) DMA?
    • 3.Amazon’s DMA compliance reports are sparse in detail, especially regarding the effectiveness of the compliance actions taken by the company. Such disclosure is fundamental to ensuring that impacted businesses, consumers and interested third parties can scrutinise DMA compliance and effectiveness. Will the Commission ensure that Amazon’s future non-confidential DMA compliance reports include more meaningful information?

    Submitted: 11.6.2025

    • [1] Regulation (EU) 2022/1925 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 14 September 2022 on contestable and fair markets in the digital sector and amending Directives (EU) 2019/1937 and (EU) 2020/1828 (Digital Markets Act) (OJ L 265, 12.10.2022, p. 1, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/reg/2022/1925/oj).
    Last updated: 19 June 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Respect for national sovereignty in arms export control – E-002359/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002359/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Mathilde Androuët (PfE)

    The Commission wants to relax national rules governing the movement of defence equipment between Member States, in order to reduce the administrative burden and speed up production of weapons in the EU[1]. Germany, Italy and Spain in particular share France’s concerns about this attempt to deregulate.

    A majority in the Council of the EU seems to be in favour, arguing that ‘EU arms deliveries to Ukraine were one of the factors to drive this review’, but reaffirmed ‘the EU’s commitment (…) to preventing diversion’[2], which poses a serious risk to the protection of critical technologies developed by our industrial firms.

    Seeking to accelerate arms production by removing national safeguards amounts to sacrificing the sovereignty of the peoples of Europe, as decisions on arms exports traditionally fall within the sovereign powers of our nations. Those decisions directly involve their diplomatic responsibility, their strategic security and their industrial autonomy.

    • 1.How will the Commission prevent this relaxation from facilitating unwanted transfers of sensitive know-how?
    • 2.Can it confirm that the Member States will retain control of their arms export policy, without any pressure or binding mechanism, in line with their freedom to make political assessments?

    Submitted: 11.6.2025

    • [1] “France says ‘non’ to loosening rules for arms exports in Europe”, 28 April 2025, Aurélie Pugnet, https://www.euractiv.com/section/defence/news/france-launches-battle-against-looser-intra-eu-defence-export-controls/
    • [2] ‘Arms export control: Council reviews EU framework strengthening the control and accountability of international arms trade’, 14 April 2025, Council of the European Union press release, https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2025/04/14/arms-export-control-council-reviews-eu-framework-strengthening-the-control-and-accountability-of-international-arms-trade/?
    Last updated: 19 June 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Egyptian crackdown on Gaza blockade busters but Kiwi activists vow to ‘defeat genocide’

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Saige England in Ōtautahi and Ava Mulla in Cairo

    Hope for freedom for Palestinians remains high among a group of trauma-struck New Zealanders in Cairo.

    In spite of extensive planning, the Global March To Gaza (GMTG) delegation of about 4000 international aid volunteers was thwarted in its mission to walk from Cairo to Gaza to lend support.

    The land of oranges and pyramids became the land of autocracy last week as peace aid volunteers — young, middle-aged, and elderly — were herded like cattle and cordoned behind fences.

    Their passports were initially seized — and later returned. Several New Zealanders were among those dragged and beaten.

    While ordinary Egyptians showed “huge support” for the GMTG, the militant Egyptian regime showed its hand in supporting Israel rather than Palestine.

    A member of the delegation, Natasha*, said she and other members pursued every available diplomatic channel to ensure that the peaceful, humanitarian, march would reach Gaza.

    Moved by love, they were met with hate.

    Violently attacked
    “When I stepped toward the crowd’s edge and began instinctually with heart break to chant, ‘Free Palestine,’ I was violently attacked by five plainclothes men.

    “They screamed, grabbed, shoved, and even spat on me,” she said.

    Tackled, she was dragged to an unmarked van. She did not resist, posed no threat, yet the violence escalated instantly.

    “I saw hatred in their eyes.”

    Egyptian state security forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the Global March activists. Image: GMTG

    Another GMTG member, a woman who tried to intervene was also “viciously assaulted”. She witnessed at least three other women and two men being attacked.

    The peacemakers escaped from the unmarked van the aggressors were distracted, seemingly confused about their destination, she said.

    It is now clear that from the beginning Egyptian State forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the GMTG.

    Authorities as provocateurs
    The peace participants witnessed plainclothed authorities act as provacateurs, “shoving people, stepping on them, throwing objects” to create a false image for media.

    New Zealand actor Will Alexander . . . “This is only a fraction of what Palestinians experience every day.” GMTG

    New Zealand actor Will Alexander said the experience had inflated rather than deflated his passion for human rights, and compassion for Palestinians.

    “This is only a fraction of what Palestinians experience everyday. Palestinians pushed into smaller and smaller areas are murdered for wanting to stand on their own land,” he said.

    “The reason that ordinary New Zealanders like us need to put our bodies on the line is because our government has failed to uphold its obligations under the Genocide Convention.

    “Israel has blatantly breached international law for decades with total impunity.”

    While the New Zealanders are all safe, a small number of people in the wider movement had been forcibly ‘disappeared’,” said GMTG New Zealand member Sam Leason.

    Their whereabouts was still unknown, he said.

    Arab members targeted
    “It must be emphasised that it is primarily — and possibly strictly — Arab members of the March who are the targets of the most dramatic and violent excesses committed by the Egyptian authorities, including all forced disappearances.”

    Global March to Gaza activists being attacked . . . the genocide cannot be sustained when people from around the world push against the Israeli regime and support the people on the ground with food and healthcare. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    This did, however, continuously add to the mounting sense of stress, tension, anxiety and fear, felt by the contingent, he said.

    “Especially given the Egyptian authorities’ disregard to their own legal system, which leaves us blindsided and in a thick fog of uncertainty.”

    Moving swiftly through the streets of Cairo in the pitch of night, from hotel to hotel and safehouse to safehouse, was a “surreal and dystopian” experience for the New Zealanders and other GMTG members.

    The group says that the genocide cannot be sustained when people from around the world push against the Israeli regime and support the people on the ground with food and healthcare.

    “For 20 months our hearts have raced and our eyes have filled in unison with the elderly, men, women, and children, and the babies in Palestine,” said Billie*, a participant who preferred, for safety reasons, not to reveal their surname.

    “If we do not react to the carnage, suffering and complete injustice and recognise our shared need for sane governance and a liveable planet what is the point?”

    Experienced despair
    Aqua*, another New Zealand GMTG member, had experienced despair seeing the suffering of Palestinians, but she said it was important to nurture hope, as that was the only way to stop the genocide.

    “We cling to every glimmer of hope that presents itself. Like an oasis in a desert devoid of human emotion we chase any potential igniter of the flame of change.”

    Activist Eva Mulla . . . inspired by the courage of the Palestinians. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    Ava Mulla, said from Cairo, that the group was inspired by the courage of the Palestinians.

    “They’ve been fighting for freedom and justice for decades against the world’s strongest powers. They are courageous and steadfast.”

    Mulla referred to the “We Were Seeds” saying inspired by Greek poet Dinos Christianopoulos.

    “We are millions of seeds. Every act of injustice fuels our growth,” she said.

    Helplessness an illusion
    The GMTG members agreed that “impotence and helplessness was an illusion” that led to inaction but such inaction allowed “unspeakable atrocities” to take place.

    “This is the holocaust of our age,” said Sam Leason.

    “We need the world to leave the rhetorical and symbolic field of discourse and move promptly towards the camp of concrete action to protect the people of Palestine from a clear campaign of extermination.”

    Saige England is an Aotearoa New Zealand journalist, author, and poet, member of the Palestinian Solidarity Network of Aotearoa (PSNA), and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

    *Several protesters quoted in this article requested that their family names not be reported for security reasons. Ava Mulla was born in Germany and lives in Aotearoa with her partner, actor Will Alexander. She studied industrial engineering and is passionate about innovative housing solutions for developing countries. She is a member of the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA).

    New Zealand and other activists with Tino Rangatiratanga and Palestine flags taking part in the Global March To Gaza. Will Alexander (far left) is in the back row and Ava Mulla (pink tee shirt) is in the front row. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Egyptian crackdown on Gaza blockade busters but Kiwi activists vow to ‘defeat genocide’

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Saige England in Ōtautahi and Ava Mulla in Cairo

    Hope for freedom for Palestinians remains high among a group of trauma-struck New Zealanders in Cairo.

    In spite of extensive planning, the Global March To Gaza (GMTG) delegation of about 4000 international aid volunteers was thwarted in its mission to walk from Cairo to Gaza to lend support.

    The land of oranges and pyramids became the land of autocracy last week as peace aid volunteers — young, middle-aged, and elderly — were herded like cattle and cordoned behind fences.

    Their passports were initially seized — and later returned. Several New Zealanders were among those dragged and beaten.

    While ordinary Egyptians showed “huge support” for the GMTG, the militant Egyptian regime showed its hand in supporting Israel rather than Palestine.

    A member of the delegation, Natasha*, said she and other members pursued every available diplomatic channel to ensure that the peaceful, humanitarian, march would reach Gaza.

    Moved by love, they were met with hate.

    Violently attacked
    “When I stepped toward the crowd’s edge and began instinctually with heart break to chant, ‘Free Palestine,’ I was violently attacked by five plainclothes men.

    “They screamed, grabbed, shoved, and even spat on me,” she said.

    Tackled, she was dragged to an unmarked van. She did not resist, posed no threat, yet the violence escalated instantly.

    “I saw hatred in their eyes.”

    Egyptian state security forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the Global March activists. Image: GMTG

    Another GMTG member, a woman who tried to intervene was also “viciously assaulted”. She witnessed at least three other women and two men being attacked.

    The peacemakers escaped from the unmarked van the aggressors were distracted, seemingly confused about their destination, she said.

    It is now clear that from the beginning Egyptian State forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the GMTG.

    Authorities as provocateurs
    The peace participants witnessed plainclothed authorities act as provacateurs, “shoving people, stepping on them, throwing objects” to create a false image for media.

    New Zealand actor Will Alexander . . . “This is only a fraction of what Palestinians experience every day.” GMTG

    New Zealand actor Will Alexander said the experience had inflated rather than deflated his passion for human rights, and compassion for Palestinians.

    “This is only a fraction of what Palestinians experience everyday. Palestinians pushed into smaller and smaller areas are murdered for wanting to stand on their own land,” he said.

    “The reason that ordinary New Zealanders like us need to put our bodies on the line is because our government has failed to uphold its obligations under the Genocide Convention.

    “Israel has blatantly breached international law for decades with total impunity.”

    While the New Zealanders are all safe, a small number of people in the wider movement had been forcibly ‘disappeared’,” said GMTG New Zealand member Sam Leason.

    Their whereabouts was still unknown, he said.

    Arab members targeted
    “It must be emphasised that it is primarily — and possibly strictly — Arab members of the March who are the targets of the most dramatic and violent excesses committed by the Egyptian authorities, including all forced disappearances.”

    Global March to Gaza activists being attacked . . . the genocide cannot be sustained when people from around the world push against the Israeli regime and support the people on the ground with food and healthcare. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    This did, however, continuously add to the mounting sense of stress, tension, anxiety and fear, felt by the contingent, he said.

    “Especially given the Egyptian authorities’ disregard to their own legal system, which leaves us blindsided and in a thick fog of uncertainty.”

    Moving swiftly through the streets of Cairo in the pitch of night, from hotel to hotel and safehouse to safehouse, was a “surreal and dystopian” experience for the New Zealanders and other GMTG members.

    The group says that the genocide cannot be sustained when people from around the world push against the Israeli regime and support the people on the ground with food and healthcare.

    “For 20 months our hearts have raced and our eyes have filled in unison with the elderly, men, women, and children, and the babies in Palestine,” said Billie*, a participant who preferred, for safety reasons, not to reveal their surname.

    “If we do not react to the carnage, suffering and complete injustice and recognise our shared need for sane governance and a liveable planet what is the point?”

    Experienced despair
    Aqua*, another New Zealand GMTG member, had experienced despair seeing the suffering of Palestinians, but she said it was important to nurture hope, as that was the only way to stop the genocide.

    “We cling to every glimmer of hope that presents itself. Like an oasis in a desert devoid of human emotion we chase any potential igniter of the flame of change.”

    Activist Eva Mulla . . . inspired by the courage of the Palestinians. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    Ava Mulla, said from Cairo, that the group was inspired by the courage of the Palestinians.

    “They’ve been fighting for freedom and justice for decades against the world’s strongest powers. They are courageous and steadfast.”

    Mulla referred to the “We Were Seeds” saying inspired by Greek poet Dinos Christianopoulos.

    “We are millions of seeds. Every act of injustice fuels our growth,” she said.

    Helplessness an illusion
    The GMTG members agreed that “impotence and helplessness was an illusion” that led to inaction but such inaction allowed “unspeakable atrocities” to take place.

    “This is the holocaust of our age,” said Sam Leason.

    “We need the world to leave the rhetorical and symbolic field of discourse and move promptly towards the camp of concrete action to protect the people of Palestine from a clear campaign of extermination.”

    Saige England is an Aotearoa New Zealand journalist, author, and poet, member of the Palestinian Solidarity Network of Aotearoa (PSNA), and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

    *Several protesters quoted in this article requested that their family names not be reported for security reasons. Ava Mulla was born in Germany and lives in Aotearoa with her partner, actor Will Alexander. She studied industrial engineering and is passionate about innovative housing solutions for developing countries. She is a member of the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA).

    New Zealand and other activists with Tino Rangatiratanga and Palestine flags taking part in the Global March To Gaza. Will Alexander (far left) is in the back row and Ava Mulla (pink tee shirt) is in the front row. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • Nearby Sculptor galaxy revealed in ultra-detailed galactic image

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    The Sculptor galaxy is similar in many respects to our Milky Way. It is about the same size and mass, with a similar spiral structure. But while it is impossible to get a full view of the Milky Way from the vantage point of Earth because we are inside the galaxy, Sculptor is perfectly positioned for a good look.

    Astronomers have done just that, releasing an ultra-detailed image of the Sculptor galaxy on Wednesday obtained with 50 hours of observations using one of the world’s biggest telescopes, the European Southern Observatory’s Chile-based Very Large Telescope.

    The image shows Sculptor, also called NGC 253, in around 4,000 different colors, each corresponding to a specific wavelength in the optical spectrum.

    Because various galactic components emit light differently across the spectrum, the observations are providing information at unprecedented detail on the inner workings of an entire galaxy, from star formation to the motion of interstellar gas on large scales. Conventional images in astronomy offer only a handful of colors, providing less information.

    The researchers used the telescope’s Multi Unit Spectroscopic Explorer, or MUSE, instrument.

    “NGC 253 is close enough that we can observe it in remarkable detail with MUSE, yet far enough that we can still see the entire galaxy in a single field of view,” said astronomer Enrico Congiu, a fellow at the European Southern Observatory in Santiago, and lead author of research being published in the journal Astronomy & Astrophysics.

    “In the Milky Way, we can achieve extremely high resolution, but we lack a global view since we’re inside it. For more distant galaxies, we can get a global view, but not the fine detail. That’s why NGC 253 is such a perfect target: it acts as a bridge between the ultra-detailed studies of the Milky Way and the large-scale studies of more distant galaxies. It gives us a rare opportunity to connect the small-scale physics with the big-picture view,” Congiu said.

    Sculptor is about 11 million light-years from Earth, making it one of the closest big galaxies to the Milky Way. A light-year is the distance light travels in a year, 5.9 trillion miles (9.5 trillion km).

    Like the Milky Way, it is a barred spiral galaxy, meaning it has an elongated structure extending from its nucleus, with spiral arms extending from the ends of the bar. Its diameter of about 88,000 light-years is similar to the Milky Way’s, as is its total mass. One major difference is Sculptor’s rate of new star formation, estimated to be two to three times greater than that of the Milky Way.

    Nearly 30% of this star formation is happening near the galaxy’s nucleus in what is called a starburst region, as revealed in colorful emissions shown in the new image.

    The observations have given information on a wide range of properties such as the motion, age and chemical composition of stars and the movement of interstellar gas, an important component of any galaxy.

    “Since the light from stars is typically bluer if the stars are young or redder if the stars are old, having thousands of colors lets us learn a lot about what stars and populations of stars exist in the galaxy,” said astronomer Kathryn Kreckel of Heidelberg University in Germany, a study co-author.

    “Similarly for the gas, it glows in specific bright emission lines at very specific colors, and tells us about the different elements that exist in the gas, and what is causing it to glow,” Kreckel said.

    The initial research being published from the observations involves planetary nebulae, which are luminous clouds of gas and dust expelled by certain dying stars. Despite their name, they have nothing to do with planets. These nebulae can help astronomers measure the precise distances of faraway galaxies.

    The researchers marveled at the scientific and aesthetic value of the new view of Sculptor.

    “I personally find these images amazing,” Congiu said. “What amazes me the most is that every time I look at them, I notice something new – another nebula, a splash of unexpected color or some subtle structure that hints at the incredible physics behind it all.”

    (Reuters)

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Christine Lagarde: Strengthening economies in a stormy and fragmenting world

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, at the ninth Annual Research Conference “Economic and financial integration in a stormy and fragmenting world” organised by the National Bank of Ukraine and Narodowy Bank Polski in Kyiv, Ukraine

    Kyiv, 19 June 2025

    It is an honour to be here in Kyiv – a city that has come to symbolise resilience, dignity and the enduring spirit of freedom. Kyiv stands not only as the heart of Ukraine, but as a beacon of what it means to hold fast to democratic values in the face of immense challenge.

    As the great Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko once wrote, “In your own house – your own truth. Your own strength and freedom.” Ukraine’s fight today reminds all of Europe of this powerful truth: our security and prosperity rely on unity, on integration with our neighbours.

    In the face of Russia’s unjustified war of aggression, Ukrainians have demonstrated extraordinary courage and resilience in defence of their country.

    In my remarks today, and in keeping with the theme of this conference, I would like to reflect on the historical lessons we have learned about strengthening and integrating economies in an increasingly stormy and fragmented world.

    Experience shows that closer ties with the European neighbourhood can provide a strong foundation for Ukraine to rebuild and emerge stronger. And as geopolitical tensions rise and global supply chains fragment, the case for deeper regional cooperation has never been clearer.

    Europe’s own long history of integration offers valuable insights that can help guide Ukraine’s path forwards. Two key lessons stand out.

    First, while deeper integration increases the potential rewards, it also raises the risks if not managed wisely. Sound domestic policy frameworks are essential to maximise growth and safeguard stability.

    Second, the benefits of integration are neither automatic nor permanent. Maintaining them depends on continuous reform – but reforms must also deliver tangible improvements for people’s lives, and do so relatively quickly.

    The benefits of integration in a fragmenting world

    During the Cold War, the Iron Curtain fractured the European economy. Trade between East and West fell by half. This division was like imposing a 48% tariff – leading to immense welfare losses and isolating the Eastern bloc from global markets.[1]

    But the transformation since Europe’s eastern enlargement has been nothing short of remarkable. On average, countries that joined the EU in 2004 have nearly doubled their GDP per capita over the past two decades.

    Critically, this was not just about catching up from a low base. Between 2004 and 2019, the EU’s new Member States saw their GDP per capita grow 32% more than comparable non-EU countries.[2] The difference was deeper economic integration – and those that were already highly embedded in the regional economy gained the most.

    While all new members experienced gains, countries with stronger integration into regional value chains recorded nearly 10 percentage points higher GDP per capita growth compared with less integrated peers – regardless of geographic proximity.[3]

    This difference was driven mainly by technology and productivity spillovers. ECB research shows that a 10% increase in productivity among western EU firms translated into a 5% productivity gain for central and eastern European firms linked to their supply chains.[4]

    The case for regional integration is therefore clear – and in today’s increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape, it has become even more compelling.

    First, regional integration underpins growth.

    European economies are highly open, which means a world splintering into rival trading blocs poses clear risks to prosperity. Yet Europe’s most important trading partner is Europe itself: around 65% of euro area exports go to other European countries, including the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Norway. For Ukraine too, Europe is the principal trading partner, accounting for over 50% of its goods trade in 2024.

    By deepening economic ties – more closely linking neighbouring economies – we can reduce our exposure to external shocks. Rising trade within our region can help offset losses in global markets.

    Second, regional integration strengthens resilience.

    One consequence of geopolitical fragmentation is the realignment of supply chains toward trusted partners. Nearly half of firms involved in external trade have already revised their strategies – or intend to do so – including relocating parts of their operations closer to home.[5] While this trend reduces strategic dependencies, it can also raise costs.

    Yet large integrated regions can mitigate these costs by replicating many of the benefits of globalisation at the regional level. Supply chains can be reorganised regionally, allowing each country to specialise based on its comparative advantage within regional value chains.

    Ukraine stands to benefit significantly from expanding these networks across the region – and the EU stands to benefit, too, from having Ukraine as a partner.[6]

    In the automotive sector, for example, Ukrainian firms already produce around 7% of all wire harnesses used in EU vehicles.[7] As the industry shifts towards electric vehicles, which require more complex wiring systems, Ukraine’s manufacturing base is well positioned to scale up and play a larger role in the EU value chain.

    Equally transformative is Ukraine’s drone industry, which has become one of the most advanced in the region. Drones are not only a critical component of modern warfare, but also a technology with substantial spillover effects and far-reaching dual-use applications.

    Indeed, the country’s ambitious goal of producing 4.5 million drones by 2025 has accelerated innovation in materials science, battery technology and 3D printing. These advances are already finding civilian applications in sectors such as logistics, agriculture and emergency response.

    In short, for both existing EU members and neighbouring countries like Ukraine, regional integration is both a path to prosperity and a strategic anchor in an increasingly fragmented world.

    Managing the risks of integration

    But examining the experience of countries that have used regional integration as a platform for growth and reform reveals two important lessons.

    The first is that if integration is not accompanied by appropriate reforms, it can create new vulnerabilities – especially in the financial sphere.

    Financial integration often brings volatile capital inflows, which can make it difficult to distinguish sustainable growth from unsustainable excesses in real time.

    One way this can happen is when productivity gains in tradable sectors, such as manufacturing, drive up wages in those sectors, which then spill over into higher wages in non-tradable sectors and push up overall inflation.[8]

    While this effect is a normal feature of catching-up, it can make it easy to mistake genuine convergence for economic overheating. If foreign capital is in fact driving financial imbalances – such as unsustainable real estate booms – countries may exhibit the same patterns of rising wages and inflation, masking underlying vulnerabilities.

    Another potential distortion is that capital inflows can significantly affect government fiscal positions by boosting tax revenues and creating the illusion of permanently greater fiscal space. This often leads to procyclical fiscal policies, with governments increasing spending or cutting taxes during boom periods – only to face fiscal stress when inflows reverse or growth slows.

    Both dynamics have been visible during Europe’s recent experience with regional integration.

    After the eastern enlargement, financial integration accelerated rapidly. Between 2003 and 2008, the new Member States experienced an extraordinary surge in capital inflows, averaging over 12% of GDP annually – twice the typical level for emerging markets globally.[9]

    Initially, this rapid financial integration brought clear benefits: it expanded access to credit, fuelled growth and enabled much-needed development. However, in many countries, foreign capital was disproportionately channelled into consumption and construction booms, while tax revenues rose sharply on the back of property transactions and buoyant domestic demand.[10] This led to widespread misallocation of private capital and inefficient public spending.

    Capital flows then reversed sharply when the global financial crisis struck, exposing these imbalances. Between December 2008 and May 2013, external bank liabilities in non-euro area central and eastern European countries declined by an average of 27% – with some countries experiencing drops of more than 50%.[11]

    Yet the risks associated with financial integration can be avoided. Not all countries in the region were affected equally. Those that performed better typically shared two key features.

    First, they had clear policies to channel foreign investment into productive sectors. Strong industrial strategies, a skilled workforce and integration into global supply chains helped direct capital towards manufacturing and tradable services – sectors that drive export growth and are less prone to unsustainable booms and asset bubbles.[12]

    Second, they maintained robust financial policy frameworks. Tighter capital requirements, active macroprudential measures and countercyclical buffers strengthened domestic banking sectors and curbed excessive mortgage lending. These tools enabled those countries to absorb large capital inflows without creating destabilising imbalances.[13]

    The lesson is clear: as countries integrate into the region, strong domestic policy frameworks are critical to ensuring that capital inflows support long-term growth rather than generating financial instability or inefficient allocation.

    This insight is especially relevant for Ukraine today as it charts its path towards recovery. If reconstruction proceeds as planned, the country could attract significant capital inflows over the next decade. But without the right safeguards, that capital risks being misallocated – undermining long-term productivity instead of strengthening it.

    There are encouraging signs. The EU–Ukraine Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area have already driven significant reforms in the financial sector. Ukraine’s banking regulation now aligns with more than 75% of EU standards, covering critical areas such as capital adequacy, governance and auditing.[14]

    The National Bank of Ukraine has adopted a risk-based supervisory model inspired by the Single Supervisory Mechanism – the system of banking supervision in Europe – markedly improving oversight. Despite extremely challenging circumstances, Ukraine is also modernising its capital markets – consolidating exchanges, upgrading settlement systems and strengthening regulatory enforcement to attract long-term investors.

    These reforms are already delivering results: in 2023, Ukraine’s banking sector remained profitable and well capitalised despite the ongoing war – an outcome that would have been unthinkable a decade ago.

    Still, further progress is essential, especially in fiscal governance. Strengthening public investment management will be critical to ensure that reconstruction funds are allocated transparently and efficiently.

    This is not just about meeting external standards. It is about ensuring that every euro, and every hryvnia, delivers real returns for the Ukrainian people.[15]

    Making integration sustainable

    However, reforms cannot be treated as a one-time effort.

    So, the second key lesson is that the benefits of regional integration are neither automatic nor permanent. Sustaining them requires continuous reform – and, just as importantly, it requires citizens to see visible, tangible improvements in their daily lives.

    In this context, there are two risks to watch out for.

    The first is that institutional reform momentum can fade if economic benefits do not follow quickly.

    Deeper regional integration typically begins with aligning framework conditions, such as legal systems, regulation and public administration. These areas often improve rapidly. But for the economic gains to materialise, domestic entrepreneurs and foreign investors must respond to the new incentives created – and this takes time.

    In the long run, evidence shows that countries with initially weaker institutions benefit the most from adopting higher standards.[16] But in the short run, if people only see the effort and not the payoff, public support for further reforms can weaken, putting long-term convergence at risk.

    The second risk is that structural shifts in the economy may weaken the link between integration and economic convergence over time.

    The integration of goods markets has traditionally driven convergence almost automatically, as foreign direct investment flows to countries with lower land and labour costs, supply chains relocate and lower-income countries benefit from technology transfers.

    As I mentioned earlier, this will remain an important mechanism even in an era of supply chain reshoring. But countries cannot rely on it as heavily as in the past. Future growth in intra-EU trade is expected to depend increasingly on services – particularly digital services.

    However, research shows that services sector activity tends to concentrate in larger, more affluent urban areas that exhibit the hallmarks of a knowledge economy: high tertiary education rates, strong technology and science sectors and robust digital infrastructure.[17]

    This means that deeper integration alone will not guarantee broad-based convergence across all regions. Over time, countries will need to invest more in education, skills and digitalisation to ensure they can build high levels of human capital.

    Maintaining the path of convergence is therefore not easy. But slowing down reform efforts is not the answer – especially in the shock-prone world we face today.

    There is a clear link between strong institutions and economic resilience. ECB research indicates that, during the pandemic, regions with lower institutional quality experienced – all else equal – an additional decline of around 4 percentage points in GDP per capita compared with the ten regions with the highest quality of government.[18]

    As our economies are increasingly buffeted by global turbulence, institutional backsliding therefore risks creating a vicious circle: repeated shocks can undermine economic convergence and further erode public confidence in the reform process.

    The best way for countries to sustain reform momentum is to recognise the importance of maintaining public support and, as far as possible, pair governance improvements with a focus on sectors where they have a clear competitive edge – and where deeper integration with the region can unlock significant and rapid growth opportunities.

    This way, the benefits of reforms will be felt more quickly and more widely.

    Ukraine is well positioned to put this into practice. Its IT sector is already relatively strong: IT services exports reached nearly USD 7 billion in 2023, making it one of the country’s leading export sectors despite the war.[19]

    Ukraine also produces around 130,000 STEM graduates each year – exceeding Germany and France[20] – and it ranks among the top five countries globally for certified IT professionals.[21] Successful IT clusters are active in several cities, and major foreign firms – including Apple, Microsoft, Boeing and Siemens – have established R&D operations in the country.

    A dynamic defence tech ecosystem is also taking shape[22], with Ukrainian start-ups attracting almost half a billion US dollars in funding in 2024 – surpassing many of their peers across central and eastern Europe.[23] Experience from countries like Israel suggests that such a foundation can enable the country to emerge as a broader technology hub in the years ahead.

    If Ukraine stays the course on institutional reform and continues to adapt its economy to new opportunities, despite the stormy environment, it can emerge as a vital engine of growth and a key contributor to the region’s future.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude.

    Ukraine stands at a pivotal moment – facing the hardships of war, the challenge of reconstruction and the opportunity of deeper regional integration.

    In a world marked by shifting geopolitical realities, such integration offers a clear path to recovery and lasting prosperity.

    The recent history of regional integration shows not only its immense benefits, but also the importance of managing transitional risks through robust policy frameworks. It also underlines the need to sustain reform over time by ensuring that people feel its benefits.

    I am confident that Ukraine will be able to fully realise its economic potential, turning the upheaval of today into the foundation for a dynamic future.

    As Ivan Franko, one of Ukraine’s greatest poets, once wrote: “even though life is but a moment and made up of moments, we carry eternity in our souls.”

    This enduring spirit captures the resilience and potential of Ukraine’s people and its economy – a spirit that will continue to drive advancement and renewal in the years ahead.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Christine Lagarde: Strengthening economies in a stormy and fragmenting world

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, at the ninth Annual Research Conference “Economic and financial integration in a stormy and fragmenting world” organised by the National Bank of Ukraine and Narodowy Bank Polski in Kyiv, Ukraine

    Kyiv, 19 June 2025

    It is an honour to be here in Kyiv – a city that has come to symbolise resilience, dignity and the enduring spirit of freedom. Kyiv stands not only as the heart of Ukraine, but as a beacon of what it means to hold fast to democratic values in the face of immense challenge.

    As the great Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko once wrote, “In your own house – your own truth. Your own strength and freedom.” Ukraine’s fight today reminds all of Europe of this powerful truth: our security and prosperity rely on unity, on integration with our neighbours.

    In the face of Russia’s unjustified war of aggression, Ukrainians have demonstrated extraordinary courage and resilience in defence of their country.

    In my remarks today, and in keeping with the theme of this conference, I would like to reflect on the historical lessons we have learned about strengthening and integrating economies in an increasingly stormy and fragmented world.

    Experience shows that closer ties with the European neighbourhood can provide a strong foundation for Ukraine to rebuild and emerge stronger. And as geopolitical tensions rise and global supply chains fragment, the case for deeper regional cooperation has never been clearer.

    Europe’s own long history of integration offers valuable insights that can help guide Ukraine’s path forwards. Two key lessons stand out.

    First, while deeper integration increases the potential rewards, it also raises the risks if not managed wisely. Sound domestic policy frameworks are essential to maximise growth and safeguard stability.

    Second, the benefits of integration are neither automatic nor permanent. Maintaining them depends on continuous reform – but reforms must also deliver tangible improvements for people’s lives, and do so relatively quickly.

    The benefits of integration in a fragmenting world

    During the Cold War, the Iron Curtain fractured the European economy. Trade between East and West fell by half. This division was like imposing a 48% tariff – leading to immense welfare losses and isolating the Eastern bloc from global markets.[1]

    But the transformation since Europe’s eastern enlargement has been nothing short of remarkable. On average, countries that joined the EU in 2004 have nearly doubled their GDP per capita over the past two decades.

    Critically, this was not just about catching up from a low base. Between 2004 and 2019, the EU’s new Member States saw their GDP per capita grow 32% more than comparable non-EU countries.[2] The difference was deeper economic integration – and those that were already highly embedded in the regional economy gained the most.

    While all new members experienced gains, countries with stronger integration into regional value chains recorded nearly 10 percentage points higher GDP per capita growth compared with less integrated peers – regardless of geographic proximity.[3]

    This difference was driven mainly by technology and productivity spillovers. ECB research shows that a 10% increase in productivity among western EU firms translated into a 5% productivity gain for central and eastern European firms linked to their supply chains.[4]

    The case for regional integration is therefore clear – and in today’s increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape, it has become even more compelling.

    First, regional integration underpins growth.

    European economies are highly open, which means a world splintering into rival trading blocs poses clear risks to prosperity. Yet Europe’s most important trading partner is Europe itself: around 65% of euro area exports go to other European countries, including the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Norway. For Ukraine too, Europe is the principal trading partner, accounting for over 50% of its goods trade in 2024.

    By deepening economic ties – more closely linking neighbouring economies – we can reduce our exposure to external shocks. Rising trade within our region can help offset losses in global markets.

    Second, regional integration strengthens resilience.

    One consequence of geopolitical fragmentation is the realignment of supply chains toward trusted partners. Nearly half of firms involved in external trade have already revised their strategies – or intend to do so – including relocating parts of their operations closer to home.[5] While this trend reduces strategic dependencies, it can also raise costs.

    Yet large integrated regions can mitigate these costs by replicating many of the benefits of globalisation at the regional level. Supply chains can be reorganised regionally, allowing each country to specialise based on its comparative advantage within regional value chains.

    Ukraine stands to benefit significantly from expanding these networks across the region – and the EU stands to benefit, too, from having Ukraine as a partner.[6]

    In the automotive sector, for example, Ukrainian firms already produce around 7% of all wire harnesses used in EU vehicles.[7] As the industry shifts towards electric vehicles, which require more complex wiring systems, Ukraine’s manufacturing base is well positioned to scale up and play a larger role in the EU value chain.

    Equally transformative is Ukraine’s drone industry, which has become one of the most advanced in the region. Drones are not only a critical component of modern warfare, but also a technology with substantial spillover effects and far-reaching dual-use applications.

    Indeed, the country’s ambitious goal of producing 4.5 million drones by 2025 has accelerated innovation in materials science, battery technology and 3D printing. These advances are already finding civilian applications in sectors such as logistics, agriculture and emergency response.

    In short, for both existing EU members and neighbouring countries like Ukraine, regional integration is both a path to prosperity and a strategic anchor in an increasingly fragmented world.

    Managing the risks of integration

    But examining the experience of countries that have used regional integration as a platform for growth and reform reveals two important lessons.

    The first is that if integration is not accompanied by appropriate reforms, it can create new vulnerabilities – especially in the financial sphere.

    Financial integration often brings volatile capital inflows, which can make it difficult to distinguish sustainable growth from unsustainable excesses in real time.

    One way this can happen is when productivity gains in tradable sectors, such as manufacturing, drive up wages in those sectors, which then spill over into higher wages in non-tradable sectors and push up overall inflation.[8]

    While this effect is a normal feature of catching-up, it can make it easy to mistake genuine convergence for economic overheating. If foreign capital is in fact driving financial imbalances – such as unsustainable real estate booms – countries may exhibit the same patterns of rising wages and inflation, masking underlying vulnerabilities.

    Another potential distortion is that capital inflows can significantly affect government fiscal positions by boosting tax revenues and creating the illusion of permanently greater fiscal space. This often leads to procyclical fiscal policies, with governments increasing spending or cutting taxes during boom periods – only to face fiscal stress when inflows reverse or growth slows.

    Both dynamics have been visible during Europe’s recent experience with regional integration.

    After the eastern enlargement, financial integration accelerated rapidly. Between 2003 and 2008, the new Member States experienced an extraordinary surge in capital inflows, averaging over 12% of GDP annually – twice the typical level for emerging markets globally.[9]

    Initially, this rapid financial integration brought clear benefits: it expanded access to credit, fuelled growth and enabled much-needed development. However, in many countries, foreign capital was disproportionately channelled into consumption and construction booms, while tax revenues rose sharply on the back of property transactions and buoyant domestic demand.[10] This led to widespread misallocation of private capital and inefficient public spending.

    Capital flows then reversed sharply when the global financial crisis struck, exposing these imbalances. Between December 2008 and May 2013, external bank liabilities in non-euro area central and eastern European countries declined by an average of 27% – with some countries experiencing drops of more than 50%.[11]

    Yet the risks associated with financial integration can be avoided. Not all countries in the region were affected equally. Those that performed better typically shared two key features.

    First, they had clear policies to channel foreign investment into productive sectors. Strong industrial strategies, a skilled workforce and integration into global supply chains helped direct capital towards manufacturing and tradable services – sectors that drive export growth and are less prone to unsustainable booms and asset bubbles.[12]

    Second, they maintained robust financial policy frameworks. Tighter capital requirements, active macroprudential measures and countercyclical buffers strengthened domestic banking sectors and curbed excessive mortgage lending. These tools enabled those countries to absorb large capital inflows without creating destabilising imbalances.[13]

    The lesson is clear: as countries integrate into the region, strong domestic policy frameworks are critical to ensuring that capital inflows support long-term growth rather than generating financial instability or inefficient allocation.

    This insight is especially relevant for Ukraine today as it charts its path towards recovery. If reconstruction proceeds as planned, the country could attract significant capital inflows over the next decade. But without the right safeguards, that capital risks being misallocated – undermining long-term productivity instead of strengthening it.

    There are encouraging signs. The EU–Ukraine Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area have already driven significant reforms in the financial sector. Ukraine’s banking regulation now aligns with more than 75% of EU standards, covering critical areas such as capital adequacy, governance and auditing.[14]

    The National Bank of Ukraine has adopted a risk-based supervisory model inspired by the Single Supervisory Mechanism – the system of banking supervision in Europe – markedly improving oversight. Despite extremely challenging circumstances, Ukraine is also modernising its capital markets – consolidating exchanges, upgrading settlement systems and strengthening regulatory enforcement to attract long-term investors.

    These reforms are already delivering results: in 2023, Ukraine’s banking sector remained profitable and well capitalised despite the ongoing war – an outcome that would have been unthinkable a decade ago.

    Still, further progress is essential, especially in fiscal governance. Strengthening public investment management will be critical to ensure that reconstruction funds are allocated transparently and efficiently.

    This is not just about meeting external standards. It is about ensuring that every euro, and every hryvnia, delivers real returns for the Ukrainian people.[15]

    Making integration sustainable

    However, reforms cannot be treated as a one-time effort.

    So, the second key lesson is that the benefits of regional integration are neither automatic nor permanent. Sustaining them requires continuous reform – and, just as importantly, it requires citizens to see visible, tangible improvements in their daily lives.

    In this context, there are two risks to watch out for.

    The first is that institutional reform momentum can fade if economic benefits do not follow quickly.

    Deeper regional integration typically begins with aligning framework conditions, such as legal systems, regulation and public administration. These areas often improve rapidly. But for the economic gains to materialise, domestic entrepreneurs and foreign investors must respond to the new incentives created – and this takes time.

    In the long run, evidence shows that countries with initially weaker institutions benefit the most from adopting higher standards.[16] But in the short run, if people only see the effort and not the payoff, public support for further reforms can weaken, putting long-term convergence at risk.

    The second risk is that structural shifts in the economy may weaken the link between integration and economic convergence over time.

    The integration of goods markets has traditionally driven convergence almost automatically, as foreign direct investment flows to countries with lower land and labour costs, supply chains relocate and lower-income countries benefit from technology transfers.

    As I mentioned earlier, this will remain an important mechanism even in an era of supply chain reshoring. But countries cannot rely on it as heavily as in the past. Future growth in intra-EU trade is expected to depend increasingly on services – particularly digital services.

    However, research shows that services sector activity tends to concentrate in larger, more affluent urban areas that exhibit the hallmarks of a knowledge economy: high tertiary education rates, strong technology and science sectors and robust digital infrastructure.[17]

    This means that deeper integration alone will not guarantee broad-based convergence across all regions. Over time, countries will need to invest more in education, skills and digitalisation to ensure they can build high levels of human capital.

    Maintaining the path of convergence is therefore not easy. But slowing down reform efforts is not the answer – especially in the shock-prone world we face today.

    There is a clear link between strong institutions and economic resilience. ECB research indicates that, during the pandemic, regions with lower institutional quality experienced – all else equal – an additional decline of around 4 percentage points in GDP per capita compared with the ten regions with the highest quality of government.[18]

    As our economies are increasingly buffeted by global turbulence, institutional backsliding therefore risks creating a vicious circle: repeated shocks can undermine economic convergence and further erode public confidence in the reform process.

    The best way for countries to sustain reform momentum is to recognise the importance of maintaining public support and, as far as possible, pair governance improvements with a focus on sectors where they have a clear competitive edge – and where deeper integration with the region can unlock significant and rapid growth opportunities.

    This way, the benefits of reforms will be felt more quickly and more widely.

    Ukraine is well positioned to put this into practice. Its IT sector is already relatively strong: IT services exports reached nearly USD 7 billion in 2023, making it one of the country’s leading export sectors despite the war.[19]

    Ukraine also produces around 130,000 STEM graduates each year – exceeding Germany and France[20] – and it ranks among the top five countries globally for certified IT professionals.[21] Successful IT clusters are active in several cities, and major foreign firms – including Apple, Microsoft, Boeing and Siemens – have established R&D operations in the country.

    A dynamic defence tech ecosystem is also taking shape[22], with Ukrainian start-ups attracting almost half a billion US dollars in funding in 2024 – surpassing many of their peers across central and eastern Europe.[23] Experience from countries like Israel suggests that such a foundation can enable the country to emerge as a broader technology hub in the years ahead.

    If Ukraine stays the course on institutional reform and continues to adapt its economy to new opportunities, despite the stormy environment, it can emerge as a vital engine of growth and a key contributor to the region’s future.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude.

    Ukraine stands at a pivotal moment – facing the hardships of war, the challenge of reconstruction and the opportunity of deeper regional integration.

    In a world marked by shifting geopolitical realities, such integration offers a clear path to recovery and lasting prosperity.

    The recent history of regional integration shows not only its immense benefits, but also the importance of managing transitional risks through robust policy frameworks. It also underlines the need to sustain reform over time by ensuring that people feel its benefits.

    I am confident that Ukraine will be able to fully realise its economic potential, turning the upheaval of today into the foundation for a dynamic future.

    As Ivan Franko, one of Ukraine’s greatest poets, once wrote: “even though life is but a moment and made up of moments, we carry eternity in our souls.”

    This enduring spirit captures the resilience and potential of Ukraine’s people and its economy – a spirit that will continue to drive advancement and renewal in the years ahead.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-Evening Report: The 28 Days Later franchise redefined zombie films. But the undead have an old, rich and varied history

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher White, Historian, The University of Queensland

    The history of the dead – or, more precisely, the history of the living’s fascination with the dead – is an intriguing one.

    As a researcher of the supernatural, I’m often pulled aside at conferences or at the school gate, and told in furtive whispers about people’s encounters with the dead.

    The dead haunt our imagination in a number of different forms, whether as “cold spots”, or the walking dead popularised in zombie franchises such as 28 Days Later.

    The franchise’s latest release, 28 Years Later, brings back the Hollywood zombie in all its glory – but these archetypal creatures have a much wider and varied history.

    Zombis, revenants and the returning dead

    A zombie is typically a reanimated corpse: a category of the returning dead. Scholars refer to them as “revenants”, and continue to argue over their exact characteristics.

    In the Haitian Vodou religion, the zombi is not the same as the Hollywood zombie. Instead, zombi are people who, as a religious punishment, are drugged, buried alive, then dug out and forced into slavery.

    The Hollywood zombie, however, draws more from medieval European stories about the returning dead than from Vodou.

    A perfect setting for a ‘zombie’ film

    In 28 Years Later, the latest entry in Danny Boyle’s blockbuster horror franchise, the monsters technically aren’t zombies because they aren’t dead. Instead, they are infected by a “rage virus”, accidentally released by a group of animal rights activists in the beginning of the first film.

    This third film focuses on events almost three decades after the first film. The British Isles is quarantined, and the young protagonist Spike (Alfie Williams) and his family live in a village on Lindisfarne Island. This island, one of the most important sites in early medieval British Christianity, is isolated and protected by a tidal causeway that links it to the mainland.

    Aaron Taylor-Johnson and Alfie Williams star in the new film, out in Australian cinemas today.
    Sony Pictures

    The film leans heavily on how we imagine the medieval world, with scenes showing silhouetted fletchers at work making arrows, children training with bows, towering ossuaries and various memento mori. There’s also footage from earlier depictions of medieval warfare. And at one point, the characters seek sanctuary in the ruins of Fountains Abbey, in Yorkshire, which was built in 1132.

    The medieval locations and imagery of 28 Years Later evoke the long history of revenants, and the returned dead who once roved medieval England.

    Early accounts of the medieval dead

    In the medieval world, or at least the parts that wrote in Latin, the returning dead were usually called spiritus (“spirit”), but they weren’t limited to the non-corporeal like today’s ghosts are.

    Medieval Latin Christians from as early as the 3rd century saw the dead as part of a parallel society that mirrored the world of the living, where each group relied on the other to aid them through the afterlife.

    Depiction of the undead from a medieval manuscript.
    British Library, Yates Thompson MS 13

    While some medieval ghosts would warn the living about what awaited sinners in the afterlife, or lead their relatives to treasure, or prophesise the future, some also returned to terrorise the living.

    And like the “zombies” affected by the rage virus in 28 Years Later, these revenants could go into a frenzy in the presence of the living.

    Thietmar, the Prince-Bishop of Merseburg, Germany, wrote the Chronicon Thietmari (Thietmar’s Chronicle) between 1012 and 1018, and included a number of ghost stories that featured revenants.

    Although not all of them framed the dead as terrifying, they certainly didn’t paint them as friendly, either. In one story, a congregation of the dead at a church set the priest upon the altar, before burning him to ashes – intended to be read as a mirror of pagan sacrifice.

    These dead were physical beings, capable of seizing a man and sacrificing him in his own church.

    A threat to be dealt with

    The English monastic historian William of Newburgh (1136–98) wrote revenants were so common in his day that recording them all would be exhausting. According to him, the returned dead were frequently seen in 12th century England.

    So, instead of providing a exhausting list, he offered some choice examples which, like most medieval ghost stories, had a good Christian moral attached to them.

    William’s revenants mostly killed the people of the towns they lived, returning to the grave between their escapades. But the medieval English had a method for dealing with these monsters; they dug them up, tore out the heart and then burned the body.

    Other revenants were dealt with less harshly, William explained. In one case, all it took was the Bishop of Lincoln writing a letter of absolution to stop a dead man returning to his widow’s bed.

    These medieval dead were also thought to spread disease – much like those infected with the rage virus – and were capable of physically killing someone.

    Depiction of the undead from a medieval manuscript.
    British Library, Arundel MS 83.

    The undead, further north

    In medieval Scandinavia and Iceland, the undead draugr were extremely strong, hideous to look at and stunk of decomposition. Some were immune to human weapons and often killed animals near their tombs before building up to kill humans. Like their English counterparts, they also spread disease.

    But according to the Eyrbyggja saga, an anonymous 13th or 14th century text written in Iceland, all it took was a type of community court and the threat of legal action to drive off these returned dead.

    It’s a method the survivors in 28 Years Later didn’t try.

    The dead live on

    The first-hand zombie stories that were common during the medieval period started to dwindle in the 16th century with the Protestant Reformation, which focused more on individuals’ behaviours and salvation.

    Nonetheless, their influence can still be felt in Catholic ritual practices today, such as in prayers offered for the dead, and the lighting of votive candles.

    We still tell ghost stories, and we still worry about things that go bump in the night. And of course, we continue to explore the undead in all its forms on the big screen.

    Christopher White does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The 28 Days Later franchise redefined zombie films. But the undead have an old, rich and varied history – https://theconversation.com/the-28-days-later-franchise-redefined-zombie-films-but-the-undead-have-an-old-rich-and-varied-history-247900

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: The 28 Days Later franchise redefined zombie films. But the undead have an old, rich and varied history

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Christopher White, Historian, The University of Queensland

    The history of the dead – or, more precisely, the history of the living’s fascination with the dead – is an intriguing one.

    As a researcher of the supernatural, I’m often pulled aside at conferences or at the school gate, and told in furtive whispers about people’s encounters with the dead.

    The dead haunt our imagination in a number of different forms, whether as “cold spots”, or the walking dead popularised in zombie franchises such as 28 Days Later.

    The franchise’s latest release, 28 Years Later, brings back the Hollywood zombie in all its glory – but these archetypal creatures have a much wider and varied history.

    Zombis, revenants and the returning dead

    A zombie is typically a reanimated corpse: a category of the returning dead. Scholars refer to them as “revenants”, and continue to argue over their exact characteristics.

    In the Haitian Vodou religion, the zombi is not the same as the Hollywood zombie. Instead, zombi are people who, as a religious punishment, are drugged, buried alive, then dug out and forced into slavery.

    The Hollywood zombie, however, draws more from medieval European stories about the returning dead than from Vodou.

    A perfect setting for a ‘zombie’ film

    In 28 Years Later, the latest entry in Danny Boyle’s blockbuster horror franchise, the monsters technically aren’t zombies because they aren’t dead. Instead, they are infected by a “rage virus”, accidentally released by a group of animal rights activists in the beginning of the first film.

    This third film focuses on events almost three decades after the first film. The British Isles is quarantined, and the young protagonist Spike (Alfie Williams) and his family live in a village on Lindisfarne Island. This island, one of the most important sites in early medieval British Christianity, is isolated and protected by a tidal causeway that links it to the mainland.

    Aaron Taylor-Johnson and Alfie Williams star in the new film, out in Australian cinemas today.
    Sony Pictures

    The film leans heavily on how we imagine the medieval world, with scenes showing silhouetted fletchers at work making arrows, children training with bows, towering ossuaries and various memento mori. There’s also footage from earlier depictions of medieval warfare. And at one point, the characters seek sanctuary in the ruins of Fountains Abbey, in Yorkshire, which was built in 1132.

    The medieval locations and imagery of 28 Years Later evoke the long history of revenants, and the returned dead who once roved medieval England.

    Early accounts of the medieval dead

    In the medieval world, or at least the parts that wrote in Latin, the returning dead were usually called spiritus (“spirit”), but they weren’t limited to the non-corporeal like today’s ghosts are.

    Medieval Latin Christians from as early as the 3rd century saw the dead as part of a parallel society that mirrored the world of the living, where each group relied on the other to aid them through the afterlife.

    Depiction of the undead from a medieval manuscript.
    British Library, Yates Thompson MS 13

    While some medieval ghosts would warn the living about what awaited sinners in the afterlife, or lead their relatives to treasure, or prophesise the future, some also returned to terrorise the living.

    And like the “zombies” affected by the rage virus in 28 Years Later, these revenants could go into a frenzy in the presence of the living.

    Thietmar, the Prince-Bishop of Merseburg, Germany, wrote the Chronicon Thietmari (Thietmar’s Chronicle) between 1012 and 1018, and included a number of ghost stories that featured revenants.

    Although not all of them framed the dead as terrifying, they certainly didn’t paint them as friendly, either. In one story, a congregation of the dead at a church set the priest upon the altar, before burning him to ashes – intended to be read as a mirror of pagan sacrifice.

    These dead were physical beings, capable of seizing a man and sacrificing him in his own church.

    A threat to be dealt with

    The English monastic historian William of Newburgh (1136–98) wrote revenants were so common in his day that recording them all would be exhausting. According to him, the returned dead were frequently seen in 12th century England.

    So, instead of providing a exhausting list, he offered some choice examples which, like most medieval ghost stories, had a good Christian moral attached to them.

    William’s revenants mostly killed the people of the towns they lived, returning to the grave between their escapades. But the medieval English had a method for dealing with these monsters; they dug them up, tore out the heart and then burned the body.

    Other revenants were dealt with less harshly, William explained. In one case, all it took was the Bishop of Lincoln writing a letter of absolution to stop a dead man returning to his widow’s bed.

    These medieval dead were also thought to spread disease – much like those infected with the rage virus – and were capable of physically killing someone.

    Depiction of the undead from a medieval manuscript.
    British Library, Arundel MS 83.

    The undead, further north

    In medieval Scandinavia and Iceland, the undead draugr were extremely strong, hideous to look at and stunk of decomposition. Some were immune to human weapons and often killed animals near their tombs before building up to kill humans. Like their English counterparts, they also spread disease.

    But according to the Eyrbyggja saga, an anonymous 13th or 14th century text written in Iceland, all it took was a type of community court and the threat of legal action to drive off these returned dead.

    It’s a method the survivors in 28 Years Later didn’t try.

    The dead live on

    The first-hand zombie stories that were common during the medieval period started to dwindle in the 16th century with the Protestant Reformation, which focused more on individuals’ behaviours and salvation.

    Nonetheless, their influence can still be felt in Catholic ritual practices today, such as in prayers offered for the dead, and the lighting of votive candles.

    We still tell ghost stories, and we still worry about things that go bump in the night. And of course, we continue to explore the undead in all its forms on the big screen.

    Christopher White does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The 28 Days Later franchise redefined zombie films. But the undead have an old, rich and varied history – https://theconversation.com/the-28-days-later-franchise-redefined-zombie-films-but-the-undead-have-an-old-rich-and-varied-history-247900

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Russia: What to do this coming weekend at the Summer in Moscow project sites

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Moscow Government – Government of Moscow –

    The events of the large-scale project “Summer in Moscow” continue in the capital. We tell you where you can go with your whole family on June 20, 21 and 22. Most events are free to attend, but some require registration.

    Rock, Paper, Scissors Championship

    A large-scale championship in the game “Rock, Paper, Scissors” is held at the project sites. Every day, children and adults can compete on Tverskoy Boulevard.

    On June 20, the game will be held in Severnoye Butovo Park (Feodosiyskaya Street, Building 7, Building 6). On June 21, you can play on the Moskovskikh Sezonov site on Teply Stan Street (Building 1b). On June 22, the competition will be held in Akademichesky Park (Dmitrya Ulyanov Street, Building 9a, Building 1). The sites will be open from 15:00 to 20:00.

    Tournament “Heroes of the Chessboard. Moscow”

    On June 22 from 12:00 to 16:00 the next competitions of the tournament “Heroes of the Chessboard. Moscow” will take place. To participate you need to register.

    An open series of blitz chess tournaments is taking place at40 sites all over Moscow – in parks, on boulevards and in the districts.

    Tverskoy Boulevard: Summer Club “Moscow”

    On Tverskoy Boulevard, there is a summer club called “Moscow”, where residents and guests of the capital of all ages can find an event to their liking. They are offered rock climbing and yoga classes, master classes, lectures and much more.

    From June 20 to 22, guests will be able to take part in beauty events dedicated to the graduation party. The space of two pop-up stores will be occupied by Russian brands. In addition, three beauty trucks will be operating on the site. All guests will be offered discounts, gifts, yoga classes, presentations, a photo and video zone with floral elements. And for graduates, a master class on creating perfume will be held.

    Strastnoy Boulevard: Art Studio venue

    The “Art Studio” site operates on Strastnoy Boulevard. Here, professionals help guests master the basics of painting and create unique masterpieces. Participants in outdoor classes paint landscapes and still lifes in various artistic techniques.

    Master classes will be held at two sites every hour from 12:00 to 19:00. On June 20, you can attend watercolor painting classes “Flower Stained Glass” and “Fruit Slices”. On June 21, there will be master classes in pastel technique “Dandelion Field” and “Colorful Houses”. On June 22, guests are invited to master classes in pencil drawing “Summer Pop Art” and “Sunny Day”.

    Music of the past at the vintage market in Kolomenskoye

    The vintage market in Kolomenskoye will be open all summer and will bring together the most famous collectors of the capital, who bring here precious relics of the past: jewelry, household items, figurines, dishes, badges, coins, stamps, rare books and much more.

    From June 20 to 22, guests at the market will learn what the USSR era sounded like and get acquainted with the musical technology of the past.

    The journey through time will take place under the atmospheric sound of gramophone records. Guests of the vintage market will be delighted by the famous radio amateur and blogger Nikita Sharapa, better known as Elektronik, one of the main participants of the project “Made in the USSR”.

    At Nikita Sharapa’s master classes, which will be held these days at 16:00, visitors will learn how gramophones, radios and record players work and how tube sound differs from modern technology. Guests will hear that very crackling of records and the characteristic “warm” analog sound that evokes nostalgia. Nikita will tell you what kind of music devices were created in the USSR and what hits of those times were played on them in every home.

    Chistoprudny Boulevard: “Street. Dances” venue

    On Chistoprudny Boulevard, the “Street. Dances” venue has opened, where master classes for the whole family are held. On weekends, the “Summer in Moscow. Dances” children’s and youth tournament is held here, and anyone can become a spectator.

    On the big stage on June 20 from 18:00 to 19:00 there will be a demonstration performance by the dance group Todes, from 19:00 to 22:00 – a master class in bachata and a dance party. On the same day on the middle stage from 19:00 to 22:30 you can attend a master class in salsa and a dance party.

    On June 21, the main stage will host a qualifying round of children’s competitions from 12:00 to 19:00, and a salsa master class and dance party from 19:00 to 22:30. On the middle stage, from 16:00 to 17:00, you can take part in a master class of the dance community “TantsBaza”. From 19:00 to 22:30, there will be a master class in modern swing and a party of the dance school “Lisoborie”.

    On June 22, from 6:00 PM to 7:00 PM, students of the musical theater of the Russian Institute of Theater Arts — GITIS will perform songs from the war years on the rotunda stage. On the main stage, from 4:00 PM to 6:00 PM, there will be a master class in Argentine tango by the CyberTango dance school, from 6:00 PM to 7:00 PM — demonstration performances by the Todes dance group, from 7:00 PM to 10:30 PM — a salsa master class and a dance party. On the middle stage, from 5:00 PM to 7:00 PM, there will be a master class by the 9 Halls dance school, from 7:00 PM to 10:30 PM — a master class in Dominican bachata and a dance party.

    Bolotnaya Square

    The Green Market pavilion of the Made in Moscow project is open in Repinsky Square on Bolotnaya Square. On June 20, from 6:00 p.m. to 8:30 p.m., test session cosmetics of the capital brand. The factory employees will tell you how to use them and let you test samples.

    On June 21, at 15:00, the Creative hub will host a lesson on making a wax candle, at 16:00 — a meditative lesson on coloring a mandala, and at 17:00 — a unique master class on fashion illustration. At 19:00, everyone will be able to take part in neurographics, where everyone will project their task on a piece of paper using a drawing.

    At the “Microgreens” class in the “Razvitie” hub from 17:00 to 18:00, participants will be taught how to grow microgreens and told about their beneficial properties. At 18:00, a lettering master class will begin. On the veranda from 14:00 to 15:00, Spirit.Fitness will hold a sports master class to develop endurance and flexibility of the body. And at 18:00, the popular game “Mafia” will take place.

    Revolution Square: Leto Department Store

    This summer, the department store of Russian designers “Leto” is open on Revolution Square. Everyone can not only try on clothes they like and update their wardrobe, but also listen to lectures, take part in master classes and even watch performances.

    On June 21 from 4:00 PM to 5:30 PM you can listen to a lecture on “The History of Flower Etiquette”. Guests will learn about the importance of flowers in the life of Russian society and the bouquet fashion of the 19th century.

    From 18:00 to 19:30 there will be a master class oninterior bouquet Ksenia Mezentseva, designer-decorator, researcher of Russian and foreign traditions, and the Sota flowers floristic team.

    Festival “Book in the City”: venue in Pushkin Square

    On June 21 from 20:40 to 21:30, cellist Anastasia Vesnina will perform at the “Book in the City” venue in Pushkin Square (near house 2 on Pushkin Square).

    On June 22 from 16:00 to 17:00 there will be a presentation of the book “Letters of Lidochka M”. The collection-document tells about Lida Makeeva, a young reader of the library, whose childhood fell on the years of the Great Patriotic War. On the same day from 18:00 to 19:00 there will be a creative meeting with the actor of theater and cinema Anton Shagin and a presentation of his book “Neblyandiya. Poems for children”.

    Circus divertissements

    On June 20, 21 and 22, there will be circus entertainment for the whole family. Aerial gymnasts, equilibrists, jugglers, clowns and four-legged artists will perform for guests in the Moskino Cinema Park and Izmailovsky Park. Also on June 20, the third tent will open in the Yuzhnoye Butovo Landscape Park. Spectators will be able to see acrobatic numbers, clown skits and exciting stunts with the participation of artists from the famous Bolshoi Moscow Circus on Vernadsky Avenue.

    The performances will run throughout the summer season. On Fridays, performances are from 7:00 PM to 8:30 PM, and on Saturdays and Sundays, from 2:00 PM to 3:30 PM and 6:00 PM to 7:30 PM. You can find out more and buy tickets atofficial website project.

    Yoga classes

    On June 21, fans of the most popular Eastern health practice will gather at the helipad near the Michurinsky Garden of VDNKh to celebrate the XI International Day of Yoga.

    From 09:00 to 19:00 there will be sessions for visitors of any level of training, master classes on drawing mandalas and playing the hang, lectures on Ayurveda and meditation, as well as live performances by musicians. Creative events and dishes of traditional Indian cuisine will complement the festive atmosphere. To visit, you must register on the portal Ruspass.

    In addition, yoga classes are held every weekend on the roofs of the district centers “Meeting Place” as part of the project “My Sports District”Adults over 18 years of age can join them.

    The training sessions will be held at 12 sites in five districts of Moscow: SAO — “Meeting Place “Prague”, “Meeting Place “Rassvet”, “Meeting Place “Neva””; VAO — “Meeting Place “Yantar”, “Meeting Place “Sofia”, “Meeting Place “Budapest”, “Meeting Place “Mars””; SAO — “Meeting Place “Elbrus”, “Meeting Place “Angara”, “Meeting Place “Orbita””; YuVAO — “Meeting Place “Height” and “Meeting Place “Ekran””. On June 21, the classes will begin at 11:45. It is necessary register.

    The project also invites you to engage in physical education in unusual places “Sports Weekend”. Yoga classes are held on Saturdays at 50 venues, including such picturesque places as the Vorontsovo Estate, the Hermitage Garden, Khodynka Field Park, the Muzeon Arts Park, Victory Park and others. In addition, the project includes 13 festival venues in different areas of Moscow. To attend the classes, you must register.

    Events in the parks

    In Izmailovsky Park of Culture and Leisure (Bolshoy Krug Alley, Building 7) on June 21 from 12:00 to 19:00 retro studio. Visitors will be able to feel like representatives of the 19th century nobility. They will be offered to try on images of bygone eras and take photos in costumes as a keepsake.

    A master class will be held in Kuzminsky Park (house 1, building 2) on June 21 from 12:00 to 14:00 “Noble accessories. Brooches”Participants will learn about the history of jewelry, its symbolism, and will also make an exquisite brooch under the guidance of a master.

    On June 21, from 12:00 to 19:00 (with breaks), the Kuzminki estate will host noble promenade. Guests will stroll through a picturesque park, discuss books they have read, and listen to romances with a guitar. They will be able to learn the rules of etiquette and learn fashionable social dances of the 19th century.

    On June 1, from 12:00 to 18:00, Vorontsov Park will host estate gamesVisitors can play lapta, croquet, badminton, gorodki and trinkets, and also visit the throwing range.

    The festival “Gardens and Vegetable Gardens” continues in five parks of the capital. This weekend, about 130 events and master classes have been prepared for visitors. A series of classes on making bookmarks and postcards with fresh flowers, clay panels with plant prints and ecobombing (making balls with seeds that can be taken with you and planted in any convenient place) will be held for children. In addition, a practical lesson “Microgreens” will be held. Experienced experts will also share simple techniques, useful tips and life hacks for a healthy lifestyle.

    Cinema park “Moskino”

    On June 21, from 12:00 to 19:00, the Moskino cinema park will host waltz, quadrille and polka dance lessons every hour. You can take part in them with an entrance ticket to the cinema park.

    You can immerse yourself in the world of film production by participating in the immersive quest performance “Film! Film! Film!” It will take place at the “Uyezdny Gorod” site on June 21 from 12:00 to 18:30 (sessions will be held every hour). Visitors will not only see how a film is shot, but will also complete a number of fun tasks, meet the director, producer and actors, and will be able to create their own masterpiece. Participation is included in the price of an entrance ticket to the cinema park.

    On June 22 at 12:00, the Moscow of the 1940s site will host the “We Remember” event, dedicated to the memory of the heroes of the Great Patriotic War. Guests will be able to spell out the word “remember” from red lanterns with lit candles and recall how exactly 83 years ago – on June 22, 1941 – the festive graduation morning was overshadowed by the news of Germany’s treacherous attack on the Soviet Union. At 12:15, there will be a minute of silence.

    In addition, on June 22 at 14:00, 16:00 and 18:00, as part of the Day of Remembrance and Sorrow, the cinema park will show the play “Tish” based on the story “The Dawns Here Are Quiet…” by war veteran writer Boris Vasiliev. The performers are the actors of the Young Muscovites Theatre. Admission is with a ticket to the cinema park.

    For the anniversary of Victory

    On June 21 and 22, two outstanding films about the Great Patriotic War will be shown in Zaryadye Park as part of the Cinema Summer in Zaryadye project: The Cranes Are Flying (1957) and Brest Fortress (2010). The screenings will begin at 22:15. The films will be presented by Honored Artist of Russia Vasily Mishchenko, as well as director, screenwriter, producer and People’s Artist of Russia Igor Ugolnikov. Admission is free.

    Also, as part of the Theatre Weekend festival, on June 22 in Zaryadye Park, on the stage of the large amphitheater, you can see plays and literary and musical productions based on plays by writers who fought in the war and dedicated to the 80th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War. Actors from the Russian Academic Youth Theater will show the play “Amazement Before Life” based on the works of the writer and war veteran Viktor Rozov. Third-year students from the Moscow State Institute of Culture will perform the literary and musical composition “Frontline Brigades.” The play “On a Clear Day,” based on a story by Viktor Astafyev, will be presented by actors from the Donetsk Republican Youth Theater. Actors from the Moscow Sovremennik Theater will show fragments of the play “A Tale. The story of extraordinary love, and the students of the Moscow Art Theatre School will present the musical and literary program Russian Poets about the Great Patriotic War, which will feature works by Bulat Okudzhava, Alexander Tvardovsky, Andrei Voznesensky, Olga Bergolts, Vladimir Lugovskoy, Yunna Moritz and other authors. People’s Artist of Russia Konstantin Raikin will read the poem Snowfall by David Samoilov. The festival program will end with a concert by actors from the Central Academic Theatre of the Russian Army.

    Festival “Theatre Boulevard”

    On June 22 at 15:00, the amphitheater on Pokrovsky Boulevard will show the concert performance “It happened, the men left…” Actresses from the Moscow Drama Theater named after A.S. Pushkin will take part in the production.

    The project “Unconquered Kursk” will begin here on June 22 at 21:00. Guests will learn more than 200 real stories of veterans of the Battle of Kursk and modern defenders of the Fatherland.

    On June 22 at 8:00 pm, the amphitheater in the Polytech Museum Park will host the play “Children of War”. It is based on letters from children and parents from the front, archival materials and memories, into which war songs are woven.

    On the stage on Chistoprudny Boulevard on June 22 at 18:00 the performance-concert “May Waltz” will begin. It is dedicated to the artists of the front brigades who performed in dugouts, hospitals, factory workshops and on ships.

    The third festival “Theatre Weekend” will be held in Zaryadye Park on June 21 and 22. It will provide an opportunity to get acquainted with both recognized stage masters and talented debutants, opening up new horizons of theatrical art.

    Project “Summer in Moscow”— the main event of the season. It brings together the most vibrant events of the capital. Every day, charity, cultural and sports programs are held in all districts of the city, most of which are free. The Summer in Moscow project is being held for the second time, and this season will be more eventful: new, original and colorful festivals and events will be added to the traditional ones.

    Get the latest news quicklyofficial telegram channel the city of Moscow.

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    Please Note; This Information is Raw Content Directly from the Information Source. It is access to What the Source Is Stating and Does Not Reflect

    https: //vv.mos.ru/nevs/ite/155437073/

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Who are Iran’s allies? And would any help if the US joins Israel in its war?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    As Israel continues its attacks on Iran, US President Donald Trump and other global leaders are hardening their stance against the Islamic Republic.

    While considering a US attack on Iran’s nuclear sites, Trump has threatened Iran’s supreme leader, claiming to know his location and calling him “an easy target”. He has demanded “unconditional surrender” from Iran.

    Meanwhile, countries such as Germany, Canada, the UK and Australia have toughened their rhetoric, demanding Iran fully abandon its nuclear program.

    So, as the pressure mounts on Iran, has it been left to fight alone? Or does it have allies that could come to its aid?

    Has Iran’s ‘axis of resistance’ fully collapsed?

    Iran has long relied on a network of allied paramilitary groups across the Middle East as part of its deterrence strategy. This approach has largely shielded it from direct military strikes by the US or Israel, despite constant threats and pressure.

    This so-called “axis of resistance” includes groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in Iraq, the Houthi militants in Yemen, as well as Hamas in Gaza, which has long been under Iran’s influence to varying degrees. Iran also supported Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria before it was toppled last year.

    These groups have served both as a regional buffer and as a means for Iran to project power without direct engagement.

    However, over the past two years, Israel has dealt significant blows to the network.

    Hezbollah — once Iran’s most powerful non-state ally — has been effectively neutralised after months of attacks by Israel. Its weapons stocks were systematically targeted and destroyed across Lebanon. And the group suffered a major psychological and strategic loss with the assassination of its most influential leader, Hassan Nasrallah.

    In Syria, Iranian-backed militias have been largely expelled following the fall of Assad’s regime, stripping Iran of another key foothold in the region.

    That said, Iran maintains strong influence in Iraq and Yemen.

    The PMF in Iraq, with an estimated 200,000 fighters, remains formidable. The Houthis have similarly sized contingent of fighters in Yemen.

    Should the situation escalate into an existential threat to Iran — as the region’s only Shiite-led state — religious solidarity could drive these groups to become actively involved. This would rapidly expand the war across the region.

    The PMF, for instance, could launch attacks on the 2,500 US troops stationed in Iraq. Indeed, the head of Kata’ib Hezbollah, one of the PMF’s more hardline factions, promised to do so:

    If America dares to intervene in the war, we will directly target its interests and military bases spread across the region without hesitation.

    Iran itself could also target US bases in the Persian Gulf countries with ballistic missiles, as well as close the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20% of the world’s oil supply flows.

    Will Iran’s regional and global allies step in?

    Several regional powers maintain close ties with Iran. The most notable among them is Pakistan — the only Islamic country with a nuclear arsenal.

    For weeks, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has tried to align Iran more closely with Pakistan in countering Israel’s actions in Gaza.

    In a sign of Pakistan’s importance in the Israel-Iran war, Trump has met with the country’s army chief in Washington as he weighs a possible strike on its neighbour.

    Pakistan’s leaders have also made their allegiances very clear. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has offered Iran’s president “unwavering solidarity” in the “face of Israel’s unprovoked aggression”. And Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif recently said in an interview Israel will “think many times before taking on Pakistan”.

    These statements signal a firm stance without explicitly committing to intervention.

    Yet, Pakistan has also been working to de-escalate tensions. It has urged other Muslim-majority nations and its strategic partner, China, to intervene diplomatically before the violence spirals into a broader regional war.

    In recent years, Iran has also made diplomatic overtures to former regional rivals, such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, in order to improve relations.

    These shifts have helped rally broader regional support for Iran. Nearly two dozen Muslim-majority countries — including some that maintain diplomatic relations with Israel — have jointly condemned Israel’s actions and urged de-escalation.

    It’s unlikely, though, that regional powers such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Turkey would support Iran materially, given their strong alliances with the US.

    Iran’s key global allies, Russia and China, have also condemned Israel’s strikes. They have previously shielded Tehran from punitive resolutions at the UN Security Council.

    However, neither power appears willing — at least for now — to escalate the confrontation by providing direct military support to Iran or engaging in a standoff with Israel and the US.

    Theoretically, this could change if the conflict widens and Washington openly pursues a regime change strategy in Tehran. Both nations have major geopolitical and security interests in Iran’s stability. This is due to Iran’s long-standing “Look East” policy and the impact its instability could have on the region and the global economy.

    However, at the current stage, many analysts believe both are unlikely to get involved directly.

    Moscow stayed on the sidelines when Assad’s regime collapsed in Syria, one of Russia’s closest allies in the region. Not only is it focused on its war in Ukraine, Russia also wouldn’t want to endanger improving ties with the Trump administration.

    China has offered Iran strong rhetorical support, but history suggests it has little interest in getting directly involved in Middle Eastern conflicts.

    Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Who are Iran’s allies? And would any help if the US joins Israel in its war? – https://theconversation.com/who-are-irans-allies-and-would-any-help-if-the-us-joins-israel-in-its-war-259265

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • Iran, Israel trade fresh air attacks as Trump weighs US involvement

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Iran and Israel traded further air attacks on Thursday as President Donald Trump kept the world guessing about whether the United States would join Israel’s bombardment of Iranian nuclear facilities.

    A week of Israeli air and missile strikes against its major rival has wiped out the top echelon of Iran’s military command, damaged its nuclear capabilities and killed hundreds of people, while Iranian retaliatory strikes have killed two dozen civilians in Israel.

    The worst-ever conflict between the rivals has raised fears that it will draw in world powers and rock regional stability already undermined by the spillover effects of the Gaza war.

    Speaking to reporters outside the White House on Wednesday, Trump declined to say if he had made any decision on whether to join Israel’s air campaign. “I may do it. I may not do it. I mean, nobody knows what I’m going to do,” he said.

    Trump in later remarks said Iranian officials wanted to come to Washington for a meeting and that “we may do that.” But he added, “It’s a little late” for such talks.

    Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei rebuked Trump’s earlier call for Iran to surrender in a recorded speech played on television, his first appearance since Friday.

    The Americans “should know that any U.S. military intervention will undoubtedly be accompanied by irreparable damage,” he said. “The Iranian nation will not surrender.”

    Iran denies it is seeking nuclear weapons and says its program is for peaceful purposes only. The International Atomic Energy Agency said last week Tehran was in breach of its non-proliferation obligations for the first time in 20 years.

    The foreign ministers of Germany, France and Britain plan to hold nuclear talks with their Iranian counterpart on Friday in Geneva to urge Iran to return to the negotiating table, a German diplomatic source told Reuters.

    But while diplomatic efforts continue, some residents of Tehran, a city of 10 million people, on Wednesday jammed highways out of the city as they sought sanctuary from intensified Israeli airstrikes.

    The Wall Street Journal said Trump had told senior aides he approved attack plans on Iran but was holding off on giving the final order to see if Tehran would abandon its nuclear program.

    Senior U.S. officials are preparing for the possibility of a strike on Iran in the coming days, Bloomberg News reported on Wednesday, citing people familiar with the matter.

    DRONE ATTACKS

    Early on Thursday, air defences were activated in Tehran, intercepting drones on the outskirts of the capital, the semi-official SNN news agency reported. Iranian news agencies also reported it had arrested 18 “enemy agents” who were building drones for Israeli attacks in the northeastern city of Mashhad.

    Israel’s military said sirens sounded in northern Israel and in the Jordan Valley on Thursday and that it had intercepted two drones launched from Iran.

    The Iranian missile salvoes mark the first time in decades of shadow war and proxy conflict that a significant number of projectiles fired from Iran have penetrated defences, killing Israelis in their homes.

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in a video released by his office on Wednesday, said Israel was “progressing step by step” towards eliminating threats posed by Iran’s nuclear sites and ballistic missile arsenal.

    “We are hitting the nuclear sites, the missiles, the headquarters, the symbols of the regime,” Netanyahu said.

    Israel, which is not a party to the international Non-Proliferation Treaty, is the only country in the Middle East believed to have nuclear weapons. Israel does not deny or confirm that.

    Netanyahu also thanked Trump, “a great friend of the state of Israel,” for standing by its side in the conflict, saying the two were in continuous contact.

    Trump has veered from proposing a swift diplomatic end to the war to suggesting the United States might join it.

    In social media posts on Tuesday, he mused about killing Khamenei.

    Russian President Vladimir Putin, asked what his reaction would be if Israel did kill Iran’s Supreme Leader with the assistance of the United States, said on Thursday: “I do not even want to discuss this possibility. I do not want to.”

    Putin said all sides should look for ways to end hostilities in a way that ensured both Iran’s right to peaceful nuclear power and Israel’s right to the unconditional security of the Jewish state.

    A source familiar with internal discussions said Trump and his team were considering options that included joining Israel in strikes against Iranian nuclear installations.

    Since Friday, Iran has fired around 400 missiles at Israel, some 40 of which have pierced air defences, killing 24 people, all of them civilians, according to Israeli authorities.

    Iran has reported at least 224 deaths in Israeli attacks, mostly civilians, but has not updated that toll for days.

    (Reuters)

  • MIL-Evening Report: Robot eyes are power hungry. What if we gave them tools inspired by the human brain?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam D Hines, Research Fellow, Centre for Robotics, Queensland University of Technology

    A hexapod robot navigating outdoors. Adam Hines

    Robots are increasingly becoming a part of our lives – from warehouse automation to robotic vacuum cleaners. And just like humans, robots need to know where they are to reliably navigate from A to B.

    How far, and for how long, a robot can navigate depends on how much power it consumes over time. Robot navigation systems are especially energy hungry.

    But what if power consumption was no longer a concern?

    Our research on “brain-inspired” computing, published today in Science Robotics, could make navigational robots of the future more energy efficient than previously imagined.

    This could potentially extend and expand what’s possible for battery-powered systems working in challenging environments such as disaster zones, underwater, and even in space.

    How do robots ‘see’ the world?

    The battery going flat on your smartphone is usually just a minor inconvenience. For a robot, running out of power can mean the difference between life and death – including for the people it might be helping.

    Robots such as search and rescue drones, underwater robots monitoring the Great Barrier Reef, and space rovers all need to navigate while running on limited power supplies.

    Robots that navigate challenging environments need a lot of battery power for their cameras and other sensors.
    NASA/JPL-Caltech/MSSS

    Many of these robots can’t rely on GPS for navigation. They keep track of where they are using a process called visual place recognition. Visual place recognition lets a robot estimate where it’s located in the world using just what it “sees” through its camera.

    But this method uses a lot of energy. Robotic vision systems alone can use up to a third of the energy from a typical lithium ion battery found onboard a robot.

    This is because modern robotic vision, including visual place recognition, typically relies on power-hungry machine learning models, similar to the ones used in AI like ChatGPT.

    By comparison, our brains require just enough power to turn on a light bulb, while allowing us to see things and navigate the world with remarkable precision.

    Robotics engineers often look to biology for inspiration. In our new study, we turned to the human brain to help us create a new, energy-efficient visual place recognition system.

    Mimicking the brain

    Our system uses a brain-inspired technology called neuromorphic computing. As the name suggests, neuromorphic computers take principles from neuroscience to design computer chips and software that can learn and process information like human brains do.

    An important feature of neuromorphic computers is that they are highly energy-efficient. A regular computer can use up to 100 times more power than a neuromorphic chip.

    Neuromorphic computing is not limited to just computer chips, however. It can be paired with bio-inspired cameras that capture the world more like the human eye does. These are called dynamic vision sensors, and they work like motion detectors for each pixel. They only “wake up” and send information when something changes in the scene, rather than constantly streaming data like a regular camera.

    What a regular camera sees (left) compared to a bio-inspired camera (right).
    Adam Hines

    These bio-inspired cameras are also highly energy efficient, using less than 1% of the power of normal cameras.

    So if brain-inspired computers and bio-inspired cameras are so wonderful, why aren’t robots using them everywhere? Well, there are a range of challenges to overcome, which was the focus of our recent research.

    A new kind of LENS

    The unique properties of a dynamic vision sensor are, ironically, a limiting factor in many visual place recognition systems.

    Standard visual place recognition models are built on the foundation of static images, like the ones taken by your smartphone. Since a neuromorphic sensor doesn’t produce static images but senses the world in a constantly changing way, we need a brain-inspired computer to process what it “sees”.

    Our research overcomes this challenge by combining neuromorphic chips and sensors for robots that use visual place recognition. We call this system Locational Encoding with Neuromorphic Systems, or LENS for short.

    LENS uses the continuous information stream from a dynamic vision sensor directly on a neuromorphic chip. The system uses a machine learning method known as spiking neural networks. These process information like human brains do.

    By combining all these neuromorphic components, we reduced the power needed for visual place recognition by over 90%. Since nearly a third of the energy needed for a robot is vision related, this is a significant reduction.

    To achieve this, we used an off-the-shelf product called SynSense Speck, which combines a neuromorphic chip and a dynamic vision sensor all in one compact package.

    The entire system only required 180 kilobytes of memory to map an area of Brisbane eight kilometres in length. That’s a tiny fraction of what would be needed in a standard visual place recognition system.

    Hexapod robots have six legs and can walk on different surfaces both indoors and outdoors.

    A robot in the wild

    For testing, we placed our LENS system on a hexapod robot. Hexapods are multi-terrain robots that can navigate both indoors and outdoors.

    In our tests, the LENS performed as well as a typical visual place recognition system, but used much less energy.

    Our work comes at a time when AI development is trending towards creating bigger, more power-hungry solutions for improved performance. The energy needed to train and use systems like OpenAI’s ChatGPT is notoriously demanding, with concerns that modern AI represents unsustainable growth in energy demands.

    For robots that need to navigate, developing more compact, energy-efficient AI using neuromorphic computing could be key for being able to go farther and for longer periods of time. There are still challenges to solve, but we are closer to making it a reality.

    Michael Milford receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Economic Accelerator, the Queensland Government, Amazon, Ford Motor Company, iMOVE CRC, the DAAD Australia-Germany Co-operation Scheme and DSTG. He is affiliated with the Motor Trades Association of Queensland as a non-executive board member.

    Tobias Fischer receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the DAAD Australia-Germany Co-operation Scheme, the Great Barrier Reef Foundation via the Reef Restoration and Adaptation Program, and the Queensland Department of Environment, Science and Innovation.

    Adam D Hines does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Robot eyes are power hungry. What if we gave them tools inspired by the human brain? – https://theconversation.com/robot-eyes-are-power-hungry-what-if-we-gave-them-tools-inspired-by-the-human-brain-257978

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Robot eyes are power hungry. What if we gave them tools inspired by the human brain?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam D Hines, Research Fellow, Centre for Robotics, Queensland University of Technology

    A hexapod robot navigating outdoors. Adam Hines

    Robots are increasingly becoming a part of our lives – from warehouse automation to robotic vacuum cleaners. And just like humans, robots need to know where they are to reliably navigate from A to B.

    How far, and for how long, a robot can navigate depends on how much power it consumes over time. Robot navigation systems are especially energy hungry.

    But what if power consumption was no longer a concern?

    Our research on “brain-inspired” computing, published today in Science Robotics, could make navigational robots of the future more energy efficient than previously imagined.

    This could potentially extend and expand what’s possible for battery-powered systems working in challenging environments such as disaster zones, underwater, and even in space.

    How do robots ‘see’ the world?

    The battery going flat on your smartphone is usually just a minor inconvenience. For a robot, running out of power can mean the difference between life and death – including for the people it might be helping.

    Robots such as search and rescue drones, underwater robots monitoring the Great Barrier Reef, and space rovers all need to navigate while running on limited power supplies.

    Robots that navigate challenging environments need a lot of battery power for their cameras and other sensors.
    NASA/JPL-Caltech/MSSS

    Many of these robots can’t rely on GPS for navigation. They keep track of where they are using a process called visual place recognition. Visual place recognition lets a robot estimate where it’s located in the world using just what it “sees” through its camera.

    But this method uses a lot of energy. Robotic vision systems alone can use up to a third of the energy from a typical lithium ion battery found onboard a robot.

    This is because modern robotic vision, including visual place recognition, typically relies on power-hungry machine learning models, similar to the ones used in AI like ChatGPT.

    By comparison, our brains require just enough power to turn on a light bulb, while allowing us to see things and navigate the world with remarkable precision.

    Robotics engineers often look to biology for inspiration. In our new study, we turned to the human brain to help us create a new, energy-efficient visual place recognition system.

    Mimicking the brain

    Our system uses a brain-inspired technology called neuromorphic computing. As the name suggests, neuromorphic computers take principles from neuroscience to design computer chips and software that can learn and process information like human brains do.

    An important feature of neuromorphic computers is that they are highly energy-efficient. A regular computer can use up to 100 times more power than a neuromorphic chip.

    Neuromorphic computing is not limited to just computer chips, however. It can be paired with bio-inspired cameras that capture the world more like the human eye does. These are called dynamic vision sensors, and they work like motion detectors for each pixel. They only “wake up” and send information when something changes in the scene, rather than constantly streaming data like a regular camera.

    What a regular camera sees (left) compared to a bio-inspired camera (right).
    Adam Hines

    These bio-inspired cameras are also highly energy efficient, using less than 1% of the power of normal cameras.

    So if brain-inspired computers and bio-inspired cameras are so wonderful, why aren’t robots using them everywhere? Well, there are a range of challenges to overcome, which was the focus of our recent research.

    A new kind of LENS

    The unique properties of a dynamic vision sensor are, ironically, a limiting factor in many visual place recognition systems.

    Standard visual place recognition models are built on the foundation of static images, like the ones taken by your smartphone. Since a neuromorphic sensor doesn’t produce static images but senses the world in a constantly changing way, we need a brain-inspired computer to process what it “sees”.

    Our research overcomes this challenge by combining neuromorphic chips and sensors for robots that use visual place recognition. We call this system Locational Encoding with Neuromorphic Systems, or LENS for short.

    LENS uses the continuous information stream from a dynamic vision sensor directly on a neuromorphic chip. The system uses a machine learning method known as spiking neural networks. These process information like human brains do.

    By combining all these neuromorphic components, we reduced the power needed for visual place recognition by over 90%. Since nearly a third of the energy needed for a robot is vision related, this is a significant reduction.

    To achieve this, we used an off-the-shelf product called SynSense Speck, which combines a neuromorphic chip and a dynamic vision sensor all in one compact package.

    The entire system only required 180 kilobytes of memory to map an area of Brisbane eight kilometres in length. That’s a tiny fraction of what would be needed in a standard visual place recognition system.

    Hexapod robots have six legs and can walk on different surfaces both indoors and outdoors.

    A robot in the wild

    For testing, we placed our LENS system on a hexapod robot. Hexapods are multi-terrain robots that can navigate both indoors and outdoors.

    In our tests, the LENS performed as well as a typical visual place recognition system, but used much less energy.

    Our work comes at a time when AI development is trending towards creating bigger, more power-hungry solutions for improved performance. The energy needed to train and use systems like OpenAI’s ChatGPT is notoriously demanding, with concerns that modern AI represents unsustainable growth in energy demands.

    For robots that need to navigate, developing more compact, energy-efficient AI using neuromorphic computing could be key for being able to go farther and for longer periods of time. There are still challenges to solve, but we are closer to making it a reality.

    Michael Milford receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Economic Accelerator, the Queensland Government, Amazon, Ford Motor Company, iMOVE CRC, the DAAD Australia-Germany Co-operation Scheme and DSTG. He is affiliated with the Motor Trades Association of Queensland as a non-executive board member.

    Tobias Fischer receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the DAAD Australia-Germany Co-operation Scheme, the Great Barrier Reef Foundation via the Reef Restoration and Adaptation Program, and the Queensland Department of Environment, Science and Innovation.

    Adam D Hines does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Robot eyes are power hungry. What if we gave them tools inspired by the human brain? – https://theconversation.com/robot-eyes-are-power-hungry-what-if-we-gave-them-tools-inspired-by-the-human-brain-257978

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Banking: The European Space Agency, Thales Alenia Space and Blue Origin to explore collaboration opportunities

    Source: Thales Group

    Headline: The European Space Agency, Thales Alenia Space and Blue Origin to explore collaboration opportunities

    The cooperation will cover human spaceflight, science, technology and commercial capabilities

    Paris Air Show, June 18th 2025 – The European Space Agency (ESA) has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Thales Alenia Space, a joint venture between Thales (67%) and Leonardo (33%), and Blue Origin to foster and facilitate commercial and industrial advancements in the area of space exploration in Low Earth Orbit.

    Signature Ceremony – from left to right: Giampiero Di Paolo,Deputy CEO and Senior Vice President of Observation, Exploration, and Navigation at Thales Alenia Space, Daniel Neuenschwander, Director of Human and Robotic Exploration at ESA and Pat Remias, Vice President, Advanced Concepts and Enterprise Engineering, Blue Origin © ESA

    The signatories will explore opportunities for European payloads and/or crew members to utilize on a non-exclusive basis the low-Earth orbit (LEO) space station Orbital Reef which will offer end-to-end services, including transportation of crew and cargo, astronaut accommodations, and payload utilization services.

    Through this MoU, the European Space Agency intends to develop a closer relationship with Blue Origin and Thales Alenia Space for the development of Orbital Reef, that could provide services meeting Europe’s long-term research and commercial needs in alignment with ESA’s recently announced requirements. 

    The MoU will also support European industry in preparing to supply modules, systems, subsystems, and equipment for Orbital Reef, and conducting risk-mitigation activities. Furthermore, Thales Alenia Space and Blue Origin are considering using future qualified European LEO cargo and/or crew transportation services under commercially viable terms and conditions as a means to transport astronauts and supplies to and from the station.

    “I am thrilled to witness an opening of a new economic dimension on Low Earth Orbit, to which this MoU is contributing,” said Daniel Neuenschwander, Director of Human and Robotic Exploration at ESA. “Our core mission at ESA is to support our Member States’ ambitions, and to do so, we are always keen to investigate potential collaborations in a renewed ecosystem with a growing commercial segment.” 

    “We’re truly honored that ESA has placed its trust in our company to explore opportunities in the LEO ecosystem together with Blue Origin to meet Europe’s commercial needs,” said Giampiero Di Paolo, Deputy CEO and Senior Vice President of Observation, Exploration, and Navigation at Thales Alenia Space.“Thales Alenia Space has played a key role in achieving humanity’s ambitions in LEO in recent years. By leveraging our expertise in space exploration infrastructures and vehicles, we’re committed to competing and investing in the development of technological solutions to empower Europe’s plans for the commercialization of low-Earth orbit. We’re excited about our collaboration with Blue Origin and are ready to implement whatever’s required to prepare for human presence and life in space, laying the groundwork for the post-ISS era while addressing new economic needs for research and science.”

    “This alliance is a unique opportunity to not only enable a new era of research and progress in orbit, but to welcome the broadest spectrum of partners in constructing humanity’s future beyond Earth,” said Pat Remias, Vice President, Advanced Concepts and Enterprise Engineering, Blue Origin. “Together, we are building foundations for industries and missions yet to be imagined.” 

    About the European Space Agency

    The European Space Agency (ESA) provides Europe’s gateway to space.
    ESA is an intergovernmental organisation, created in 1975, with the mission to shape the development of Europe’s space capability and ensure that investment in space delivers benefits to the citizens of Europe and the world. 
    ESA has 23 Member States: Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Latvia, Lithuania and Slovakia are Associate Members. 
    ESA has established formal cooperation with other four Member States of the EU. Canada takes part in some ESA programmes under a Cooperation Agreement. 

    By coordinating the financial and intellectual resources of its members, ESA can undertake programmes and activities far beyond the scope of any single European country. It is working in particular with the EU on advancing the Galileo and Copernicus programmes as well as with Eumetsat for the development of meteorological missions. 

    About Thales Alenia Space

    Drawing on over 40 years of experience and a unique combination of skills, expertise and cultures, Thales Alenia Space delivers cost-effective solutions for telecommunications, navigation, Earth observation, environmental monitoring, exploration, science and orbital infrastructures. Governments and private industry alike count on Thales Alenia Space to design satellite-based systems that provide anytime, anywhere connections and positioning, monitor our planet, enhance management of its resources, and explore our Solar System and beyond. Thales Alenia Space sees space as a new horizon, helping to build a better, more sustainable life on Earth. A joint venture between Thales (67%) and Leonardo (33%), Thales Alenia Space also teams up with Telespazio to form the Space Alliance, which offers a complete range of solutions including services. Thales Alenia Space posted consolidated revenues of €2.23 billion in 2024 and has more than 8,100 employees in 7 countries with 15 sites in Europe.

    About Blue Origin

    We are building a road to space for the benefit of Earth, humanity’s blue origin. Our team is focused on radically reducing the cost of access to space and harnessing its vast resources while mobilizing future generations to realize this mission. Blue Origin builds and operates reusable rocket engines, launch vehicles, in-space systems, and lunar landers. 
     

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Expansion of TikTok Shop in Europe and the impact on minors – E-001421/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The Commission was informed that the provider of TikTok expanded its e-commerce platform, TikTok Shop, to users in France, Germany and Italy on 31 March 2025.

    The provider of TikTok has carried out and submitted to the Commission a specific ad-hoc risk assessment ahead of the deployment of TikTok Shop in the EU, pursuant to Article 34(1) of Regulation (EU) 2022/2065 (The Digital Services Act, or ‘DSA’)[1].

    The Commission continues to supervise the evolution of the deployment of the new TikTok Shop features in the EU and monitor compliance with the DSA.

    In particular, the Commission examines whether the provider of TikTok has diligently identified, analysed, assessed and mitigated any systemic risks stemming from the design, functioning and use made of its service and related systems, including any actual and foreseeable negative effects in relation to the protection of minors and serious negative consequences to the person’s physical and mental well-being.

    The Commission is also supervising the compliance by the provider of TikTok of the obligations applicable to providers of online marketplaces, such as ensuring the traceability of traders. The Commission would ensure a swift enforcement if it finds potential infringements of the DSA.

    Following the publication of its findings of the Digital Fairness Fitness Check[2], the Commission is working on a Digital Fairness Act which will aim at addressing identified gaps in EU consumer protection, in order to ensure a high level of protection in the digital environment. The Digital Fairness Act thus aims, notably, at complementing areas that are not regulated under the DSA.

    • [1] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2022/2065/oj/eng.
    • [2] https://commission.europa.eu/document/707d7404-78e5-4aef-acfa-82b4cf639f55_en.
    Last updated: 18 June 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: France: The EIB and Banque Populaire and Caisse d’Epargne sign an agreement to support French small and medium-sized enterprises in the defence sector

    Source: European Investment Bank

    EIB

    • A €300 million loan from the European Investment Bank will enable the BPCE banking group, through its network made of Banque Populaire and Caisse d’Epargne, to increase its financing to the sector.
    • This operation is the first signed by the EIB in France, and the second in Europe, under the new €3 billion envelope dedicated to European SMEs active in security and defence.
    • The objective is to facilitate access to financing for SMEs investing in strategic areas such as cybersecurity, surveillance, resilience, and defence technologies.

    The European Investment Bank (EIB) and the BPCE banking group have signed a €300 million loan agreement in favor of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the security and defence sector in France.

    This is the first operation signed by the EIB in France as part of the recently announced €3 billion envelope to support companies active in the defence value chain. The EIB has increased intermediated loans and guarantees available for key defence-industry segment to €3 billion from €1 billion originally, and has signed a first deal with Deutsche Bank last week.

    The loan granted to BPCE is specifically intended to address the financing needs of French SMEs investing in cybersecurity, surveillance, resilience, and new technologies related to defence.

    Ambroise Fayolle, Vice-President of the EIB responsible for operations in France: “We are delighted to sign with BPCE the first agreement in France to support small and medium-sized enterprises active in the security and defence industry. To ensure the security of our continent, we must support the entire ecosystem of the defence industry, including companies present in the value chain, as they often have a significant impact on their territory in terms of innovation and employment.”

    Robert de Groot, Vice-President of the EIB responsible for security and defence: “In the space of one week, two major operations have been signed between the EIB and European banking partners to support SMEs active in security and defence. Facilitating financing is a critical step toward unlocking the full potential of these companies in strengthening Europe’s strategic capabilities.”

    Cédric Glorieux, Head of Products and Solutions Banque Populaire and Caisse d’Epargne: « We are very pleased that BPCE, through its network Banque Populaire and Caisse d’Epargne, is the first banking group in France to sign this strategic agreement with the EIB. This agreement underlines our determination to step up our support for French small and medium-sized enterprises in the defence sector. Thanks to this €300 million financing envelope, BPCE will play a key role in strengthening the competitiveness and innovation of French companies, while meeting the challenges of our country’s sovereignty. » 

    The €3 billion EIB envelope also follows the agreement between the EIB and the promotional institutions of France, Germany, Italy, Poland, and Spain to explore co-financing opportunities in support of the European security and defence industry. This cooperation, announced on June 6, aims to promote a pan-European vision in areas such as research, industrial capabilities, and infrastructure.

    Background information

    EIB
    The European Investment Bank (EIB), whose shareholders are the Member States of the European Union (EU), is the EU’s long-term financing institution. Across eight major priorities, we support investments that contribute to achieving the EU’s key objectives. In 2024, the EIB Group, which also includes the European Investment Fund (EIF), signed nearly €89 billion in new financing in support of more than 900 high-impact projects, thereby strengthening Europe’s competitiveness and security. In France, the EIB Group signed more than one hundred operations in 2024 for a total amount of €12.6 billion, which made it possible to mobilize €62 billion in investments in the real economy. Nearly 60% of the EIB Group’s annual financing supports projects directly contributing to climate change mitigation and adaptation. More information about the EIB Group financing for security and defence is available here.

    Media services can find recent high-resolution photos of our headquarters in Luxembourg here.

    Groupe BPCE

    Groupe BPCE is the second-largest banking group in France and the fourth-largest in the euro zone in terms of capital. Through its 100,000 staff, the group serves 35 million customers – individuals, professionals, companies, investors and local government bodies – around the world. It operates in the retail banking and insurance fields in France via its two major networks, Banque Populaire and Caisse d’Epargne, along with Banque Palatine and Oney. It also pursues its activities worldwide with the asset & wealth management services provided by Natixis Investment Managers and the wholesale banking expertise of Natixis Corporate & Investment Banking. The Group’s financial strength is recognized by four credit rating agencies with the following senior preferred LT ratings: Moody’s (A1, stable outlook), Standard & Poor’s (A+, stable outlook), Fitch (A+, stable outlook) and R&I (A+, stable outlook).

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – Adoption by the Union of the Agreement on the interpretation and application of the Energy Charter Treaty – P10_TA(2025)0126 – Wednesday, 18 June 2025 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION,

    Having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, and in particular Article 194 thereof,

    Having regard to the proposal from the European Commission,

    After transmission of the draft legislative act to the national parliaments,

    Having regard to the opinion of the European Economic and Social Committee(1),

    After consulting the Committee of the Regions,

    Acting in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure(2),

    Whereas:

    (1)  In its judgment of 2 September 2021 in case C‑741/19(3), Republic of Moldova v Komstroy (the ‘Komstroy judgment’), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) held that Article 26(2), point (c), of the Energy Charter Treaty, approved on behalf of the European Communities by Council and Commission Decision 98/181/EC, ECSC, Euratom(4), is to be interpreted as not being applicable to disputes between a Member State and an investor of another Member State concerning an investment made by that investor in the first Member State, i.e. intra-EU disputes.

    (2)  Despite the Komstroy judgment, arbitral tribunals have continued to accept jurisdiction and to issue awards in intra-EU arbitration proceedings which are purportedly based on Article 26(2), point (c), of the Energy Charter Treaty. According to the CJEU, any such award is incompatible with Union law, in particular Articles 267 and 344 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Therefore, such awards cannot produce legal effects and the payment of compensation further to those awards cannot be enforced.

    (3)  The effective implementation of Union law is being undermined by the issuing of awards violating Union law in intra-EU arbitration proceedings. There is a risk of a conflict between the Treaties, on the one hand, and the Energy Charter Treaty as interpreted by some arbitral tribunals, on the other, which would, if confirmed by the courts of a third country, become a de facto legal conflict where such awards were circulating in the legal orders of third countries.

    (4)  According to the case law of the CJEU, the risk of a legal conflict is sufficient to render an international agreement incompatible with Union law. The risk of such a conflict between the Treaties and the Energy Charter Treaty should therefore be eliminated. The adoption of an instrument of international law, in the form of an agreement setting out the common understanding of the parties to that agreement on the non-applicability of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty as a basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings, would help to eliminate that risk.

    (5)  The Commission, on behalf of the Union, and the ▌ Member States have ▌ concluded negotiations on the terms of an agreement on the interpretation and application of the Energy Charter Treaty. The common understanding contained in that agreement has been reiterated in the ‘Declaration on the legal consequences of the judgment of the Court of Justice in Komstroy and common understanding on the non-applicability of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty as a basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings’ of 26 June 2024(5).

    (6)  The Agreement on the interpretation and application of the Energy Charter Treaty should therefore be approved in order to enable its signature by the Union and to express the Union’s consent to be bound by it,

    HAVE ADOPTED THIS DECISION:

    Article 1

    The Agreement on the interpretation and application of the Energy Charter Treaty accompanying this Decision is hereby approved.

    Article 2

    This Decision shall enter into force on the twentieth day following that of its publication in the Official Journal of the European Union.

    Done at …,

    For the European Parliament For the Council

    The President The President

    AGREEMENT ON THE INTERPRETATION

    AND APPLICATION OF THE ENERGY CHARTER TREATY ▌

    THE KINGDOM OF BELGIUM,

    THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA,

    THE CZECH REPUBLIC,

    THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK,

    THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY,

    THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA,

    IRELAND,

    THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC,

    THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN,

    THE FRENCH REPUBLIC,

    THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA,

    THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC,

    THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS,

    THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA,

    THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA,

    THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG,

    THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA,

    THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS,

    THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA,

    THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND,

    THE PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC,

    ROMANIA,

    THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA,

    THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC,

    THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND,

    THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN and

    THE EUROPEAN UNION ▌

    hereinafter jointly referred to as the ‘Parties’

    HAVING in mind the Energy Charter Treaty, signed in Lisbon on 17 December 1994(6) and approved on behalf of the European Communities by Council and Commission Decision 98/181/EC, ECSC, Euratom on 23 September 1997(7), as last amended ,

    HAVING in mind the rules of customary international law as codified in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, done at Vienna on 23 May 1969,

    CONSIDERING that the members of a Regional Economic Integration Organisation within the meaning of Article 1, point 3, of the Energy Charter Treaty hereby express a common understanding on the interpretation and application of a treaty in their inter se relations,

    RECALLING that withdrawal from the Energy Charter Treaty does not affect the composition of the Regional Economic Integration Organisation referred to in that Treaty, nor does it preclude an interest in expressing a common understanding on the interpretation and application of that Treaty for as long as it may be held to produce legal effects in relation to a Party that withdrew, and in particular in respect of Article 47(3) of the Energy Charter Treaty,

    HAVING in mind the Treaty on European Union (TEU), the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) ▌ and the general principles of European Union ▌ law,

    CONSIDERING that the references to the European Union in this Agreement are to be understood also as references to its predecessor, the European Economic Community and, subsequently, the European Community, until the latter was superseded by the European Union,

    RECALLING that, in line with the case-law of the Permanent Court of International Justice(8) and of the International Court of Justice(9), the right of giving an authoritative interpretation of a legal rule belongs to the parties to an international agreement in relation to that agreement,

    RECALLING that the Member States of the European Union (‘Member States’) have assigned the right of giving authoritative interpretations of Union ▌law to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), as explained by the CJEU in its judgment of 30 May 2006 in case C-459/03, Commission v Ireland (Mox Plant)(10), which held that the exclusive competence to interpret and apply Union ▌law extends to the interpretation and application of international agreements to which the European Union and its Member States are parties in the case of a dispute between two Member States or between the European Union and a Member State,

    RECALLING that, in accordance with Article 344 TFEU ▌, Member States undertake not to submit a dispute concerning the interpretation or application of the Treaties to a method of settlement other than those provided for therein,

    RECALLING that in its judgment of 6 March 2018 in case C-284/16, Achmea(11), the CJEU held that Articles 267 and 344 TFEU must be interpreted as precluding a provision in an international agreement concluded between Member States under which an investor from one of those Member States may, in the event of a dispute concerning investments in the other Member State, bring proceedings against the latter Member State before an arbitral tribunal whose jurisdiction that Member State has undertaken to accept,

    RECALLING the consistently reiterated position of the European Union that the Energy Charter Treaty was not meant to apply in intra-EU relations and that it was not, and could not have been, the intention of the European Union, of the European Atomic Energy Community and of their Member States that the Energy Charter Treaty would create any obligations among them since it was negotiated as an instrument of the European Union’s external energy policy with a view to establishing a framework for energy cooperation with third countries whereas, by contrast, the European Union’s internal energy policy consists of an elaborate system of rules designed to create an internal market in the field of energy which exclusively regulates relations between Member States in that field,

    RECALLING that in its judgment of 2 September 2021 in case C-741/19, Republic of Moldova v Komstroy(12) (the ‘Komstroy judgment’), as confirmed in its opinion of 16 June 2022, 1/20(13), the CJEU held that Article 26(2), point (c), of the Energy Charter Treaty must be interpreted as not being applicable to disputes between a Member State and an investor of another Member State concerning an investment made by the latter in the former Member State,

    RECALLING that, as an interpretation by the competent court and reflecting a general principle of public international law, the interpretation of the Energy Charter Treaty in the Komstroy judgment applies as of the approval of the Energy Charter Treaty by the European Communities and their Member States,

    CONSIDERING that Articles 267 and 344 TFEU must be interpreted as precluding an interpretation of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty that allows for disputes between, on the one hand, an investor of one Member State and, on the other hand, another Member State or the European Union ▌to be resolved before an arbitral tribunal (‘intra-EU arbitration proceedings’),

    CONSIDERING, in any event, that, where a dispute between, on the one hand, an investor of one Member State and, on the other hand, another Member State or the European Union cannot be settled amicably, a party to that dispute may as always choose to submit it for resolution to the competent courts or administrative tribunals in accordance with national law, as guaranteed by general principles of law and respect for fundamental rights enshrined, inter alia, in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union,

    SHARING the common understanding expressed in this Agreement ▌that, as a result, a clause such as Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty could not in the past and cannot now or in the future serve as the legal basis for arbitration proceedings initiated by an investor from one Member State concerning investments in another Member State,

    REITERATING Declaration No 17 concerning primacy, annexed to the Final Act of the Intergovernmental Conference which adopted the Treaty of Lisbon, which recalls that the Treaties and the law adopted by the Union on the basis of the Treaties have primacy over the law of the Member States, and that the principle of primacy constitutes a conflict rule in their mutual relations,

    RECALLING, consequently, that, in order to resolve any conflict of norms, an international agreement concluded by the Member States under international law may apply in intra-EU relations only to the extent that its provisions are compatible with the EU Treaties,

    CONSIDERING that, as a result of the non-applicability of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty as a legal basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings, Article 47(3) of the Energy Charter Treaty cannot extend, and was not intended to extend, to such proceedings,

    CONSIDERING that, as a result of the non-applicability of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty as a legal basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings, Parties▌ that are concerned by pending intra-EU arbitration proceedings, whether as respondent or as the Member State of an investor, should cooperate in order to ensure that the existence of this Agreement is brought to the attention of the arbitral tribunal concerned to allow the appropriate conclusion to be drawn as to the absence of jurisdiction of that tribunal,

    CONSIDERING, in addition, that no new intra-EU arbitration proceedings should be registered, and AGREEING that, where a notice of arbitration is nevertheless delivered, the ▌ Parties that are concerned by those proceedings, whether as respondent or as the Member State of an investor, should cooperate in order to ensure that the existence of this Agreement is brought to the attention of the arbitral tribunal concerned to allow the appropriate conclusion to be drawn that Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty cannot serve as a legal basis for such proceedings,

    CONSIDERING, nevertheless, that settlements and awards in intra-EU investment arbitration cases that can no longer be annulled or set aside and that were voluntarily complied with or definitively enforced should not be challenged,

    REGRETTING that arbitral awards have already been rendered, continue to be rendered and could still be rendered, by arbitral tribunals in intra-EU arbitration proceedings initiated with reference to Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty, in a manner contrary to European Union law▌, including as expressed in the case-law of the CJEU,

    also REGRETTING that such arbitral awards are the subject of enforcement proceedings, including in third countries, that in pending intra-EU arbitration proceedings purportedly based on Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty arbitral tribunals do not decline competence and jurisdiction, and that arbitral institutions continue to register new arbitration proceedings and do not reject them as manifestly inadmissible due to lack of consent to submit to arbitration,

    CONSIDERING, therefore, that it is necessary to reiterate, expressly and unambiguously, the consistent position of the Parties by means of an agreement reaffirming their common understanding on the interpretation and application of the Energy Charter Treaty, as interpreted by the CJEU, to the extent that it concerns intra-EU arbitration proceedings,

    CONSIDERING that, in accordance with the judgment of the International Court of Justice of 5 February 1970, Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Company, Limited(14), and as explained by the CJEU in the Komstroy judgment, certain provisions of the Energy Charter Treaty are intended to govern bilateral relations,

    CONSIDERING therefore that this Agreement only concerns bilateral relationships between the Parties and, by extension, investors from those Member States as Contracting Parties to the Energy Charter Treaty, and that, as a result, this Agreement affects only those Contracting Parties to the Energy Charter Treaty that are governed by the law of the European Union▌ as a Regional Economic Integration Organisation within the meaning of Article 1, point 3, of the Energy Charter Treaty and does not affect the enjoyment by the other Contracting Parties to the Energy Charter Treaty of their rights under that Treaty or the performance of their obligations,

    RECALLING that the Parties have informed the ▌ Contracting Parties to the Energy Charter Treaty of their intention to conclude this Agreement,

    CONSIDERING that by concluding this Agreement and in line with their legal obligations under European Union ▌law, but without prejudice to their right to make such claims as they consider appropriate in relation to costs incurred by them as respondents in relation to intra-EU arbitration proceedings, the Parties ensure full and effective compliance with the Komstroy judgment, and underline the unenforceability of existing arbitral awards, the obligation for arbitral tribunals to immediately terminate any pending intra-EU arbitration proceedings, the obligation for arbitral institutions not to register any future intra-EU arbitration proceedings, in line with their respective powers under Article 36(3) of the Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States (‘ICSID’), concluded in Washington on 18 March 1965, and Article 12 of the Stockholm Chamber of Commerce (‘SCC’) arbitration rules, and the obligation for arbitral tribunals to declare that any intra-EU arbitration proceedings sought to be registered before them lack a legal basis,

    UNDERSTANDING that this Agreement covers investor-State arbitration proceedings involving the ▌Parties in intra-EU disputes based on Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty under any arbitration convention or set of rules, including ICSID and the ICSID arbitration rules, the Arbitration Institute of the SCC arbitration rules, the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law arbitration rules and ad hoc arbitration, and

    BEARING in mind that the provisions of this Agreement are without prejudice to the right of the European Commission or any Member State to bring an action before the CJEU based on Articles 258, 259 and 260 TFEU,

    HAVE AGREED AS FOLLOWS:

    SECTION 1

    Common understanding on the non-applicability of article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty as a basis for Intra-EU arbitration proceedings

    Article 1

    Definitions

    For the purposes of this Agreement, the following definitions shall apply:

    (1)  “Energy Charter Treaty” means the Energy Charter Treaty signed at Lisbon on 17 December 1994 and approved on behalf of the European Communities by Decision 98/181/EC, ECSC, Euratom on 23 September 1997, as it may be amended from time to time;

    (2)  “intra-EU relations” means relations between Member States ▌ or between a Member State and the European Union ▌;

    (3)  “intra-EU arbitration proceedings” means any proceedings before an arbitral tribunal initiated with reference to Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty to resolve a dispute between, on the one hand, an investor of one Member State and, on the other hand, another Member State or the European Union ▌.

    Article 2

    Common understanding ▌on the interpretation and continued non-applicability of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty and the lack of legal basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings

    1.  The ▌ Parties hereby reaffirm, for greater certainty, that they share a common understanding on the interpretation and application of the Energy Charter Treaty according to which Article 26 of that Treaty cannot and never could serve as a legal basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings.

    The common understanding expressed in the first subparagraph is based on the following elements of European Union law:

    (a)  the interpretation by the CJEU of Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty to mean that that provision does not apply, and should never have been applied, as a basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings; and

    (b)  the primacy of European Union law, recalled in Declaration No 17, annexed to the Final Act of the Intergovernmental Conference which adopted the Treaty of Lisbon, as a rule of international law governing conflict of norms in their mutual relations, with the result that, in any event, Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty does not and could not apply as a basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings.

    2.  The ▌ Parties reaffirm, for greater certainty, that they share the common understanding that, as a result of the absence of a legal basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings pursuant to Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty, Article 47(3) of the Energy Charter Treaty does not extend, and could not have extended at any time, to such proceedings. Accordingly, Article 47(3) of the Energy Charter Treaty cannot have produced legal effects in intra-EU relations when a Member State withdrew from the Energy Charter Treaty prior to the conclusion of this Agreement and would not produce legal effects in intra-EU relations if a ▌ Party withdrew from the Energy Charter Treaty subsequently.

    3.  For greater certainty, the ▌ Parties are in agreement that, in accordance with the common understanding expressed in paragraphs 1 and 2 of this Article, and without prejudice thereto, Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty does not apply as a basis for intra-EU arbitration proceedings and Article 47(3) of the Energy Charter Treaty does not produce legal effects in intra-EU relations.

    4.  Paragraphs 1 to 3 are without prejudice to the interpretation and application of other provisions of the Energy Charter Treaty to the extent that they concern intra-EU relations.

    SECTION 2

    Final Provisions

    Article 3

    Depositary

    1.  The Secretary-General of the Council of the European Union shall act as depositary of this Agreement (the ‘Depositary’).

    2.  The Depositary shall notify the ▌ Parties of:

    (a)  the deposit of any instrument of ratification, approval or acceptance in accordance with Article 5;

    (b)  the date of entry into force of this Agreement in accordance with Article 6(1);

    (c)  the date of entry into force of this Agreement for each ▌ Party in accordance with Article 6(2).

    3.  The Depositary shall publish this Agreement in the Official Journal of the European Union and notify the depositary of the Energy Charter Treaty, as well as the Energy Charter Secretariat, of its adoption and entry into force.

    4.  The Depositary shall invite the depositary of the Energy Charter Treaty to notify this Agreement to the other Contracting Parties to the Energy Charter Treaty.

    5.  This Agreement shall be registered by the Depositary with the United Nations Secretariat, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations, following its entry into force.

    Article 4

    Reservations

    No reservations shall be made to this Agreement.

    Article 5

    Ratification, approval or acceptance

    This Agreement shall be subject to ratification, approval or acceptance.

    The ▌ Parties shall deposit their instruments of ratification, approval or acceptance with the Depositary.

    Article 6

    Entry into force

    1.  This Agreement shall enter into force 30 calendar days after the date on which the Depositary receives the second instrument of ratification, approval or acceptance.

    2.  For each ▌ Party which ratifies, approves or accepts it after its entry into force in accordance with paragraph 1, this Agreement shall enter into force 30 calendar days after the date of deposit by such ▌ Party of its instrument of ratification, approval or acceptance.

    Article 7

    Authentic texts

    This Agreement, drawn up in a single original in the Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Dutch, English, Estonian, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Hungarian, Irish, Italian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Maltese, Polish, Portuguese, Romanian, Slovak, Slovenian, Spanish and Swedish languages, each text being equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the Depositary.

    IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries, duly authorised to this effect, have signed this Agreement.

    Done at …, this … day of … in the year …

    For the Kingdom of Belgium,

    For the Republic of Bulgaria,

    For the Czech Republic,

    For the Kingdom of Denmark,

    For the Federal Republic of Germany,

    For the Republic of Estonia,

    For Ireland,

    For the Hellenic Republic,

    For the Kingdom of Spain,

    For the French Republic,

    For the Republic of Croatia,

    For the Italian Republic,

    For the Republic of Cyprus,

    For the Republic of Latvia,

    For the Republic of Lithuania,

    For the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg,

    For the Republic of Malta,

    For the Kingdom of the Netherlands,

    For the Republic of Austria,

    For the Republic of Poland,

    For the Portuguese Republic,

    For Romania,

    For the Republic of Slovenia,

    For the Slovak Republic,

    For the Republic of Finland,

    For the Kingdom of Sweden and

    For the European Union

    __________________

    (1) Opinion of 4 December 2024 (OJ C, C/2025/776, 11.2.2025, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2025/776/oj).
    (2) Position of the European Parliament of 18 June 2025.
    (3) Judgment of the Court of Justice of 2 September 2021, Republic of Moldova v Komstroy, C‑741/19, ECLI:EU:C:2021:655, paragraph 66.
    (4) Council and Commission Decision 98/181/EC, ECSC, Euratom of 23 September 1997 on the conclusion, by the European Communities, of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Energy Charter Protocol on energy efficiency and related environmental aspects (OJ L 69, 9.3.1998, p. 1, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/1998/181/oj).
    (5) OJ L, 2024/2121, 6.8.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/declar/2024/2121/oj.
    (6) Final Act of the Conference on the European Energy Charter (OJ L 380, 31.12.1994, p. 24, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/agree_internation/1994/998/oj).
    (7) Council and Commission Decision 98/181/EC, ECSC, Euratom of 23 September 1997 on the conclusion, by the European Communities, of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Energy Charter Protocol on energy efficiency and related environmental aspects (OJ L 69, 9.3.1998, p. 1, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/1998/181/oj).
    (8) Permanent Court of International Justice, Question of Jaworzina (Polish-Czechoslovakian Frontier), Advisory Opinion, [1923] PCIJ Series B, No. 8, p. 37.
    (9) International Court of Justice, Reservations to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Advisory Opinion, [1951] I.C.J. Reports, 15, p. 20.
    (10) Judgment of the Court of Justice of 30 May 2006, Commission v Ireland, C-459/03, ECLI EU:C:2006:345, paragraphs 129 to 137.
    (11) Judgment of the Court of Justice of 6 March 2018, Achmea, C-284/16, ECLI EU:C:2018:158.
    (12) Judgment of the Court of Justice of 2 September 2021, Republic of Moldova v Komstroy, C‑741/19, ECLI:EU:C:2021:655, paragraph 66.
    (13) Opinion of the Court of Justice of 16 June 2022, 1/20, EU:C:2022:485, paragraph 47.
    (14) Judgment of the International Court of Justice of 5 February 1970, Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Company, Limited (ICJ Reports 1970, p. 3, paragraphs 33 and 35).

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