Category: Reportage

  • MIL-OSI Global: We curated a podcast playlist for you: National Day for Truth and Reconciliation

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Vinita Srivastava, Senior Editor, Culture + Society / Host + Exec. Producer, Don’t Call Me Resilient

    On Sept. 30, Canada will observe the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation. Formerly known as Orange Shirt Day, the now federal statutory day honours generations of Indigenous survivors, families and communities impacted by Canada’s residential school system and remembers the children who never returned home. It’s also a good time to honour the “Truth” in Truth and Reconciliation and check in on Canada’s progress on the 94 Calls to Action that came out of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee.

    Here at Don’t Call Me Resilient, we’ve curated a playlist of episodes for you that explore the historical and current issues of Indigenous communities. Through the voices of experts, the playlist features discussions related to Indigenous history, justice, rights and resistance. In each episode, Indigenous scholars and experts present their research and ideas to help explain the issues. They dive deep into conversations about the importance of preserving and protecting Indigenous land, life and identity.

    As a collection, these episodes invite listeners to engage in a process of learning and unlearning; to acknowledge the tragic legacies of residential schools in Canada and to move beyond a single day of remembrance. Individually, the conversations are thoughtful and informative explorations of Indigenous scholarship, living history and the future of reconciliation in Canada.


    Indigenous Land Defenders

    In this episode, two Indigenous land defenders from different nations as well as generations: Ellen Gabriel, a human rights activist and artist well known for her role during the 1990 Oka crisis, and Anne Spice, a professor at Toronto Metropolitan University, discuss the importance and urgency of defending land. They explain why they work to protect the land against invasive development and why their work is necessary for everyone’s survival. Also, check out Gabriel’s forthcoming book with Sean Carleton: When the Pine Needles Fall.
    (first aired: March, 2021)


    How stories about alternate worlds can help us imagine a better future

    Stories are a powerful tool to resist oppressive situations. They give writers from marginalized communities a way to imagine alternate realities, and to critique the one we live in. In this episode, Vinita speaks to two storytellers who offer up wonderous “otherworlds” for Indigenous and Black people. Selwyn Seyfu Hinds is an L.A-based screenwriter and the producer of Esi Edugyan’s Washington Black. Daniel Heath Justice is professor in Indigenous literature at the University of British Columbia and author of Why Indigenous Literatures Matter.


    Stolen Identities: What does it mean to be Indigenous?

    Over the last few years, we’ve seen a lot of high-profile figures accused of falsely claiming Indigenous identity, of being “Pretendians.” These cases have become big news stories, but they have big real-life consequences, too. Misidentifying as Indigenous can have financial and social consequences, with the misdirection of funds, jobs or grants meant for Indigenous peoples. Vinita delves into it all with two researchers who look at identity and belonging in Indigenous communities: Veldon Coburn and Celeste Pedri-Spade from McGill University.
    (first aired: October, 2021)


    Why pollution is as much about colonialism as chemicals

    The state of our environment keeps getting scarier and scarier: and we have yet to find a way forward. Two Indigenous scholars who run labs to address the climate crisis say bringing an Indigenous understanding to environmental justice could help us get unstuck. A big part of that is seeing pollution through a new lens — one that acknowledges it is as much about racism and colonialism as it is toxic chemicals. Vinita talks to Michelle Murphy at the University of Toronto, and Max Liboiron, author of Pollution is Colonialism, and associate professor at Memorial University of Newfoundland.
    (first aired: November, 2021)


    Making our food fairer

    Over 17 per cent of households in Canada are food insecure. For racialized Canadians, that number is higher — two to three times the national average. In this episode, Vinita asks what is happening with our food systems, and what we can do to make them fairer with two women who have been tackling this issue for years. Melana Roberts is Chair of Food Secure Canada and one of the leaders behind Canada’s first Black food sovereignty plan. Also joining the conversation is Tabitha Robin Martens, assistant professor at UBC’s Faculty of Land and Food Systems. Martens researches Indigenous food sovereignty and works with Cree communities to bolster traditional land uses.
    (first aired: November, 2021)


    Unmarked graves of 215 Indigenous children were found in Kamloops a year ago: What’s happened since?

    In this episode, we take a look at what has happened since the unmarked graves of 215 Indigenous children were found in Kamloops, B.C. in May 2021. Vinita speaks to Veldon Coburn, associate professor and faculty chair of the Indigenous Relations Initiative at McGill University about what happened, the widespread grief and outcry and the immediate political response, but also, how none of that lasted despite communities continuing to find bodies. Joining Vinita on the episode is Haley Lewis, then-Don’t Call Me Resilient producer and culture and society editor for The Conversation Canada. Lewis is mixed Kanyen’keha:ká from Tyendinaga and led our coverage of the findings.
    (first aired: May, 2022)


    Diamond mines are not a girl’s best friend

    Since diamond mining started in Canada in 1998, Canada has become the third-largest producer of diamonds in the world. In 2019, the inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls linked resource extraction to spikes in violence against women. In this episode, we hear from two women who talk about how diamond mines in the Northwest Territories have negatively impacted and perpetuated gender violence, particularly among Indigenous women. Vinita chats with Rebecca Hall, assistant professor of global development studies at Queen’s University and the author of Refracted Economies: Diamond Mining and Social Reproduction in the North, and Della Green, former victim services co-ordinator, at the Native Women’s Association of the Northwest Territories.
    (first aired: June, 2022)


    Has the meaning behind the Canadian flag changed?

    After weeks of the so-called Freedom Convoy in 2022, many of us took a hard look at the symbolism of the Canadian flag and the attempt to associate it with white supremacy. Some felt a new fear or anger at what they feel the flag represents. But other communities say they have always felt this way about the Canadian flag. Both our guests on this episode have studied multiculturalism, citizenship and belonging. Daniel McNeil looks at history and culture and the complexities of global Black communities. He is a professor and Queen’s National Scholar Chair in Black Studies at Queen’s University. Lucy El-Sherif is an assistant professor of global peace and social justice at McMaster University. They help us unpack the meaning and symbolism of the Canadian flag.
    (first aired: June, 2022)


    How to decolonize journalism

    For decades, Canadian media have covered Indigenous communities with a heavy reliance on stereotypes — casting Indigenous Peoples as victims or warriors. This deep-seated bias in the news can have unsettling consequences for both how a community perceives itself as well as how others perceive them. Award-winning Anishinaabe journalist and former CBC reporter Duncan McCue is trying to change that both in the classroom and in the newsroom. He joins Vinita to talk about what Canadian media could be doing better.
    (first aired: November, 2022)


    About the Queen, the Crown’s crimes and how to talk about the unmourned

    When the Queen died, there was a tremendous outpouring of love and grief for her and the monarchy she represented. But not everyone wanted to take a moment of silence — and there are a lot of reasons why. For example, the head of the Assembly of First Nations, RoseAnne Archibald told CTV News that the Royal Family should apologize for the failures of the Crown… “particularly for the destructiveness of colonization on First Nations people.” To explore these ideas further, we reached out to two scholars, Veldon Coburn, associate professor and faculty chair of the Indigenous Relations Initiative at McGill University and Cheryl Thompson, an associate professor of media and culture at Toronto Metropolitan University. Both say that the Queen’s death could be a uniting moment of dissent for people from current and former colonies.
    (first aired: September, 2022)


    The Vatican just renounced a 500-year-old doctrine that justified colonial land theft… Now what?

    In 2023, the Vatican repudiated the Doctrine of Discovery, a 500-year-old decree used to justify settler colonialism. In this episode, political and Indigenous studies scholar Veldon Coburn explains why the Vatican’s repudiation of the Doctrine is a huge symbolic victory. We also examine what this repudiation may mean for members of Indigenous Nations, what prompted this renouncement, and what still needs to happen.
    (first aired: April, 2023)


    Digging into the colonial roots of gardening

    In this episode, we explore how the practice of gardening is deeply tied to colonialism that affects what we plant and also, who gets to garden. But there is also a growing understanding that centuries-old Indigenous land-based knowledge and practices can foster a more resilient landscape. We speak to community activist Carolynne Crawley — a woman with Mi’kmaw, Black and Irish ancestry who leads workshops and walks that integrate Indigenous teachings into practice — and Jacqueline L. Scott — a PhD candidate at the University of Toronto’s Ontario Institute for Studies in Education whose research focuses on the wilderness and making it a welcoming space for Black people. We discuss a new way forward, discussing practical gardening tips with an eye to Indigenous knowledge.
    (first aired: May, 2023)

    Botanical classification; 227 figures of plant anatomical segments with descriptive text.
    CC BY

    Why preserving Indigenous languages is so critical to culture

    This episode tackles why the revitalization of Indigenous languages is so critical. Guest host Veldon Coburn speaks with Frank Deer, professor of education at the University of Manitoba, to tackle the issue of disappearing Indigenous languages. They delve into how language reflects philosophies that guide political, cultural and ecological relationships — and discuss what more needs to be done to revitalize them.
    (first aired: June, 2023)


    Inside the search for the unmarked graves of children lost to Indian Residential Schools

    In this episode, we take you inside the ongoing quest to document the children who died in Canada’s Indian Residential Schools system. Vinita speaks to Terri Cardinal, associate vice president of Indigenous initiatives and engagement at MacEwan University, about the search she led to uncover the unmarked graves of those who perished at the Blue Quills Residential School in Alberta. It’s deeply personal and emotional work for Cardinal, whose own father is a survivor of the school. Cardinal talks about what she found, how she felt, and what she hopes will come of it. She says the number of unmarked graves across the country is much higher than many of us could have imagined. And she says it’s important to keep shining a light on the rising numbers, especially with so many Canadians in denial about what really happened at these schools.
    (first aired: September, 2023)

    Students at Blue Quills Residential School.
    Provincial Archives of Alberta, CC BY

    How journalists tell Buffy Sainte-Marie’s story matters – explained by a ‘60s Scoop survivor

    Musician Buffy Sainte-Marie in 1970.
    CMA/wikicommons, CC BY

    Lori Campbell, a ‘60s Scoop survivor and associate vice president of Indigenous engagement at the University of Regina, challenges the CBC’s motives in releasing an investigation that questioned the Indigenous roots of legendary singer-songwriter Buffy Sainte-Marie in this episode. Campbell asks: was the story in service of truth and reconciliation or a sensationalist headline? She also highlights the turmoil the story is causing, especially among Indigenous communities in Saskatchewan, home to the Piapot Nation that embraced Sainte-Marie.
    (first aired: November, 2023)


    Colonialists used starvation as a tool of oppression

    Plains Cree Chief Mistahimaskwa resisted signing a treaty with the ‘Crown,’ until starvation of his people propelled him to sign Treaty 6.
    (Library and Archives Canada), CC BY

    Vinita speaks to two famine scholars about the use of starvation as a tool in the colonizer’s playbook through two historic examples — the attempted decimation of Indigenous populations in the Plains, North America and the 1943 famine in Bengal, India. Our guests James Daschuk from the University of Regina and Janam Mukherjee at Toronto Metropolitan University discuss how colonial forces inflicted famine upon Indigenous populations to control them, their land, and their resources.
    (first aired: March, 2024)


    From stereotypes to sovereignty: How Indigenous media makers assert narrative control

    Reservation Dogs: Sarah Podemski and D’Pharaoh Woon-A-Tai.
    Shane Brown/FX

    Indigenous media in North America have rapidly expanded over the last 30 years, with Indigenous media makers gaining greater control of their own narratives, including the ability to subvert colonial representations. Karrmen Crey, who is Stó:lō from Cheam First Nation, is an associate professor in the School of Communication at Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, British Columbia, and the author of Producing Sovereignty: The Rise of Indigenous Media in Canada.” In this special episode, recorded on-site with an audience in Vancouver at Iron Dog books, Crey speaks with Vinita about the ways Indigenous creators are using humour along with a sharp critique of pop culture to show just how different the world looks when decision-making power over how stories get told shifts and Indigenous media makers take control.
    (first aired: April, 2024)


    ref. We curated a podcast playlist for you: National Day for Truth and Reconciliation – https://theconversation.com/we-curated-a-podcast-playlist-for-you-national-day-for-truth-and-reconciliation-239669

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sexual fantasies: should you share them with a partner?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matt Kimberley, Assistant Lecturer in Psychology, Birmingham City University

    JLco Julia Amaral/Shutterstock

    The actor Gillian Anderson has just released a book of sexual fantasies. Titled Want, it catalogues a diverse range of fantasies submitted anonymously by women from around the world.

    It is not the first to do so. In 1973, American author Nancy Friday published My Secret Garden, a volume that provoked fierce debate at the time and is now considered to be an important milestone in the sex-positive movement. Each book gives a fascinating snapshot of women’s relationships with their own sexuality at a different moment in history.

    Though attitudes, vocabulary and specific fantasy content have undoubtedly changed in the intervening half-century, there are striking similarities between the books. This is not only true of the subject matter — workplace flings and group sex are apparently timelessly appealing — but also of how people feel about their fantasies. Shame, in particular, continues to loom large in many women’s feelings about their own erotic imaginings.

    Past research indicates that most adults (of all genders) experience sexual fantasies, suggesting many of us have grappled with the question of whether to tell a partner about ours. Over the past four years, we have been conducting research that explores this question: how do people decide whether to disclose their sexual fantasies – and what happens when they do?

    An act of closeness

    The women featured in both My Secret Garden and Want vary considerably in the degree to which they have chosen to share their fantasies with a partner. Some describe passionate relationships enhanced by the disclosure and enactment of erotic fantasies, while others intend to take their favourite fantasy to the grave.

    We were interested in understanding the psychology of such radically different approaches. In a study published earlier this year in The Journal of Sex Research, we asked 287 people to reflect on a recent or prominent sexual fantasy. We found that over 69% of participants had previously disclosed their fantasy to a partner. Of those, more than 80% found this to be a positive experience.

    Unsurprisingly, participants commonly cited sexual desire as their main reason for opening up. For example, many said they had shared their fantasy with a partner in the hope that they could act it out together. Others reported that they found talking about sexual fantasies arousing, or that discussing secret desires allowed them to learn more about their partner.

    Several participants explained that they valued honesty and openness and that the level of trust and commitment in their relationship made them feel safe to share their fantasy with their partner.

    Not all reasons for disclosing fantasies were positive, however. Some said they disclosed their fantasy in a last-ditch attempt to spice up an unsatisfying sex life.

    The power of shame

    Gillian Anderson, author of Want.
    wikipedia, CC BY-SA

    Among the group who had chosen not to share their fantasy, many cited its content as the primary reason. Consistent with accounts in both My Secret Garden and Want, several of our participants were ashamed of their fantasy, or felt it to be too extreme or taboo to share with their partner.

    Some — especially those whose partners had not responded well to similar conversations in the past — were worried they would receive a negative response that could cause problems for their relationship. We also heard from several people who explained that, put simply, their fantasies were private joys that they had no desire or intention to discuss with anyone.

    In a series of follow-up studies yet to be published, we explored some of these ideas in more depth. One important finding is that relationship traits are a key predictor of whether a person will disclose their fantasy. For example, disclosure was more likely in relationships that already involved large amounts of sexual novelty and exploration.

    We also confirmed that the content of a fantasy is critical to a person’s decision about whether to share it. Anything that is likely to be considered unacceptable by a partner or is otherwise potentially threatening to the relationship (such as a move away from monogamy), is unlikely to be disclosed. Indeed, even among participants who had previously shared a fantasy, we found over half also had at least one more that they were unwilling to divulge.

    While our findings suggest that people who choose to tell their partner about their erotic daydreams usually get a good response, we also found that the process by which people reach that decision can be complicated. Some people have very good reasons for keeping their fantasy to themselves.

    Hopefully, Want will help to reduce some of the shame associated with the very common experience of fantasising about sex. But its similarities to a book published 50 years earlier suggest we may still have a long way to go.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Sexual fantasies: should you share them with a partner? – https://theconversation.com/sexual-fantasies-should-you-share-them-with-a-partner-239527

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How the cost of living crisis and games industry turmoil could hurt Sony’s PlayStation 5 Pro release

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Jerrett, Lecturer, Faculty of Creative & Cultural Industries, University of Portsmouth

    In late November 2020, I was one of those people standing in line – or rather,
    refreshing my browser – hoping to snag a PlayStation 5 during a restock. The
    pandemic was in full swing, and with most of the world locked indoors, there weren’t many better things to do. The original PS5 promised to deliver true 4K gaming at very smooth frame rates – though a claim that it supported 8K gaming was later removed from the console’s packaging.

    However, the PS5 got off to a slow start, owing primarily to game delays as a result of the pandemic. Additionally, gamers had to effectively choose between preset modes related to fidelity – high-quality visuals – and game performance within the in-game settings menus.

    In November, gamers will no longer be faced with this dilemma, as Sony is set to release its “mid-generation refresh” console, the PlayStation 5 Pro. Its upgraded graphics processing unit (GPU) has more processing power and a faster memory than the basic PS5, allowing for up to 45% faster rendering of the graphics.

    Advanced ray tracing – a technique to simulate the way light behaves in the real world – and AI technology called PlayStation Spectral Super Resolution are expected to enable higher-resolution visuals at higher frame rates. This could fulfil the basic PS5’s promise of 4K gaming at 60 frames per second.

    However, all that power doesn’t come cheap. The £699 digital-only console scales to £798 with a £99 disc drive, which is required to play physical games. It is already selling out in some markets. There’s also a £25 vertical stand (which came bundled with the original PS5).

    PS5 Pro Technical Presentation.

    That’s a lot of money for a console that won’t have any exclusive titles. Every game you can play on the PS5 Pro will also run on the base PS5. Some even speculate that it still may not play forthcoming games at the highest possible fidelity.

    That kind of price is even more of a shock when compared with the different world of 2020’s PS5 launch. Demand for games and consoles surged during the pandemic, but the economic landscape has drastically shifted in the past four years. Inflation is at an all-time high, and the cost of living has rocketed, leaving less disposable income for non-essential purchases, of which the PS5 Pro is a prime example.

    The games industry has also seen waves of layoffs resulting from investment shortfalls, changing work patterns, and post-pandemic consumer behaviour. A further irony is that such layoffs prevent studios from having the time, budget, or labour to create the graphically intense, polished games that the PS5 Pro would take full advantage of.

    Consoles have always been loss leaders –- products sold at lower profit margins to get buyers into a product ecosystem. The basic PS5 is barely fulfilling that role (most PlayStation gamers still play on the PS4). So it makes business sense for the PS5 Pro to merely reflect the economic realities of 2024, where the rising cost of materials, supply chain disruptions and a scramble for computing power due to AI’s enhanced workloads means that consoles are significantly more expensive to produce.

    This time, instead of Sony absorbing the cost, they’ve passed it along to consumers – most of whom are deeply unhappy about it. YouTube reactions to the PS5 Pro reveal trailer have been overwhelmingly negative, sitting at a 3:1 dislike ratio on YouTube.

    A solution without a problem?

    Many are also wondering whether the PS5 Pro is solving any real problems. The current generation of consoles has been plagued by delays or underwhelming game releases, and many remakes and remasters. Sony is even porting games that were previously exclusive to consoles over to PCs in a bid to reach new audiences. This has left the PS5’s true “exclusives” library somewhat barren.

    The PS5 Pro launch was similarly absent of any blockbuster titles making use of the new hardware. Astrobot, Sony’s most recent smash-hit and likely Christmas bestseller, certainly won’t be using all that horsepower.

    Astrobot Launch Trailer.

    Regardless, there’s little doubt that the PS5 Pro will sell out at launch. Sony is probably producing fewer units of the Pro model than they did for the basic PS5, creating an artificial scarcity that will drive demand. Those who can afford it and who want the best possible gaming experience will jump at the chance to own the most powerful PlayStation console ever made.

    This all makes the PS5 Pro’s launch feel a little strange. The PS5 Pro’s technical improvements are genuinely impressive. It’s clearly aimed at the hardcore gamers who want the best possible experience, regardless of the cost –- Sony knows its audience here.

    However, the PS5 Pro is not the console that will drive mass adoption nor convince PS4 players to finally upgrade. Instead, like all things “Pro” in the tech world, it’s simply another niche, high-end option.

    And as much as I’m tempted by the promise of true 4K 60FPS console gaming, I can’t
    help but feel that this mid-generation upgrade is arriving at a time when the games
    industry has myriad more important things to address than a shiny new toy.

    Adam Jerrett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How the cost of living crisis and games industry turmoil could hurt Sony’s PlayStation 5 Pro release – https://theconversation.com/how-the-cost-of-living-crisis-and-games-industry-turmoil-could-hurt-sonys-playstation-5-pro-release-239064

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ketamine: what you need to know about the UK’s growing drug problem

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ian Hamilton, Honorary Fellow, Department of Health Sciences, University of York

    There is growing awareness of the problems caused by the use of a fast-acting drug called ketamine. Often referred to as K or ket, it was made a class B drug in the UK in 2014 and is illegal to buy or sell. Possessing the drug can lead to a maximum five-year prison sentence and supplying the drug up to 14 years in prison.

    Ketamine is an effective anaesthetic and plays an important part in battlefield and emergency medicine. It is used to treat pain in end-of-life care and could treat some forms of depression. However, it is its non-medical use that is causing concern among some doctors and specialist drug-treatment providers.

    On the illicit market, ketamine is cheaper than cocaine and MDMA (ecstasy), costing about £20 a gram. Police forces report large seizures of the drug, but global rates of production are high, and the wholesale price of a kilogram of ketamine is believed to have fallen from £8,000 to £5,000. This makes it an attractive drug for young people and those with a limited income.

    Ketamine typically takes about 15 minutes to work and induces euphoria, relaxation and a slight sense of detachment. However, with higher doses it can also cause dissociation. This can be confusing and can cause panic attacks and memory loss. It can increase blood pressure and affect breathing and heart function.

    Effects can also be fatal. The Friends actor Matthew Perry died in 2023 as a result of using the drug.

    Some urologists have also expressed concern about an increase in bladder problems (so-called “ketamine bladder”) as a result of prolonged and heavy use of the drug. Although national data about the number of people with ketamine bladder is not available, there are other sources about the use of ketamine.

    Ketamine first became popular as a recreational drug in the early 1990s. Use among people aged 16-24 in England and Wales rose from 0.9% in 2006-07 to 3.8% in 2022-23 – which is about 220,000 people.

    There has been an increase in young people attending specialist treatment services with problems related to ketamine use: 512 during 2021-22 rising to 719 in 2022-23.

    The increase is concerning as few services and interventions are available that specifically address ketamine use. An increase in people seeking treatment has not been helped by historic cuts to drug-treatment funding, which is only beginning to be addressed, and a lack of meaningful drug education and early intervention responses.

    This increase in young people seeking treatment is also seen in adults. Rising from 1,551 in 2021-22 to 2,211 during 2022-23. There has been a fivefold increase in adult treatment since 2014.

    Self-medicating

    There is a suggestion from experts that part of the increase in the use of ketamine is due to some people who have mental health problems that are unable to access treatment because of long waiting lists.

    Rather than wait for specialist treatment some people turn to drugs like ketamine that offer some reprieve from their symptoms. Ketamine can create a sense of detachment in users, this will be a desirable state for those who are seeking to escape invasive mental health symptoms of troubling thoughts and feelings.

    In effect, they are finding their own solutions by self-medicating with the drug. Given that ketamine is easily available, relatively cheap and fast-acting it is easy to see why this drug is appealing, particularly as there are no long waiting lists or invasive assessments to undergo.

    Ketamine doesn’t induce the same type of hangover that alcohol and other drugs do. This makes it appealing to those who need to be at work the day after using it. Likewise, it is appealing to those on zero-hour contracts who are asked to work at short notice.

    However, many people will use other substances alongside ketamine – typically alcohol. Mixing alcohol and ketamine can cause significant harm, ranging from slowed breathing to coma and even fatal overdose.

    Paradoxically ketamine is being investigated as a treatment for those who are dependent on alcohol, including those who haven’t responded to more traditional forms of therapy.

    As with the promise that other drugs, such as psychedelics, might help treat mental health problems, current evidence suggests that these drugs are only effective when given alongside therapy.

    It’s not clear whether the UK has reached peak ketamine use. Most drugs fall in and out of fashion. It is clear that originally banning the drug in 2005, and increasing punishments in 2014 has failed to halt its rising popularity. What could have helped was investment into prevention, education and harm reduction services, but this didn’t happen and we are seeing some of the consequences now.

    Preventing the use of ketamine is the only way to be sure that it won’t cause harm. But if we accept that young people and adults will continue to use it then we should be aiming to reduce the potential for harm. There are useful resources already available, but reducing drug-related harm requires a more active response – one that doesn’t rely on people visiting websites or reading a leaflet.

    We should put effort and resources into providing public health messaging that reaches those who are at the most risk from harm due to ketamine. At the same time, investing in and providing timely mental health support would reduce the need for those who are self-medicating with the drug.

    With a new government in the UK, commanding a sizeable majority in parliament, could this Labour government adopt a policy shift that could reduce suffering and save lives?

    Harry Sumnall receives funding from public grant awarding bodies for alcohol and other drugs research, and fees from (international) not-for-profit organisations and government departments for consultation work. He is an unpaid steering group member of the Anti-Stigma Network, an unpaid member of the Scientific Advisory Group of the International Society of Substance Use Professionals (ISSUP), an unpaid member of the Scientific Advisory Board of the Mind Foundation, an unpaid advisor to the UK Drug Education Forum, and an unpaid co-opted member of UK Government Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) Working Groups on cocaine, and prevention.

    Ian Hamilton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Ketamine: what you need to know about the UK’s growing drug problem – https://theconversation.com/ketamine-what-you-need-to-know-about-the-uks-growing-drug-problem-239412

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The seven greatest cover songs of all time – according to music experts

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Glenn Fosbraey, Associate Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Winchester

    We recently asked subscribers to our arts and culture newsletter, Something Good, to name their favourite cover song. We received a range of replies, from Beyoncé’s reimagining of the Dolly Parton classic, Jolene, to Nirvana’s MTV Unplugged recording of The Man Who Sold the World by David Bowie. Here’s how seven of our academic experts responded when we asked them the same question.

    1. Heaven, by DJ Sammy (2001)

    The late 1990s and early 2000s saw a glut of Euro-dance songs troubling the higher reaches of the UK charts, as artists like Alice Deejay, Fragma and Sash (all aliases for male DJs fronted by female guest vocalists) married heavy trance beats with catchy melodies. But above all others stood 2001’s Heaven, by DJ Sammy. A shining example of the energetic but straightforward approach to music that characterised the era, it had a generation of club-goers running for the dancefloor.

    Heaven saw Spanish producer Sammy turn a mawkish 1983 Bryan Adams track into the ultimate dance track for all seasons, complete with a relentless beat, hypnotic synth riff, and earworm-of-all-earworm choruses delivered by Dutch singer Dominique Rijpma van Hulst (stage name Do). It’s fun, unapologetically simple, yet somehow seems to encompass every emotion going. An era-defining track that needs to be played loud and proud.

    Glenn Fosbraey

    2. Me and the Devil Blues, by Gil Scott-Heron (2014)

    A great cover is more than a different version of a song – it re-articulates the track and injects it with new meaning. Some do this by radically changing the genre, others by making the song so intensely personal that it is difficult to imagine anyone else singing it. But Gil Scott-Heron’s cover of Robert Johnson’s Me and the Devil Blues (1938), on Scott-Heron’s final album, accomplishes an even rarer feat.

    It layers the pain and anguish of a modern black life lived in the heavy bootprint of the fight for civil rights, de-industrialisation and the “war on drugs”, over the legend of original singer Robert Johnson’s daring and tragic story in the Jim Crow south.

    Scott-Heron’s cover is an opaque homage that ruminates on living in the echoes of an American music legend’s ruins. It’s a reminder of the continuing horrors of racism, and the enduring artistry of resistance and resilience.

    Justin Patch

    3. Helter Skelter, by Siouxsie and the Banshees (1978)

    As a young artist from Liverpool who was newly signed to Deltasonic Records in the early 2000s, I was keen to find inspiration from artists other than our beloved Beatles. Little did I expect that much of this inspiration would circle back to Paul, John, George and Ringo when I discovered Siouxsie and the Banshees’ album The Scream (1978).

    Their cover of Helter Skelter from The Beatles’ White Album (1968) blew me away. Personally, I think this is the best cover of a Beatles song ever, performed by a woman who wasn’t afraid to take control of it.

    Eva Petersen

    4. Wild is the Wind, by David Bowie

    David Bowie frequently supplemented his original material with thematically connected cover songs. There are covers on Hunky Dory (1971), The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust (1972) and Aladdin Sane (1973). These moments are often the weakest spots on Bowie’s records – with one major exception.

    Bowie’s 1976 album Station To Station closes with his take on Wild Is The Wind, reworking Johnny Mathis’s two-minute original from 1957 into a soaring and theatrical six-minute showstopper. Bowie’s band dutifully rises to the occasion, decorating the track with elegant lead guitar work and one of the most exquisite drum performances ever committed to tape.

    Never one to underplay, Bowie gives the vocal performance of a lifetime, culminating in a soaring climax guaranteed to leave goosebumps on any listener with a pulse.

    Daniel Ash

    5. Against All Odds, by The Postal Service (2004)

    A good cover version needs to find ways to reinvent the texture and structure of the original. Beyond The Postal Service’s iconic 2003 album Give Up, the indie-tronica outfit have a tiny repertoire. For my money, their cover of Phil Collins’s Against All Odds (1984) was the only bright spot in the horrendous Josh Hartnett movie, Wicker Park (2004).

    The familiar texture and soundscape of Give Up is heard in the distant and crackly vocal, reverse delays and keyboard of the opening verse and chorus. This gives way to a middle section which is cleaner and more purposeful than the first, with a brighter tempo. A final outro section repeats the lyrical hook – “take a look at me now” – with gentle guitar bringing the song to a close.

    With this cover, The Postal Service manage to remake an emotional love ballad into a more angsty and complex work with their own musical stamp.

    Conor Caldwell

    6. Shipbuilding, by Suede

    I always tell students to look at their hero’s heroes and find the covers they chose to do. It is often the case that we discover a classic song from a cover.

    The 1995 charity album HELP featured 20 songs (many of them cover versions) by 20 artists in support of children displaced by the Bosnian War.

    Suede’s cover of Shipbuilding (written by Elvis Costello and Clive Langer in 1982) was the first version of the song I heard. Such is the power of the piece, I suspect it was not difficult to convey the message. Written during the Falklands war, it concerned the resurgence of the shipyards caused by the necessity to replace ships lost in the conflict.

    This led me to discover the definitive 1982 version sung by Robert Wyatt and featuring Costello, which has superb brushed drums and double bass. A masterpiece.

    Howard Monk

    7. Such Great Heights, by Iron and Wine

    In this cover, Sam Beam of Iron and Wine strips what could be potentially considered the calling card of The Postal Service’s small but perfectly formed oeuvre to its bare bones. Featuring nothing more than a hushed voice, gently plucked acoustic guitar and subtle flourish of mandolin, the yearning romanticism of the lyrics is endearingly exposed.

    Curiously, The Postal Service chose to include this wonderfully considered cover version as a b-side to their own single release of the song in 2003. This may have prompted its use in the divisive indie movie Garden State (2004), elevating Iron and Wine to deservedly greater heights in the process.

    Steve Ryan



    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


    Eva Petersen has previously received Arts Council funding for her research in 2019. She currently works for Liverpool Institute for Performing Arts.

    Conor Caldwell, Daniel Ash, Glenn Fosbraey, Howard Monk, Justin Patch, and Stephen Ryan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The seven greatest cover songs of all time – according to music experts – https://theconversation.com/the-seven-greatest-cover-songs-of-all-time-according-to-music-experts-235145

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Workplace wellbeing programmes often don’t work – but here’s how to make them better

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jolanta Burke, Senior Lecturer, Centre for Positive Health Sciences, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences

    Research shows wellbeing programmes often have little impact. Lucky Business/ Shutterstock

    The World Health Organization (WHO) has just published alarming statistics showing that employee mental health issues result in a US$1 trillion (£747 billion) loss in productivity each year. The WHO has called on employers to take urgent action by introducing comprehensive wellbeing programmes to tackle the escalating mental health crisis in the workplace.

    But the problem is that many workplace wellbeing programmes don’t work. A UK study which looked at 46,336 employees from 233 organisations found there was no evidence that a range of common workplace wellbeing initiatives – including mindfulness and stress management classes, one-to-one mental health coaching, wellbeing apps or volunteering work – improved employee wellbeing.

    So despite companies investing over US$60 billion annually worldwide in wellbeing programmes, they appear to make little impact.

    There are a number of reasons why these programmes don’t work – and understanding them is the only way companies will be able to make these programmes effective.

    Motivation

    Organisations often opt for easy-to-implement initiatives, such as hosting wellbeing talks or offering mindfulness or yoga classes. They then complain that employees don’t attend or don’t appreciate them.

    Many employees say they don’t attend these activities because they find them irrelevant, unhelpful or they don’t value them enough to attend – meaning their workplace has failed in identifying their needs.

    Understanding what motivates people to participate in wellbeing programmes is crucial in improving its effectiveness. For example, one survey found employees were more interested in learning about healthy lifestyles than having a discussion about stress management. Although not directly related to mental wellbeing, prioritising these kinds of talks would have a greater effect on improving wellbeing in the end.

    Content matters

    Wellbeing programmes tend to be more effective for people whose wellbeing is average or below average. So when people with high levels of wellbeing participate in such programmes, they often see little benefit. This can make it appear the programme isn’t effective – when in reality, it still is for those who need it most.

    This is why it’s so important to determine what type of help employees need most when designing wellbeing programmes.

    For employees who aren’t experiencing poor mental health, a programme that primarily addresses depression or anxiety may be less effective as they’re probably already practising many of the strategies such programmes would discuss. But if the wellbeing programme goes beyond reducing symptoms and focuses on promoting flourishing, meaning and purpose in life, it could provide value to a broader audience.

    This is where a programme designed by an expert in positive psychology would be beneficial in workplaces. Positive psychology is the science of wellbeing. It focuses on building on the positive aspects of life that make life worth living – rather than solely addressing symptoms of mental ill health which only affect 10-20% of the population.But positive psychology measures still have a positive impact on those who experience mental health issues at the same time. They include such activities as identifying and using your character strengths at work, re-thinking your past events positively, learning optimism or practising gratitude.

    The content of workplace wellbeing programmes is crucial. Avoiding generic self-help approaches will enhance their overall impact.

    Everyone is different

    Factors such as whether or not an employee enjoys a specific wellbeing activity or programme, whether they believe that wellbeing can be changed or their level of distress when starting a programme can all affect whether or not workplace wellbeing initiatives work.

    Even a person’s genetics can significantly affect whether such programmes have any impact. Research shows that people who have a higher genetic predisposition towards change are more likely to benefit disproportionately from these programmes – and their positive effect tends to last longer.

    All of these factors should be carefully considered when designing a workplace wellbeing programme. And given how difficult this will make it to design one that’s effective, it’s important employee wellbeing programmes are actually developed by experts in the field – not consultants who lack in-depth knowledge of psychology.

    Implementation

    The way a wellbeing programme is implemented is just as important as its content – though this aspect is often overlooked by wellbeing consultants.

    For instance, overusing gratitude exercises can lead to disengagement from a programme. Similarly, offering too many wellbeing activity options can overwhelm participants and result in them discontinuing the programme.

    To maximise the impact a wellbeing programme has in the workplace requires careful attention not only to the content but also how it’s implemented.

    There are many nuances involved in designing a workplace wellbeing programme. Employers must ensure the programmes they offer not only promote wellbeing but also avoid causing unintended harm to others in the process. Consulting experts who know the nuances of psychology and of wellbeing programmes is key, as they will ensure programmes will be effective and helpful. Programmes that combine positive psychology and lifestyle medicine (which focus on helping people improve their health and fitness) may be particularly beneficial in workplaces.

    Jolanta Burke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Workplace wellbeing programmes often don’t work – but here’s how to make them better – https://theconversation.com/workplace-wellbeing-programmes-often-dont-work-but-heres-how-to-make-them-better-239040

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ethiopia’s grand plans for Addis Ababa: 4 essential reads on the social cost of transforming an African city

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Kagure Gacheche, Commissioning Editor, East Africa

    Ethiopia’s capital city is undergoing a transformation. Addis Ababa is being redeveloped as part of Ethiopia’s broader economic ambitions. Mega road projects, ambitious housing developments and infrastructural changes, all aimed at modernising one of Africa’s fastest-growing cities, are shaping its facade.

    Over the past three decades, Addis Ababa has expanded in area and population. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s rise to power in 2018 accelerated the city’s transformation.

    But the promise of a shiny, new Addis Ababa comes with social costs. Many of the city’s residents, including marginalised communities and those living in informal settlements, have lost homes and social bonds. So, will Addis Ababa’s evolution serve its estimated 4 million inhabitants?

    At The Conversation Africa, we have worked with academics whose research seeks to answer this question. Here we share some essential reads on Abiy’s gentrification plans.

    The challenges

    Demolitions have become a common sight in Addis Ababa as the government pushes forward with plans to modernise the city. These plans are aimed at bringing foreign private capital into the country. However, to make this a reality, whole neighbourhoods have been levelled to make way for roads, high-rise buildings and modern housing complexes. Homes and livelihoods are being destroyed. Fikir Getaneh Haile has studied the impact of Addis Ababa’s urban renewal on residents. She suggests that policymakers should make sure the voices of affected communities are heard.




    Read more:
    Demolitions in Ethiopia are giving rise to a new Addis Ababa – it comes at the expense of the city’s residents


    As it is, when bulldozers arrive in neighbourhoods, residents are left with little recourse and forced to rebuild their lives elsewhere. The destruction of these communities is not only material. There is a deep social cost. Neighbours who relied on each other are separated. The government is making efforts to relocate people to new housing projects, but houses are allocated by lottery. This is dismantling social networks. Further, with state housing developments located away from the city centre where jobs are concentrated, people are spending more time travelling to and from work, and less on building relationships with neighbours. Hone Mandefro’s research explains what happens when urbanisation plans disrupt the community ties that residents rely on for support and stability.




    Read more:
    Ethiopia has one of Africa’s most ambitious housing policies – but the lottery-based system is pulling communities apart


    Political elites are driving Addis Ababa’s physical transformation. This has led to top-down planning that excludes the voices of the majority. Ezana Weldeghebrael explains that the state’s focus on aesthetics, with features like skyscrapers, shopping malls and luxury housing complexes, fails to address the needs of the 80% of the city’s residents who live in dilapidated housing. This is widening the gap between the wealthier parts of the city and the poorer neighbourhoods. For the most vulnerable residents, the megaprojects represent yet another layer of exclusion. The city’s gentrification is creating pockets of prosperity surrounded by areas of deep poverty.




    Read more:
    Addis Ababa yet to meet the needs of residents: what has to change


    What needs to change

    Addis Ababa’s redevelopment must create a more inclusive and equitable city. Biruk Terrefe explains that this requires a shift in focus from large-scale megaprojects to more localised, community-centred development that takes into account the social and economic realities of the city’s population. Resources and investments should be distributed more equitably across the city so that all residents, regardless of their income level, have access to basic services and infrastructure.




    Read more:
    Megaprojects in Addis Ababa raise questions about spatial justice


    Ultimately, Addis Ababa’s transformation presents an opportunity to build a city that works for everyone. This requires a more inclusive approach that centres the needs and voices of its residents.

    ref. Ethiopia’s grand plans for Addis Ababa: 4 essential reads on the social cost of transforming an African city – https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-grand-plans-for-addis-ababa-4-essential-reads-on-the-social-cost-of-transforming-an-african-city-239703

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The boomer generation hit the economic jackpot. Young people will inherit their massive debts

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Renaud Foucart, Senior Lecturer in Economics, Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster University

    GoodIdeas/Shutterstock

    Young people in Britain could be forgiven for despairing at the financial pressures they face – and feeling that previous generations enjoyed a much fairer economic environment. Then just to add to their worries about home ownership and a precarious jobs market, along comes the gloomy announcement that the UK’s public debt is now 100% of GDP.

    That debt burden will have to be carried by tax-payers for decades to come. Paying the interest – just the interest – of the country’s debt currently accounts for around 7.3% of public spending. That’s more than what is spent on defence (4.8%) or transport (3.8%).

    And while some of what’s left will go to towards essential future public services, it will also go towards fixing problems caused by a historic lack of public investment (less money being spent by previous generations) in water, railways and other crucial infrastructure.

    In fact, in the 1980s much of that infrastructure was used by the UK government to help finance itself, with assets including British Gas sold off at a bargain price. Those baby boomers and older generations who could afford to buy shares often made a decent profit.

    There are other kinds of costs that today’s younger generations have had to bear too. During COVID lockdowns, universities and schools were closed as the young were forced to stay at home, predominantly to protect the elderly. They have lost the freedom to live and work in the EU after 60% of retired people voted for Brexit, while most young people voted against. Leaving Europe has also made the UK less well-off.

    But not everyone is poorer. In the last 20 years, the average income of pensioners has increased on average by more than 50%, while that of working-age adults has risen by less than 10%. The median income of pensioner households is now higher after housing costs than that of households with children.

    Most of the country’s wealth is now in the hands of older people. In 2018, one in four people aged over 65 was living in a household with a total wealth of over a £1 million pounds. Poverty rates of pensioners are now lower than for the rest of the population.

    Yet pensioners receive all sorts of unconditional discounts and benefits, such as free or discounted public transport. Their income is exempt from national insurance contributions, and there is a triple-lock on state pensions, which is guaranteed to grow faster than work income.

    Until recently, the winter fuel allowance meant that anyone born in 1944 or before received £300 (reduced to £200 for younger pensioners).

    Boomer and bust?

    While there is mild popular support for limiting the fuel allowance to poorer pensioners, the question of recouping money from older people remains highly sensitive. (Back in 2017, the then prime minister Theresa May had to quickly U-turn when she suggested using pensioners’ wealth to finance the rising cost of care.)

    One reason for this reluctance to prise money from older people may be that while most pensioners are doing better (compared to the working population) this is not true of the poorest ones. Also, some pensioners do not claim the benefits they are entitled to, and the last thing a civilised society wants is to let its older people freeze.

    ‘Loser has to pay off the national debt.’
    fizkes/Shutterstock

    But the apparent economic divide raises a broader question about inter-generational justice. What does one generation owe the generations that follow?

    And it’s not just about money. Global warming is another thing older people have not spent most of their lives having to pay for, with the burden for repairing environmental damage again falling mostly on the young.

    Perhaps a fair philosophical approach would be that it’s OK to leave certain costs to be paid in the future if the next generation can generally expect to live longer and in better health, with more consumer choice and comfort, and an improved quality of life.

    But this does not seem to be the expectation right now. Incomes have stalled, and so has life expectancy, while housing prices have not been so expensive relative to earnings since the 19th century.

    In that sense, many people, however old they are, would probably sympathise with young people today. And they may even argue that it’s time for the government to focus on policies that explicitly benefit the young – like house building, different forms of taxation or subjecting pension income to national insurance.

    There could also be a change in fiscal rules to allow for more investment in national infrastructure, higher taxes on fossil fuels to pay for the energy transition, or sharing the cost of funding higher education more evenly among all graduates, regardless of when they got their degree.

    Such changes would provide a dramatic shift towards an economic system which seeks to redistribute wealth not just among citizens – but between the generations.

    Renaud Foucart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The boomer generation hit the economic jackpot. Young people will inherit their massive debts – https://theconversation.com/the-boomer-generation-hit-the-economic-jackpot-young-people-will-inherit-their-massive-debts-238908

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: South Africa has a good childhood vaccination system – what’s stopping it from being great

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Susan Goldstein, Associate Professor in the SAMRC Centre for Health Economics and Decision Science – PRICELESS SA (Priority Cost Effective Lessons in Systems Strengthening South Africa), University of the Witwatersrand

    The two public health interventions that have had the greatest impact on the world’s health are clean water and vaccines. Professors Susan Goldstein and Haroon Saloojee assess South Africa’s child vaccination programme.

    Why are childhood vaccinations so important? What are some essential ones?

    A recent study published in The Lancet estimated that since 1974, 154 million lives have been saved by immunisation, most of them children.

    A 2016 study of low- and middle-income countries found that for every dollar invested in vaccines, the return on investment was estimated to be US$44, considering broader social and economic benefits.

    Childhood vaccines are most effective when they are administered to children at the right age, and with the recommended dosage, as children are susceptible to certain diseases at certain ages.

    As an example, polio occurs most frequently in children below the age of five. Five doses of polio vaccinations are recommended, starting at birth.

    As the most contagious and fast-moving of the vaccine-preventable diseases, measles is often described as the “canary in the coalmine”: a warning of other disease outbreaks that might spring up where there are gaps in vaccination coverage.

    How does South Africa fare?

    A case study done in 2011/2012 found South Africa spent US$131 million on basic child vaccine procurement, less than 1%-1.5% of public health expenditure and comparable to Latin American countries known for early vaccine adoption. In 2023 new vaccines were included in the routine Expanded Programme on Immunisation to the value of US$194 million.

    We do spend appropriately on vaccines.

    South Africa has an excellent immunisation schedule with protection offered against 11 diseases.

    According to the District Health Barometer, national coverage for children under one year was 82.2% in 2022/3.

    In 2019, a national household immunisation survey, the first such survey done in two decades, provided the most detailed picture of South Africa’s vaccination programme that we have. The survey screened almost 2 million households and found 84% of babies had received all their shots by the time they turned one.

    Although these rates may seem good, they fall short of the 90% target set by the United Nations. They are also lower than in several other sub-Saharan countries, as this graph shows.

    A greater concern, however, is the disparity at the district level. For instance, Sekhukhune in Limpopo province had a coverage rate of just 53%, meaning almost one in two children were not fully immunised. Ten other districts had coverage rates below 75%, meaning that at least a quarter of the children were not fully protected.

    What is preventing the country from achieving the 90% target?

    In the national survey the main reasons for children not being fully immunised were related to the health service:

    • the vaccine was out of stock (29%)

    • the child was ill and not offered a vaccine (12%)

    • caregivers did not know that the child was due for immunisation (19%)

    • the caregiver forgot that the child had a scheduled immunisation visit (6%)

    • there was no-one to take the child to the clinic (9%).

    Other factors include:

    • negative interactions with healthcare workers – these can deter caregivers from taking children for their vaccines

    • waiting times

    • the dynamics within families – for example, adolescent mothers and elderly caregivers might have difficulty getting children to clinics.

    Vaccine refusal by parents for religious or other reasons existed, but this was infrequent (3%).

    What needs to be done?

    To protect children better, Unicef’s Immunization Agenda 2030 recommends a “people-centred” approach:

    • ensuring all healthcare workers are skilled at administering inoculations, and not missing opportunities to vaccinate a child whenever they visit a health service

    • avoiding vaccine shortages by electronically linking central pharmacies to facilities

    • listening to communities to understand their attitudes towards vaccines and their experiences with health workers at clinics, both good and bad.

    In South Africa districts with low coverage warrant special attention, such as increasing access to immunisation services. This could mean opening clinics on weekends or evenings so that working parents could bring their children to be vaccinated.

    Vaccinations are the safest method to protect children from life-threatening diseases. We need to ensure that every child gets them.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. South Africa has a good childhood vaccination system – what’s stopping it from being great – https://theconversation.com/south-africa-has-a-good-childhood-vaccination-system-whats-stopping-it-from-being-great-237336

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Are you a Destiel stan? There’s so much more to ‘shipping’ than wanting characters to kiss

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Effie Sapuridis, PhD Candidate in Media Studies, Western University

    Castiel, played by Misha Collins, and Dean Winchester, played by Jensen Ackles, in an episode of ‘Supernatural.’ Destiel is the slash ship between the two characters. (Apple TV)

    In 1993, X-Files fans began using the term “relationshippers” to describe fans who were invested in a romantic relationship between the two leads, Fox Mulder and Dana Scully.

    Although the practice of pairing two characters together had existed in fandom for a while, this is recognized as the first use of the term. By the late 1990s, “relationshipper” had been shortened to “shipper” and was being used in other major media fandoms as well.

    A ship refers to a romantic pairing between two or more characters, and is often a pairing that doesn’t actively exist in the original story. To “ship” a pairing is to support and enjoy the idea of that specific relationship.

    Top 11 Smulder moments from the X-Files YouTube channel.

    In the early 2000s, ships were often assigned nautical names, but now they are commonly portmanteaus of the two characters being paired — like Drarry, for Harry Potter and Draco Malfoy, or Spuffy for Buffy Summers and Spike.

    Many people can relate to seeing two characters interact and thinking, “they’d make a great couple!” But why do we become so invested in these relationships? And what makes some characters more shippable than others?


    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:


    Why we become invested

    Shipping has become a massive part of fan culture. Even when writers and media producers don’t explicitly pair up characters, fans will fill the gaps, creating their own versions and interpretations.

    Fans often become deeply invested in fictional couples because they empathize with and feel connected to the characters.

    Well-developed characters evoke emotional responses in audiences, similar to the connections we forge with others in real life, especially when we’ve spent a lot of time engaging with the media. The characters become like friends on the screen or page — we become invested in their relationships and growth.

    This connection grows even more when characters are placed in relatable situations, such as navigating a breakup or unrequited love. When we can put ourselves in the shoes of the character, we become more invested in their story. Fans connect with characters, and then yearn for their happiness because it feels connected to their own happiness.

    It becomes more than just a story; instead, shipping the characters becomes a way for fans to explore their own emotions.

    The slow burn effect

    In recent decades, media producers and writers have leaned heavily into “will they or won’t they” relationships. These situations, much like a cliffhanger, keep audiences emotionally invested and engaged with the relationship.

    The anticipation keeps viewers coming back for more, waiting for the romantic payoff, even in cases when they know it will never happen. The tension built between characters and the feeling of an unresolved romantic narrative — whether intentional or not — heightens fan interest and engagement in shipping.

    Shipping also allows fans to project their own desires and fantasies onto a character. We all have our ideal meet-cutes and daydreams about meeting “our person” and what that connection would be like.

    Aziraphale, played by Michael Sheen, and Crowley, played by David Tennant, in an episode of ‘Good Omens.’ Ineffable Husbands is the ship name of these two characters.
    (Amazon Prime)

    So, when we encounter a character who feels relatable, or who feels like “our person,” shipping allows us to explore those daydreams without any of the actual risks of complications involved in real life relationships. In many ways, the act of shipping is an exercise in emotional fulfillment for the fan.

    In 2019, the podcast Fansplaining found that fans had strong feelings about the emotional intensity they felt when shipping. Fan studies scholars have also turned to this question often; Brit Kelley’s recent monograph Loving Fanfiction comes to mind as a prime example of a deep dive into affect and emotion in fanfiction and, of course, shipping.

    What makes characters shippable?

    Some characters naturally have a spark that draw fans to them — whether it’s through witty banter, emotional vulnerability, opposites-attract tension or the fact that there’s only one bed. When characters have great chemistry, fans can’t help but see the potential for something deeper.

    This is especially true when a character’s arc involves personal or emotional growth, as we are eager to imagine a happy ending for characters who are evolving. Combine this growth with the tension of a “will they or won’t they” relationship — a classic of the 90s and 2000s sitcom, think Rachel and Ross from Friends, or Ted and Robin from How I Met Your Mother — and you’ve got the perfect recipe for a beloved ship.

    In fact, a common shipping trope is the slow burn where the romance builds excruciatingly slowly. These types of relationships keep fans hooked because the development is gradual, and subtle. On-screen couples like Jess and Nick from New Girl and Jake Peralta and Amy Santiago from Brooklyn Nine-Nine are prime examples of this.

    Jake Proposes to Amy on Brooklyn Nine-Nine.

    Fans experience the full gamut of the emotional journey with these characters and, should then tension break and romance bloom, the pay-off is incredibly satisfying.

    If the relationships don’t come to pass, fans often turn to fanfiction — stories written by and for fans — to explore the potential of that ship more fully, with platforms like Archive of Our Own providing a space for these creative explorations.

    Pushing for diversity in media

    Fans are often drawn to relationships and characters that challenge the dominant ideologies and norms seen in media. Some of the most popular ships involve queer pairings — a trend that dates back, at least, to early days of media fandom with Spirk (Spock/Kirk) fanfiction.

    Some of today’s most popular queer ships include Aziraphale/Crowley from Good Omens, Dean Winchester/Castiel from Supernatural, Villanelle/Eve from Killing Eve and Hannibal Lecter and Will Graham from Hannibal.

    Such relationships can provide a sense of representation that’s often lacking in mainstream media, allowing fans to see themselves in the stories they love. In this way, shipping can serve as a form of advocacy, pushing for greater diversity and inclusivity in media.

    Shipping is about more than wanting characters to kiss — it’s an emotionally charged experience that culminates from empathy, narrative tension, personal fantasies and desires. For fans, these fictional relationships can feel as real as any in our own lives, and that’s why we keep coming back for more.

    Effie Sapuridis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Are you a Destiel stan? There’s so much more to ‘shipping’ than wanting characters to kiss – https://theconversation.com/are-you-a-destiel-stan-theres-so-much-more-to-shipping-than-wanting-characters-to-kiss-238394

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How the ‘New Right’ in Latin America differs from other emerging far-right movements

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Juan Manuel Morales, PhD Candidate, Political Science, Université de Montréal

    Following the end of the progressive wave of the 2000s and 2010s in Latin America, the right has reinvented itself and regained political space.

    There is the self-styled libertarianism of Javier Milei in Argentina, the protests against leftist president Gustavo Petro in Colombia and the increasingly authoritarian government of Nayib Bukele in El Salvador.

    There’s also a plethora of influencers and media personalities that vociferously defend conservative positions in the region.

    “New Right” candidates are running in municipal elections in Chile and general elections in Uruguay in October.

    What is the New Right?

    Research defines the New Right as “a diverse set of individuals and organizations aiming to maintain societal hierarchies that are perceived as traditional or natural.”

    Whereas the traditional right often showed no interest in democracy and was more concerned with economic issues and fighting communism, the new right uses the tools of democracy to obtain power and govern, and focuses more on cultural issues.

    Chief among these issues is the control of sexuality and gender, which differentiates the new Latin American right from its western counterparts, which are prioritizing the issue of migration.




    Read more:
    Why the ideology of the ‘New Right’ is so dangerous


    The issues

    Researchers have observed the focus on sexuality in the new Latin American right. While conducting field work last year in Colombia with right-wing activists, it became clear to me that groups as diverse as economic libertarians, evangelical anti-abortionists and security hardliners with military backgrounds shared a desire to control the sexuality of others.

    Earlier this year, El Salvador’s Bukele ordered gender-related content removed from the public education system. Argentina’s Milei routinely attacks women’s reproductive rights, and the Peruvian government defined transgender identities as a “mental health problem.”

    These varied efforts seek to maintain heterosexual and binary gender models at the top of the social hierarchy, while people with diverse identities are marginalized. These authoritarian tendencies are aligned with another of the new right’s favourite issues: a tough-on-crime approach to security.

    Bukele has become an inspiration on this matter.




    Read more:
    ‘Bukelism,’ El Salvador’s flawed approach to gang violence, is no silver bullet for Ecuador


    The Argentine and Ecuadorian governments have expressed an interest in building Bukele-style mega-prisons to curb crime.

    Likewise, politicians in different countries market themselves as the local Bukele to win votes.

    Sexuality, crime

    Except for a few countries, migration is not a particularly relevant issue for adherents of the New Right in Latin America.

    This is not due to a lack of migration. More than six million Venezuelans have migrated to other countries in the region as of 2023; several Latin American countries are transit points for migrants trying to reach the United States; internal migration and forced displacement are an ongoing issue for some countries.

    Nevertheless, anti-migrant and nativist views are not commonplace. There is, however, an effort by the New Right to preserve white and white/mixed-race populations as well as western Christian values at the top of the social hierarchy — to the detriment of Latin America’s Indigenous and Black communities.

    The strategies

    The traditional right in Latin America resorted to coups d’état and military dictatorships as part of its repertoire of action. This happened in particular before the 1990s, but it’s also occurred in the last three decades.

    Conversely, the New Right prefers to leverage the tools of democracy to erode the democratic system from within and prolong its grip on power.

    New Right figures now become leaders by winning elections. But once in office, they often try to concentrate power in the executive branch by undermining the separation of powers.

    Bukele, for example, controls the legislative and judicial branches in El Salvador. Jair Bolsonaro took a similar path in Brazil but was ultimately thwarted by the victory of leftist Lula da Silva in 2022.

    The New Right has also become adept at using judicial activism to advance its agenda and curtail the rights of marginalized citizens.

    Grassroots organizing and social activism — tactics traditionally associated with the left — are now part of the New Right’s playbook in Latin America. Social movements were instrumental in the fall of Brazil’s Dilma Roussef and the subsequent 2018 victory of Bolsonaro.

    Right-wing social movement entities have systematically taken to the streets in Colombia to protest the leftist government.

    Evangelical churches have also taken on a more visible role within the New Right, disputing the traditional leadership of the Catholic Church among conservatives. While evangelicals have long been an important electoral force in places like Brazil, they have had more mixed results in other countries.

    Future implications

    The New Right continues to influence the public debate and society at large in Latin America through street and social media activism, as well as institutional politics.

    In 2025, the New Right could make further electoral gains in countries like Chile and Ecuador.

    Because many existing New Right governments regularly undermine democracy and the rights of marginalized communities, it’s important to better understand their strategies and priorities — particularly in a region marred by exclusion and inequality.

    Juan Manuel Morales does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How the ‘New Right’ in Latin America differs from other emerging far-right movements – https://theconversation.com/how-the-new-right-in-latin-america-differs-from-other-emerging-far-right-movements-239267

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why do we yawn when we see someone else yawn?

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Astrid Thébault Guiochon, Ingénieure et Enseignante, Université Lumière Lyon 2

    After a hearty lunch at work, you and your co-workers go into a meeting. First one colleague starts to yawn, then a second and finally it’s your turn. Many biological explanations have been put forward for this, but what is the scientific consensus?


    Yawning is a universal phenomenon, observed in many vertebrate species, from wolves to parrots, and, of course, humans, from a very early age. But why do we tend to yawn when we see someone else doing it?

    The reason why yawning has been present in so many species for so long is that it seems to be a necessary survival mechanism. But what is its real purpose? Whether it’s to oxygenate the brain, regulate body temperature or provide a social signal, there is no shortage of hypotheses, both among the general public and in the scientific community.

    The widespread idea that yawning increases oxygenation of the brain has not been confirmed. Another explanation suggests that yawning helps maintain attention. Again, there is no consensus on this either.

    What seems more certain is the link between yawning and circadian rhythm, our biological clock. The majority of yawns occur at rest, generally concentrated around the phases of waking and falling asleep. More precisely, they occur when the body is less alert, as when it’s working to digest a meal.

    A means of communication?

    Although the reasons behind yawning have yet to be confirmed, it’s “contagious” nature is generating significant discoveries in various disciplines, both in biology and social psychology.

    Yawning could play an important role in social interactions, as observed in ostriches, which use it to synchronise group behaviour. As in humans, they often yawn when they shift from waking to resting, or vice versa. Yawning can then serve as a signal indicating a change in activity or alertness, ensuring that all members of the group are alert or at rest at the same time, increasing collective safety and maintaining the group’s rhythm.

    However, the contagion of the yawn seems to be a predominantly human characteristic, with a few exceptions, such as chimpanzees or the lion monkey. This specificity reinforces the idea that human yawning, over and above its purely physiological functions, is a means of non-verbal communication. The main hypothesis is that yawning helps to synchronise group behaviour, a function similar to that observed in ostriches.

    Indeed, seeing or hearing someone yawn stimulates brain regions involved in imitation and empathy, thanks in particular to mirror neurons. These neurons are activated by observing actions – for example when a child follows his parent’s movements to tie her or his shoes. However, certain areas of the brain specifically involved in contagious yawning are part of neural networks linked to empathy and social interaction.

    A predisposition to contagious yawning?

    Empathy appears to play a key role in susceptibility to contagious yawning. Individuals with social disorders, such as autism or schizophrenia, seem less receptive to picking up yawning from others. Research even shows that external factors such as breathing and body temperature could respectively reduce and increase contagious yawning.

    This observation reinforces the idea that the perception of contagion may be exaggerated, partly because studies often involve observing individuals in groups. This dynamic could influence the observed frequency of yawning, suggesting that it is not necessarily seeing someone yawn that triggers the reaction, but rather the presence and interactions within the group.

    So if you find yourself yawning when your colleague yawns after lunch, it may well be that it’s not his or her yawning that’s influencing you. Instead, it could simply be the shared context – in this case, having eaten well together – that provokes this synchronised reaction.

    Astrid Thébault Guiochon ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    ref. Why do we yawn when we see someone else yawn? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-we-yawn-when-we-see-someone-else-yawn-239762

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine war: Vladimir Putin ups the ante on his nuclear blackmail – the big question is how the west will respond

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christoph Bluth, Professor of International Relations and Security, University of Bradford

    Vladimir Putin has announced what appears to be a dramatic strengthening of Russia’s nuclear doctrine. The Russian president was responding to speculation that the west may relax its restrictions on Ukraine’s use of its weapons to attack targets inside Russia.

    He told his security council that Russia would consider using nuclear weapons if it was attacked by any state with conventional weapons. The trigger for the launch of nuclear missiles against Ukraine or any of its allies, he said, would be “reliable information about a massive launch of aerospace attack means and their crossing of our state border”.

    Whether this will affect the thinking of Ukraine’s western allies about the use of its long-range missiles has yet to be seen. But one of the major features of the public discourse about the Ukraine war has been the risk of the use of nuclear weapons.

    Nuclear threats have been a standard tactic for the Russian leadership. Whenever Ukraine receives new weapons from the west or is allowed to use western arms to target Russian territory Moscow has responded by either referring to the devastation it could wreak with its nuclear arsenal or by holding a drill to remind the west of its existence.

    But there have recently been reports of a growing realisation among Putin’s close advisers that these threats are beginning to wear thin, as one after another of Moscow’s “red lines” are ignored.

    Nevertheless, despite providing Ukraine with the most advanced air defence systems and offensive missiles that could strike targets deep within Russia – and perhaps even influence the course of the war – Nato countries are maintaining a strict limit on their use. It’s an indication that despite scepticism about Putin’s willingness to use nuclear weapons, deterrence remains robust – in western minds anyway.

    Nuclear deterrence is based on the threat to inflict “unacceptable damage” on an enemy. It is credible only if the adversary believes that the threat is accompanied by the capability and will to follow through.

    Nuclear powers have generally conducted nuclear messaging by publicising guidelines for the use of their arsenals. Nato’s current strategic concept was adopted by heads of state and government at the alliance’s summit in Madrid in June 2022. It states: “The circumstances in which Nato might have to use nuclear weapons are extremely remote.”

    But the document stresses that if nuclear weapons were used against any Nato member state it would “fundamentally alter” any conflict in which Nato was engaged. It goes on to warn that: “The Alliance has the capabilities and resolve to impose costs on an adversary that would be unacceptable and far outweigh the benefits that any adversary could hope to achieve.”

    Russia, meanwhile, is reportedly updating its nuclear doctrine in response to what it says is “western escalation” in the war in Ukraine. The current doctrine, established by a decree in 2020, says Russia can use nuclear weapons to respond to a nuclear attack by an enemy, or to a conventional attack that “threatens the existence of the state”.

    The latest statement by Putin is apparently the “draft” of a reworked nuclear doctrine. It certainly appears to lower the bar on resorting to the use of nuclear weapons.

    Sabre rattling

    The Russian leader made his first overt threat to use nuclear weapons in the conflict in Ukraine in September 2022. He was overseeing the annexation of four occupied Ukrainian provinces after hastily arranged plebiscites, which were generally regarded in the west as being rigged.

    He stated that “the US is the only country in the world that twice used nuclear weapons, destroying the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Incidentally, they created a precedent.”

    He went on to assert that during the second world war the US and Britain had deliberately bombed several German cities to rubble. This, he insisted, had the “sole goal, just like in the case of nuclear bombardments in Japan, to scare our country and the entire world”.

    But CIA director William Burns recently said the west should not take Putin’s threats seriously: “Putin’s a bully. He’s going to continue to sabre rattle from time to time.”

    CIA director Wiliam Burns and MI6 chief Richatrd Moore in conversation at an FT conference, September 2024.

    Burns told a festival organised by the Financial Times on September 7 that: “There was a moment in the fall of 2022 when I think there was a genuine risk of potential use of tactical nuclear weapons … I never thought … we should be unnecessarily intimidated by that.”

    He said he had subsequently passed on a message from US president Joe Biden to Sergey Naryshkin, the head of the Russian foreign intelligence service at a meeting in Turkey in November 2022 “to make very clear what the consequences of that kind of escalation would be”.

    US satellite networks and other intelligence sources have shown no evidence of any preparations for the employment of nuclear weapons. This is despite Russian claims that the alert status of Russian forces has been raised.

    But Putin’s proxies have been busily putting out propaganda messages to reinforce their leader’s threats. According to the Washington Post, Alexander Mikhailov, the director of the Bureau of Military Political Analysis, recently called for Russia to bomb plywood mock-ups of London and Washington to simulate a nuclear attack, so that that would “burn so beautifully that it will horrify the world”.

    The speaker of the lower house, Vyacheslav Volodin, warned that strikes on Russia would lead to war with nuclear weapons and warned that the European parliament in Strasbourg was only a three-minute flight for a Russian nuclear missile.

    So far Putin’s threats have been sufficient to limit the scope of western involvement. Whether the Russian president’s latest threat will be effective is now the question.

    Christoph Bluth received funding from the Volkswagen Stiftung and the AHRC

    ref. Ukraine war: Vladimir Putin ups the ante on his nuclear blackmail – the big question is how the west will respond – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-vladimir-putin-ups-the-ante-on-his-nuclear-blackmail-the-big-question-is-how-the-west-will-respond-239660

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine war: Zelensky’s pleas for help are getting drowned out in the clamour from the Middle East

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

    While Russia continues its nuclear sabre rattling, with renewed threats to use its arsenal if attacked, fighting on the frontlines in Ukraine and in Russia’s Kursk region remains intense. But the diplomatic centre of gravity of the war recently shifted to New York and Washington.

    Discussions at the UN and meetings scheduled between the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, the US president Joe Biden and vice-president Kamala Harris are by no means unimportant for the outcomes of the conflict. But it is unlikely that they will constitute the pivotal moment in accelerating the pace towards a Ukrainian victory that Zelensky might envisage.

    At meetings at the UN general assembly and security council, Zelensky appealed to world leaders to support his country and force Russia to make peace with Ukraine. His vision to achieve this is via a second global peace summit. This time he wants Russia to participate after the first effort in Switzerland in June achieved very little.




    Read more:
    Ukraine summit fails to provide a path to peace for Kyiv and its allies


    But with Zelensky continuing to push his ten-point peace plan and Putin insisting on Ukraine recognising Russia’s annexation of Crimea and four regions on the mainland, the two sides are as far apart as ever. So prospects of any meaningful negotiations virtually non-existent.

    This has not deterred Zelensky from promoting to Ukraine’s allies what he is calling his “victory plan”.

    The plan “envisages quick and concrete steps by our strategic partners … from now until the end of December”. These concrete steps are likely to include more western military support and the permission to use longer-range western weapons against targets deeper inside Russia.

    This latter point is something on which the western alliance is divided – and the US sceptical on its strategic value. Putin’s insistence that Russia will respond by using its nuclear arsenal if it detects any western missiles crossing its border will have added to this uncertainty.

    Even if more decisive western support were suddenly forthcoming, it is unlikely that it would offset other disadvantages that Ukraine and its allies are facing on the battlefield and beyond. Russia has consolidated its alliances with Iran, North Korea and China. All of these countries have supplied mission-critical ammunition and equipment that has enabled the Kremlin to sustain its war effort in Ukraine.

    Russia, so far, has also maintained its advantage in numbers. It appears to be determined to push this even harder following Putin’s order to increase the number of combat troops of the Russian army by another 180,000 soldiers.

    Meanwhile, a relentless Russian air campaign against Ukrainian infrastructure has also caused lasting damage, especially to the country’s energy supply network. This is likely to have a particularly adverse effect on Ukraine’s civilian population. It is likely to seriously dent morale during the coming winter.

    Other plans (and priorities)

    As discussions at the UN this week have underlined, there is also some diplomatic momentum building up behind a joint proposal by Brazil and China that was initially launched in May. Brazil’s president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, pushed the plan during his speech at the UN general assembly on September 24, as did China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi.

    Like previous proposals from China and Brazil individually, as well as from Indonesia, a group of African states and Saudi Arabia, the joint Brazilian-Chinese plan calls for a ceasefire along the current frontlines. Negotiations would then follow.

    Ukraine fears, rightly, that this would entrench the status quo and effectively amount to Kyiv giving up territory illegally annexed by Russia. It would not guarantee any fruitful negotiations but give Russia time and space to regroup and rebuild its armed forces for a likely future escalation. None of this is acceptable to Ukraine and its allies as Zelensky made clear in his speech at the UN.

    Volodymr Zelensky criticises the Brazil-China plan at the UN general assembly.

    China’s previous effort to promote this joint initiative with Brazil just before the peace summit in Switzerland last June, did not go very far. It may not go much further this time either.

    But attention and resources are now much more focused on the Middle East and – to a lesser extent – the civil war in Sudan. So the very fact of this plan’s resurrection may be enough for Russia and its allies to prevent the rest of the world from uniting behind the western-backed Ukrainian proposal for a second global peace summit.

    This is clearly a concern for Ukraine. Zelensky, with a clear eye on countries in the global south, not only rejected the proposal but also argued that forcing Ukraine to make territorial concessions to Russia would be akin to reimposing a version of the brutal colonial past of the Soviet era on his country.

    Will Zelensky be Trumped in November?

    While the stars are thus hardly aligning in Ukraine’s favour at the UN in New York, things did not go much better as far as US domestic politics is concerned ahead of presidential elections in November. Questioning whether Donald Trump really has a credible plan to end the war, Zelensky triggered the notoriously short-fused Republican contender into lashing out at him at campaign rallies.

    Donald Trump takes aim at Volodymr Zelensky.

    Trump is both accusing Zelensky of refusing to make a deal and expressing doubts about Ukraine’s ability to win the war. Meanwhile, a recent opinion piece penned by Robert F. Kennedy Jnr and Donald Trump Jnr for The Hill, an influential political newspaper, urges that Ukraine be pushed to make a deal with Russia to prevent nuclear escalation.

    And Trump’s running-mate J.D. Vance has made clear his opposition to the US continuing to supply aid to Ukraine if elected in November. So it’s pretty clear that there is a very real prospect that Washington may soon cease to be Kyiv’s most important global ally.

    All of this explains the urgency behind Zelensky’s push for more and more decisive western support in the coming months, and his pleas to the wider international community to back efforts for a just peace for Ukraine. But it also indicates that Russia and its allies have, for now, done enough to further frustrate any progress towards a Ukrainian victory both on the battlefield and at the negotiation table.

    Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

    ref. Ukraine war: Zelensky’s pleas for help are getting drowned out in the clamour from the Middle East – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-zelenskys-pleas-for-help-are-getting-drowned-out-in-the-clamour-from-the-middle-east-239752

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How history can teach us to prevent deaths at sea

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Guy Collender, Post Doctoral Senior Research Associate, Centre for Port Cities and Maritime Cultures, University of Portsmouth

    AndriiKoval/Shutterstock

    The rapid sinking of the Bayesian superyacht and the loss of seven lives, including tech entrepreneur Mike Lynch, in August 2024 cruelly emphasised the potentially lethal perils of the sea. This tragedy, although much publicised, is far from unusual. Globally, accidents at sea lead to thousands of deaths every year – but the true scale of the problem is unknown.

    Undoubtedly, life at sea remains hard and dangerous in the 21st century, but this is difficult to quantify. There were 215 shipping industry related deaths at sea recorded in 2022. However, due to a lack of standardised data and under-reporting this figure is likely to be an underestimate.

    Efforts to raise awareness and improve safety at sea today have much to learn from historic and successful safety initiatives in the UK’s docks. My research on early 20th century docks shows that proper data is a prerequisite to understanding a problem and identifying trends. Such an assessment can then lead to the allocation of resources, targeted safety measures – and life-saving change.

    These steps all apply to improving safety at sea, but the lack of accurate data is a real stumbling block.

    Life and death at sea

    Fishing is widely recognised as the “most dangerous occupation globally”, but estimates of deaths among the fishing community vary enormously from 32,000 to more than 100,000 deaths per year. Of course, such deaths also occur inland in lakes and rivers, as well as at sea.

    Twenty-six vessels of over 100 gross tonnes were recorded lost in 2023, with 13 sinking beneath the waves. This is low when compared with the loss of more than 200 vessels a year in the 1990s, but there have also been recent worrying trends such as attacks on shipping in the Red Sea. So far in 2024, four Red Sea seafarers have been killed by Houthi rebels from Yemem, with others injured and held hostage.

    Desperation and war are also leading to deaths and risks elsewhere. A total of 3,155 migrants crossing the Mediterranean were recorded as missing or dead in 2023.

    Nevertheless, such challenges and risks to life are increasingly being recognised and efforts are underway to address them. Importantly, better data collection and monitoring is in the pipeline.

    An amendment to the 2006 international maritime labour convention is expected to come into force in December 2024. It will require countries that have agreed to the convention to report deaths of seafarers on an annual basis to the UN’s International Labour Office.

    These will be published in a global register, and they will be investigated. It remains to be seen how such reporting will operate in practice and how deaths will be categorised – but it will be a good start.

    History lessons

    This is where it is helpful to learn from the past. I have researched the historic reduction of the dangers of dock work in the UK for Hindsight Perspectives for a Safer World – a collaboration between History and Policy and Lloyd’s Register Foundation.

    My study shows how progress was linked to gathering better data, and recognising the risks of loading and unloading cargo. The counting and scrupulous categorisation of accidents helped identify the problems and appropriate safety measures.

    In 1900, factory inspectors identified five causes of dock accidents, including falls (into the ship’s hold, or into the water), and shunting accidents involving trains. The docks were classified as one of the “dangerous trades” in the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901.

    Under the dock regulations of 1904, “life-saving appliances” – chains or floats – were introduced to prevent drownings. Lifting machinery was also subject to stringent checks to prevent deaths from falling loads.

    And more and more proactive inspections took place as the number of inspectors rose from 137 in 1900 to 320 by 1939. All these safety measures and others contributed to dock deaths falling from 115 a year in 1899 to 69 a year in 1939.

    Today’s safety initiatives at sea often echo the work of those safety pioneers in the early 20th century. Together in Safety, a consortium of companies dedicated to improving safety in the maritime sector, suggests a three-step safety process – assess the situation, act to improve, appraise the progress – which replicates the work of those early legislators and inspectors.

    Together in Safety’s clear and succinct golden safety rules show how to mitigate the risks of maritime work, including working over water and entering enclosed spaces.

    What’s more, Lloyd’s Register Foundation – a charity that helps to protect life and property at sea, on land, and in the air – is undertaking work to “assure the safety of people as the ocean economy grows” as part of its Global Maritime Trends 2050 Research Programme.

    Two million seafarers face daily dangers to keep the global supply chain operating smoothly. Doing more to highlight their safety will hopefully lead to a better understanding of the challenges they face. This, in turn, should lead to better safety procedures and practices to save lives at sea.

    Guy Collender was commissioned and paid to research the history of dock safety in the UK for Hindsight Perspectives for a Safer World – a collaboration between History and Policy and Lloyd’s Register Foundation. He is currently employed by the University of Portsmouth on the ‘Sail to Steam, Carbon to Green’ research project, which is funded by Lloyd’s Register Foundation.

    ref. How history can teach us to prevent deaths at sea – https://theconversation.com/how-history-can-teach-us-to-prevent-deaths-at-sea-237432

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The world isn’t taking Putin’s nuclear threats seriously – the history of propaganda suggests it should

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Colin Alexander, Senior Lecturer in Political Communications, Nottingham Trent University

    Vladimir Putin has spoken several times about using nuclear weapons since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. However, the initial attention and concern that global news media gave to Putin when he first spoke on the issue in September 2022 seemed to have largely dissipated over the past two years of conflict, perhaps because of the frequency with which he has threatened to resort to use of Russia’s nuclear arsenal.

    Now Putin has issued his strongest threat yet, saying that Russia would use nuclear weapons against any country attacking it, even with conventional weapons. This statement appears to be intended to influence the debate happening at the United Nations, where Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky is trying to persuade his country’s western allies to allow Ukraine to use the weapons they have provided against targets deep within Russia itself.

    This has been a “red line” hitherto that Ukraine’s allies have been unwilling to cross. That may be about to change though and Russia’s reaction has been to reiterate a nuclear response.

    For those interested in the study of propaganda, Putin’s threats appear to have moved from what American media scholar Dan Hallin called the “sphere of legitimate controversy”, where the validity of an utterance is urgently debated by journalists, politicians and academics, into the “sphere of consensus”, where there is broad agreement about the meaning of the message. This generally results in it receiving less attention.

    To believe that Putin is not serious about using nuclear weapons is a dangerous assumption to make. But it provides a good opportunity to examine the political and public relationship with nuclear weapons in more detail.

    The psychology of nuclear threat

    Most adults know of the existence of nuclear weapons and understand the consequences of their use. Very few are simply ignorant of them or their immense power. But global annihilation is too overwhelming to think about other than fleetingly. As a result we tend to focus on less drastic futures.

    These regular denials and self-deceptions affect political outlooks though. Every so often the leader of a nuclear-armed country is asked by a journalist or another politician about their readiness to press the nuclear button. They always say “yes”. When this question is asked in front of an audience there is usually enthusiastic applause.

    This response – applauding an individual politician’s willingness to bring about the end of the world – is perhaps the most compelling evidence of the duality that the threat of nuclear war exists within. Rather than perceiving such a response as the worrying sign that a maniac has somehow manoeuvred their way into high office and should be immediately removed, the voter perceives the utterance as a signifier of leadership strength.

    Psychologically, it can be argued that the applause actually represents an outpouring of relief that this mass self-deception can continue.

    ‘Fear propaganda’ and confirmation bias

    During the cold war, official propaganda placed great emphasis upon threat and preparedness for nuclear attack. The BBC film Threads first aired 40 years ago in September 1984 and depicted the aftermath of a nuclear strike. It was responsible for great alarm among the British public at a time when news media, movies and even official literature were also focused upon the threat of nuclear war.

    Between 1974 and 1980, the UK government issued a booklet entitled Protect and Survive, accompanied by short films. The BBC, in its public service role, also ran documentary programming including a 1980 edition of Panorama called If The Bomb Drops. While US secretary of state Henry Kissinger’s 1957 study Nuclear War and Foreign Policy caused alarm for arguing that small-scale nuclear war using “battlefield” weapons might be possible.

    Cold war communications like these served to focus the public mind towards the threat of nuclear attack above all other fears. And perhaps, at that time, they were right to do so. But more than 30 years have now passed since the end of the cold war and the emphasis within what is known as “fear propaganda” now focuses on other threats, such as extremism, pandemics and migration.

    As such, Putin’s nuclear threats provide propaganda analysts like myself with a case study about the important role played by fear propaganda in determining what people are scared of. If taken within the wider history of the fear of nuclear holocaust, it is clear that political leaders cannot rely on their words alone to be taken seriously. They require a wider supportive propaganda environment – like the atmosphere created at the height of the cold war.

    Putin the ‘madman’

    Questions around how to understand Putin’s nuclear attack threats ought to be positioned as the latest in a long(ish) line of world leaders who have tried to convince global publics of their readiness to commit nuclear genocide.

    Richard Nixon, for example, used what was referred to as “madman” tactics when trying to convince people of his readiness to push the button. Interestingly, the more recent depictions of Putin, Kim Jong-un and other authoritarian leaders as madmen by western tabloids can actually helps them by playing down the fact of their inferior military capabilities when compared to those of the Nato allies.

    Don’t think for a moment though that any of this discussion of propaganda increases or decreases the actual threat posed by nuclear weapons. Indeed, there exists a degree of confirmation bias among politicians, journalists and other public commentators that because nuclear war did not happen during the cold war, it is unlikely to happen now. But this can’t be guaranteed. It may be that these conclusions are mistakenly based upon the intensity of the propaganda environment – not the actuality of the threat posed.

    To this end, it ought to be remembered that the ability to press the button sits well within the capacity of the sane human mind. US president Harry S. Truman pushed the button in 1945. He was then given detailed reports of the death and destruction that his decision caused to Hiroshima. Then he pushed the button again to annihilate Nagasaki.

    Colin Alexander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The world isn’t taking Putin’s nuclear threats seriously – the history of propaganda suggests it should – https://theconversation.com/the-world-isnt-taking-putins-nuclear-threats-seriously-the-history-of-propaganda-suggests-it-should-239942

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Greener nanomaterials could transform how our everyday stuff is made

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amber Keegan, PhD Candidate, Green Chemistry, University of Sheffield

    Silica nanomaterial could help advance medicines and improve controlled drug release. Love Employee/Shutterstock

    Tiny nanoparticles are at the forefront of materials science – with special properties that make them great at absorbing light in solar panels, cleaning wastewater, and delivering drugs precisely.

    Some nanoparticles take the form of sheets or fibres. But nanomaterials all have one thing in common – their structure contains components with dimensions in the nanometre scale – that’s more than 10,000 times smaller than the width of a human hair. Research shows that nanomaterials often perform better than the same materials made at a larger scale. They have huge potential, but currently their manufacture can result in harmful environmental effects due to the use or production of hazardous chemicals.

    I’m one of many researchers studying how to create, manipulate and apply these materials sustainably to develop new technologies and improve existing ones. This offers advantages across many applications, including aerospace, solar panels and electronics.

    Silica nanomaterial is already all around you, but you probably don’t even realise it. Silica (SiO₂), a compound that contains both silicon and oxygen, is commonly found in rocks. It is one of the most mass produced nanomaterials worldwide, with an expected market of US$5 trillion (£3.8 trillion) by 2025.

    It’s used to make things you encounter every day, from improving the strength of concrete or the durability of rubber tyres, plus it enhances the cleaning properties and consistency of toothpaste. Silica nanomaterial could have exciting high-value applications, like medicines and wastewater treatment.

    While silica products might be great, the way they are made is often not great for the environment, or even economically feasible. Manufacture is key to overall product sustainability, but it’s often invisible to consumers. As such, it’s an aspect that most people consider far less than, for example, whether something will be recycled.

    Making silica often requires energy-intensive processes, or makes nasty waste products that are difficult to safely dispose of. Trying to reduce the environmental footprint for existing processes is not enough. Developing new production methods is paramount to ensuring that new technologies, such as more advanced solar panels, can both help society and have less impact on the environment than traditional manufacture.

    I am part of the Green Nanomaterials Research Group at the University of Sheffield, where my colleagues and I are working hard to develop sustainable, scalable and economical routes to functional nanostructured materials. We address aspects from discovery to manufacturing, applications and commercialisation, considering the performance, scalability, environment and cost.

    A greener approach to chemistry

    We aim to make better nanomaterials for important applications, while considering the environmental impact at every stage of a nanomaterial’s life, from raw materials through to the use and disposal of product and any by-products. This approach is known as “green chemistry”, a concept developed in 1998 that has been used to develop strategies for greener routes to nanomaterials.

    Some algae, including these diatoms, make silica naturally to build cell walls and are studied in the development of bio-inspired silica.
    Diana Will/Shutterstock

    Silica nanomaterial suits this green chemistry approach because it is already made in nature by plants and sponges as structural support. What better teacher for green chemistry than to learn from nature itself? My research group created bio-inspired silica, a product that can be made at room temperature, and in the mild conditions under which silica is made in biology naturally.

    Now, colleagues in my research group are scaling up bio-inspired silica production, exploring its use in different applications and making different nanomaterials. Meanwhile, I’m exploring how changing the conditions under which we make silica can improve the properties, like surface area, that make it function better.

    There’s huge scope for green nanomaterials to advance essential technologies, and if green silica could be scaled up, the potential for substantial change drug delivery and renewables is vast.



    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

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    Amber Keegan receives PhD funding from The University of Sheffield.

    ref. Greener nanomaterials could transform how our everyday stuff is made – https://theconversation.com/greener-nanomaterials-could-transform-how-our-everyday-stuff-is-made-237791

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: David Olusoga’s new book joins the struggle to make Black history mainstream

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jenny Woodley, Senior Lecturer in Modern American History, Nottingham Trent University

    For decades, Black history in the UK has been siloed from the mainstream, as if incidental to the nation’s history. Black History Month in October is dedicated to celebrating Black heritage, but the rest of the year, it feels largely neglected and ignored. Public historian and broadcaster David Olusoga, is at the forefront of efforts to integrate Black history into our national story.

    His latest book, Black History for Every Day of the Year, co-created with two of his siblings, Yinka and Kemi, is another contribution to that work. This attractive and substantial book has an entry for each calendar day detailing an event, person, place, or theme associated with black history.

    There are biographies of artists, musicians, activists, politicians, filmmakers, writers, and scientists. We learn about legal cases, such as Brown v Board of Education, when racial segregation in US schools was ruled unconstitutional, and the Mansfield Judgment, a 1772 British ruling which decided the fate of enslaved African James Somerset, and was used by abolitionists in their campaign to end slavery.

    We get to see important objects, like the Benin Bronzes, a collection of sculptures created by skilled artisans in the Kingdom of Benin – now part of Nigeria – which were looted by British forces in 1897. They were then given to institutions like the British Museum, where some are still on display.

    The book narrates histories of violence and injustice, from centuries of enslavement and brutal colonial rule, to South Africa’s Sharpeville massacre when, in March 1960, 69 people protesting apartheid laws were killed by the police.

    The tragedy of the 1981 New Cross fire in south London, where 14 young Black people were killed in a suspected arson attack on a house party, is recounted as is the racist murder of teenager Stephen Lawrence, also in south London in 1993.

    It tells stories of resistance and resilience, such as the uprising of enslaved people in Jamaica in 1760, known as Tacky’s revolt, and the 1961 Freedom Rides, when Black and white students challenged racial segregation on American buses and were met with violence.

    In Britain it examines the Bristol bus boycott of 1963, a four-month-long protest against the bus company’s refusal to hire Black or Asian drivers. Many of the events and names will be familiar to some readers but there is likely to be plenty that is new and novel.

    It is not a book which invites intensive reading, but rather the joy is to dip in and out, finding connections between entries, dates and themes. The popularity of social media “On This Day” posts suggests many readers will enjoy connecting past with present.

    At the end of the volume, as well as a glossary of terms, are 12 timelines which place some of the entries into a more cohesive – though potentially more limiting – narrative.

    For example, they outline Black resistance to slavery, abolitionist movements, and histories of imperialism and colonialism. Both here and throughout the book readers are pointed to connections between the entries. The text is enhanced by beautiful illustrations at the beginning of each month, which explore objects, places and themes associated with the entries, and the timelines are likewise creatively illustrated.

    Black History for Every Day is educational and informative, but it is written with a deft touch and its format, along with the illustrations and inclusion of photographs, mean it is also engaging and accessible.

    The scope of the histories included is global and many are transnational, showing the connections between the struggles and stories of people of African descent across the world. However, the majority of entries are associated with British and US history. This is not surprising given the authors’ research interests and the likely market for the book.

    While it is apparent that an attempt has been made to be geographically and chronologically diverse, around a third of the 366 entries deal with US history, suggesting that our understanding of Black history is still often dominated by its American iterations.

    The book is not attempting to break new ground. The timeline of the US civil rights movement, for example, begins with the Supreme Court ruling to desegregate education in 1954 and includes the acts of nonviolent direct action which have dominated the widely accepted “master narrative” of the era.

    However, the book does at least go slightly beyond the usual cut-off point to include the Black Panther Party’s breakfast program, which addressed poverty and hunger in the Black community between 1969 and 1980, and the murder of Black Panther deputy chairman Fred Hampton, who was killed in 1969 at the age of 21.

    The entry for Martin Luther King Jr. claims he organised the Montgomery bus boycott, ignoring the contributions of black women who were the driving force behind the movement. This is somewhat modified by the entry for activist Rosa Parks, which acknowledges the work of the Women’s Political Council in Montgomery.

    The book’s purpose is not to be comprehensive; it cannot be, given its breadth. Rather, each entry is intended to serve as an introduction. The authors explain they hope people will be inspired to find out more after reading it.

    Taken together, the daily entries narrate centuries of discrimination, violence and injustice against people of African descent. But they also tell stories of Black resilience, innovation, talent and achievement. The Olusogas’ book is published in time for Black History month in the UK, but it makes the case for engaging with black history beyond a single month every year.



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    Jenny Woodley has received funding from the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust.

    ref. David Olusoga’s new book joins the struggle to make Black history mainstream – https://theconversation.com/david-olusogas-new-book-joins-the-struggle-to-make-black-history-mainstream-238825

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Starmer promises ‘homes for heroes’ – here’s what we know about veteran homelessness in England

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lisa O’Malley, Senior lecturer, social policy, University of York

    Clare Louise Jackson/Shutterstock

    In a surprise announcement, Keir Starmer told Labour party conference that his government would end homelessness for veterans. “Homes will be there for heroes,” the prime minister said.

    Labour has promised to build 1.5 million new homes as part of its manifesto. In his speech, Starmer also said that care leavers and victims of domestic abuse will have a “guaranteed roof over their head”.

    I’ve been involved in research about veteran homelessness for ten years. While Starmer’s promise is welcome, it will be hard to achieve. Government data reported that there were 2,110 homeless families with an armed forces veteran in England in 2022-23, a 14% increase from the previous year.

    But that figure is likely to underestimate overall levels of housing insecurity among veterans. Many people who leave military service could be considered “hidden homeless”, particularly female veterans who are unlikely to engage with formal services and young service leavers who easily slip through the cracks of existing provision.

    Those who have been lucky enough to find the right service at the right time may live in veteran-specific housing, including supported accommodation. Others may have found help through Operation Fortitude. This government-run referral scheme for veterans at risk of homelessness has housed over 400 people since it began in September 2023. But these services aren’t enough to ensure stable and secure housing for all veterans.

    The scale of the housing crisis has widened the gap between military and civilian life. Service leavers now need to save more and for longer than they did in the past to have any hope of closing the gap between their entitlements in military accommodation and the cost and availability of civilian housing.

    While in the military, service members’ accommodation is deeply subsidised. Today, a service family with two children could be entitled to a three-bedroom house, paying around £320 a month. For single personnel, it could be as little as £106 per month. In 2013 (the most recent available data), most personnel paid less than 12% of their salary for accommodation charges. The civilian population at the time paid between 20% and 40% for housing.

    However, many service members do not consider what they might do once that support ends. The people most vulnerable to homelessness after military service are those who are discharged quickly, for example for medical or disciplinary reasons. They might be required to leave military accommodation within weeks (or sometimes hours), and haven’t had chance to plan for life after the military.


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    Many of the veterans and service members my colleagues and I interviewed for our research spoke of the lack of planning and ability to save. One told us: “When you join at 18 and get a salary at the same time as all my mates’ student loans, you think you’re a multi-millionaire.”

    Our research suggests that home ownership at the point of discharge is out of reach for many. Social housing is not an option for many veterans, who do not qualify if they are single or have available savings.

    Social housing allocation rules require applicants to have a local connection to qualify. The government said it will bring in changes to fully exempt veterans, care leavers and domestic abuse survivors. Veterans are currently exempt from this for five years. But the exemption is irrelevant if there are no suitable properties available, and veterans are consequently likely to be in temporary accommodation.

    Housing in the private rented sector is expensive to secure and costly to maintain. Many service leavers find themselves returning to the parental home, sometimes after many years of successful service.

    Transitioning to civilian life

    The move from military to civilian life is hard to navigate. While it is certainly true that many service leavers thrive in civilian life, others struggle to find the right support and resources. They may not have the financial literacy and planning to know how to navigate the housing system. One veteran described feelings of “abandonment” after leaving service:

    I joined at 16. I did 15 years. I left at 31. The Royal Navy were my parents. … I didn’t know where to go or what to do.

    Many service leavers are affected by trauma and PTSD, as well as other mental health or substance abuse problems. Like civilians suffering from these conditions, these interconnected issues can exacerbate housing insecurity. And long wait times for mental health services can reduce the chances of finding long-term housing as they struggle to maintain tenancies, pay bills on time and keep stable employment.

    How then, can the government and military best help veterans at risk?

    The first 12 months after leaving service are critical to help the transition to civilian life and ensure service leavers have accommodation. In that time, service leavers should be given an automatic referral to a time-limited housing support scheme if they have nowhere to go.

    They could also be given the option to remain in military accommodation with support to give them time to transition. Another direct solution would be to give service leavers money for private rented sector or mortgage deposits.

    These solutions can’t just start when people leave service. Better mental health support and improving financial literacy while still in service is critical.

    And any solutions can’t be short-term. The homeless veterans I have met over the years were often discharged many years before they experienced homelessness. Evidence suggests that within five years post-discharge is a critical time for rough sleeping to be established. Support for those who left service some years ago also needs to be part of the offer.

    Lisa O’Malley receives funding from Forces in Mind Trust.

    ref. Starmer promises ‘homes for heroes’ – here’s what we know about veteran homelessness in England – https://theconversation.com/starmer-promises-homes-for-heroes-heres-what-we-know-about-veteran-homelessness-in-england-239782

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The universe is smoother than the standard model of cosmology suggests – so is the theory broken?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ian G. McCarthy, Reader of Astrophysics, Liverpool John Moores University

    Cosmic microwave background shows fluctuations in temperature. ESA/Planck Collaboration

    Given how unfathomably large the universe is, it is perhaps understandable that we haven’t yet cracked all its secrets. But there are actually some pretty basic features, ones we used to think we could explain, that cosmologists are increasingly struggling to make sense of.

    Recent measurements of the distribution of matter in the universe (so-called large-scale structure) appear to be in conflict with the predictions of the standard model of cosmology, our best understanding of how the universe works.

    The standard model originated some 25 years ago and has successfully reproduced a whole plethora of observations. But some of the latest measurements of large-scale structure, a topic which I work on, indicate that the matter is less clustered (smoother) than it ought to be according to the standard model.

    This result has cosmologists scratching their heads looking for explanations. Some solutions are relatively mundane, such as unknown systematic errors in the measurements. But there are more radical solutions. These include rethinking the nature of dark energy (the force causing the universe’s expansion to accelerate), invoking a new force of nature or even tweaking Einstein’s theory of gravity on the largest of scales.

    At present, the data cannot easily distinguish between different competing ideas. But the measurements from forthcoming surveys are poised to take a giant leap forward in precision. We may be on the cusp of finally breaking the standard model of cosmology.


    This is article is part of our series Cosmology in crisis? which uncovers the greatest problems facing cosmologists today – and discusses the implications of solving them.


    The early universe

    To understand the nature of the current tension and its possible solutions, it is important to understand how structure in the universe formed and subsequently evolved. Much of our understanding comes from measurements of the cosmic microwave background (CMB). The CMB is radiation that fills the universe and is a leftover relic from the first few hundred thousand years of cosmic evolution after the Big Bang (for comparison, the universe is estimated to be 13.7 billion years old).

    Scientists discovered the CMB by accident in 1964 (garnering them a Nobel prize), but its existence and properties had been predicted years earlier.

    In excellent agreement with some of the earliest theoretical work, the observed temperature of the CMB today is an incredibly chilly 3 Kelvin (-270°C). However, at very early times, it was sufficiently hot (millions of degrees) to enable the fusion of all of the light elements in the universe, including helium and lithium, into heavier ones.

    The CMB’s spectrum (light broken down by wavelength) suggests it must have been in thermal equilibrium with matter in the past – meaning they had the same distribution of energies. Matter and radiation can only reach thermal equilibrium in very dense environments. So measurements of the CMB convincingly demonstrate that the universe was once an extremely hot and dense place, with all the matter and radiation packed into a very small space.

    As the universe expanded, it quickly cooled. And as it did so, some of the free electrons that existed at the time were captured by protons, forming atoms of hydrogen. This “era of recombination” happened around 300,000 years after the Big Bang. After this point, the universe was suddenly less dense so the CMB radiation was “released” to travel without impediment, and it has not significantly interacted with matter since.

    The universe’s timeline.
    Nasa/wikipedia, CC BY-SA

    As the radiation is very old, when we make measurements of the CMB today, we are learning about the conditions of the early universe. But detailed mapping of the CMB tells us a great deal more than this.

    A key insight from CMB maps obtained with the Planck telescope is that the universe was also exceptionally smooth at early times. There was only a 0.001% variation from place to place in the density and temperature of the matter and radiation in the universe. If there had been more extreme variation, that matter and radiation would have been much more clustered.

    These variations, or “fluctuations”, are of fundamental importance to how structure subsequently evolved in the universe. Without these fluctuations, there would be no galaxies, no stars or planets – and no life. A very interesting question is, where did these fluctuations come from?

    Our current understanding is that they are a result of quantum mechanics, the theory of the microcosmos of atoms and particles. Quantum mechanics shows that empty space has some background energy which allows sudden, local changes, such as particles popping in and out of existence. The quantum nature of matter and energy has been verified to remarkable accuracy in the laboratory.

    These fluctuations are thought to have been blown up to large scales in a very rapid period of expansion in the early universe called “inflation”, although the detailed mechanism behind inflation is still not fully understood.

    Over time, these fluctuations grew and the arrangement of matter and radiation in the universe became more clustered. Regions that were slightly denser had a stronger gravitational pull and so attracted even more matter, which increased the density, which strengthened the gravitational pull, and so on. Regions of slightly lower density lost out, becoming emptier with time – a cosmic case of the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer.

    The fluctuations grew to such an extent over time that galaxies and stars started to form, with galaxies being distributed in and along the familiar filaments and nodes that make up a “cosmic web”.

    The standard explanation

    The rate at which fluctuations grow over time, and how they are clustered in space depends on several factors: the nature of gravity, the constituent components of matter and energy in the universe, and how these components interact (both with themselves and with each other).

    These factors are encapsulated in the standard model of cosmology. The model is based on a solution to Einstein’s general theory of relativity (our best understanding of gravity) that assumes the universe is homogeneous and isotropic on large scales – meaning it looks the same in every direction to every observer.

    It also assumes that the matter and energy in the universe is composed of normal matter (“baryons”), dark matter consisting of relatively heavy and slow-moving particles (“cold” dark matter) and a constant amount of dark energy (Einstein’s cosmological constant, denoted Lambda).

    Since its origin approximately 25 years ago, the model has successfully explained a great many observations of the universe on large scales, including the [detailed properties of the CMB].

    And until very recently, it also provided excellent fits to a variety of measurements of the clustering of large-scale structure at late times. In fact, some measurements of large-scale structure are still very well described by the standard model and this may be providing an important clue as to the origin of the current tension.

    Remember that the CMB shows us the clustering of matter (the fluctuations) at early times. So we can use the standard model to evolve that forward in time and predict what it should, theoretically, look like today. If there is a fit between this prediction and observations, that is a very strong indication that the ingredients of the standard model are correct.

    The ‘S8’ tension

    What has changed recently is that our measurements of large-scale structure, particularly at very late times, have significantly improved in their precision. Various surveys such as the Dark Energy Survey and the Kilo Degree Survey have found evidence for inconsistencies between observations and the standard model.

    In other words, there is a mismatch between the early time and late time fluctuations: the late-time fluctuations are not as large as expected. Cosmologists refer to this clash as the “S8 tension”, as S8 is a parameter that we use to characterise the clustering of matter in the late-time universe.

    Depending on the particular data set, the chance of the tension being a statistical fluke may be as low as 0.3%. But from a statistical point of view, that is not enough to firmly rule out the standard model.

    However, there are strong hints of the tension in a variety of independent observations. And attempts to explain it away due to systematic uncertainties in the measurements or modelling have simply not been successful to date.

    For example, it had previously been suggested that perhaps energetic non-gravitational processes, such as winds and jets from supermassive black holes, could inject enough energy to alter the clustering of matter on large scales.
    However, we have shown using state-of-the-art cosmological hydrodynamical simulations (called Flamingo) that such effects appear to be too small to explain the tension with the standard model of cosmology.

    If the tension is indeed pointing us to a flaw in the standard model, this would imply that something in the basic ingredients of the model is not correct.

    This would have huge consequences for fundamental physics. For example, the tension may be indicating that something is wrong about our understanding of gravity, or the nature of the unknown substance called dark matter or dark energy. In the case of dark matter, one possibility is that it interacts with itself via an unknown force (something beyond just gravity).

    Alternatively, perhaps dark energy is not constant but evolves with time, as early results from the Dark Energy Survey Instrument (Desi) may indicate. Some scientists are even considering the possibility of a new (fifth) force of nature. This would be a force of similar strength to gravity that operates over very large scales and would act to slow the growth of structure.

    But note that any modifications of the standard model would also need to account for the many observations of the universe that the model successfully explains. This is no simple task. And before we jump to grand conclusions, we must be sure that the tension is real and not simply a statistical fluctuation.

    The good news is that forthcoming measurements of large-scale structure with Desi, the Rubin Observatory, Euclid, the Simons Observatory and other experiments will be able to confirm if the tension is real with much more precise measurements.

    They will also be able to thoroughly test many of the alternatives to the standard model that have been proposed. It may be that within the next couple of years we will have ruled out the standard model of cosmology and profoundly changed our understanding of how the universe works. Or the model may be vindicated and more reliable than ever. It’s an exciting time to be a cosmologist.

    Ian G. McCarthy receives funding from UKRI’s Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC). He works for Liverpool John Moores University.

    ref. The universe is smoother than the standard model of cosmology suggests – so is the theory broken? – https://theconversation.com/the-universe-is-smoother-than-the-standard-model-of-cosmology-suggests-so-is-the-theory-broken-238098

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Himpathy: the psychology of why some people side with perpetrators of sexual misconduct – podcast

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    In 2018, the Australian philosopher Kate Manne coined the word “himpathy” to describe what she called “the inappropriate and disproportionate sympathy powerful men often enjoy in cases of sexual assault, intimate partner violence, homicide and other misogynistic behavior”.

    This happened to former US President Donald Trump who was found liable for sexually abusing the writer E. Jean Carroll in 2023. Carroll faced abuse from online trolls, she received death threats and was driven from her home.

    What makes somebody more likely to feel himpathetic, either to somebody facing accusations in the public eye, or in their own workplace?

    In this episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, we speak to a human behaviour expert whose research seeks to understand what makes some people more inclined to support perpetrators of sexual misconduct than the victims.

    Samantha Dodson is an assistant professor of organisational behaviour and human resources at the University of Calgary in Canada. She first started researching the ways people react to accusations of sexual misconduct around the time of the #MeToo movement, as women came forward with accusations of sexual harassment in the wake of the Harvey Weinstein case.

    Dodson and her colleagues wanted to understand why some people are predisposed to express sympathy towards male perpetrators of sexual misconduct, or himpathy. Over a series of five studies, both analysing public comments on X related to the #MeToo movement and through lab-based psychology experiments. Her team used moral foundations theory to build a profile of the kinds of people more likely to be himpathetic.

    Moral foundations theory argues that there are innate moral concerns that everybody holds to different levels. These concerns include respect for authority, loyalty, staying pure, being fair and being caring toward other people.

    Don’t rock the boat

    What we found is that when people strongly value things like loyalty, respect for authority and purity, they’re more likely to feel sympathy toward the man accused of sexual misconduct and feel anger toward the women who made that allegation.

    Dodson says people who hold these moral values very strongly are more likely to see allegations as a threat to the stability of a company, or institution. And, as a result, they’re also less likely to believe a victim.

    It also leads to people being more likely to seek punishment for the women who made the accusations and less likely to seek punishment for the men who have been accused.

    Overall, Dodson found the vast majority of people in their studies were “not himpathetic” and it’s just a small subset of people who react this way.

    The challenge is if those people are in positions of authority, or … if you have one person that you work with who’s himpathetic and you’re a victim you might experience some iciness from them or ostracism.

    Their work also looks at how managers can better deal with accusations of sexual harassment in the workplace as a result of their findings.

    Listen to Samantha Dodson talk about her research and the recommendations from it on The Conversation Weekly podcast, which also features an introduction from Eleni Vlahiotis, business and economy editor at The Conversation in Canada.

    A transcript of this episode is available on Apple Podcasts.


    This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Katie Flood with assistance from Mend Mariwany. Sound design was by Michelle Macklem, and our theme music is by Neeta Sarl. Gemma Ware is the executive producer.

    Newsclips in this episode from ABC News,
    PBS News Hour and NBC News.

    You can find us on Instagram at theconversationdotcom or via email. You can also subscribe to The Conversation’s free daily email here.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.

    Samantha Dodson receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    ref. Himpathy: the psychology of why some people side with perpetrators of sexual misconduct – podcast – https://theconversation.com/himpathy-the-psychology-of-why-some-people-side-with-perpetrators-of-sexual-misconduct-podcast-239860

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Eco-anxiety Q&A: how the IPCC’s vice-chair keeps her head cool on a warming planet

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Diána Ürge-Vorsatz, Professor of Environmental Sciences, Central European University

    In the past months, the planet has experienced the hottest months of June and August, boreal summer and day on record, with a global average temperature of 17.16°C on 22 July. While many have been getting on with their lives as best as they can, there are many more who are feeling the heat, as levels of climate anxiety continue to rise. At risk are people experiencing climate impacts in the Global South, but also professionals in the Earth sciences documenting and modelling them.

    So, how can we channel our alarm in a way that doesn’t paralyse us, but propel us into action? To answer this question, The Conversation Europe spoke to one of the world’s most public-facing climate scientists, the Vice-Chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Diána Ürge-Vorsatz.

    Could you start off by describing your work? According to you, what have been the highlights of your career as a climate scientist?

    So I mostly work in the area of energy efficiency. I have done a lot of modelling, including to demonstrate how higher efficiency buildings could reduce carbon emissions. Among others, I have alerted the world of what we call the carbon lock-in risks of inefficient building retrofits — when fossil fuel-intensive systems perpetuate, delay, or prevent the transition to low-carbon alternatives.

    I’ve always tried to concentrate on solutions which not only allow us to solve environmental issues, but also to increase human well-being and meet other societal goals. That’s because I come from a country [Hungary] where I see that while the environment and climate change are important, they typically play second fiddle to other priorities. Hence, I believe we have to solve these things in a way that makes it worthwhile.

    Diána Ürge-Vorsatz, 2024.
    Fourni par l’auteur

    My work therefore prompted lawmakers to revise the EU’s legislation to boost building energy efficiency – the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive – in 2010. On the first day the Fidesz government was reelected that year, I showed them how many jobs could be created through high efficiency building retrofits. Based on our research, they committed that the entire building stock would be refurbished to slash energy consumption by 60 %, which would have been really very ambitious, the first such commitment in the world. Unfortunately, a few months later, they changed their direction and they rather went into other energy policy priorities.

    Do you also research alarming climate scenarios? You told me the other day that you were particularly concerned with the potential collapse of Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) at the moment

    That’s one of my concerns, yes, because it’s amongst the tipping points that would exert its impact the earliest.

    If we look at other Earth system tipping points, most of them require a century, several centuries, if not several millennia until they exert a full impact. If AMOC collapses, it would exert its full impact within two to three decades, potentially. These are very strong impacts predicted clearly, on Europe as well as other regions. More and more papers have shown evidence that its collapse could already be underway. That’s definitely been alarming.

    When you started on this career path, would you describe yourself as prey to eco-anxiety? And if not, was there a turning point when it appeared?

    No, when I started I don’t think we had any knowledge that would have amounted to any existential threat, and it was still not so tangible that so many things could go wrong.

    I was studying for my PhD at UCLA, at UC Berkeley from 1992-96. In the LA Times, there was a two page advertisement calling for artists to design artwork that would scare anyone away, which they could put above the Yucca Mountain deep high-level based nuclear repository so that even if people didn’t speak English or they didn’t understand our script anymore, they could still understand that there was something really dangerous under that.

    At that point, I remember thinking: “Oh my God, if you just can’t dig or walk wherever you want anymore, that’s just wrong. We cannot do that to future generations.”

    Then there’s the never-ending news cycle, making it hard to pinpoint specific moments that alarm you. One that comes to mind has been the discovery over time that forever chemicals – Per and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) – are everywhere, even in the most remote parts of the earth and rain is no longer of drinking water quality even in Antarctica. This isn’t going to go away — precisely because PFAS are what we call forever chemicals. We will never be able to vacuum clean the planet from PFAS. Likewise with microplastics. When you start looking ahead with your eyes open, it can be really scary.

    And how do you experience the intimate knowledge of that alarming data on the one hand, and the public’s, and above all the elites’, climate inaction on the other?

    Well, I wouldn’t quite call it “climate inaction”. It’s easy to dwell on the idea that the glass is half empty. But in fact, the glass is half full. Lots has been done since the 2015 Paris Agreement, which was itself a miracle.

    You were there when the deal was struck, weren’t you? Could you tell us what it was like?

    Well, it was truly euphoric, because before that, if a scientist dared mentioning [the threshold of] 1.5°C [of warming above pre-industrial levels], you were a tree-hugger and an advocate, not a scientist. You did not get funding.

    And suddenly that became a political reality, or at least a political goal. I think that was really amazing for me because that time we didn’t have science clearly backing that you actually could achieve 1.5°C. So in the run-up to the Paris Agreement, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) asked the IPCC to produce a report on 1.5°C. I remember talking about it with colleagues at the time, who told me: “That’s crazy, this train is gone, let’s not do it”.

    Then the months went by and and those voices faded. By the time we got to the plenary meeting in January there was not a single voice saying “We shouldn’t do this report”. Scientists changed course and put so much effort in on trying to say “Okay can this be done well? Let’s actually see”. Then they ran their models to figure out that actually not only can it be done — but there are so many ways we can get there. Yes, I know that it’s now increasingly unlikely that we still will meet it, but it still created a lot of momentum.

    One fact that we don’t emphasize enough: we have prevented the world from warming by five to six degrees by the end of the century, and we are now at worst saying perhaps four degrees, but more likely 2.5°C to 3.5°C.

    How do you communicate with your children about the climate crisis? For example, are there things that you choose not to tell them in order to protect them?

    I don’t hide anything from them. We quite frequently talk about the gravity of the situation because I cannot help bearing on them in the evening all the negative experiences and facts I learned during the day and I just have to unload these for them at dinners and so on.

    One of my daughters did experience quite severe environmental anxiety for almost two years when she was about nine years old. She had come with me to a TV shooting and they allowed her into the studio. And before my interview, they just played this intense clip about storms and fires – typical climate impacts. But after that, she was really very afraid for a long time.

    How did that fear translate itself?

    She couldn’t sleep very well. She was constantly afraid physically. She would tell me: “My god, is this going to burn around us? Are we going to have floods?”

    And it’s that a nine year old cannot, of course, fully comprehend yet how these risks will unfold in the future. I think she was put in this state of fear and anxiety. So that’s why it was also hard to manage because it wasn’t anything concrete or anything that she could verbally express or phrase nicely.

    And I couldn’t say, “Look darling, it’s not going to happen.”

    And how did she manage to surface from that state of paralysis?

    After a while, I think she understood that it wasn’t yet threatening her life. But all of my children are still concerned and many of them want to contribute to fighting climate change in some way.

    For example, my eldest daughter was studying medicine, but after her second year, she spent the entire summer in tears. She was deeply passionate about climate action and believed there were only two paths forward. Either she could still save the planet by becoming an architect to design zero-energy buildings, or, if it was too late, she should focus on mitigating the damage by remaining in medicine. After two months of struggling with this dilemma, she abandoned her dream of architecture and decided to continue with medical school. It was heartbreaking for me to see how little hope they had of solving the climate crisis.

    What would your advice be for parents whose children are suffering from eco-anxiety?

    I think the best way is to turn anxiety into action — to explain to them that they have and we still have agency. Even though we are small, we have a very important impact. We can vote. We can choose a profession where we can change the world. We can be role models and we can influence our peers through social media and many other ways.

    So if we tell them the five scenarios that the IPCC presents (investor, consumer, citizen, role model, professional) in the 6th Assessment Report as individual roles we can play to curb climate change, it’s not only through whether we choose to take a plastic bag or not. The future isn’t something that happens to us, but in our hands. We are all part of systems where each of us can influence more than we think.

    If your children were to start striking for the climate, would you support them?

    Yes, I think protests are one of the very important ways how we can have an impact. Besides, children often don’t have any other tools. And that’s why they also feel anxiety because they don’t yet have influence. They don’t have any money to spend, or any voting rights yet. They don’t yet have a profession through which they can influence the world. They feel powerless.

    And often children’s only power is to protest. If we give them other means to where they can influence the processes, that’d be even better.

    Diána Ürge-Vorsatz ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    ref. Eco-anxiety Q&A: how the IPCC’s vice-chair keeps her head cool on a warming planet – https://theconversation.com/eco-anxiety-qanda-how-the-ipccs-vice-chair-keeps-her-head-cool-on-a-warming-planet-231226

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Eco-anxiety Q&A: how the IPCC’s vice-chair keeps her head cool on a warming planet

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Diána Ürge-Vorsatz, Professor of Environmental Sciences, Central European University

    In the past months, the planet has experienced the hottest months of June and August, boreal summer and day on record, with a global average temperature of 17.16°C on 22 July. While many have been getting on with their lives as best as they can, there are many more who are feeling the heat, as levels of climate anxiety continue to rise. At risk are people experiencing climate impacts in the Global South, but also professionals in the Earth sciences documenting and modelling them.

    So, how can we channel our alarm in a way that doesn’t paralyse us, but propel us into action? To answer this question, The Conversation Europe spoke to one of the world’s most public-facing climate scientists, the Vice-Chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Diána Ürge-Vorsatz.

    Could you start off by describing your work? According to you, what have been the highlights of your career as a climate scientist?

    So I mostly work in the area of energy efficiency. I have done a lot of modelling, including to demonstrate how higher efficiency buildings could reduce carbon emissions. Among others, I have alerted the world of what we call the carbon lock-in risks of inefficient building retrofits — when fossil fuel-intensive systems perpetuate, delay, or prevent the transition to low-carbon alternatives.

    I’ve always tried to concentrate on solutions which not only allow us to solve environmental issues, but also to increase human well-being and meet other societal goals. That’s because I come from a country [Hungary] where I see that while the environment and climate change are important, they typically play second fiddle to other priorities. Hence, I believe we have to solve these things in a way that makes it worthwhile.

    Diána Ürge-Vorsatz, 2024.
    Fourni par l’auteur

    My work therefore prompted lawmakers to revise the EU’s legislation to boost building energy efficiency – the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive – in 2010. On the first day the Fidesz government was reelected that year, I showed them how many jobs could be created through high efficiency building retrofits. Based on our research, they committed that the entire building stock would be refurbished to slash energy consumption by 60 %, which would have been really very ambitious, the first such commitment in the world. Unfortunately, a few months later, they changed their direction and they rather went into other energy policy priorities.

    Do you also research alarming climate scenarios? You told me the other day that you were particularly concerned with the potential collapse of Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) at the moment

    That’s one of my concerns, yes, because it’s amongst the tipping points that would exert its impact the earliest.

    If we look at other Earth system tipping points, most of them require a century, several centuries, if not several millennia until they exert a full impact. If AMOC collapses, it would exert its full impact within two to three decades, potentially. These are very strong impacts predicted clearly, on Europe as well as other regions. More and more papers have shown evidence that its collapse could already be underway. That’s definitely been alarming.

    When you started on this career path, would you describe yourself as prey to eco-anxiety? And if not, was there a turning point when it appeared?

    No, when I started I don’t think we had any knowledge that would have amounted to any existential threat, and it was still not so tangible that so many things could go wrong.

    I was studying for my PhD at UCLA, at UC Berkeley from 1992-96. In the LA Times, there was a two page advertisement calling for artists to design artwork that would scare anyone away, which they could put above the Yucca Mountain deep high-level based nuclear repository so that even if people didn’t speak English or they didn’t understand our script anymore, they could still understand that there was something really dangerous under that.

    At that point, I remember thinking: “Oh my God, if you just can’t dig or walk wherever you want anymore, that’s just wrong. We cannot do that to future generations.”

    Then there’s the never-ending news cycle, making it hard to pinpoint specific moments that alarm you. One that comes to mind has been the discovery over time that forever chemicals – Per and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) – are everywhere, even in the most remote parts of the earth and rain is no longer of drinking water quality even in Antarctica. This isn’t going to go away — precisely because PFAS are what we call forever chemicals. We will never be able to vacuum clean the planet from PFAS. Likewise with microplastics. When you start looking ahead with your eyes open, it can be really scary.

    And how do you experience the intimate knowledge of that alarming data on the one hand, and the public’s, and above all the elites’, climate inaction on the other?

    Well, I wouldn’t quite call it “climate inaction”. It’s easy to dwell on the idea that the glass is half empty. But in fact, the glass is half full. Lots has been done since the 2015 Paris Agreement, which was itself a miracle.

    You were there when the deal was struck, weren’t you? Could you tell us what it was like?

    Well, it was truly euphoric, because before that, if a scientist dared mentioning [the threshold of] 1.5°C [of warming above pre-industrial levels], you were a tree-hugger and an advocate, not a scientist. You did not get funding.

    And suddenly that became a political reality, or at least a political goal. I think that was really amazing for me because that time we didn’t have science clearly backing that you actually could achieve 1.5°C. So in the run-up to the Paris Agreement, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) asked the IPCC to produce a report on 1.5°C. I remember talking about it with colleagues at the time, who told me: “That’s crazy, this train is gone, let’s not do it”.

    Then the months went by and and those voices faded. By the time we got to the plenary meeting in January there was not a single voice saying “We shouldn’t do this report”. Scientists changed course and put so much effort in on trying to say “Okay can this be done well? Let’s actually see”. Then they ran their models to figure out that actually not only can it be done — but there are so many ways we can get there. Yes, I know that it’s now increasingly unlikely that we still will meet it, but it still created a lot of momentum.

    One fact that we don’t emphasize enough: we have prevented the world from warming by five to six degrees by the end of the century, and we are now at worst saying perhaps four degrees, but more likely 2.5°C to 3.5°C.

    How do you communicate with your children about the climate crisis? For example, are there things that you choose not to tell them in order to protect them?

    I don’t hide anything from them. We quite frequently talk about the gravity of the situation because I cannot help bearing on them in the evening all the negative experiences and facts I learned during the day and I just have to unload these for them at dinners and so on.

    One of my daughters did experience quite severe environmental anxiety for almost two years when she was about nine years old. She had come with me to a TV shooting and they allowed her into the studio. And before my interview, they just played this intense clip about storms and fires – typical climate impacts. But after that, she was really very afraid for a long time.

    How did that fear translate itself?

    She couldn’t sleep very well. She was constantly afraid physically. She would tell me: “My god, is this going to burn around us? Are we going to have floods?”

    And it’s that a nine year old cannot, of course, fully comprehend yet how these risks will unfold in the future. I think she was put in this state of fear and anxiety. So that’s why it was also hard to manage because it wasn’t anything concrete or anything that she could verbally express or phrase nicely.

    And I couldn’t say, “Look darling, it’s not going to happen.”

    And how did she manage to surface from that state of paralysis?

    After a while, I think she understood that it wasn’t yet threatening her life. But all of my children are still concerned and many of them want to contribute to fighting climate change in some way.

    For example, my eldest daughter was studying medicine, but after her second year, she spent the entire summer in tears. She was deeply passionate about climate action and believed there were only two paths forward. Either she could still save the planet by becoming an architect to design zero-energy buildings, or, if it was too late, she should focus on mitigating the damage by remaining in medicine. After two months of struggling with this dilemma, she abandoned her dream of architecture and decided to continue with medical school. It was heartbreaking for me to see how little hope they had of solving the climate crisis.

    What would your advice be for parents whose children are suffering from eco-anxiety?

    I think the best way is to turn anxiety into action — to explain to them that they have and we still have agency. Even though we are small, we have a very important impact. We can vote. We can choose a profession where we can change the world. We can be role models and we can influence our peers through social media and many other ways.

    So if we tell them the five scenarios that the IPCC presents (investor, consumer, citizen, role model, professional) in the 6th Assessment Report as individual roles we can play to curb climate change, it’s not only through whether we choose to take a plastic bag or not. The future isn’t something that happens to us, but in our hands. We are all part of systems where each of us can influence more than we think.

    If your children were to start striking for the climate, would you support them?

    Yes, I think protests are one of the very important ways how we can have an impact. Besides, children often don’t have any other tools. And that’s why they also feel anxiety because they don’t yet have influence. They don’t have any money to spend, or any voting rights yet. They don’t yet have a profession through which they can influence the world. They feel powerless.

    And often children’s only power is to protest. If we give them other means to where they can influence the processes, that’d be even better.

    Diána Ürge-Vorsatz ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    ref. Eco-anxiety Q&A: how the IPCC’s vice-chair keeps her head cool on a warming planet – https://theconversation.com/eco-anxiety-qanda-how-the-ipccs-vice-chair-keeps-her-head-cool-on-a-warming-planet-231226

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Easing Africa’s debt burdens: a fresh approach, based on an old idea

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Danny Bradlow, Professor/Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria

    The statistics are stark: 54 governments, of which 25 are African, are spending at least 10% of their revenues on servicing their debts; 48 countries, home to 3.3 billion people, are spending more on debt service than on health or education.

    Among them, 23 African countries are spending more on debt service than on health or education.

    While the international community stands by, these countries are servicing their debts and defaulting on their development goals.

    The Group of 20’s current approach for dealing with the debts of low income countries is the Common Framework.

    It requires the debtor to first discuss its problems with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and obtain its assessment of how much debt relief it needs. Then it must negotiate with its official creditors – international organisations, governments and government agencies – over how much debt relief they will provide. Only then can the debtor reach an agreement – on comparable terms to the official creditors – with its commercial creditors.

    Unfortunately, this process has been sub-optimal.

    One reason is that it works too slowly to meet the urgent needs of distressed borrowers. As a result, it condemns debtor countries to financial limbo. The resulting uncertainty is not in anyone’s interest. For example, Zambia has been working through the G20’s cumbersome process for more than three and a half years and has not yet finalised agreements with all its creditors.

    The need for a new approach is overwhelmingly evident. Although the current crisis has not yet become the “systemic” threat it was in the 1980s when multiple countries defaulted on their debt, it is a “silent” sovereign debt crisis.

    We propose a two-part approach that would improve the situation of sovereign debtors and their creditors. This proposal is based on the lessons we have learned from our work on the legal and economic aspects of developing country debt, particularly African debt.

    First, we suggest that official creditors and the IMF create a strategic buyer of “last resort” that can purchase the bonds of debt distressed countries and refinance them on better terms.

    Second, we recommend that all parties involved in sovereign debt restructurings adopt a set of principles that they can use to guide the debtor and its creditors in reaching an optimal agreement and monitoring its implementation.

    The current approach fails to deal effectively and fairly with both the concerns of the creditors and all the debtor’s legal obligations and responsibilities. Our proposed solution would offer debtors debt relief that does not undermine their ability to meet their other legal obligations and responsibilities, while also accommodating private creditors’ preference for cash payments.

    Our proposal is not risk-free. And buybacks are not appropriate for all debtors. Nevertheless it offers a principled and feasible approach to dealing with a silent debt crisis that threatens to undermine international efforts to address global challenges such as climate, poverty and inequality.

    It uses the IMF’s existing resources to meet both the bondholders’ preferences for immediate cash and the developing countries’ need to reduce their debt burdens in a transparent and principled way.

    It also helps the international community avoid a widespread default on debt and development.

    Bondholders are a major problem

    Foreign bondholders, who are the major creditors of many developing countries, have proven to be particularly challenging in providing substantive debt relief in a timely manner. In theory, they should be more flexible than official creditors.

    Developing countries have been paying bondholders a premium to compensate them for providing financing to borrowers that are perceived to be risky. As a result, bondholders have already received larger payouts than official creditors. Therefore, they should be better placed than official creditors to assist the debtor in the restructuring processes.

    However, despite having received large returns from defaulted bonds, bondholders have remained obstinate in debt restructurings.

    Our proposal seeks to overcome this hurdle in a way that is fair to debtors, creditors and their respective stakeholders.

    How it would work

    First, the official creditors and the IMF should create and fund a strategic buyer “of last resort” who can purchase distressed (and expensive) debt at a discount from bondholders. The buyer, now the creditor of the country in distress, can repackage the debt and sell it to the debtor country on more manageable terms. The net result is that the bondholders receive cash for their bonds, while the debtor country benefits from substantial debt relief. In addition, the debtor and its remaining official creditors benefit from a simplified debt restructuring process.

    This concept has precedent. In 1989, as part of the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative, the international community’s effort to deal with the then existing debt burdens of poor countries, the World Bank Group established the Debt Reduction Facility, which helped eligible governments repurchase their external commercial debts at deep discounts. It completed 25 transactions which helped erase approximately US$10.3 billion in debt principal and over US$3.5 billion in interest arrears.

    Some individual countries have also bought back their own debt. In 2009, Ecuador repurchased 93% of its defaulted debt at a deep discount. This enabled the government to reduce its debt stock by 27% and promote economic growth in subsequent years.

    Unfortunately, the countries currently in debt distress lack sufficient foreign reserves to pursue such a strategy. Hence, they need to find a “friendly” buyer of last resort.

    The IMF is well positioned to play this role. It has the mandate to support countries during financial crises. It also has the resources to fund such a facility. It can use a mix of its own resources, including its gold reserves, and donor funding, such as a portion of the US$100 billion in Special Drawing Rights (SDR), the IMF’s own reserve currency, which rich economies committed to reallocate for development purposes.

    Such a facility, for example, would have enabled Kenya to refinance its debts at the SDR interest rate, currently at 3.75% per year, rather than at the 10.375% rate it paid in the financial markets.

    It is noteworthy that the 47 low-income countries identified as in need of debt relief have just US$60 billion in outstanding debts owed to bondholders. Our proposed buyer of last resort would help reduce the burden of these countries to manageable levels.

    Second, we propose that both debtors and creditors should commit to the following set of shared principles, based on internationally accepted norms and standards for debt restructurings.

    Guiding principles

    1. Guiding norms: Sovereign debt restructurings should be guided by six norms: credibility, responsibility, good faith, optimality, inclusiveness and effectiveness.

    Optimality means that the negotiating parties should aim to achieve an outcome that, considering the circumstances in which the parties are negotiating and their respective rights, obligations and responsibilities, offers each of them the best possible mix of economic, financial, environmental, social, human rights and governance benefits.

    2. Transparency: All parties should have access to the information that they need to make informed decisions.

    3. Due diligence: The sovereign debtor and its creditors should each undertake appropriate due diligence before concluding a sovereign debt restructuring process.

    4. Optimal outcome assessment: The parties should publicly disclose why they expect their restructuring agreement to result in an optimal outcome.

    5. Monitoring: There should be credible mechanisms for monitoring the implementation of the restructuring agreement.

    6. Inter-creditor comparability: All creditors should make a comparable contribution to the restructuring of debt.

    7. Fair burden sharing: The burden of the restructuring should be fairly allocated between the negotiating parties.

    8. Maintaining market access: The process should be designed to facilitate future market access for the borrower at affordable rates.

    The G20’s current efforts to address the silent debt crisis are failing. They are contributing to the likely failure of low income countries in Africa and the rest of the global south to offer all their residents the possibility of leading lives of dignity and opportunity.

    Danny Bradlow, in addition to his university position, is Co-Chair of the T20 task force on sovereign debt, and Co-Chair of the Academic Circle on the Right to Development.

    Marina Zucker-Marques is a co-chair for the Brazil T20 Task Force 3 on reforming the International Financial Architecture

    Kevin P. Gallagher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Easing Africa’s debt burdens: a fresh approach, based on an old idea – https://theconversation.com/easing-africas-debt-burdens-a-fresh-approach-based-on-an-old-idea-239427

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why US home insurance rates are rising so fast – hurricanes and wildfires play a big role, but there’s more to it

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Andrew J. Hoffman, Professor of Management & Organizations, Environment & Sustainability, and Sustainable Enterprise, University of Michigan

    The U.S. has seen a large number of billion-dollar disasters in recent years. AP Photo/Mark Zaleski

    Millions of Americans have been watching with growing alarm as their homeowners insurance premiums rise and their coverage shrinks. Nationwide, premiums rose 34% between 2017 and 2023, and they continued to rise in 2024 across much of the country.

    To add insult to injury, those rates go even higher if you make a claim – as much as 25% if you claim a total loss of your home.

    Why is this happening?

    There are a few reasons, but a common thread: Climate change is fueling more severe weather, and insurers are responding to rising damage claims. The losses are exacerbated by more frequent extreme weather disasters striking densely populated areas, rising construction costs and homeowners experiencing damage that was once more rare.

    Hurricane Ian, supercharged by warm water in the Gulf of Mexico, hit Florida as a Category 4 hurricane in October 2022 and caused an estimated $112.9 billion in damage.
    Ricardo Arduengo/AFP via Getty Images

    Parts of the U.S. have been seeing larger and more damaging hail, higher storm surges, massive and widespread wildfires, and heat waves that kink metal and buckle asphalt. In Houston, what used to be a 100-year disaster, such as Hurricane Harvey in 2017, is now a 1-in-23-years event, estimates by risk assessors at First Street Foundation suggest. In addition, more people are moving into coastal and wildland areas at risk from storms and wildfires.

    Just a decade ago, few insurance companies had a comprehensive strategy for addressing climate risk as a core business issue. Today, insurance companies have no choice but to factor climate change into their policy models.

    Rising damage costs, higher premiums

    There’s a saying that to get someone to pay attention to climate change, put a price on it. Rising insurance costs are doing just that.

    Increasing global temperatures lead to more extreme weather, and that means insurance companies have had to make higher payouts. In turn, they have been raising their prices and changing their coverage in order to remain solvent. That raises the costs for homeowners and for everyone else.

    The importance of insurance to the economy cannot be understated. You generally cannot get a mortgage or even drive a car, build an office building or enter into contracts without insurance to protect against the inherent risks. Because insurance is so tightly woven into economies, state agencies review insurance companies’ proposals to increase premiums or reduce coverage.

    The insurance companies are not making political statements with the increases. They are looking at the numbers, calculating risk and pricing it accordingly. And the numbers are concerning.

    The arithmetic of climate risk

    Insurance companies use data from past disasters and complex models to calculate expected future payouts. Then they price their policies to cover those expected costs. In doing so, they have to balance three concerns: keeping rates low enough to remain competitive, setting rates high enough to cover payouts and not running afoul of insurance regulators.

    But climate change is disrupting those risk models. As global temperatures rise, driven by greenhouse gases from fossil fuel use and other human activities, past is no longer prologue: What happened over the past 10 to 20 years is less predictive of what will happen in the next 10 to 20 years.

    The number of billion-dollar disasters in the U.S. each year offers a clear example. The average rose from 3.3 per year in the 1980s to 18.3 per year in the 10-year period ending in 2024, with all years adjusted for inflation.

    With that more than fivefold increase in billion-dollar disasters came rising insurance costs in the Southeast because of hurricanes and extreme rainfall, in the West because of wildfires, and in the Midwest because of wind, hail and flood damage.

    Hurricanes tend to be the most damaging single events. They caused more than US$692 billion in property damage in the U.S. between 2014 and 2023. But severe hail and windstorms, including tornadoes, are also costly; together, those on the billion-dollar disaster list did more than $246 billion in property damage over the same period.

    As insurance companies adjust to the uncertainty, they may run a loss in one segment, such as homeowners insurance, but recoup their losses in other segments, such as auto or commercial insurance. But that cannot be sustained over the long term, and companies can be caught by unexpected events. California’s unprecedented wildfires in 2017 and 2018 wiped out nearly 25 years’ worth of profits for insurance companies in that state.

    To balance their risk, insurance companies often turn to reinsurance companies; in effect, insurance companies that insure insurance companies. But reinsurers have also been raising their prices to cover their costs. Property reinsurance alone increased by 35% in 2023. Insurers are passing those costs to their policyholders.

    What this means for your homeowners policy

    Not only are homeowners insurance premiums going up, coverage is shrinking. In some cases, insurers are reducing or dropping coverage for items such as metal trim, doors and roof repair, increasing deductibles for risks such as hail and fire damage, or refusing to pay full replacement costs for things such as older roofs.

    Some insurances companies are simply withdrawing from markets altogether, canceling existing policies or refusing to write new ones when risks become too uncertain or regulators do not approve their rate increases to cover costs. In recent years, State Farm and Allstate pulled back from California’s homeowner market, and Farmers, Progressive and AAA pulled back from the Florida market, which is seeing some of the highest insurance rates in the country.

    In some cases, insurers are restricting coverage. Roof repairs, like these in Fort Myers Beach, Fla., after Hurricane Ian, can be expensive and widespread after windstorms.
    Joe Raedle/Getty Images

    State-run “insurers of last resort,” which can provide coverage for people who can’t get coverage from private companies, are struggling too. Taxpayers in states such as California and Florida have been forced to bail out their state insurers. And the National Flood Insurance Program has raised its premiums, leading 10 states to sue to stop them.

    About 7.4% of U.S. homeowners have given up on insurance altogether, leaving an estimated $1.6 trillion in property value at risk, including in high-risk states such as Florida.

    No, insurance costs aren’t done rising

    According to NOAA data, 2023 was the hottest year on record “by far.” And 2024 could be even hotter. This general warming trend and the rise in extreme weather is expected to continue until greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere are abated.

    In the face of such worrying analyses, U.S. homeowners insurance will continue to get more expensive and cover less. And yet, Jacques de Vaucleroy, chairman of the board of reinsurance giant Swiss Re, believes U.S. insurance is still priced too low to fully cover the risk from climate change.


    Climate change is a major factor in the rising cost of insurance. Join us for a special free webinar with experts Andrew Hoffman of the University of Michigan and Melanie Gall of Arizona State University to discuss the arithmetic behind these rising rates, what climate change has to do with it, and what may be coming in your future insurance bills.

    Wednesday, October 9, 2024, 11:30 a.m. PT/2:30 p.m. ET.
    Register for the webinar here.


    Andrew J. Hoffman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why US home insurance rates are rising so fast – hurricanes and wildfires play a big role, but there’s more to it – https://theconversation.com/why-us-home-insurance-rates-are-rising-so-fast-hurricanes-and-wildfires-play-a-big-role-but-theres-more-to-it-238939

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Bees have irrational biases when choosing which flowers to feed on − just like human shoppers do

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Claire Therese Hemingway, Assistant Professor of Ecology & Evolutionary Biology, University of Tennessee

    The other flowers a bee has visited recently will influence how it judges this one. Scott-Cartwright-Photography/Moment via Getty Images

    Just like people confronted with a sea of options at the grocery store, bees foraging in meadows encounter many different flowers at once. They must decide which ones to visit for food, but it isn’t always a straightforward choice.

    Flowers offer two types of food: nectar and pollen, which can vary in important ways. Nectar, for instance, can fluctuate in concentration, volume, refill rate and accessibility. It also contains secondary metabolites, such as caffeine and nicotine, which can be either disagreeable or appealing, depending on how much is present. Similarly, pollen contains proteins and lipids, which affect nutritional quality.

    When confronted with these choices, you’d think bees would always pick the flowers with the most accessible, highest-quality nectar and pollen. But they don’t. Instead, just like human grocery shoppers, their decisions about which flowers to visit depend on their recent experience with similar flowers and what other flowers are available.

    I find these behaviors fascinating. My research looks at how animals make daily choices – especially when looking for food. It turns out that bees and other pollinators make the same kinds of irrational “shopping” decisions humans make.

    Predictably irrational

    Humans are sometimes illogical. For instance, someone who wins $5 on a scratch ticket immediately after winning $1 on one will be thrilled – whereas that same person winning $5 on a ticket might be disappointed if they’re coming off a $10 win. Even though the outcome is the same, perception changes depending on what came before.

    Perceptions are also at play when people assess product labels. For instance, a person may expect an expensive bottle of wine with a fancy French label to be better than a cheap, generic-looking one. But if there’s a mismatch between how good something is and how good someone expects it to be, they may feel disproportionately disappointed or delighted.

    Humans are also very sensitive to the context of their choice. For example, people are more likely to pay a higher price for a television when a smaller, more expensive one is also available.

    These irrational behaviors are so predictable, companies have devised clever ways to exploit these tendencies when pricing and packaging goods, creating commercials, stocking shelves, and designing websites and apps. Even outside of a consumer setting, these behaviors are so common that they influence how politicians design public policy and attempt to influence voting behavior.

    Like minds

    Research shows bumblebees and humans share many of these behaviors. A 2005 study found bees evaluate the quality of nectar relative to their most recent feeding experience: Bees trained to visit a feeder with medium-quality nectar accepted it readily, whereas bees trained to visit a feeder with high-quality nectar often rejected medium-quality nectar.

    My team and I wanted to explore whether floral traits such as scents, colors and patterns might serve as product labels for bees. In the lab, we trained groups of bees to associate certain artificial flower colors with high-quality “nectar” – actually a sugar solution we could manipulate.

    The bumblebee colony, right, is attached by tunnel to the foraging arena, left, where colored discs serve as artifical flowers.
    Claire Hemingway, CC BY-SA

    For example, we trained one group to associate blue flowers with high-quality nectar. We then offered that group medium-quality nectar in either blue or yellow flowers.

    We found the bees were more willing to accept the medium-quality nectar from yellow flowers than they were from blue. Their expectations mattered.

    In another recent experiment, we gave bumblebees a choice between two equally attractive flowers – one high in sugar concentration but slower to refill and one quick to refill but containing less sugar. We measured their preference between the two, which was similar.

    At the center of each artifical flower is a tube the bee enters to access the sugar solution.
    Claire Hemingway, CC BY-SA

    We then expanded the choice by including a third flower that was even lower in sugar concentration or even slower to refill. We found that the presence of the new low-reward flower made the intermediate one appear relatively better.

    These results are intriguing and suggest, for both bees and other animals, available choices may guide foraging decisions.

    Potential uses

    Understanding these behaviors in bumblebees and other pollinators may have important consequences for people. Honeybees and bumblebees are used commercially to support billions of dollars of crop production annually.

    If bees visit certain flowers more in the presence of other flowers, farmers could use this tendency strategically. Just as stores stock shelves to present unattractive options alongside attractive ones, farmers could plant certain flower species in or near crop plants to increase visitation to the target crops.

    Claire Therese Hemingway is affiliated with The Smithsonian Tropical Research Institue.

    ref. Bees have irrational biases when choosing which flowers to feed on − just like human shoppers do – https://theconversation.com/bees-have-irrational-biases-when-choosing-which-flowers-to-feed-on-just-like-human-shoppers-do-236933

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Post-election violence is possible in US, political scientist says − and it could be worse than Jan. 6

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Alexander Cohen, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Clarkson University

    Should Americans be bracing for bloodshed if Donald Trump loses the 2024 presidential election?

    As a political scientist who studies American politics, I can easily imagine a repeat of the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol insurrection – or worse – following this November’s presidential election.

    Flashback to 2020

    Four years ago, in an attempt to overturn his loss in the 2020 presidential election, then-President Donald Trump and his surrogates furiously challenged its results. Lodging 63 lawsuits, Trump and his surrogates tried to discredit or override vote counting, election processes and certification standards in nine states.

    None of these attempts was successful. Many were dismissed as baseless – often by Trump-appointed judges – before they even saw trial. Simply put, there is no evidence of widespread fraud. Even a voter data expert hired by Trump concluded that the 2020 election was not stolen.

    The U.S. legal system agreed, demonstrating that courts remain an important bulwark protecting American democracy. Yet the legal system cannot prevent political violence wrought by election denialism, as the country soon learned.

    On Jan. 6, 2021, over 2,000 people stormed the United States Capitol to forcibly prevent Congress from certifying the 2020 presidential election. Four people died and 138 police officers were injured during the riot, which inflicted nearly US$3 million of damage. Four officers who responded to the riot would later kill themselves.

    The mob was spurred, at least in part, by Trump’s rousing speech at a rally in Washington, D.C., earlier that day. There, he reiterated his claims that the 2020 election had been “stolen by emboldened radical-left Democrats” and warned the crowd of approximately 53,000 that “if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.”

    Many legal scholars considered this to be incitement.

    “He clearly knew there were people in that crowd who were ready to and intended to be violent,” legal scholar Garrett Epps told the BBC. “He not only did nothing to discourage it, he strongly hinted it should happen.”

    Trump: A sore loser … and winner

    Trump has a long history of denying the results of any contest whose outcome he does not like.

    Before entering the political arena, Trump called the 2012 Emmys “dishonest” because his show, “The Apprentice,” did not win. In 2012, he dismissed then-President Barack Obama’s reelection as a “total sham” and questioned the accuracy of vote tallies and voting machines. Unleashing a barrage of tweets, Trump urged citizens to “fight like hell” against a “disgusting injustice.”

    As a presidential candidate in 2016, Trump called the Republican primaries fraudulent after his competitor Sen. Ted Cruz won in Iowa, tweeting that the Texan “stole it.”

    Ultimately, Trump won the Republican primaries and the national presidential campaign against Hillary Clinton in 2016. Nonetheless, he falsely claimed that he only lost the popular vote – Trump fell 2 million short of Clinton’s 65.8 million votes – due to massive voting among illegal immigrants.

    Attacking the 2024 election

    Trump has doubled down on his election denial this election cycle. By May 2024, The New York Times had documented 550 such statements, up from roughly 100 in the entire 2020 campaign.

    Continuing to insist that the 2020 election was “rigged,” Trump predicts a repeat in 2024.

    This narrative of pervasive victimization has been bolstered by a flurry of lawsuits and criminal investigations brought against the former president. Since 2020, state and federal prosecutors have charged Trump with 94 crimes, including business fraud, mishandling classified documents and interfering with the federal election.

    In New York, he was convicted of 34 counts of corporate fraud and found liable for sexual abuse in a civil case filed by author E. Jean Carroll.

    Trump has cast these legal challenges as a deliberate attempt by President Joe Biden to interfere with the 2024 election over 350 times.

    “My legal issues, every one of them, civil and the criminal ones, are all set up by Joe Biden,” Trump told a New York City crowd in January 2024. “They’re doing it for election interference.”

    His surrogates amplify this message. For instance, Mike Howell, director of the right-leaning Heritage Foundation’s Oversight Project, proclaimed on June 6, 2024, at a public Washington event that there is a “0% chance of a free and fair election.”

    From denialism to violence: Warning signs

    Lying about election results is no mere tantrum. It is a cornerstone of Trump’s strategy to paint himself as the victim of an elitist deep state – an image that appeals to his base, particularly among white working-class voters, some of whom feel that they are victims themselves of globalization and shadowy elites.

    This strategy is working.

    A September 2023 survey by the independent pollster PRRI showed that 32% of Americans believe that the 2020 election was stolen. Even though the question has been comprehensively litigated and dismissed in the courts, many American citizens simply do not believe, under any circumstances, that Trump can lose in a fair election.

    That fact, combined with other statistics from the same poll, explains why I believe another Jan. 6 is possible.

    About 23% of Americans and 33% of Republicans believe that “true American patriots may have to resort to violence in order to save our country” – a 5% increase among Republicans and 8% among the general public since 2021.

    Meanwhile, 75% of Americans believe that American democracy is at risk in the 2024 election. That, too, may be something worth fighting for – especially when 39% of Trump supporters and 42% of Biden supporters report having no friends who support the opposing candidate. When people do not trust or socialize with people unlike them, violence between groups is more likely.

    I fear little can be done to prevent such violence.

    In 2022, Congress, acting in rare bipartisan fashion, approved the Electoral Count Reform and Transition Improvement Act of 2022, which closed many doors that President Trump attempted to use to thwart the 2020 election. Yet, as history shows, rule of law is not a certain brace against violence.

    Given the perceived stakes of the election for most Americans, along with Trump’s ever-sharpening incendiary rhetoric, it is hard to imagine that Jan. 6, 2021, was an isolated chapter in American history.

    Indeed, it may have been just a prelude.

    Alexander Cohen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Post-election violence is possible in US, political scientist says − and it could be worse than Jan. 6 – https://theconversation.com/post-election-violence-is-possible-in-us-political-scientist-says-and-it-could-be-worse-than-jan-6-238663

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Who is Tim Walz? Understanding the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party can help make sense of the VP candidate

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Gabriel Paxton, PhD Candidate, Boston University

    Democratic vice presidential nominee Tim Walz thanks supporters after serving ice cream at the Minnesota State Fair on Sept. 1, 2024. Stephen Maturen/Getty Images

    Since Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris selected Tim Walz as her running mate in August 2024, political commentators have offered various takes on Walz – is he pragmatic or progressive, centrist or radical, a grassroots lefty or a mainstream Democrat?

    Walz will have a chance to speak directly to voters and possibly explain who he is and what he stands for when he debates Republican contender JD Vance on Oct. 1, 2024.

    I am a scholar of populist politics in North America, and I understand why it is difficult to define how Walz fits within the Democratic Party.

    On the one hand, Walz is a shock to the Democratic Party, which often endorses elite-educated, moderate politicians from the country’s two coasts. Walz is a former public school teacher who graduated from a state college in Nebraska – and he is not afraid to embrace the moniker of a “progressive,” which some Democrats reject in order to avoid false comparisons to socialists.

    As Walz said in an August 2024 donor call for Harris: “Don’t ever shy away from our progressive values. One person’s socialism is another person’s neighborliness.”

    Yet, Walz is unlike many other progressives in the Democratic Party. He is a gun owner and a hunter – and was one of the “best shots in Congress” when he represented Minnesota in Washington, as he will remind people. He uses sports metaphors to convey his messages, rallying Democrats behind a “fourth quarter” comeback in the election, for example.

    Yet these apparent contradictions make sense when considering that Walz follows a rich lineage of Midwestern progressive politics that starts with the Minnesota Democratic Farmer-Labor Party, a state affiliate of the Democratic Party that maintains the traditions and values of populist farmer politics in the American Midwest.

    Tim Walz speaks while campaigning for Minnesota governor in St. Paul in September 2018.
    Anthony Souffle/Minnesota Star Tribune via Getty Images

    Farmer-Labor’s Midwestern roots

    The Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party is one of the first major recognized political parties in the state. It began more than 100 years ago as a form of populist protest to the harm industrialization and urbanization brought to rural farmers at the turn of the 20th century.

    In the late 1800s, political movements like the Grangers and the Farmers’ Alliances organized to bring attention to falling crop prices, increases in railroad fees for transporting crops and the monopolization of agribusiness.

    In Minnesota, these farmer protest groups joined forces with American labor unions to build a third-party alternative to the Democrats and Republicans. This new group, known as the Farmer-Labor Party, formed in 1918 as a way to represent rural people’s interests. The Farmer-Labor Party challenged state officials to legalize union protections and offer farmer subsidies, and unsuccessfully tried to place private utilities and natural resource industries under state control.

    The Farmer-Labor Party was ideologically diverse – sometimes to a fault – and brought together a range of activists, even socialists, under the common goal of protecting working people. In 1936, the Farmer-Labor Party’s momentum captured President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s attention, and it became a key member of his New Deal coalition.

    For most of the 1920s and 1930s, Farmer-Labor challenged the Democratic Party with its more progressive ideas. However, under the guidance of former vice president Hubert Humphrey, the party merged in 1944 with the more moderate Minnesota Democratic Party to form the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party.

    Over the next several decades, the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party pushed for pragmatic and progressive politics within the state’s Democratic Party. The movement’s grassroots message has centered around protecting the country’s rural backbone.

    Influential Minnesotan politicians – including U.S. Sen. Paul Wellstone, who championed environmentalism and walked the picket lines with Midwestern laborers before he died in 2002 – have been members of the party.

    The ideas behind Farmer-Laborism

    Today, the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party shares many of its platforms and policy positions with the national Democratic Party.

    But Farmer-Labor politics are distinct in how the party has embraced a Midwestern working-class identity and rallied against monopolies, business elites and corrupt government.

    Among other Midwestern state political parties, like the Libertarian Party of Minnesota, Farmer-Labor is one of the most progressive and successful. The party has helped pass recent progressive legislation, like a public option health plan and a universal free school lunch policy.

    Walz’s predecessors in the Farmer-Labor movement have also successfully spoken out against economic and political injustices from a position within working-class and agrarian communities. Like Walz, this movement took a populist stance against political and economic elites.

    This Farmer-Labor tradition, in many ways, is a foil to the conservative-populism that is popular today. Unlike Trump’s appeal to middle America, this Minnesota brand of populism was not an attempt to save white Christian manhood. Instead, it was a genuine recognition that working people – especially those in middle America – needed to actively push back against economic inequality and forces that threatened the middle class.

    T-shirts were for sale at the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party booth at the Minnesota State Fair in Falcon Heights in August 2023.
    Michael Silk UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Farmer-Labor’s forgotten importance

    For some people, Walz and the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party are still hard to situate within the national Democratic Party.

    This is in part because the Democratic Party has sidelined rural and working-class voters over the past few decades. In 2016, the Democratic Party made the strategic mistake of not focusing enough on the Midwest – and Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton lost the Electoral College in important Midwestern states, including Wisconsin and Michigan.

    President Joe Biden gained back some Midwestern voters’ support and won Michigan and Wisconsin in 2020.

    In the 2024 election, the Democratic Party is presenting voters with Walz, who can speak to the American dream from a familiar perspective. Walz embraces unions beyond lip service, chastises corporate greed and does not shy away from rural voters even if they have cultural differences.

    American voters said in September that they view Walz slightly more favorably than Republican contender JD Vance, though they say that they don’t know either candidate well. The debate should offer voters a chance to learn more about the popular Minnesota governor.

    Conservatives, meanwhile, have tried to paint Walz as someone whose progessive politics challenge the culture of rural American life. I’d argue that the truth is far from that. Instead, like the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party and some of the rural activists it produced, Walz is trying to uncouple small-town politics from the politics of fear and cultural isolation.

    Gabriel Paxton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Who is Tim Walz? Understanding the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party can help make sense of the VP candidate – https://theconversation.com/who-is-tim-walz-understanding-the-minnesota-democratic-farmer-labor-party-can-help-make-sense-of-the-vp-candidate-239027

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The audacity of Kamala Harris’ laughter – and the racist roots of Trump’s derision

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Betsy Huang, Professor of English, Clark University

    A split image of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris during the presidential debate on Sept. 10, 2024. Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu/Getty Images

    Just when the summer uproar over Donald Trump calling his potential rival “Laffin’ Kamala” and “Cackling Copilot Kamala Harris” was beginning to subside, an apparent new round of attacks by Trump and other Republicans has emerged after their initial U.S. presidential debate.

    The target – again – was Kamala Harris’ laugh.

    Three days after the debate, for instance, Bruce Zuchowski, an Ohio sheriff, posted on his Facebook account that Harris was a “laughing hyena.” Zuchowski was subsequently barred from providing election security during in-person voting.

    Conservative media commentators also have voiced their displeasure, calling Harris’ laugh “contemptuous, ”exaggerated“ and ”inappropriate.“

    This is not surprising, given that Harris’ laughter was on full display during much of the nationally televised debate – and, worse, Trump was clearly the object of her unrelenting derision.

    Much has been written already about the sexism and racism behind Trump’s contempt for Harris’ laugh.

    But in a little-known, 1985 essay called ”An Extravagance of Laughter,“ celebrated American writer Ralph Ellison provided a sharp analysis of the subversive power of Black laughter in 1930s America.

    Ellison’s essay, published in a 1986 collection “Going to the Territory,” still offers useful historical racial context for explaining Trump’s animus toward Harris. Among the stories Ellison tells: Black people once had to put their heads in a barrel to laugh because their laughter unnerved white Southerners.

    The dangers of Black laughter

    Best known for his 1952 novel “Invisible Man,” Ellison was one of America’s foremost social critics who confronted racism and white supremacy by telling the stories of alienation among everyday Black people searching for identity in a nation that deemed them inferior.

    In “An Extravagance of Laughter,” Ellison began with an anecdote about attending a theater adaptation of Erskine Caldwell’s novel “Tobacco Road” in New York City in 1936. The popular play detailed the lives of destitute white sharecroppers during the Great Depression. The sharecroppers feared, among other things, losing their social status by dropping below the lower rung reserved for Black people in America.

    While laughing uncontrollably at a comical scene in the play involving the antics of poor white Georgia farmers, Ellison became aware of the stir he was causing among the predominantly white audience.

    American novelist Ralph Ellison in 1963.
    Ben Martin/Getty Images

    For many white Americans, Black laughter was “a peculiar form of insanity suffered exclusively by Negroes, who in light of their social status and past condition of servitude were regarded as having absolutely nothing in their daily experience which could possibly inspire rational laughter,” Ellison explained.

    As Ellison saw it, his laugh during the play was being construed as an affirmation of the Black buffoon stereotype.

    As he described it, the white spectators were “catching fire and beginning to howl and cheer the disgraceful loss of control being exhibited” by a Black man.

    Later in the essay, Ellison lampoons the use of “laughing barrels” in Southern towns, which he described as “huge whitewashed barrels labeled FOR COLORED, and into which any Negro who felt a laugh coming on was forced … to thrust his boisterous head.”

    The intent of suppressing Black laughter, Ellison explained, was pro bono publico, or for the public good.

    Stories of the use of barrels to block offensive Black laughter from public view have been well studied by scholars and are believed to be the origin of the expression “barrel of laughs.”

    While the idea of the barrels may seem utterly ridiculous, Ellison understood them as an absurd strategy of containment for a not-so-absurd fear in post-Reconstruction and Jim Crow white America, when racial segregation was legal.

    Black folks who laugh “turned the world upside down and inside out,” he explained.

    And in so doing, Ellison wrote, Black laughter “in-verted (and thus sub-verted) tradition and thus the preordained and cherished scheme of Southern racial relationships was blasted asunder.”

    In a 1983 letter celebrating Caldwell’s birthday, Ellison thanked the writer – “by giving artistic sanction to a source of comedy which in the interest of self-protection I had been forced to deny myself you had released me from three turbulent years of self-restraint.”

    Flipping the script on who gets to laugh

    The first time Trump found himself the object of Black laughter was during the 2011 White House correspondents’ dinner, where he was publicly and mercilessly roasted by a gleeful Barack Obama. The experience appeared to humiliate and infuriate Trump and is widely seen by political pundits as the catalyst for Trump’s entrance into the 2016 presidential race.

    It is not surprising, then, to see his campaign resurrect the rhetoric that many deem to be racist to erode public confidence in Harris’ fitness for the office.

    During the debate, Trump repeatedly accused Harris of “destroying the fabric of our country” with “insane” policies. Trump had previously called Harris “dumb as a rock” and “a radical left lunatic.”

    In this Harper’s Weekly cartoon published in 1874, two Black legislators are arguing in front of their white colleagues.
    Fotosearch/Getty Images

    These hearken to the long and shameful history of racist characterizations of Black Americans as menaces to society. They include depictions of unruly, newly emancipated Black men holding public office in D.W. Griffith’s 1915 “The Birth of a Nation” to Trump’s public call for the death penalty for the Black and Hispanic teens known as the Central Park Five in a full-page New York Times ad in 1989.

    In that case, the teen boys were falsely accused of the brutal assault of a white New York jogger. They served years in prison before being exonerated by DNA and the confession of a convicted rapist and murderer.

    America’s new racial and gender norms

    Trump’s mockery of Harris’ laughter has not been successful in neutralizing her popularity.

    Harris is widely regarded by political commentators as the winner of the debate, and the lasting impression is that of a glowering Trump repeatedly failing to put a stop to Harris’ mirthful expressions of incredulity.

    Almost a century has passed since Ellison’s disruptive laugh occurred in a New York theater in 1936. In that time, both Obama and Harris have reordered traditional gender and racial norms by using Black laughter in the very public theater of U.S. presidential politics.

    Betsy Huang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The audacity of Kamala Harris’ laughter – and the racist roots of Trump’s derision – https://theconversation.com/the-audacity-of-kamala-harris-laughter-and-the-racist-roots-of-trumps-derision-238189

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Airdropping vaccines to eliminate canine rabies in Texas – two scientists explain the decades of research behind its success

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rodney E. Rohde, Regents’ Professor & Chair, Medical Laboratory Science, Texas State University

    Rabies is a fatal disease for both animals and people. CDC/Barbara Andrews

    Rabies is a deadly disease. Without vaccination, a rabies infection is nearly 100% fatal once someone develops symptoms. Texas has experienced two rabies epidemics in animals since 1988: one involving coyotes and dogs in south Texas, and the other involving gray foxes in west central Texas. Affecting 74 counties, these outbreaks led to thousands of people who could have been exposed, two human deaths and countless animal lives lost.

    In 1994, Gov. Ann Richards declared rabies a state health emergency. The Texas Department of State Health Services responded by launching the Oral Rabies Vaccination Program to control the spread of these wildlife rabies outbreaks.

    Since 1995, the program has distributed over 53 million doses of rabies vaccine over 758,100 square miles (nearly 2 million square kilometers) in Texas by hand or aircraft. Rabies cases in dogs and coyotes went from 141 to 0 by 2005, and rabies cases in foxes went from 101 to 0 by 2014. By 2004, one canine rabies variant was effectively eliminated from Texas, and another variant was substantially controlled.

    We are researchers who began studying wildlife rabies and oral vaccination in the 1980s. From providing a proof of concept in using oral vaccines in raccoons to being among the first to use new rabies vaccines in the 1990s, we were on the ground floor of efforts to contain this deadly virus.

    Decades of vaccine research led to one of the most successful public health projects in Texas. And we’re hopeful it could provide a road map for the use of mass wildlife vaccination to prevent future outbreaks.

    Developing the oral rabies vaccine

    The Texas Oral Rabies Vaccination Program benefited greatly from the work of multiple researchers over prior decades.

    The mid-20th century saw several major developments in rabies control. With the failure of efforts to poison or trap infected animals, virologist and veterinarian George Baer at the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recognized the need for a different strategy to prevent and control wildlife rabies. His and his colleagues’ work in the 1960s led to the concept of oral rabies vaccination. While orally vaccinating wildlife would help combat infection at its source, it was previously thought to be logistically unfeasible given the large range of target animals.

    By the late 1970s, European researchers began the first field trials to orally vaccinate foxes against rabies. Small plastic containers were filled with vaccines and placed into baits, such as chicken heads. Over 50,000 of these vaccine-laden baits were distributed over four years in fox habitats in forests and fields.

    Early vaccine baits were coated with fishmeal crumbles and cod liver oil.
    Maki et al/Veterinary Research, CC BY-ND

    Researchers in Canada also began similar field trials in Ontario. During the 1980s, an average of 235 rabid foxes per year were reported in the area. Baits containing oral rabies vaccine were dropped annually from 1989 to 1995 and successfully eliminated the fox variant of rabies from the whole area.

    Recombinant oral rabies vaccine

    The first generation of these vaccines used live viruses modified in an attempt to not cause severe disease. Although effective and generally safe, the original rabies vaccines had to be kept in cool temperatures and had the rare risk of causing rabies in animals.

    In the early 1980s, scientists developed recombinant rabies vaccines, which use a separate virus to express the genes of the rabies virus. A collaboration between a nonprofit institute, the U.S. government, and the pharmaceutical industry led to the development of a recombinant viral vaccine that produced a rapid immune response against rabies without the possibility of causing rabies.

    In 1984, preliminary work in laboratory animals showed the promise of using an oral form of the recombinant vaccine to vaccinate animals. However, the concept of using genetically modified organisms was in its infancy among both scientists and the general public. While the vaccine was safe and effective in captive raccoons and foxes, major questions loomed over how it might affect other species once released into the environment.

    After years of work improving the vaccine’s design and testing its safety in several nonhuman species, the first European trial was held on a military base in Belgium. With data supporting it could safely and effectively control wildlife in Luxembourg and France, the vaccine was licensed to control fox rabies in 1995.

    In the U.S., similar studies of the oral recombinant rabies vaccine were conducted. The first trial began in 1990 at Parramore Island off the Virginia coast, and a year of intensive monitoring found no significant adverse effects on the environment or any wildlife species. A second yearlong study on the mainland near Williamsport, Pennsylvania, had similarly positive results.

    After the vaccine was successfully used to control raccoon rabies in tests in several other East Coast states, it was approved for use on raccoons in 1997.

    In 1998, the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service received funding to expand existing oral wildlife vaccination projects to states of strategic importance, to prevent the spread of specific rabies viruses, and to coordinate interstate projects.

    Results in Texas

    In Texas, the oral recombinant vaccine is now primarily distributed by hand and by approximately 75 separate helicopter flights annually.

    The Texas Department of State Health Services rabies laboratory worked alongside the CDC to create the Regional Rabies Virus Reference Typing Laboratory. One of us was recruited to both distribute the vaccine in the field and to develop molecular typing tools to discriminate between different types of rabies virus variants in the lab. These techniques allowed us to identify where different rabies virus variants were emerging at any given moment.

    The Texas Oral Rabies Vaccination Program continues to monitor and control rabies cases in the state.

    Our lab was also the first in the nation outside of the CDC to assist other U.S. states and countries in testing their specimens for rabies virus variants. These techniques helped researchers monitor where the rabies epizootic was ongoing or retreating due to wildlife vaccination and new forms of spread.

    With the constant threat of emerging and reemerging infectious diseases like COVID-19 and influenza, the prospect of mass vaccination of wild animals may be one way to address future pandemics. Though there is much work ahead of us, we have hope that we may one day have the option of using mass wildlife vaccination to reduce or eliminate infectious diseases like rabies.

    Rodney E. Rohde has received funding from the American Society of Clinical Pathologists, American Society for Clinical Laboratory Science, U.S. Department of Labor (OSHA), and other public and private entities/foundations. Rohde is affiliated with ASCP, ASCLS, ASM, and serves on several scientific advisory boards.

    Charles E. Rupprecht consults for global academic, governmental, industrial and NGO organizations. He receives funding from academic, governmental, industrial, and NGO sources.

    ref. Airdropping vaccines to eliminate canine rabies in Texas – two scientists explain the decades of research behind its success – https://theconversation.com/airdropping-vaccines-to-eliminate-canine-rabies-in-texas-two-scientists-explain-the-decades-of-research-behind-its-success-238508

    MIL OSI – Global Reports