Category: Ukraine

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Meeting of 3-5 June 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, 3-5 June 2025

    3 July 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that the narrative in financial markets remained unstable. Since January 2025 market sentiment had swung from strong confidence in US exceptionalism to expectations of a global recession that had prevailed around the time of the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 16-17 April, and then back to investor optimism. These developments had been mirrored by sharp swings in euro area asset markets, which had now more than recovered from the shock triggered by the US tariff announcement on 2 April. On the back of these developments, market-based measures of inflation compensation had edged up across maturities since the previous monetary policy meeting. The priced-in inflation path was currently close to 2% over the medium term, with a temporary dip below 2% seen for early 2026, largely owing to energy-related base effects. Nevertheless, expectations regarding ECB monetary policy had not recovered and remained near the levels seen immediately after 2 April.

    Financial market volatility had quickly declined after the spike in early April. Stock market volatility had risen sharply in the euro area and the United States in response to the US tariff announcement on 2 April, reaching levels last seen around the time of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the COVID-19 pandemic shock in 2020. However, compared with these shocks, volatility had receded much faster, returning to post-pandemic average levels.

    The receding volatility had been reflected in a sharp rebound in asset prices across market segments. In the euro area, risk assets had more than recovered from the heavy losses incurred after the 2 April tariff announcement. By contrast, some US market segments, notably the dollar and Treasuries, had not fully recovered from their losses. The largest price increases had been observed for bitcoin and gold.

    Two main drivers had led the recovery in euro area risk asset markets and the outperformance of euro area assets relative to US assets. The first had been the reassessment of the near-term macroeconomic outlook for the euro area since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. Macroeconomic data for both the euro area and the United States had recently surprised on the upside, refuting the prospect of a looming recession for both regions. The forecasts from Consensus Economics for euro area real GDP growth in 2025, which had been revised down following the April tariff announcement, had gradually been revised up again, as the prospective economic impact of tariffs was currently seen as less severe than had initially been priced in. Expectations for growth in 2026 remained well above the 2025 forecasts. By contrast, expectations for growth in the United States in both 2025 and 2026 had been revised down much more sharply, suggesting that economic growth in the United States would be worse hit by tariffs than growth in the euro area.

    The second factor supporting euro area asset prices in recent months had been a growing preference among global investors for broader international diversification away from the United States. Evidence from equity funds suggested that the euro area was benefiting from global investors’ international portfolio rebalancing.

    The growing attractiveness of euro-denominated assets across market segments had been reflected in recent exchange rate developments. Since the April tariff shock, the EUR/USD exchange rate had decoupled from interest rate differentials, partly owing to a change in hedging behaviour. Historically, the euro had depreciated against the US dollar when volatility in foreign exchange markets increased. Over the past three months, however, it had appreciated against the dollar when volatility had risen, suggesting that the euro – rather than the dollar – had recently served as a safe-haven currency.

    The outperformance of euro area markets relative to other economies had been most visible in equity prices. Euro area stocks had continued to outperform not only their US peers, but also stock indices of other major economies, including the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Japan. The German DAX had led the euro area rally and had surpassed its pre-tariff levels to reach a new record high, driven by expectations of strengthening growth momentum following the announcement of the German fiscal package in March. Looking at the factors behind euro area stock market developments, a divergence could be observed between short-term and longer-term earnings growth expectations. Whereas, for the next 12 months, euro area firms’ expected earnings growth had been revised down since the tariff announcement, for the next three to five years, analysts had continued to revise earnings growth expectations up. This could be due to a combination of a short-term dampening effect from tariffs and a longer-term positive impulse from fiscal policy.

    The recovery in risk sentiment had also been visible in corporate bond markets. The spreads of high-yielding euro area non-financial corporate bonds had more than reversed the spike triggered by the April tariff announcement. This suggested that the heightened trade policy uncertainty had not had a lasting impact on the funding conditions of euro area firms. Despite comparable funding costs on the two sides of the Atlantic, when taking into account currency risk-hedging costs, US companies had increasingly turned to euro funding. This underlined the increased attractiveness of the euro.

    The resilience of euro area government bond markets had been remarkable. The spread between euro area sovereign bonds and overnight index swap (OIS) rates had narrowed visibly since the April tariff announcement. Historically, during “risk-off” periods GDP-weighted euro area government asset swap spreads had tended to widen. However, during the latest risk-off period the reaction of the GDP-weighted euro area sovereign yield curve had resembled that of the German Bund, the traditional safe haven.

    A decomposition of euro area and US OIS rates showed that, in the United States, the rise in longer-term OIS rates had been driven by a sharp increase in term premia, while expectations of policy rate cuts had declined. In the euro area, the decline in two-year OIS rates had been entirely driven by expectations of lower policy rates, while for longer-term rates the term premium had also fallen slightly. Hence, the reassessment of monetary policy expectations had not been the main driver of diverging interest rate dynamics on either side of the Atlantic. Instead, the key driver had been a divergence in term premia.

    The recent market developments had had implications for overall financial conditions. Despite the tightening pressure stemming from the stronger euro exchange rate, indices of financial conditions had recovered to stand above their pre-April levels. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the entire yield curve had brought real yields below the level prevailing at the time of the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting.

    Inflation compensation had edged up in the euro area since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. One-year forward inflation compensation two years ahead, excluding tobacco, currently stood at 1.8%, i.e. only slightly below the 2% inflation target when accounting for tobacco. Over the longer term five-year forward inflation compensation five years ahead remained well anchored around 2%. The fact that near-term inflation compensation remained below the levels seen in early 2025 could largely be ascribed to the sharp drop in oil prices.

    In spite of the notable easing in financial conditions, the fading of financial market volatility, the pick-up in inflation expectations and positive macroeconomic surprises, investors’ expectations regarding ECB monetary policy had remained broadly unchanged. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the present meeting, and another rate cut was priced in by the end of the year, with some uncertainty regarding the timing. Hence, expectations for ECB rates had proven relatively insensitive to the recovery in other market segments.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started by noting that headline inflation had declined to 1.9% in May from 2.2% in April. Energy inflation had been unchanged at -3.6% in May. Food inflation had edged up to 3.3%, from 3.0%, while goods inflation had been stable at 0.6% in May and services inflation had declined to 3.2% in May, from 4.0% in April.

    Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that in the medium term inflation would settle at around the 2% target on a sustained basis, in part as a result of the continuing moderation in wage growth. The annual growth rate of negotiated wages had fallen to 2.4% in the first quarter of 2025, from 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. Forward-looking wage trackers continued to point to an easing in negotiated wage growth. The Eurosystem staff macroeconomic projections for the euro area foresaw a deceleration in the annual growth rate of compensation per employee, from 4.5% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025, and to 2.8% in 2026 and 2027. The Consumer Expectations Survey also pointed to moderating wage pressures.

    The short-term outlook for headline inflation had been revised down, owing to lower energy prices and the stronger euro. This was supported by market-based inflation compensation measures. The euro had appreciated strongly since early March – but had moved broadly sideways over the past few weeks. Since the April Governing Council meeting the euro had strengthened slightly against the US dollar (+0.6%) and had depreciated in nominal effective terms (-0.7%). Compared with the March projections, oil prices and oil futures had decreased substantially. As the euro had appreciated, the decline in oil prices in euro terms had become even larger than in US dollar terms. Gas prices and gas futures were also at much lower levels than at the time of the March projections.

    According to the baseline in the June staff projections, headline inflation – as measured by the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) – was expected to average 2.0% in 2025, 1.6% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Relative to the March projections, inflation had been revised down by 0.3 percentage points for both 2025 and 2026, and was unchanged for 2027. Headline inflation was expected to remain below the target for the next one and a half years. The downward revisions mainly reflected lower energy price assumptions, as well as a stronger euro. The projected increase in inflation in 2027 incorporated an expected temporary upward impact from climate-related fiscal measures – namely the new EU Emissions Trading System (ETS2). In the June baseline projections, core inflation (HICP inflation excluding energy and food) was expected to average 2.4% in 2025 and 1.9% in both 2026 and 2027. The results of the latest Survey of Monetary Analysts were broadly in line with the June projections for headline inflation in 2025 and 2027, but showed a notably less pronounced undershoot for 2026. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations remained at around the 2% target, which supported the sustainable return of inflation to target. At the same time, markets were pricing in an extended phase of below-target inflation, with the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate two years ahead and the one-year forward rate three years ahead averaging 1.8%.

    The frontloading of imports in anticipation of higher tariffs had contributed to stronger than expected global trade growth in the first quarter of the year. However, high-frequency data pointed to a significant slowdown of trade in May. Excluding the euro area, global GDP growth had moderated to 0.7% in the first quarter, down from 1.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The global manufacturing Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) excluding the euro area continued to signal stagnation, edging down to 49.6 in May, from 50.0 in April. The forward-looking PMI for new manufacturing orders remained below the neutral threshold of 50. Compared with the March projections, euro area foreign demand had been revised down by 0.4 percentage points for 2025 and by 1.4 percentage points for 2026. Growth in euro area foreign demand was expected to decline to 2.8% in 2025 and 1.7% in 2026, before recovering to 3.1% in 2027.

    While Eurostat’s most recent flash estimate suggested that the euro area economy had grown by 0.3% in the first quarter, an aggregation of available country data pointed to a growth rate of 0.4%. Domestic demand, exports and inventories should all have made a positive contribution to the first quarter outturn. Economic activity had likely benefited from frontloading in anticipation of trade frictions. This was supported by anecdotal evidence from the latest Non-Financial Business Sector Dialogue held in May and by particularly strong export and industrial production growth in some euro area countries in March. On the supply side, value-added in manufacturing appeared to have contributed to GDP growth more than services for the first time since the fourth quarter of 2023.

    Survey data pointed to weaker euro area growth in the second quarter amid elevated uncertainty. Uncertainty was also affecting consumer confidence: the Consumer Expectations Survey confidence indicator had dropped in April, falling to its lowest level since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, mainly because higher-income households were more responsive to changing economic conditions. A saving rate indicator based on the same survey had also increased in annual terms for the first time since October 2023, likely reflecting precautionary motives for saving.

    The labour market remained robust. According to Eurostat’s flash estimate, employment had increased by 0.3% in the first quarter of 2025, from 0.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The unemployment rate had remained broadly unchanged since October 2024 and had stood at a record low of 6.2% in April. At the same time, demand for labour continued to moderate gradually, as reflected in a decline in the job vacancy rate and subdued employment PMIs. Workers’ perceptions of the labour market and of probabilities of finding a job had also weakened, according to the latest Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Trade tensions and elevated uncertainty had clouded the outlook for the euro area economy. Greater uncertainty was expected to weigh on investment. Higher tariffs and the recent appreciation of the euro should weigh on exports.

    Despite these headwinds, conditions remained in place for the euro area economy to strengthen over time. In particular, a strong labour market, rising real wages, robust private sector balance sheets and less restrictive financing conditions following the Governing Council’s past interest rate cuts should help the economy withstand the fallout from a volatile global environment. In addition, a rebound in foreign demand later in the projection horizon and the recently announced fiscal support measures were expected to bolster growth over the medium term. In the June projections, the fiscal deficit was now expected to be 3.1% in 2025, 3.4% in 2026 and 3.5% in 2027. The higher deficit path was mostly due to the additional fiscal package related to higher defence and infrastructure spending in Germany. The June projections foresaw annual average real GDP growth of 0.9% in 2025, 1.1% in 2026 and 1.3% in 2027. Relative to the March projections, the outlook for GDP growth was unchanged for 2025 and 2027 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2026. The unrevised growth projection for 2025 reflected a stronger than expected first quarter combined with weaker prospects for the remainder of the year.

    In the current context of high uncertainty, Eurosystem staff had also assessed how different trade policies, and the level of uncertainty surrounding these policies, could affect growth and inflation under some alternative illustrative scenarios, which would be published with the staff projections on the ECB’s website. If the trade tensions were to escalate further over the coming months, staff would expect growth and inflation to be below their baseline projections. By contrast, if the trade tensions were resolved with a benign outcome, staff would expect growth and, to a lesser extent, inflation to be higher than in the baseline projections.

    Turning to monetary and financial conditions, risk-free interest rates had remained broadly unchanged since the April meeting. Equity prices had risen and corporate bond spreads had narrowed in response to better trade news. While global risk sentiment had improved, the euro had stayed close to the level it had reached as a result of the deepening of trade and financial tensions in April. At the same time, sentiment in financial markets remained fragile, especially as suspensions of higher US tariff rates were set to expire starting in early July.

    Lower policy rates continued to be transmitted to lending conditions for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 3.8% in April, from 3.9% in March, with the cost of issuing market-based debt unchanged at 3.7%. Consistent with these patterns, bank lending to firms had continued to strengthen gradually, growing by an annual rate of 2.6% in April, after 2.4% in March, while corporate bond issuance had been subdued. The average interest rate on new mortgages had stayed at 3.3% in April, while growth in mortgage lending had increased to 1.9%, from 1.7% in March. Annual growth in broad money, as measured by M3, had picked up in April to 3.9%, from 3.7% in March.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, inflation was currently at around the 2% target. While this in part reflected falling energy prices, most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at this level on a sustained basis in the medium term. This medium-term outlook was underpinned by the expected continuing moderation in services inflation as wage growth decelerated. The current indications were that rising barriers to global trade would likely have a disinflationary impact on the euro area in 2025 and 2026, as reflected in the June baseline and the staff scenarios. However, the possibility that a deterioration in trade relations would put upward pressure on inflation through supply chain disruptions required careful ongoing monitoring. Under the baseline, only a limited revision was seen to the path of GDP growth, but the headwinds to activity would be stronger under the severe scenario. Broadly speaking, monetary transmission was proceeding smoothly, although high uncertainty reduced its strength.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points, taking the deposit facility rate to 2.0%. The June projections were conditioned on a rate path that included a one-quarter of a percentage point reduction in the deposit facility rate in June. By supporting the pricing pressure needed to generate target-consistent inflation in the medium term, this cut would help ensure that the projected deviation of inflation below the target in 2025-26 remained temporary and did not turn into a longer-term deviation. By demonstrating that the Governing Council was determined to make sure that inflation returned to target in the medium term, the rate reduction would help underpin inflation expectations and avoid an unwarranted tightening in financial conditions. The proposal was also robust across the different trade policy scenarios prepared by staff.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    On the global environment, growth in the world economy (outside the euro area) was expected to slow in 2025 and 2026 compared with 2024. This slowdown reflected developments in the United States – although China would also be affected – and would result in slower growth in euro area foreign demand. These developments were seen to stem mainly from trade policy measures enacted by the US Administration and reactions from China and other countries.

    Members underlined that the outlook for the global economy remained highly uncertain. Elevated trade uncertainty was likely to prevail for some time and could broaden and intensify, beyond the most recent announcements of tariffs on steel and aluminium. Further tariffs could increase trade tensions, as well as the likelihood of retaliatory actions and the prospect of non-linear effects, as retaliation would increasingly affect intermediate goods. While high-frequency trackers of global economic activity and trade had remained relatively resilient in the first quarter of 2025 (partly reflecting frontloading), indicators for April and May already suggested some slowdown. The euro had appreciated in nominal effective terms since the March 2025 projection exercise, although not by as much as it had strengthened against the US dollar. Another noteworthy development was the sharp decline in energy commodity prices, with both crude oil and natural gas prices now expected to be substantially lower than foreseen in the March projections (on the basis of futures prices). Developments in energy prices and the exchange rate were seen as the main drivers of the dynamics of euro area headline inflation at present.

    Members extensively discussed the trade scenarios prepared by Eurosystem staff in the context of the June projection exercise. Such scenarios should assist in identifying the relevant channels at work and could provide a quantification of the impact of tariffs and trade policy uncertainty on growth, the labour market and inflation, in conjunction with regular sensitivity analyses. The baseline assumption of the June 2025 projection exercise was that tariffs would remain at the May 2025 level over the projection horizon and that uncertainty would remain elevated, though gradually declining. Recognising the high level of uncertainty currently surrounding US trade policies, two alternative scenarios had been considered for illustrative purposes. One was a “mild” scenario of lower tariffs, incorporating the “zero-for-zero” tariff proposal for industrial goods put forward by the European Commission and a faster reduction in trade policy uncertainty. The other was a “severe” scenario which assumed that tariffs would revert to the higher levels announced in April and also included retaliation by the EU, with trade policy uncertainty remaining elevated.

    In the first instance, it was underlined that the probability that could be attached to the baseline projection materialising was lower than in normal times. Accordingly, a higher probability had to be attached to alternative possible outcomes, including potential non-linearities entailed in jumping from one scenario to another, and the baseline provided less guidance than usual. Mixed views were expressed, however, on the likelihood of the scenarios and on which would be the most relevant channels. On the one hand, the mild scenario was regarded as useful to demonstrate the benefits of freeing trade rather than restricting it. However, at the current juncture there was relatively little confidence that it would materialise. Regarding the severe scenario, the discussion did not centre on its degree of severity but rather on whether it adequately captured the possible adverse ramifications of substantially higher tariffs. One source of additional stress was related to dislocations in financial markets. Moreover, downward pressure on inflation could be amplified if countries with overcapacity rerouted their exports to the euro area. More pressure could come from energy prices falling further and the euro appreciating more strongly. It was remarked that in all the scenarios, the main impact on activity and inflation appeared to stem from higher policy uncertainty rather than from the direct impact of higher tariffs.

    A third focus of the discussion regarded possible adverse supply-side effects. The argument was made that the scenarios presented in the staff projections were likely to underestimate the upside risks to inflation, because tariffs were modelled as a negative demand shock, while supply-side effects were not taken into account. While it was noted that, thus far, no significant broad-based supply-side disturbances had materialised, restrictions on trade in rare earths were cited as an example of adverse supply chain effects that had already occurred. Moreover, the experiences after the pandemic and after Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine served as cautionary reminders that supply-side effects, if and when they occurred, could be non-linear in nature and impact. In this respect, potential short-term supply chain disruptions needed to be distinguished from longer-term trends such as deglobalisation. Reference was made to an Occasional Paper published in December 2024 on trade fragmentation entitled “Navigating a fragmenting global trading system: insights for central banks”, which had considered the implications of a splitting of trading blocs between the East and the West. While such detailed sectoral analysis could serve as a useful “satellite model”, it was not part of the standard macroeconomic toolkit underpinning the projections. At the same time, it was noted that large supply-side effects from trade fragmentation could themselves trigger negative demand effects.

    Against this background, it was argued that retaliatory tariffs and non-linear effects of tariffs on the supply side of the economy, including through structural disruption and fragmentation of global supply chains, might spur inflationary pressures. In particular, inflation could be higher than in the baseline in the short run if the EU took retaliatory measures following an escalation of the tariff war by the United States, and if tariffs were imposed on products that were not easily substitutable, such as intermediate goods. In such a scenario, tariffs and countermeasures could ripple through the global economy via global supply chains. Firms suffering from rising costs of imported inputs would over time likely pass these costs on to consumers, as the previous erosion of profit margins made cost absorption difficult. Over the longer term a reconfiguration of global supply chains would probably make production less efficient, thereby reversing earlier gains from globalisation. As a result, the inflationary effects of tariffs on the supply side could outweigh the disinflationary pressure from reduced foreign demand and therefore pose upside risks to the medium-term inflation outlook.

    With regard to euro area activity, the economy had proven more resilient in the first quarter of 2025 than had been expected, but the outlook remained challenging. Preliminary estimates of euro area real GDP growth in the first quarter suggested that it had not only been stronger than previously anticipated but also broader-based, and recent updates based on the aggregation of selected available country data suggested that there could be a further upward revision. Frontloading of activity and trade ahead of prospective tariffs had likely played a significant role in the stronger than expected outturn in the first quarter, but the broad-based expansion was a positive signal, with data suggesting growth in most demand components, including private consumption and investment. In particular, attention was drawn to the likely positive contribution from investment, which had been expected to be more adversely affected by trade policy uncertainty. It was also felt that the underlying fundamentals of the euro area were in a good state, and would support economic growth in the period ahead. Notably, higher real incomes and the robust labour market would allow households to spend more. Rising government investment in infrastructure and defence would also support growth, particularly in 2026 and 2027. These solid foundations for domestic demand should help to make the euro area economy more resilient to external shocks.

    At the same time, economic growth was expected to be more subdued in the second and third quarters of 2025. This assessment reflected in part the assumed unwinding of the frontloading that had occurred in the first quarter, the implementation of some of the previously announced trade restrictions and ongoing uncertainty about future trade policies. Indeed, recent real-time indicators for the second quarter appeared to confirm the expected slowdown. Composite PMI data for April and May pointed to a moderation, both in current activity and in more forward-looking indicators, such as new orders. It was noted that a novel feature of the latest survey data was that manufacturing indicators were above those for services. In fact, the manufacturing sector continued to show signs of a recovery, in spite of trade policy uncertainty, with the manufacturing PMI standing at its highest level since August 2022. The PMIs for manufacturing output and new orders had been in expansionary territory for three months in a row and expectations regarding future output were at their highest level for more than three years.

    While this was viewed as a positive development, it partly reflected a temporary boost to manufacturing, stemming from frontloading of exports, which masked potential headwinds for exporting firms in the months ahead that would be further reinforced by a stronger euro. While there was considerable volatility in export developments at present, the expected profile over the entire projection horizon had been revised down substantially in the past two projection exercises. In addition, ongoing high uncertainty and trade policy unpredictability were expected to weigh on investment. Furthermore, the decline in services indicators was suggestive of the toll that trade policy uncertainty was taking on economic sentiment more broadly. Overall, estimates for GDP growth in the near term suggested a significant slowdown in growth dynamics and pointed to broadly flat economic activity in the middle of the year.

    Looking ahead, broad agreement was expressed with the June 2025 Eurosystem staff projections for growth, although it was felt that the outlook was more clouded than usual as a result of current trade policy developments. It was noted that stronger than previously expected growth around the turn of the year had provided a marked boost to the annual growth figure, with staff expecting an average of 0.9% for 2025. However, it was observed that the unrevised projection for 2025 as a whole concealed a stronger than previously anticipated start to the year but a weaker than previously projected middle part of the year. Thus, the expected pick-up in growth to 1.1% in 2026 also masked an anticipated slowdown in the middle of 2025. Staff expected growth to increase further to 1.3% in 2027. Some scepticism was expressed regarding the much stronger quarterly growth rates foreseen for 2026 following essentially flat quarterly growth for the remainder of 2025.

    All in all, it was felt that robust labour markets and rising real wages provided reasonable grounds for optimism regarding the expected pick-up in growth. Private sector balance sheets were seen to be in good shape, and part of the increase in activity foreseen for 2026 and 2027 was driven by expectations of increased government investment in infrastructure and defence. Moreover, the expected recovery in consumption was made more likely by the fact that the projections foresaw only a relatively gradual decline in the household saving rate, which was expected to remain relatively high compared with the pre-pandemic period. At the same time, it was noted that the decline in the household saving rate factored into the projections might not materialise in the current environment of elevated trade policy uncertainty. Similarly, scepticism was expressed regarding the projected rebound in housing investment, given that mortgage rates could be expected to increase in line with higher long-term interest rates. More generally, caution was expressed about the composition of the expected pick-up in activity. In recent years higher public expenditure had to some extent masked weakness in private sector activity. Looking ahead, given the economic and political constraints, public investment could turn out to be lower or less powerful in boosting economic growth than assumed in the baseline, even when abstracting from the lack of sufficient “fiscal space” in a number of jurisdictions.

    Labour markets continued to represent a bright spot for the euro area economy and contributed to its resilience in the current environment. Employment continued to grow, and April data indicated that the unemployment rate, at 6.2%, was at its lowest level since the launch of the euro. The positive signals from labour markets and growth in real wages, together with more favourable financing conditions, gave grounds for confidence that the euro area economy could weather the current trade policy storm and resume a growth path once conditions became more stable. However, attention was also drawn to some indications of a gradual softening in labour demand. This was evident, in particular, in the decline in job vacancy rates. In addition, while the manufacturing employment PMI indicated less negative developments, the services sector indicator had declined in April and May. Lastly, consumer surveys suggested that workers’ expectations for the unemployment rate had deteriorated and unemployed workers’ expectations of finding a job had fallen.

    With regard to fiscal and structural policies, it was argued that the boost to spending on infrastructure and defence, thus far seen as mainly concentrated in the largest euro area economy, would broadly offset the impact on activity from ongoing trade tensions. However, the time profile of the effects was seen to differ between the two shocks.

    Against this background, members considered that the risks to economic growth remained tilted to the downside. The main downside risks included a possible further escalation in global trade tensions and associated uncertainties, which could lower euro area growth by dampening exports and dragging down investment and consumption. Furthermore, it was noted that a deterioration in financial market sentiment could lead to tighter financing conditions and greater risk aversion, and make firms and households less willing to invest and consume. In addition, geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. On the other hand, it was noted that if trade and geopolitical tensions were resolved swiftly, this could lift sentiment and spur activity. A further increase in defence and infrastructure spending, together with productivity-enhancing reforms, would also add to growth.

    In the context of structural and fiscal policies, it was felt that while the current geopolitical situation posed challenges to the euro area economy, it also offered opportunities. However, these opportunities would only be realised if quick and decisive actions were taken by economic policymakers. It was noted that monetary policy had delivered, bringing inflation back to target despite the unprecedented shocks and challenges. It was observed that now was the time for other actors (in particular the European Commission and national governments) to step up quickly, particularly as the window of opportunity was likely to be limited. This included implementing the recommendations in the reports by Mario Draghi and Enrico Letta, and projects under the European savings and investment union. These measures would not only bring benefits in their own right, but could also strengthen the international role of the euro and enhance the resilience of the euro area economy more broadly.

    It was widely underlined that the present geopolitical environment made it even more urgent for fiscal and structural policies to make the euro area economy more productive, competitive and resilient. In particular, it was considered that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action, and its proposals, including on simplification, should be swiftly adopted. This included completing the savings and investment union, following a clear and ambitious timetable. It was also important to rapidly establish the legislative framework to prepare the ground for the potential introduction of a digital euro. Governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework, while prioritising essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment.

    With regard to price developments, members largely concurred with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The fact that the latest release showed that headline inflation – at 1.9% in May – was back in line with the target was widely welcomed. This flash estimate (released on Tuesday, 3 June, well after the cut-off point for the June projections) showed a noticeable decline in services inflation, to 3.2% in May from 4.0% in April. The drop was reassuring, as it supported the argument that the timing of Easter and its effect on travel-related (air transport and package holiday) prices had been behind the 0.5 percentage point uptick in services inflation in April. The rate of increase in non-energy industrial goods prices had remained contained at 0.6% in May. Accordingly, core inflation had decreased to 2.3%, from 2.7% in April, more than offsetting the 0.3 percentage point increase observed in that month. Some concern was expressed about the increase in food price inflation to 3.3% in May, from 3.0% in April, but it was also noted that international food commodity prices had decreased most recently. It was widely acknowledged that consumer energy prices, which had declined by 3.6% year on year in May, were continuing to pull down the headline rate of inflation and were the key drivers of the downward revision of the inflation profile in the June projections compared with the March projections.

    Looking ahead, according to the June projections headline inflation was set to average 2.0% in 2025, 1.6% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. It was underlined that the downward revisions compared with the March projections, by 0.3 percentage points for both 2025 and 2026, mainly reflected lower assumptions for energy prices and a stronger euro. The projections for core inflation, which was expected to average 2.4% in 2025 and 1.9% in 2026 and 2027, were broadly unchanged from the March projections.

    While energy prices and exchange rates were likely to lead to headline inflation undershooting the target for some time, inflation dynamics would over the medium term increasingly be driven by the effects of fiscal policy. Hence headline inflation was on target for 2027, though this was partly due to a sizeable contribution from the implementation of ETS2. Overall, it was considered that the euro area was currently in a good place as far as inflation was concerned. There was increasing confidence that most measures of underlying inflation were consistent with inflation settling at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis, even as domestic inflation remained high. While wage growth remained elevated, there was broad agreement that wages were set to moderate visibly. Furthermore, profits were assessed to be partially buffering the impact of wage growth on inflation. However, it was also remarked that firms’ profit margins had been squeezed for some time, which increased the likelihood of cost-push shocks being passed through to prices. While short-term consumer inflation expectations had edged up in April, this likely reflected the impact of news about trade tensions. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continued to stand at around 2%.

    Regarding wage developments, it was noted that both hard data and survey data suggested that moderation was ongoing. This was supported particularly by incoming data on negotiated wages and available country data on compensation per employee. Furthermore, the ECB wage tracker pointed to a further easing of negotiated wage growth in 2025, while the staff projections saw wage growth falling below 3% in 2026 and 2027. It was noted that the projections for the rate of increase in compensation per employee – 2.8% in both 2026 and 2027 – would see wages rising just at the rate of inflation, 2.0%, plus trend productivity growth of 0.8%. It was commented, however, that compensation per employee in the first quarter of 2025 had surprised on the upside and that the decline in negotiated wage indicators was partly driven by one-off payments.

    Turning to the Governing Council’s risk assessment, it was considered that the outlook for euro area inflation was more uncertain than usual, as a result of the volatile global trade policy environment. Falling energy prices and a stronger euro could put further downward pressure on inflation. This could be reinforced if higher tariffs led to lower demand for euro area exports and to countries with overcapacity rerouting their exports to the euro area. Trade tensions could lead to greater volatility and risk aversion in financial markets, which would weigh on domestic demand and would thereby also lower inflation. By contrast, a fragmentation of global supply chains could raise inflation by pushing up import prices and adding to capacity constraints in the domestic economy. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation over the medium term. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected.

    Regarding the trade scenarios, a key issue in the risk assessment for inflation was the relative roles of demand-side and supply-side effects. It was broadly felt that the potential demand-side effects of tariffs were relatively well understood in the context of standard models, where they were typically treated as equivalent to a tax on cross-border goods and services. At the same time, uncertainties remained about the magnitude of these demand factors, with milder or more severe effects relative to the baseline both judged as being plausible. It was also argued that growth and sentiment had remained resilient despite extraordinarily high uncertainty. This suggested that the persistence of uncertainty, or its effects on growth and inflation, in the severe scenario might be overstated, especially given the current positive confidence effect in the euro area visible in financial markets. The relatively small impact on inflation even in the severe scenario, which pushed GDP growth to 0% in 2026, suggested that the downside risks to inflation were limited.

    Furthermore, it was noted that, while the trade policy scenarios and sensitivity analyses resulted in some variation in numbers depending on tariff assumptions, the effects were dwarfed by the impact of the assumptions for energy prices and the exchange rate, which were common to all scenarios. In this context, it was suggested that the impact of the exchange rate on inflation might be more muted than projected. First, the high level of the use of the euro as an invoicing currency limited the impact of the exchange rate on inflation. Second, the pass-through from exchange rate changes to inflation might be asymmetric, i.e. weaker in the case of an appreciation as firms sought to boost their compressed profit margins. Moreover, the analysis might be unable to properly capture the positive impact of higher confidence in the euro area, of which the stronger euro exchange rate was just one reflection. The positive effects had also been visible in sovereign bond markets, with lower spreads and reduced term premia bringing down financing costs for sovereigns and firms.

    On potential supply-side effects, the experiences in the aftermath of the pandemic and Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine were mentioned as pointing to risks of strong adverse supply-side effects, which could be non-linear and appear quickly. In this context, it was noted that supply-side indicators, particularly concerning supply chains and potential bottlenecks, were being monitored and tracked very closely by staff. However, sufficient evidence had not so far been collected to substantiate these factors playing a major role.

    Moreover, attention was also drawn to potential disinflationary supply-side effects, for example arising from trade diversion from China. However, it was suggested that this effect was quantitatively limited. Moreover, it was argued that any large-scale trade diversion could prompt countermeasures from the EU, as was already the case in specific instances, which should attenuate disinflationary pressures.

    There was some discussion of whether energy commodity prices were weak because of demand or supply effects. It was noted that this had implications for the inflation risk assessment. If the weakness was primarily due to demand effects, then inflation risks were tied to the risks to economic activity and going in the same direction. If the weakness was due to supply effects, as suggested by staff analysis, in particular to oil production increases, then risks from energy prices could go in the opposite direction. Thus if the changes to oil production were reversed, energy prices could surprise on the upside even if economic activity surprised on the downside.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, risk-free interest rates had remained broadly unchanged since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 16-17 April. Market participants were fully pricing in a 25 basis point rate cut at the current meeting. Broader financial conditions had eased in the euro area since the April meeting, with equity prices fully recovering their previous losses over the past month, corporate bond spreads narrowing and sovereign bond spreads declining to levels not seen for a long time. This was in response to more positive news about global trade policies, an improvement in global risk sentiment and higher confidence in the euro area. At the same time, it was highlighted that there had still been significant negative news about global trade policies over recent weeks. In this context, it was argued that market participants might have become slightly over-optimistic, as they had become more accustomed both to negative news and to policy reversals from the United States, and this could pose risks. It was seen as noteworthy that overall financial conditions had continued to ease recently without markets expecting a substantial further reduction in policy rates. It was also contended that the fiscal package in the euro area’s largest economy might push up the neutral rate of interest, suggesting that the recent loosening of financial conditions was even more significant when assessed against this rate benchmark.

    The euro had stayed close to the level it had reached following the announcement of the German fiscal package in March and the deepening trade and financial tensions in April. In this context, structural factors could be influencing exchange rates, possibly including greater confidence in the euro area and an adverse outlook for US fiscal policies. These developments could explain US dollar weakness despite the recent increase in long-term government bond yields in the United States and their decline in the euro area. Portfolio managers had also started to rebalance away from the US dollar and US assets. If this were to continue, the euro might experience further appreciation pressures. In addition, there had recently been a significant increase in the issuance of “reverse Yankee” bonds – euro-denominated bonds issued by companies based outside the euro area and in particular in the United States – partly reflecting wider yield differentials.

    In the euro area, the transmission of past interest rate cuts continued to make corporate borrowing less expensive overall, and interest rates on deposits were also still declining. At the same time, lending rates were flattening out. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 3.8% in April, from 3.9% in March, while the cost of issuing market-based debt had been unchanged at 3.7%. The average interest rate on new mortgages had stayed at 3.3% in April but was expected to increase in the near future owing to higher long-term yields since the cut-off date for the March projections.

    Bank lending to firms had continued to strengthen gradually, growing by an annual rate of 2.6% in April after 2.4% in March, while corporate bond issuance had been subdued. The growth in mortgage lending had increased to 1.9%. The sustained recovery in credit was welcome, with the annual growth in credit to both firms and households now at its highest level since June 2023. It was remarked that credit growth had seemingly become resilient even though the recovery had started from, on average, higher interest rates than in previous cycles. Households’ demand for mortgages had continued to increase swiftly according to the bank lending survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of interest rates on housing loans being already below their historical average, with mortgage demand much more sensitive to interest rates than corporate loan demand. With interest rates on corporate loans still declining, although remaining above their historical average, the latest Survey on the Access to Finance of Enterprises had also shown that firms did not see access to finance as an obstacle to borrowing, as loan applications had increased and many companies not applying for loans appeared to have sufficient internal funds. At the same time, loan demand was picking up from still subdued levels and credit growth remained fairly muted by historical standards. Furthermore, elevated uncertainty due to trade tensions and geopolitical risks was still not fully reflected in the available hard data. It was also observed that by reducing external competitiveness, the recent appreciation of the euro could affect exporters’ credit demand.

    In their biannual exchange on the links between monetary policy and financial stability, members concurred that while euro area banks had remained resilient, broader financial stability risks remained elevated, in particular owing to highly uncertain and volatile global trade policies. Risks in global sovereign bond markets were also discussed, and it was noted that the euro area sovereign bond market was proving more resilient than had been the case for a long time. Macroprudential policy remained the first line of defence against the build-up of financial vulnerabilities, enhancing resilience and preserving macroprudential space.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members welcomed the fact that headline inflation was currently at around the 2% medium-term target, and that this had occurred earlier than previously anticipated as a result of lower energy prices and a stronger exchange rate. Lower energy prices and a stronger euro would continue to put downward pressure on inflation in the near term, with inflation projected to fall below the target in 2026 before returning to target in 2027. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continued to stand at around 2%, which also supported the stabilisation of inflation around the target.

    Members discussed the extent to which the projected temporary undershooting of the inflation target was a concern. Concerns were expressed that following the downward revisions to annual inflation for both 2025 and 2026, inflation was projected to be below the target for 18 months, which could be considered as extending into the medium term. It was argued that 2026 would be an important year because below-target inflation expectations could become embedded in wage negotiations and lead to downside second-round effects. It was also contended that the risk of undershooting the target for a prolonged period was due not only to energy prices and the exchange rate but also to weak demand and the expected slowdown in wage growth. In addition, the timing and effects of fiscal expansion remained uncertain. It was important to keep in mind that the inflation undershoot remaining temporary was conditional on an appropriate setting of monetary policy.

    At the same time, it was highlighted that, despite the undershooting of the target in the relatively near term, which was partly due to sizeable energy base effects amplified by the appreciation of the euro, from a medium-term perspective inflation was set to remain broadly at around 2%. In view of this, it was important not to overemphasise the downside deviation, especially since it was mainly due to volatile external factors, which could easily reverse. Therefore, the risk of a sustained undershooting of the inflation target was seen as limited unless there was a sharp deterioration in labour market conditions. The return of inflation to target would be supported by the likely emergence of upside pressures on inflation, especially from fiscal policy. So, as long as the projected undershoot did not become more pronounced or affect the return to target in 2027, and provided that inflation expectations remained anchored, the soft inflation figures foreseen in the near term should be manageable.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. While core inflation remained elevated, it was projected to decline to 1.9% in 2026 and remain there in 2027. This was seen as consistent with the stabilisation of inflation at target. Some other measures of underlying inflation, including domestic inflation, were still elevated but were also moving in the right direction. The projected decline in underlying inflation was expected to be supported by further deceleration in wage growth and a reduction in services inflation. Although the pace of wage growth was still strong, it had continued to moderate visibly, as indicated by incoming data on negotiated wages and available country data on compensation per employee, and profits were also partially buffering its impact on inflation. Looking ahead, underlying inflation could come under further downward pressure if the projected near-term undershooting of headline inflation lowered wage expectations, and also because large shocks to energy prices typically percolated across the economy. At the same time, fiscal policy and tariffs had the potential to generate new upward pressure on underlying inflation over the medium term.

    Finally, transmission of monetary policy continued to be smooth. Looking back over a long period, it was observed that robust and data-driven monetary policy had made a significant contribution to bringing inflation back to the 2% target. The removal of monetary restriction over the past year had also been timely in helping to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at around the target in the period ahead. Its transmission to lending rates had been effective, contributing to easier financing conditions and supporting credit growth. Some of the transmission from rate cuts remained in the pipeline and would continue to provide support to the economy, helping consumers and firms withstand the fallout from the volatile global environment. Concerns that increased uncertainty and a volatile market response to the trade tensions in April would have a tightening impact on financing conditions had eased. On the contrary, financial frictions appeared low in the euro area, with limited risk premia and declining term premia supporting transmission of the monetary impulse and bringing down financing costs for sovereign and corporate borrowers. At the same time, elevated uncertainty could weaken the transmission mechanism of monetary policy, possibly because of the option value of deferring consumption and investment decisions in such an environment. There also remained a risk that a deterioration in financial market sentiment could lead to tighter financing conditions and greater risk aversion, and make firms and households less willing to invest and consume.

    It was contended that, after seven rate cuts, interest rates were now firmly in neutral territory and possibly already in accommodative territory. It was argued that this was also suggested by the upturn in credit growth and by the bank lending survey. However, it was highlighted that, although banks were lending more and demand for loans was rising, credit origination remained at subdued levels when compared with a range of benchmarks based on past regularities. Investment also remained weak compared with historical benchmarks.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal made by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by its updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    A further reduction in interest rates was seen as warranted to protect the medium-term inflation target beyond 2026, in an environment in which inflation was currently at target but projected to fall below it for a temporary period. In this context, it was recalled that the staff projections were conditioned on a market curve that embedded a 25 basis point rate cut in June and about 50 basis points of cuts in total by the end of 2025. It was also noted that the staff scenarios and sensitivity analyses generally pointed to inflation being below the target in 2026. Moreover, while inflation was consistent with the target, the growth projection for 2026 had been revised slightly downwards.

    The proposed reduction in policy rates should be seen as aiming to protect the “on target” 2% projection for 2027. It should ensure that the temporary undershoot in headline inflation did not become prolonged, in a context in which further disinflation in core measures was expected, the growth outlook remained relatively weak and spare capacity in manufacturing made it unlikely that slightly faster growth would translate into immediate inflationary pressures. It was argued that cutting interest rates by 25 basis points at the current meeting would leave rates in broadly neutral territory. This would keep the Governing Council well positioned to navigate the high uncertainty that lay ahead, while affording full optionality for future meetings to manage two-sided inflation risks across a wide range of scenarios. By contrast, keeping interest rates at their current levels could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in 2026 and 2027.

    At the same time, a few members saw a case for keeping interest rates at their current levels. The near-term temporary inflation undershoot should be looked through, since it was mostly due to volatile factors such as lower energy prices and a stronger exchange rate, which could easily reverse. It remained to be seen whether and to what extent these factors would translate into lower core inflation. It was necessary to avoid reacting excessively to volatility in headline inflation at a time when domestic inflation remained high and there might be new upward pressure on underlying inflation over the medium term – from both tariffs and fiscal policy. This was especially the case after a period of above-target inflation and when the inflation expectations of firms and households were still above target, with short-term consumer inflation expectations having increased recently and inflation expectations standing above 2% across horizons. This implied that there was a very limited risk of a downward unanchoring of inflation expectations.

    There were also several reasons why the projections and scenarios might be underestimating medium-term inflationary pressures. There could be upside risks from underlying inflation, in part because services inflation remained above levels compatible with a sustained return to the inflation target. The exceptional uncertainty relating to trade tensions had reduced confidence in the baseline projections and meant that there could be value in waiting to see how the trade war unfolded. In addition, although growth was only picking up gradually and there were risks to the downside, the probability of a recession was currently quite low and interest rates were already low enough not to hold back economic growth. The point was made that the labour market had proven very resilient, with the unemployment rate at a historical low and employment expanding despite prospects of higher tariffs. Given the recent re-flattening of the Phillips curve, the risk of a sustained undershooting of the inflation target was seen as limited in the absence of a sharp deterioration of labour market conditions. It was also argued that adopting an accommodative monetary policy stance would not be appropriate. In any case, the evidence suggested that such accommodation would not be very effective in an environment of high uncertainty.

    In this context, it was also contended that interest rates could already be in accommodative territory. An argument was made that the neutral rate of interest had undergone a shift since early 2022, increasing substantially, and it was still likely to increase further owing to fiscal expansion and the shift from a dearth of safe assets to a government bond glut. However, it was pointed out that while expected policy rates and the term premium had increased in 2022, there was an open question as to the extent to which that reflected an increase in the neutral rate of interest or simply the removal of extraordinary policy accommodation. It was argued that the recent weakness in investment, strength of savings and still subdued credit volumes suggested that there probably had not been a significant increase in the neutral rate of interest.

    With these considerations in mind, these members expressed an initial preference for keeping interest rates unchanged to allow more time to analyse the current situation and detect any sustained inflationary or disinflationary pressures. However, in light of the preceding discussion, they ultimately expressed readiness to join the consensus, with the exception of one member, who upheld a dissenting view.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. The Governing Council’s interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Exceptional uncertainty also underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Given the pervasive uncertainty, the possibility of rapid changes in the economic environment and the risk of shocks to inflation in both directions, it was important for the Governing Council to retain a two-sided perspective and avoid tying its hands ahead of any future meeting. The nature and focus of data dependence might need to evolve to place more emphasis on indicators speaking to future developments. This possibly suggested placing a greater premium on examining high-frequency data, financial market data, survey data and soft information such as from corporate contacts, for example, to help gauge any supply chain problems. It was also underlined that scenarios would continue to be important in helping to assess and convey uncertainty. Against this background, it was maintained that the rate path needed to remain consistent with meeting the target over the medium term and that agility would be vital given the elevated uncertainty. At the same time, the view was expressed that monetary policy should become less reactive to incoming data. In particular, only large shocks would imply the need for a monetary policy response, as the Governing Council should be willing to tolerate moderate deviations from target as long as inflation expectations were anchored.

    Turning to communication, members concurred that, in view of the latest inflation developments and projections, it was time to refer to inflation as being “currently at around the Governing Council’s 2% medium-term target” rather than saying that the disinflation process was “well on track”. It was also agreed that external communication should make clear that the alternative scenarios to be published were prepared by staff, that they were illustrative in that they only represented a subset of alternative possibilities, that they only assessed some of the mechanisms by which different trade policies could affect growth and inflation, and that their outcomes were conditional on the assumptions used.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Monetary policy statement for the press conference of 5 June 2025

    Press release

    Monetary policy decisions

    Meeting of the ECB’s Governing Council, 3-5 June 2025

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Centeno
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá*
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks
    • Mr Kažimír*
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn*
    • Mr Reinesch
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch*
    • Ms Žumer Šujica, Vice Governor of Banka Slovenije

    * Members not holding a voting right in June 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    Accompanying persons

    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Ms Brezigar
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Gilbert
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kaasik
    • Mr Koukoularides
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Mr Markevičius
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Raposo
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šošić
    • Ms Stiftinger
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 28 August 2025.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: WTO announces new cohort of Young Trade Leaders for 2025

    Source: World Trade Organization

    Aim of the Young Trade Leaders Programme

    The Young Trade Leaders Programme was launched in 2024 to bring young people closer to the work of the WTO. By creating a global network of enthusiastic young trade leaders, it aims at promoting a better understanding of the WTO’s role in supporting international trade.

    The Young Trade Leaders are invited to bring fresh ideas about the role of trade and the WTO, while also having the opportunity to learn about the organization’s work and advance its mission.

    More information on the programme is available here.

    About the participants

    Following a rigorous selection process, seven candidates were selected from more than 1,200 applications from around the world to form the second cohort of WTO Young Trade Leaders. The selected participants were chosen on the basis of their background and experience, and the strength of their application.

    The selected candidates are:

    • Atyia Al-Hammud, Ukraine, bachelor’s student in international relations
    • Paola Flores Carvajal, Bolivia, industrial engineer specializing in supply chain management
    • Serena Indij da Costa, Brazil, master’s student in development and economics
    • Karo Harutyunyan, Armenia, bachelor’s student in economics and political science
    • Olexa Heshima, Rwanda, consultant and business analyst
    • Alexandra Kaiss, United States, lawyer specializing in international trade
    • Aarushi Shrivastav, India, graduate in trade law

    You can find more information on the participants here.

    Benefits

    Participants will have the opportunity to take advantage of training courses organized by the WTO, to benefit from WTO Secretariat advice and mentoring, and to receive support when organizing WTO-related activities in their home countries.

    Participants will also travel to Geneva for the 2025 WTO Public Forum in September, where they will attend a full-day workshop and participate actively in Forum activities.

    Share

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Seafood imports from the Russian Federation – P-001903/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    In response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU has adopted an unprecedented set of sanctions. With these measures the EU, in close cooperation with its like-minded allies, aims to cripple Russia’s ability to finance its war effort.

    Sanctions are carefully designed to maximise their impact on Russia and its economy, while limiting to the extent possible any negative consequences on EU businesses and citizens.

    The Council adopted its 17th Russia sanctions package on 20 May 2025[1]. This package further restricts Russia’s access to battlefield technologies and cuts Russia’s energy revenues by targeting an unprecedented number of its shadow fleet vessels.

    The package also expands the number of individuals and entities subject to sanctions. While this package did not include any further import restrictions on seafood products, it is important to recall that imports of crustaceans and caviar are subject to restrictive measures since April 2022.

    The Commission is closely monitoring imports of seafood from Russia. Last year, the volume of EU imports decreased by 9% (down to 180 000 tonnes) and their value by 19% (down to around EUR 700 million).

    It is important to note that certain existing dependencies on Russian fisheries products, such as Alaska pollock or cod, have not increased. In light of the stable import flows, the Commission is currently not considering additional tariffs on imports of Russian seafood products, but it continues to monitor the situation.

    Moreover, as of 2024 Russia is excluded from the autonomous tariff quotas for fisheries products, meaning that such products cannot be subject to any tariff reductions when imported in the EU.

    • [1] https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/eu-adopts-17th-sanctions-package-against-russia-2025-05-20_en.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – The promotion and protection of the rights of traditional national and linguistic minorities within the European Union and beyond – P-002630/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Priority question for written answer  P-002630/2025
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Loránt Vincze (PPE)

    While the Commission has consistently replied to parliamentary questions and in its communication on the European Citizens’ Initiative ‘Minority SafePack – one million signatures for diversity in Europe’[1], that the EU has no general legislative competence for the protection of national minorities, press reports[2] indicate that the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) stated, in the context of future enlargement, that ‘we are protecting minority rights within the EU and not outside of it’.

    The European neighbourhood policy is grounded in shared values such as democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights.

    • 1.While EU candidate countries must meet the Copenhagen criteria, including for the protection of minorities, could the VP/HR confirm whether these criteria apply equally to all candidate countries, including Ukraine, and indicate how the VP/HR assesses their consistent application?
    • 2.Which specific European Union instruments and measures did the VP/HR reference in relation to the protection of national and linguistic minorities within the EU?

    Submitted: 30.6.2025

    • [1] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=intcom:C(2021)171.
    • [2] https://europeanconservative.com/articles/news-corner/hungarian-fm-szijjarto-slams-kaja-kallas-over-scandalous-remarks/.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – EU-UK 2025 Leaders’ Summit: Setting the path for further rapprochement – 03-07-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Amid Brexit’s negative consequences for the British economy and with the 2024 leadership change in the United Kingdom, the shift towards closer European Union-UK relations has gained momentum. After months of negotiation, the first EU-UK leaders’ summit took place in London on 19 May 2025. Both sides agreed on global priorities of common strategic interest, such as support for multilateralism and Ukraine’s territorial integrity. The parties also established a Security and Defence Partnership, based on biannual structured foreign policy dialogue and consultation mechanisms to facilitate the exchange of information and cooperation. To this end, regular thematic dialogues on a range of security issues will commence. The partnership paves the way for UK participation in the EU’s common joint defence procurement (SAFE initiative). The summit cemented an accord on full reciprocal access to fishing waters until 30 June 2038. The UK and EU also agreed to extend energy cooperation on a permanent basis. Further negotiations will continue, on the youth mobility scheme (including UK participation in Erasmus+), UK participation in the EU’s internal electricity market, linking emission trading systems and establishing a common sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) area. Many experts see the summit as an important step towards further rapprochement, as the UK indicated willingness to dynamically align some of its laws with the EU legal framework, recognise the authority of the Court of Justice of the EU and cooperate closely on security and defence issues. However, some point to a lack of milestones and solid progress monitoring tools. In numerous resolutions, the European Parliament has called for closer cooperation on trade, security and for UK participation in several EU programmes. Parliament will be involved in scrutinising any implementing legislation and giving or refusing consent if further binding international agreements, such as the SPS area, materialise as a result of the London summit.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Pfluger, Colleagues Sound the Alarm on Urgent Need for U.S. Drone Defenses

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman August Pfluger (TX-11)

    WASHINGTON, DC — As first reported in Fox News, Congressman August Pfluger (TX-11) joined 24 of his colleagues in a letter to U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem inquiring about the status of defense measures for U.S. military installations, government buildings, and critical infrastructure from the threat of drones. This letter follows a growing number of drone attacks launched by Israel and Ukraine to penetrate deep into Iranian and Russian territory, respectively. 

    In part, the members wrote, “Since 9/11, our nation has not suffered a major coordinated attack on our own soil. While the government has done good work in preventing an attack like 9/11 from happening again, we want to ensure that we are preparing for a new paradigm in which relatively cheap drones can quickly and effectively wipe out core military and government infrastructure.” 

    “While American threat projection globally is strong among all the branches of the military, we need to be prepared for a new paradigm of covert, but potentially disastrous, threats to our core military interests, including our nuclear triad in the homeland.”

    Other signers of the letter include U.S. Reps. Mike Carey (OH-15), Brian Babin (TX-36), Troy Balderson (OH-12), Aaron Bean (FL-04), Nicholas Begich (AK-AL), Sheri Biggs (SC-03), Ben Cline (VA-06), Michael Cloud (TX-27), Troy Downing (MT-02), Brad Finstad (MN-01), Mike Flood (NE-01), Harriet Hageman (WY-AL), Clay Higgins (LA-03), French Hill (AK.-02), Jim Jordan (OH-04), Dave Joyce (OH-14), Bob Latta (OH-05), John McGuire (VA-05), Max Miller (OH-07), Chip Roy (TX-21), Michael Rulli (OH-06), Adrian Smith (NE-03), Greg Steube (FL-17), and Beth Van Duyne (TX-24).

    In addition to this letter, Rep. Pfluger also introduced the COUNTER Act earlier this year to unleash the military on enemy drones in the U.S. 

    See the full letter HERE or read the full text below. 

    Dear Secretary Hegseth and Secretary Noem:

    We write to inquire with the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) about the current state of drone attack countermeasures for our military installations, government buildings, embassies, and consulates, both domestic and abroad. 

    The ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have demonstrated that large-scale, highly coordinated mass-drone attacks can be highly effective if the defender lacks adequate counter-drone defenses. 

    Since the beginning of the Russo-Ukraine war, drones have played a decisive role in deterring Russian armored and infantry assaults. With the relatively cheap cost to produce, maintain, and operate these systems, Ukraine can field drones to strike targets deep in occupied territories and Russian soil. The Russian Federation quickly adopted drone weaponry and surveillance equipment in response. 

    Drone technology has spread to other conflicts, including Israel’s confrontations with Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. On multiple occasions, Iran had used a tiered attack against Israel using drones alongside ballistic, hypersonic, and cruise missiles.

    Ukraine’s Operation Spider’s Web and Israel’s Operation Rising Lion have demonstrated thedevastating threat of a large-scale drone attack upon military installations and critical infrastructure far beyond one’s own borders. These operations are complemented by deep infiltration operations among each country’s respective intelligence services. Not only that, but the cost asymmetry to produce and operate drones against the damage they can cause is incredibly valuable for this guerrilla tactic.

    With the former administration’s open border policies and most drones being purchased from DJI, a Chinese Communist Party drone company, it is becoming increasingly likely that we could see a similar attack upon our country that could threaten our service members and cripple our lethality if we are not prepared. 

    Since 9/11, our nation has not suffered a major coordinated attack on our own soil. While thegovernment has done good work in preventing an attack like 9/11 from happening again, we want to ensure that we are preparing for a new paradigm in which relatively cheap drones can quickly and effectively wipe out core military and government infrastructure.

    While American threat projection globally is strong among all the branches of the military, we need to be prepared for a new paradigm of covert, but potentially disastrous, threats to our core military interests, including our nuclear triad in the homeland.

    Following the successful U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities at Fordo, Natanz, and Isfahan, it is imperative that we ensure the readiness and security of our military bases, critical infrastructure, and overseas diplomatic installations. A potential Iranian response could involve direct attacks here at home or abroad. We must take all necessary measures to safeguard our service members and defend our interests at this time.

    Any information you can provide in response to the following questions would be helpful:

    • What is the status of American countermeasures to deter and counter mass drone attacks against military installations, government facilities (including Washington D.C.), and critical infrastructure like roads, bridges, and manufacturing sites?
    • If defenses are currently inadequate to deter or repel drone attacks similar to those referenced above, what steps are being taken to address them, and what is the timeline for implementation?
    • Is the DOD or DHS aware of or actively working to deter potential threats posed by foreign-owned land near critical military and infrastructure sites in the United States that could be a launching point for a mass drone attack like we saw in Russia by Ukrainian forces?
    • Is there a concern of any sort of weaponized drone buildup already happening in theUnited States from drones that may have been smuggled in due to the former administration’s open border policies?
    • Will counter-drone technology be considered for President Trump’s Golden Dome air defense project?

    Thank you for your attention to this matter.

    Sincerely,

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Pfluger, Colleagues Sound the Alarm on Urgent Need for U.S. Drone Defenses

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman August Pfluger (TX-11)

    WASHINGTON, DC — As first reported in Fox News, Congressman August Pfluger (TX-11) joined 24 of his colleagues in a letter to U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem inquiring about the status of defense measures for U.S. military installations, government buildings, and critical infrastructure from the threat of drones. This letter follows a growing number of drone attacks launched by Israel and Ukraine to penetrate deep into Iranian and Russian territory, respectively. 

    In part, the members wrote, “Since 9/11, our nation has not suffered a major coordinated attack on our own soil. While the government has done good work in preventing an attack like 9/11 from happening again, we want to ensure that we are preparing for a new paradigm in which relatively cheap drones can quickly and effectively wipe out core military and government infrastructure.” 

    “While American threat projection globally is strong among all the branches of the military, we need to be prepared for a new paradigm of covert, but potentially disastrous, threats to our core military interests, including our nuclear triad in the homeland.”

    Other signers of the letter include U.S. Reps. Mike Carey (OH-15), Brian Babin (TX-36), Troy Balderson (OH-12), Aaron Bean (FL-04), Nicholas Begich (AK-AL), Sheri Biggs (SC-03), Ben Cline (VA-06), Michael Cloud (TX-27), Troy Downing (MT-02), Brad Finstad (MN-01), Mike Flood (NE-01), Harriet Hageman (WY-AL), Clay Higgins (LA-03), French Hill (AK.-02), Jim Jordan (OH-04), Dave Joyce (OH-14), Bob Latta (OH-05), John McGuire (VA-05), Max Miller (OH-07), Chip Roy (TX-21), Michael Rulli (OH-06), Adrian Smith (NE-03), Greg Steube (FL-17), and Beth Van Duyne (TX-24).

    In addition to this letter, Rep. Pfluger also introduced the COUNTER Act earlier this year to unleash the military on enemy drones in the U.S. 

    See the full letter HERE or read the full text below. 

    Dear Secretary Hegseth and Secretary Noem:

    We write to inquire with the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) about the current state of drone attack countermeasures for our military installations, government buildings, embassies, and consulates, both domestic and abroad. 

    The ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have demonstrated that large-scale, highly coordinated mass-drone attacks can be highly effective if the defender lacks adequate counter-drone defenses. 

    Since the beginning of the Russo-Ukraine war, drones have played a decisive role in deterring Russian armored and infantry assaults. With the relatively cheap cost to produce, maintain, and operate these systems, Ukraine can field drones to strike targets deep in occupied territories and Russian soil. The Russian Federation quickly adopted drone weaponry and surveillance equipment in response. 

    Drone technology has spread to other conflicts, including Israel’s confrontations with Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. On multiple occasions, Iran had used a tiered attack against Israel using drones alongside ballistic, hypersonic, and cruise missiles.

    Ukraine’s Operation Spider’s Web and Israel’s Operation Rising Lion have demonstrated thedevastating threat of a large-scale drone attack upon military installations and critical infrastructure far beyond one’s own borders. These operations are complemented by deep infiltration operations among each country’s respective intelligence services. Not only that, but the cost asymmetry to produce and operate drones against the damage they can cause is incredibly valuable for this guerrilla tactic.

    With the former administration’s open border policies and most drones being purchased from DJI, a Chinese Communist Party drone company, it is becoming increasingly likely that we could see a similar attack upon our country that could threaten our service members and cripple our lethality if we are not prepared. 

    Since 9/11, our nation has not suffered a major coordinated attack on our own soil. While thegovernment has done good work in preventing an attack like 9/11 from happening again, we want to ensure that we are preparing for a new paradigm in which relatively cheap drones can quickly and effectively wipe out core military and government infrastructure.

    While American threat projection globally is strong among all the branches of the military, we need to be prepared for a new paradigm of covert, but potentially disastrous, threats to our core military interests, including our nuclear triad in the homeland.

    Following the successful U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities at Fordo, Natanz, and Isfahan, it is imperative that we ensure the readiness and security of our military bases, critical infrastructure, and overseas diplomatic installations. A potential Iranian response could involve direct attacks here at home or abroad. We must take all necessary measures to safeguard our service members and defend our interests at this time.

    Any information you can provide in response to the following questions would be helpful:

    • What is the status of American countermeasures to deter and counter mass drone attacks against military installations, government facilities (including Washington D.C.), and critical infrastructure like roads, bridges, and manufacturing sites?
    • If defenses are currently inadequate to deter or repel drone attacks similar to those referenced above, what steps are being taken to address them, and what is the timeline for implementation?
    • Is the DOD or DHS aware of or actively working to deter potential threats posed by foreign-owned land near critical military and infrastructure sites in the United States that could be a launching point for a mass drone attack like we saw in Russia by Ukrainian forces?
    • Is there a concern of any sort of weaponized drone buildup already happening in theUnited States from drones that may have been smuggled in due to the former administration’s open border policies?
    • Will counter-drone technology be considered for President Trump’s Golden Dome air defense project?

    Thank you for your attention to this matter.

    Sincerely,

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Reflecting on the success of the “Sharing Food, Sharing Languages” event

    Source: Scotland – Highland Council

    “Sharing Food, Sharing Languages” – an event organised by the Highland Council’s Adult Learning team in partnership with migrant and refugee learning communities – successfully took place at Eden Court, Inverness on 22 June on the concluding day of Refugee Week Scotland (13-22 June).

    Refugee Week Scotland is the largest arts and culture festival, celebrating the contributions, creativity and resilience of refugees and people seeking sanctuary.

    The event brought together over 200 people from New Scots and host Communities to celebrate “milestones”, the theme for this year’s event.  The key purpose was to promote diversity and cross-cultural understanding and connect people through shared interests and passions. It also provided a platform to ensure marginalised communities could express themselves through art.

    Learners were able to showcase their diverse skills, expertise, history and culture. Voices were heard and represented through stories, song and poetry.  

    Participants were invited to take part in creative workshops including Ukrainian embroidery and the art of writing different scripts. There were unique language tasters led by native speakers of Pashto, Dari, Arabic, Ukrainian and Turkish and a multicultural Storytime for families.

    Wonderful performances from Cheryl Heggie’s Highland dancers and Mriya Ukrainian Childrens’ Choir, from Aberdeen, created a rich immersive cultural experience.

    To top it all off, there were delicious traditional dishes to try from Ukraine, Eritrea, South Sudan and Afghanistan.

    Lucy McGlennon, Head of Engagement at Eden Court said:  “Sharing Food, Sharing Languages” was a fantastic event and we are delighted to have been in a position to support it.  Eden Court is for everyone, and it is important to us that people of all cultures feel that they are welcome here.  It was a moment of great pride to see so many cultures represented through delicious foods, national dress and through song, dance and poetry.”

    Highland Council Learning for Life, part of the Community Learning and Development, supports adult learning activities which help with everyday skills such as reading, writing, using numbers, English as second language and digital literacy. All activities are learner-centred and learner-led.

    To find out more contact Kirsty.Dambrosio@highland.gov.uk

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Video: Gaza , Palestine, Lebanon & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (3 July 2025) | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (video statements)

    Noon Briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    Secretary-General/Trip Announcement
    Deputy Secretary-General
    Gaza 
    Occupied Palestinian Territory
    Lebanon
    Cyprus
    Ukraine
    Russia
    Senior Personnel Appointment  
    Yemen
    Global Risk Report
    International Days
    Financial Contribution

    SECRETARY-GENERAL/TRIP ANNOUNCEMENT
    The Secretary-General will be arriving in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to attend the 17th Summit of the BRICS countries.
    The Secretary-General has been invited to speak at an outreach session on “Strengthening multilateralism, economic-financial affairs and artificial intelligence”, that will take place on Sunday, 6 July. On Monday, 7 July, he will address a second outreach session, on “Environment, COP30 and global health.”
    During his visit, the Secretary-General will also be having meetings with various leaders who are attending the BRICS Summit and we will share those readouts with you.

    DEPUTY SECRETARY-GENERAL
    Our Deputy Secretary-General, Amina Mohammed, returned to Seville today for the closing of the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4).
    At the closing with Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez of Spain, she underscored the consensus around the Seville Agreement as a demonstration of multilateralism in action — with actions to close the SDG financing gap, address the debt crisis, and reform the international financial architecture. She recognized the more than 100 initiatives launched on the Sevilla Platform for Action, including solidarity levies on private jets and first-class travel to generate new resources for sustainable development.
    She said that the UN will be operationalizing a Seville Forum on Debt to help countries learn from one another and coordinate their approaches in debt management and restructuring; that forum will be supported by Spain.
    She called for FFD4 to be remembered not only as a conference that responded to crisis, but as the moment the world chose cooperation over fragmentation, unity over division, and action over inertia.
    Tomorrow, she will travel to Praia, Cabo Verde, to take part in celebrations marking the 50th anniversary of the country’s independence.

    GAZA 
    The Secretary-General is appalled by the deepening humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Multiple attacks in recent days hitting sites hosting displaced people and people trying to access food have killed and injured scores of Palestinians. The Secretary-General strongly condemns the civilian loss of life. 
    In just one day this week, Israeli orders to relocate forced nearly 30,000 people to flee, yet again, with no safe place to go and clearly inadequate supplies of shelter, food, medicine or water.
    International humanitarian law is unambiguous: civilians must be respected and protected, and the needs of the population must be met.
    With no fuel having entered Gaza in more than 17 weeks, the Secretary-General is gravely concerned that the last lifelines for survival are being cut off. Without an urgent influx of fuel, incubators will shut down, ambulances will be unable to reach the injured and sick, and water cannot be purified. The delivery by the United Nations and partners of what little of our lifesaving humanitarian aid is left in Gaza will also grind to a halt. 
    He once again calls for full, safe and sustained humanitarian access so aid can reach people who have been deprived of the basics of life for far too long. The UN has a clear and proven plan, rooted in the humanitarian principles, to get vital assistance to civilians – safely and at scale, wherever they are. 
    The Secretary-General reiterates that all parties must uphold their obligations under international law. He renews his call for an immediate permanent ceasefire and for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages held by Hamas and other groups. 

    Full Highlights:
    https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=03%20July%202025

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9CJL7IZOkzs

    MIL OSI Video

  • Trump, Putin reiterate positions on Ukraine war in phone call, Kremlin aide says

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    U.S. President Donald Trump pushed for a quick halt to the Ukraine war in a Thursday phone call with Vladimir Putin, while a Kremlin aide said the Russian president reiterated that Moscow would keep pushing to solve the conflict’s “root causes.”

    The two leaders did not discuss a recent pause in some U.S. weapons shipments to Kyiv during the nearly hour-long call, according to a readout provided by Putin aide Yuri Ushakov.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, meanwhile, told reporters in Denmark that he hopes to speak to Trump as soon as Friday about the ongoing pause in some weapons shipments, which was first disclosed earlier this week.

    Trump did not immediately comment on the conversation with Putin, but he said on social media beforehand that he would speak to the Russian leader.

    “Root causes” has become Russian shorthand for issue of NATO enlargement and Western support for Ukraine, including the rejection of any notion of Ukraine joining the NATO alliance. Russian leaders are also angling to establish greater control over political decisions made in Kyiv and other eastern European capitals, NATO leaders have said.

    The diplomatic back-and-forth comes as the U.S. has paused shipments of certain critical weapons to Ukraine due to low stockpiles, sources earlier told Reuters.

    That decision led to Ukraine calling in the acting U.S. envoy to Kyiv on Wednesday to underline the importance of military aid from Washington, and caution that the move would weaken Ukraine’s ability to defend against intensifying Russian airstrikes and battlefield advances.

    The Pentagon’s move led in part to a cut in deliveries of Patriot air defence missiles that Ukraine relies on to destroy fast-moving ballistic missiles, Reuters reported on Wednesday.

    Ushakov, the Kremlin aide, said the issue of weapons deliveries to Ukraine did not come up during the Trump-Putin phone call.

    Ushakov added that while Russia was open to continuing to speak with the U.S., any peace negotiations needed to occur between Moscow and Kyiv.

    That comment comes amid some indications that Moscow is trying to avoid a trilateral format for any peace negotiations. The Russians asked American diplomats to leave the room during such a meeting in Istanbul in early June, Ukrainian officials have said.

    Trump and Putin did not talk about a face-to-face meeting, Ushakov said.

    -Reuters

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: World Refugee Day 2025: Joint Statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Speech

    World Refugee Day 2025: Joint Statement to the OSCE

    Canada delivers a joint statement on behalf of the UK and other OSCE participating States to mark World Refugee Day.

    Madame Chair, I am delivering this statement on behalf of Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, the United Kingdom and my own country, Canada. 

    In marking World Refugee Day, we stand in solidarity with millions of refugees and renew our commitment to addressing their humanitarian needs, addressing the root causes of forced displacement and finding lasting solutions.  

    According to UNHCR’s Global Trends report, global displacement has nearly doubled over the past decade. Persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations, and natural disasters have forcibly displaced more than 123 million people. Within the OSCE region alone, nearly 25 million people are either forcibly displaced or stateless. 

    The Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine remains the main driver of mass displacement in the OSCE region, resulting in the largest cross-border movement of people in Europe since the Second World War. UNHCR’s May report notes that nearly 5.6 million individuals have fled Ukraine, with over 3.7 million internally displaced.  Continued large-scale attacks, including strikes on energy infrastructure and continued aerial assaults on residential areas are fuelling urgent humanitarian needs and preventing Ukrainians from returning to their homes and families.  Women and children make up the majority of the refugee  population who have fled the conflict, with 63 per cent being women and girls, and 33 per cent being children. This demographic profile raises specific protection concerns, particularly around gender-based violence, trafficking, and exploitation. 

    In the 1999 Istanbul Document, participating States reaffirmed our commitment to respect the right to seek asylum and to ensure the international protection of refugees as set out in the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, as well as to facilitate the voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced persons in dignity and safety.    

    In times of uncertainty, we must continue to uphold these commitments.  

    In addressing forcible displacement, we must strive to reach the most in need and the most vulnerable, including women and girls, LGBTQI+ people, religious minorities and others directly affected by conflict or displacement.  We must also confront parallel risks and challenges, including trafficking, exploitation, discrimination, and intolerance. 

    We must also remember that inclusive societies are secure societies and recognize the positive impact that newcomers have on our societies and economies.    

    As we mark World Refugee Day, we honour the strength and resilience of refugees and we recognize their valuable contributions to the communities that welcome them.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: King “Gravely Concerned” by Possible Weapons Pause in Delivering Military Aid to Ukraine

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Maine Angus King
    WASHINGTON, D.C.— Today, U.S. Senator Angus King (I-ME) released the following statement in response to reports that the White House may be pausing congressionally-directed weapons shipments to Ukraine:
    “I am gravely concerned by the potential “pause” in the supply of crucial weapons necessary for the defense of the Ukrainian people. To slow or stop the delivery of promised weaponry (which reportedly were already in Poland on their way to Kiev) is a serious policy and humanitarian mistake.
    “These systems are designed to intercept and destroy incoming aerial attacks of exactly the type that Russia has escalated recently against civilian targets in Ukraine. Cutting off the delivery of this desperately needed shield puts civilian lives at greater risk and sends a dangerous signal to Moscow.
    “The only thing that will bring Putin to the table, as the President desires, is a demonstration of U.S. resolve and a continuing show of force in the face of intensifying Russian aggression. This decision undermines both of these objectives, significantly weakening the President’s hand in brokering peace.
    “Stopping Putin in Ukraine is critical to the preservation of Ukraine as a sovereign nation and the protection of her brave people, but it is in our interest as well by deterring further Russian aggression elsewhere in Eastern Europe which would lead to a much wider conflict. After all, America is sending our superior and sophisticated arsenal; Ukraine is sending its fathers, sons and brothers to the front – in defense of democratic values.
    “This regrettable decision should be reversed and repudiated at once—for Ukraine, for the United States, and for the world.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Nobel Peace Prize Forum: our perilous path and how we change course

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) –

    IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi’s keynote address at the Nobel Peace Prize Forum 2024.

    I want to start by congratulating Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha for their Nobel Peace Prize.

    As a young diplomat almost 40 years ago, I was fortunate to be part of a UN disarmament fellowship programme and to visit Hiroshima. There, fellows had an opportunity to meet the hibakusha and I had a conversation with an ailing victim. I have carried to every meeting, to every negotiation, and to every posting, the memory this woman’s silent testimony. When I asked her about that morning in 1945, she struggled to express the horror in words. She tried to articulate some words but stayed silent. Looking at me, right into my eyes. The look in her eyes has stayed with me ever since, like a powerful reminder, a secret mandate, to work so that her suffering is never repeated.

    For decades after the Second World War, the international community has been dealing with this unique dilemma: we built robust norms and passed nonproliferation and disarmament treaties. Instead of dozens of countries armed with nuclear weapons, as was the concern in the 1960s, there are less than ten. Stockpiles of nuclear weapons have shrunk from tens of thousands to thousands.

    But on its journey through the perils of the atomic age, the world has come to a crucial crossroads. Our deep psychological connection caused by collectively seeing the horror of the consequences of nuclear war seems to be evaporating, taking with it our joint resolve to do everything possible to prevent a repetition.

    Like a giant spotlight, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize has lit up our path ahead. It has done it, by reminding us of the past, and of the consequences of ignoring the perils of nuclear weapons use.

    Context of conflicts

    To understand the important challenges we face, we must look at the global context, at what is happening around the world.  

    War has returned to Europe, and it directly involves a nuclear weapon state. The conflict in Ukraine is also an indirect confrontation between the world’s biggest nuclear weapon states, the first since the end of the Cold War. But nuclear exercises and open references to the use of nuclear weapons in the theatre of this war are increasing the risks and can not be ignored.

    In the Middle East, the conflict of the past year has ignited smoldering tensions between Israel and Iran and led to the unprecedented step of direct exchanges and attacks between the two. Here there is also a nuclear weapons dimension. On one side, the assumed presence of nuclear weapons looms in the background. On the other, the very real potential of nuclear proliferation is raising the stakes.

    We find ourselves in a harmful loop: the erosion of the restraints around nuclear weapons is making these conflicts more dangerous. Meanwhile, these conflicts are contributing to the erosion of the restraints. The vicious circle dynamic is in motion.

    An unfortunate change of direction

    Doctrines regarding the use of nuclear weapons are being revised or reinterpreted. The quantity and quality of nuclear weapon stockpiles are being increased. 

    And in some non-nuclear weapon states – states that are important in their region – leaders are asking “why not us?”. And they are asking this openly!

    At the start of the nuclear arms race, J Robert Oppenheimer described the USSR and the US as “two scorpions in a bottle” each capable of killing the other, but only by risking their own life.

    Oppenheimer’s blunt statement would later be developed and elaborated under the roof of deterrence and the more sophisticated concept of “Mutual Assured Destruction,” or MAD.

    Today, independent of the vantage point of the observer, there is widespread concern that the risk of mutual destruction through nuclear war is higher than it has been for more than a generation.

    Lessons from history

    But it does not have to be this way. We can do better. History has shown that effective dialogue among superpowers has, more often than not, led to confidence and, as a result, also to arms limitation and even disarmament. At certain moments in history, world leaders took the right decisions, to tone down, or, to use today’s parlance, to de-escalate. Let’s see:

    The end of the Cuban Missile Crisis happened thanks to the direct engagement of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and US President John F Kennedy. Decades later, at the Geneva Summit of 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev and President Ronald Reagan agreed a crucial axiom: “Nuclear war cannot be won and should never be fought.” They met again the next year in Reykjavik and significant reductions in nuclear arsenals followed. Nuclear weapon reductions and the elimination of a whole category of weapon, through the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces, or INF, Treaty, were agreed. These steps towards rapprochement took leadership and courage. They often happened despite skepticism and voices against them.

    Diplomacy and dialogue (and the duty of nuclear weapon states)

    A return to diplomacy and dialogue is urgently needed, and this, not only in things nuclear. Shutting the other side out has never solved a problem and almost certainly aggravates it. Top leadership involvement is simply indispensable when nuclear weapons are involved. President Trump took the initiative and talked to Kim Jong Un. More of this is needed. Some have said these talks were ill prepared. I say, this is important. Nuclear weapon policy and limitations does not work bottom up. It is of course the other way around.

    We must be proactive in building the trust and protections that lower the risk of close calls and of brinkmanship, especially during today’s tensions. Not taking active steps means we rely on luck – or the assumption that the other side will show restraint – to save us from nuclear war. The longer you rely on luck, the more likely it is to run out.

    Conflict and tensions compel nations to arm themselves. Diplomacy and compromise create conditions in which they can disarm.

    The road to a nuclear weapon-free world is long and winding. The disarmament landscape is complex, and it’s worth acknowledging that. This does not diminish the responsibility nuclear weapons states have to make progress. After all, they committed themselves to this goal back in 1968, through the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    Steps can be taken to decrease the reliance on nuclear weapons, both in their production and the scenarios for their use.

    Nuclear weapon states, through their actions at home and on the world stage, have a responsibility to avoid a scenario in which more countries seek nuclear weapons. Pushing ahead with increases in arsenals leads to despair, cynicism, and a growing skepticism about the value of past commitments. Disengagement and unilateralism fuel sentiments of vulnerability in other countries, and with that, the notion nuclear weapons could be the ultimate protection against outside threats.

    Engagement among the five permanent members of the Security Council is indispensable. Such engagement can take many different shapes, starting with direct contact among themselves, bilaterally or as a group. This dialogue, which still exists, has been reduced to a very low level, virtually without real impact. Perhaps its revival could be assisted by an international organization, or facilitated with the support of a respected, impartial leader. Therefore, it’s essential that the United Nations, other international organizations, and their leaders work effectively to ensure their continued relevance amid the changing needs of their stakeholders.

    Do not make things worse (by falling for the siren call of proliferation)

    The IAEA has played its indispensable technical role during past attempts of nuclear proliferation, particularly in the Middle East. As the difficult experiences in Iraq, Libya and Syria remind us, the draw of nuclear weapons is real and so is the geopolitical and military response.

    Today’s tensions are prompting even leaders of important counties that, so far, are in good standing with the NPT to ask: “Why shouldn’t we have a nuclear weapon too?”

    To this, I would say, “Do not make things worse.” Acquiring a nuclear weapon will not increase national security, it will do the opposite. Other countries will follow. And this will contribute to the unravelling of a nonproliferation regime that has had its ups and downs – and it still has its limitations – but none-the-less it has served humanity extraordinarily well. The problem and challenge to the NPT regime may come from those nuclear armed but also those who, while not having nuclear weapons, may feel the NPT has failed as a catalyst to disarmament.

    Weakening the non-proliferation treaty under the argument that progress on nuclear disarmament has been slow and more drastic approaches are required, would be totally misguided and may make us throw away existing international measures committing nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states in this field.

    I come from a non-nuclear weapon state. I understand the frustration that some people feel about the “haves” and “have-nots” of nuclear weapons. But I have also seen the legacy of peace and prosperity left by leaders who resisted that siren call. In the 1980s, vision, resolve and dialogue meant Brazil and Argentina changed course and did not go down the path to nuclear arms. Today, Latin America is a nuclear weapon free zone.

    Multilateral leaders: step up by stepping in

    Many wonder whether there’s still a role for multilateralism in guiding us through this maze of conflicting interests. Yes, there is. During difficult times in the past, international organizations have had a big impact on peace and security. But it only happens when leaders of these organizations get off the side lines and use their mandate and their own good offices effectively.

    We prove our relevance in extraordinary times.   

    Each organization has different tools, a different mandate, a different membership, and each of their leaders will determine how to act. I can speak for the IAEA.  We have nuclear science at our core, and we are the world’s nuclear weapons watchdog. Let me give you an example:

    For almost three years, Ukraine, the world and the IAEA have been confronted with a completely unprecedented situation – never before has a military conflict involved the seizure of a nuclear power plant and been fought among the facilities of a major nuclear power programme.

    At the beginning of the war, Ukraine’s biggest nuclear power plant – the biggest nuclear power plant in Europe, with nearly 6 gigawatts of installed capacity – was taken by Russia. This established a hotspot in the middle of a combat zone. The chance of an incident – or accident – causing terrible radiological consequences became real.

    Observing this from the outside was never, in my mind, an option. Staying on the sidelines and later reflecting on “lessons learned” may have been the more traditional – or expected – path for an international organization. But to me this would have been a dereliction of duty. So, we leaned into our core mission, crossed the front lines of war, and established a permanent presence of IAEA experts at all Ukraine’s nuclear power plants. That makes us the only international organization operating independently in occupied territory. We are informing the world of what’s going on and reducing the chance that a radiological incident enflames the conflict and causes even more devastation.

    We did the same by going to Kursk when a Russian nuclear reactor was at risk of coming into the line of fire. I am in constant communication with both sides.

    I have been meeting with President Zelenskyy, and President Putin regularly. Nuclear safety and security during this conflict must have the buy-in and continued involvement of both leaders. Talking to only one of them would not achieve this important goal. At the same time, I am keeping an open dialogue with leaders on all continents and briefing the UN Security Council. When it comes to nuclear safety in Ukraine it has been possible to build a level of agreement that is rare during the divisions of this conflict. Where there is agreement, there is hope for more agreement.

    Ukraine is not our only hotspot.

    In Iran, the IAEA’s job is to verify the exclusively peaceful nature of a growing nuclear programme. Iran has now enriched uranium to a level that is hard to justify. It has not yet answered the IAEA’s questions completely and it has made our work more difficult by taking away some of our cameras and blocking some of our most experienced safeguards inspectors from going into the country. This has caused concern and led to a pattern of mistrust and recriminations. In diplomacy, progress often requires prompting, catalyzing, and suggesting ways forward. This presents a role for an impartial, honest and effective broker. It is a role I, in my capacity as the IAEA’s Director General, have been playing. In fact, I returned from my latest visit to Tehran just a few weeks ago where I presented alternatives and ideas to reduce the growing tensions, and hopefully to retain Iran within the NPT and the non-proliferation norms.

    The danger of playing it safe

    When it comes to working on behalf of peace and security, playing it safe is dangerous.

    Silence and indifference can be deadly.

    Dag Hammerskjold, the second Secretary General of the United Nations, said: “It is when we all play safe that we create a world of utmost insecurity.”

    A new path

    This week, the Norwegian Nobel Committee looked beyond today’s conflicts. In its own way, it did not play it safe. Instead, it shined a light on the horrors of nuclear war and the people who have been warning us about them for many decades.

    In doing that, the Nobel Committee, Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha have illuminated the danger of the path we are now on.

    We have to make a new path.

    First, the leaders of the nuclear weapon states must recognize the need for a responsible management of their nuclear arsenals. Experiences from the past confirm that even at times of crisis and conflict it has been possible to recognize the unique terminal power of these weapons and the responsibility that comes with it. What Kennedy, Khrushchev, Reagan, Gorbachev, or Trump did by reaching out to a nuclear-armed adversary, sets a precedent, a useful one. Such contacts, either bilateral or at the P5 level could possibly be facilitated by a competent broker. These are the first steps to bringing down the tone so that nuclear sabre rattling recedes and the commitments to the unequivocal undertakings to move towards a nuclear free world can be fulfilled.

    Secondly, an iron-clad resolve to observe and strengthen the global non-proliferation regime needs to be adopted. Nuclear weapon and nuclear non-weapon states must work together to ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    We need to walk through perilous times by recognizing limitations and keeping our eyes on our common objectives.

    Nuclear disarmament cannot be imposed on the nuclear armed.

    Realism is not defeatism. Diplomacy is not weakness.

    Difficult times call for enlightened leadership, at the national level, and at the international level as well.

    Putting the international system back on track is within our reach. World leaders, including those at the top of the multilateral system, have a duty and an irrevocable responsibility to work towards this.  

    Personally, I am convinced. Perhaps, because the secret mandate I received that day in Hiroshima from a hibakusha burns in me, stronger than ever. Thank you.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Nobel Peace Prize Forum: our perilous path and how we change course

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) –

    IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi’s keynote address at the Nobel Peace Prize Forum 2024.

    I want to start by congratulating Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha for their Nobel Peace Prize.

    As a young diplomat almost 40 years ago, I was fortunate to be part of a UN disarmament fellowship programme and to visit Hiroshima. There, fellows had an opportunity to meet the hibakusha and I had a conversation with an ailing victim. I have carried to every meeting, to every negotiation, and to every posting, the memory this woman’s silent testimony. When I asked her about that morning in 1945, she struggled to express the horror in words. She tried to articulate some words but stayed silent. Looking at me, right into my eyes. The look in her eyes has stayed with me ever since, like a powerful reminder, a secret mandate, to work so that her suffering is never repeated.

    For decades after the Second World War, the international community has been dealing with this unique dilemma: we built robust norms and passed nonproliferation and disarmament treaties. Instead of dozens of countries armed with nuclear weapons, as was the concern in the 1960s, there are less than ten. Stockpiles of nuclear weapons have shrunk from tens of thousands to thousands.

    But on its journey through the perils of the atomic age, the world has come to a crucial crossroads. Our deep psychological connection caused by collectively seeing the horror of the consequences of nuclear war seems to be evaporating, taking with it our joint resolve to do everything possible to prevent a repetition.

    Like a giant spotlight, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize has lit up our path ahead. It has done it, by reminding us of the past, and of the consequences of ignoring the perils of nuclear weapons use.

    Context of conflicts

    To understand the important challenges we face, we must look at the global context, at what is happening around the world.  

    War has returned to Europe, and it directly involves a nuclear weapon state. The conflict in Ukraine is also an indirect confrontation between the world’s biggest nuclear weapon states, the first since the end of the Cold War. But nuclear exercises and open references to the use of nuclear weapons in the theatre of this war are increasing the risks and can not be ignored.

    In the Middle East, the conflict of the past year has ignited smoldering tensions between Israel and Iran and led to the unprecedented step of direct exchanges and attacks between the two. Here there is also a nuclear weapons dimension. On one side, the assumed presence of nuclear weapons looms in the background. On the other, the very real potential of nuclear proliferation is raising the stakes.

    We find ourselves in a harmful loop: the erosion of the restraints around nuclear weapons is making these conflicts more dangerous. Meanwhile, these conflicts are contributing to the erosion of the restraints. The vicious circle dynamic is in motion.

    An unfortunate change of direction

    Doctrines regarding the use of nuclear weapons are being revised or reinterpreted. The quantity and quality of nuclear weapon stockpiles are being increased. 

    And in some non-nuclear weapon states – states that are important in their region – leaders are asking “why not us?”. And they are asking this openly!

    At the start of the nuclear arms race, J Robert Oppenheimer described the USSR and the US as “two scorpions in a bottle” each capable of killing the other, but only by risking their own life.

    Oppenheimer’s blunt statement would later be developed and elaborated under the roof of deterrence and the more sophisticated concept of “Mutual Assured Destruction,” or MAD.

    Today, independent of the vantage point of the observer, there is widespread concern that the risk of mutual destruction through nuclear war is higher than it has been for more than a generation.

    Lessons from history

    But it does not have to be this way. We can do better. History has shown that effective dialogue among superpowers has, more often than not, led to confidence and, as a result, also to arms limitation and even disarmament. At certain moments in history, world leaders took the right decisions, to tone down, or, to use today’s parlance, to de-escalate. Let’s see:

    The end of the Cuban Missile Crisis happened thanks to the direct engagement of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and US President John F Kennedy. Decades later, at the Geneva Summit of 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev and President Ronald Reagan agreed a crucial axiom: “Nuclear war cannot be won and should never be fought.” They met again the next year in Reykjavik and significant reductions in nuclear arsenals followed. Nuclear weapon reductions and the elimination of a whole category of weapon, through the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces, or INF, Treaty, were agreed. These steps towards rapprochement took leadership and courage. They often happened despite skepticism and voices against them.

    Diplomacy and dialogue (and the duty of nuclear weapon states)

    A return to diplomacy and dialogue is urgently needed, and this, not only in things nuclear. Shutting the other side out has never solved a problem and almost certainly aggravates it. Top leadership involvement is simply indispensable when nuclear weapons are involved. President Trump took the initiative and talked to Kim Jong Un. More of this is needed. Some have said these talks were ill prepared. I say, this is important. Nuclear weapon policy and limitations does not work bottom up. It is of course the other way around.

    We must be proactive in building the trust and protections that lower the risk of close calls and of brinkmanship, especially during today’s tensions. Not taking active steps means we rely on luck – or the assumption that the other side will show restraint – to save us from nuclear war. The longer you rely on luck, the more likely it is to run out.

    Conflict and tensions compel nations to arm themselves. Diplomacy and compromise create conditions in which they can disarm.

    The road to a nuclear weapon-free world is long and winding. The disarmament landscape is complex, and it’s worth acknowledging that. This does not diminish the responsibility nuclear weapons states have to make progress. After all, they committed themselves to this goal back in 1968, through the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    Steps can be taken to decrease the reliance on nuclear weapons, both in their production and the scenarios for their use.

    Nuclear weapon states, through their actions at home and on the world stage, have a responsibility to avoid a scenario in which more countries seek nuclear weapons. Pushing ahead with increases in arsenals leads to despair, cynicism, and a growing skepticism about the value of past commitments. Disengagement and unilateralism fuel sentiments of vulnerability in other countries, and with that, the notion nuclear weapons could be the ultimate protection against outside threats.

    Engagement among the five permanent members of the Security Council is indispensable. Such engagement can take many different shapes, starting with direct contact among themselves, bilaterally or as a group. This dialogue, which still exists, has been reduced to a very low level, virtually without real impact. Perhaps its revival could be assisted by an international organization, or facilitated with the support of a respected, impartial leader. Therefore, it’s essential that the United Nations, other international organizations, and their leaders work effectively to ensure their continued relevance amid the changing needs of their stakeholders.

    Do not make things worse (by falling for the siren call of proliferation)

    The IAEA has played its indispensable technical role during past attempts of nuclear proliferation, particularly in the Middle East. As the difficult experiences in Iraq, Libya and Syria remind us, the draw of nuclear weapons is real and so is the geopolitical and military response.

    Today’s tensions are prompting even leaders of important counties that, so far, are in good standing with the NPT to ask: “Why shouldn’t we have a nuclear weapon too?”

    To this, I would say, “Do not make things worse.” Acquiring a nuclear weapon will not increase national security, it will do the opposite. Other countries will follow. And this will contribute to the unravelling of a nonproliferation regime that has had its ups and downs – and it still has its limitations – but none-the-less it has served humanity extraordinarily well. The problem and challenge to the NPT regime may come from those nuclear armed but also those who, while not having nuclear weapons, may feel the NPT has failed as a catalyst to disarmament.

    Weakening the non-proliferation treaty under the argument that progress on nuclear disarmament has been slow and more drastic approaches are required, would be totally misguided and may make us throw away existing international measures committing nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states in this field.

    I come from a non-nuclear weapon state. I understand the frustration that some people feel about the “haves” and “have-nots” of nuclear weapons. But I have also seen the legacy of peace and prosperity left by leaders who resisted that siren call. In the 1980s, vision, resolve and dialogue meant Brazil and Argentina changed course and did not go down the path to nuclear arms. Today, Latin America is a nuclear weapon free zone.

    Multilateral leaders: step up by stepping in

    Many wonder whether there’s still a role for multilateralism in guiding us through this maze of conflicting interests. Yes, there is. During difficult times in the past, international organizations have had a big impact on peace and security. But it only happens when leaders of these organizations get off the side lines and use their mandate and their own good offices effectively.

    We prove our relevance in extraordinary times.   

    Each organization has different tools, a different mandate, a different membership, and each of their leaders will determine how to act. I can speak for the IAEA.  We have nuclear science at our core, and we are the world’s nuclear weapons watchdog. Let me give you an example:

    For almost three years, Ukraine, the world and the IAEA have been confronted with a completely unprecedented situation – never before has a military conflict involved the seizure of a nuclear power plant and been fought among the facilities of a major nuclear power programme.

    At the beginning of the war, Ukraine’s biggest nuclear power plant – the biggest nuclear power plant in Europe, with nearly 6 gigawatts of installed capacity – was taken by Russia. This established a hotspot in the middle of a combat zone. The chance of an incident – or accident – causing terrible radiological consequences became real.

    Observing this from the outside was never, in my mind, an option. Staying on the sidelines and later reflecting on “lessons learned” may have been the more traditional – or expected – path for an international organization. But to me this would have been a dereliction of duty. So, we leaned into our core mission, crossed the front lines of war, and established a permanent presence of IAEA experts at all Ukraine’s nuclear power plants. That makes us the only international organization operating independently in occupied territory. We are informing the world of what’s going on and reducing the chance that a radiological incident enflames the conflict and causes even more devastation.

    We did the same by going to Kursk when a Russian nuclear reactor was at risk of coming into the line of fire. I am in constant communication with both sides.

    I have been meeting with President Zelenskyy, and President Putin regularly. Nuclear safety and security during this conflict must have the buy-in and continued involvement of both leaders. Talking to only one of them would not achieve this important goal. At the same time, I am keeping an open dialogue with leaders on all continents and briefing the UN Security Council. When it comes to nuclear safety in Ukraine it has been possible to build a level of agreement that is rare during the divisions of this conflict. Where there is agreement, there is hope for more agreement.

    Ukraine is not our only hotspot.

    In Iran, the IAEA’s job is to verify the exclusively peaceful nature of a growing nuclear programme. Iran has now enriched uranium to a level that is hard to justify. It has not yet answered the IAEA’s questions completely and it has made our work more difficult by taking away some of our cameras and blocking some of our most experienced safeguards inspectors from going into the country. This has caused concern and led to a pattern of mistrust and recriminations. In diplomacy, progress often requires prompting, catalyzing, and suggesting ways forward. This presents a role for an impartial, honest and effective broker. It is a role I, in my capacity as the IAEA’s Director General, have been playing. In fact, I returned from my latest visit to Tehran just a few weeks ago where I presented alternatives and ideas to reduce the growing tensions, and hopefully to retain Iran within the NPT and the non-proliferation norms.

    The danger of playing it safe

    When it comes to working on behalf of peace and security, playing it safe is dangerous.

    Silence and indifference can be deadly.

    Dag Hammerskjold, the second Secretary General of the United Nations, said: “It is when we all play safe that we create a world of utmost insecurity.”

    A new path

    This week, the Norwegian Nobel Committee looked beyond today’s conflicts. In its own way, it did not play it safe. Instead, it shined a light on the horrors of nuclear war and the people who have been warning us about them for many decades.

    In doing that, the Nobel Committee, Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha have illuminated the danger of the path we are now on.

    We have to make a new path.

    First, the leaders of the nuclear weapon states must recognize the need for a responsible management of their nuclear arsenals. Experiences from the past confirm that even at times of crisis and conflict it has been possible to recognize the unique terminal power of these weapons and the responsibility that comes with it. What Kennedy, Khrushchev, Reagan, Gorbachev, or Trump did by reaching out to a nuclear-armed adversary, sets a precedent, a useful one. Such contacts, either bilateral or at the P5 level could possibly be facilitated by a competent broker. These are the first steps to bringing down the tone so that nuclear sabre rattling recedes and the commitments to the unequivocal undertakings to move towards a nuclear free world can be fulfilled.

    Secondly, an iron-clad resolve to observe and strengthen the global non-proliferation regime needs to be adopted. Nuclear weapon and nuclear non-weapon states must work together to ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    We need to walk through perilous times by recognizing limitations and keeping our eyes on our common objectives.

    Nuclear disarmament cannot be imposed on the nuclear armed.

    Realism is not defeatism. Diplomacy is not weakness.

    Difficult times call for enlightened leadership, at the national level, and at the international level as well.

    Putting the international system back on track is within our reach. World leaders, including those at the top of the multilateral system, have a duty and an irrevocable responsibility to work towards this.  

    Personally, I am convinced. Perhaps, because the secret mandate I received that day in Hiroshima from a hibakusha burns in me, stronger than ever. Thank you.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Nobel Peace Prize Forum: our perilous path and how we change course

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) –

    IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi’s keynote address at the Nobel Peace Prize Forum 2024.

    I want to start by congratulating Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha for their Nobel Peace Prize.

    As a young diplomat almost 40 years ago, I was fortunate to be part of a UN disarmament fellowship programme and to visit Hiroshima. There, fellows had an opportunity to meet the hibakusha and I had a conversation with an ailing victim. I have carried to every meeting, to every negotiation, and to every posting, the memory this woman’s silent testimony. When I asked her about that morning in 1945, she struggled to express the horror in words. She tried to articulate some words but stayed silent. Looking at me, right into my eyes. The look in her eyes has stayed with me ever since, like a powerful reminder, a secret mandate, to work so that her suffering is never repeated.

    For decades after the Second World War, the international community has been dealing with this unique dilemma: we built robust norms and passed nonproliferation and disarmament treaties. Instead of dozens of countries armed with nuclear weapons, as was the concern in the 1960s, there are less than ten. Stockpiles of nuclear weapons have shrunk from tens of thousands to thousands.

    But on its journey through the perils of the atomic age, the world has come to a crucial crossroads. Our deep psychological connection caused by collectively seeing the horror of the consequences of nuclear war seems to be evaporating, taking with it our joint resolve to do everything possible to prevent a repetition.

    Like a giant spotlight, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize has lit up our path ahead. It has done it, by reminding us of the past, and of the consequences of ignoring the perils of nuclear weapons use.

    Context of conflicts

    To understand the important challenges we face, we must look at the global context, at what is happening around the world.  

    War has returned to Europe, and it directly involves a nuclear weapon state. The conflict in Ukraine is also an indirect confrontation between the world’s biggest nuclear weapon states, the first since the end of the Cold War. But nuclear exercises and open references to the use of nuclear weapons in the theatre of this war are increasing the risks and can not be ignored.

    In the Middle East, the conflict of the past year has ignited smoldering tensions between Israel and Iran and led to the unprecedented step of direct exchanges and attacks between the two. Here there is also a nuclear weapons dimension. On one side, the assumed presence of nuclear weapons looms in the background. On the other, the very real potential of nuclear proliferation is raising the stakes.

    We find ourselves in a harmful loop: the erosion of the restraints around nuclear weapons is making these conflicts more dangerous. Meanwhile, these conflicts are contributing to the erosion of the restraints. The vicious circle dynamic is in motion.

    An unfortunate change of direction

    Doctrines regarding the use of nuclear weapons are being revised or reinterpreted. The quantity and quality of nuclear weapon stockpiles are being increased. 

    And in some non-nuclear weapon states – states that are important in their region – leaders are asking “why not us?”. And they are asking this openly!

    At the start of the nuclear arms race, J Robert Oppenheimer described the USSR and the US as “two scorpions in a bottle” each capable of killing the other, but only by risking their own life.

    Oppenheimer’s blunt statement would later be developed and elaborated under the roof of deterrence and the more sophisticated concept of “Mutual Assured Destruction,” or MAD.

    Today, independent of the vantage point of the observer, there is widespread concern that the risk of mutual destruction through nuclear war is higher than it has been for more than a generation.

    Lessons from history

    But it does not have to be this way. We can do better. History has shown that effective dialogue among superpowers has, more often than not, led to confidence and, as a result, also to arms limitation and even disarmament. At certain moments in history, world leaders took the right decisions, to tone down, or, to use today’s parlance, to de-escalate. Let’s see:

    The end of the Cuban Missile Crisis happened thanks to the direct engagement of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and US President John F Kennedy. Decades later, at the Geneva Summit of 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev and President Ronald Reagan agreed a crucial axiom: “Nuclear war cannot be won and should never be fought.” They met again the next year in Reykjavik and significant reductions in nuclear arsenals followed. Nuclear weapon reductions and the elimination of a whole category of weapon, through the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces, or INF, Treaty, were agreed. These steps towards rapprochement took leadership and courage. They often happened despite skepticism and voices against them.

    Diplomacy and dialogue (and the duty of nuclear weapon states)

    A return to diplomacy and dialogue is urgently needed, and this, not only in things nuclear. Shutting the other side out has never solved a problem and almost certainly aggravates it. Top leadership involvement is simply indispensable when nuclear weapons are involved. President Trump took the initiative and talked to Kim Jong Un. More of this is needed. Some have said these talks were ill prepared. I say, this is important. Nuclear weapon policy and limitations does not work bottom up. It is of course the other way around.

    We must be proactive in building the trust and protections that lower the risk of close calls and of brinkmanship, especially during today’s tensions. Not taking active steps means we rely on luck – or the assumption that the other side will show restraint – to save us from nuclear war. The longer you rely on luck, the more likely it is to run out.

    Conflict and tensions compel nations to arm themselves. Diplomacy and compromise create conditions in which they can disarm.

    The road to a nuclear weapon-free world is long and winding. The disarmament landscape is complex, and it’s worth acknowledging that. This does not diminish the responsibility nuclear weapons states have to make progress. After all, they committed themselves to this goal back in 1968, through the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    Steps can be taken to decrease the reliance on nuclear weapons, both in their production and the scenarios for their use.

    Nuclear weapon states, through their actions at home and on the world stage, have a responsibility to avoid a scenario in which more countries seek nuclear weapons. Pushing ahead with increases in arsenals leads to despair, cynicism, and a growing skepticism about the value of past commitments. Disengagement and unilateralism fuel sentiments of vulnerability in other countries, and with that, the notion nuclear weapons could be the ultimate protection against outside threats.

    Engagement among the five permanent members of the Security Council is indispensable. Such engagement can take many different shapes, starting with direct contact among themselves, bilaterally or as a group. This dialogue, which still exists, has been reduced to a very low level, virtually without real impact. Perhaps its revival could be assisted by an international organization, or facilitated with the support of a respected, impartial leader. Therefore, it’s essential that the United Nations, other international organizations, and their leaders work effectively to ensure their continued relevance amid the changing needs of their stakeholders.

    Do not make things worse (by falling for the siren call of proliferation)

    The IAEA has played its indispensable technical role during past attempts of nuclear proliferation, particularly in the Middle East. As the difficult experiences in Iraq, Libya and Syria remind us, the draw of nuclear weapons is real and so is the geopolitical and military response.

    Today’s tensions are prompting even leaders of important counties that, so far, are in good standing with the NPT to ask: “Why shouldn’t we have a nuclear weapon too?”

    To this, I would say, “Do not make things worse.” Acquiring a nuclear weapon will not increase national security, it will do the opposite. Other countries will follow. And this will contribute to the unravelling of a nonproliferation regime that has had its ups and downs – and it still has its limitations – but none-the-less it has served humanity extraordinarily well. The problem and challenge to the NPT regime may come from those nuclear armed but also those who, while not having nuclear weapons, may feel the NPT has failed as a catalyst to disarmament.

    Weakening the non-proliferation treaty under the argument that progress on nuclear disarmament has been slow and more drastic approaches are required, would be totally misguided and may make us throw away existing international measures committing nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states in this field.

    I come from a non-nuclear weapon state. I understand the frustration that some people feel about the “haves” and “have-nots” of nuclear weapons. But I have also seen the legacy of peace and prosperity left by leaders who resisted that siren call. In the 1980s, vision, resolve and dialogue meant Brazil and Argentina changed course and did not go down the path to nuclear arms. Today, Latin America is a nuclear weapon free zone.

    Multilateral leaders: step up by stepping in

    Many wonder whether there’s still a role for multilateralism in guiding us through this maze of conflicting interests. Yes, there is. During difficult times in the past, international organizations have had a big impact on peace and security. But it only happens when leaders of these organizations get off the side lines and use their mandate and their own good offices effectively.

    We prove our relevance in extraordinary times.   

    Each organization has different tools, a different mandate, a different membership, and each of their leaders will determine how to act. I can speak for the IAEA.  We have nuclear science at our core, and we are the world’s nuclear weapons watchdog. Let me give you an example:

    For almost three years, Ukraine, the world and the IAEA have been confronted with a completely unprecedented situation – never before has a military conflict involved the seizure of a nuclear power plant and been fought among the facilities of a major nuclear power programme.

    At the beginning of the war, Ukraine’s biggest nuclear power plant – the biggest nuclear power plant in Europe, with nearly 6 gigawatts of installed capacity – was taken by Russia. This established a hotspot in the middle of a combat zone. The chance of an incident – or accident – causing terrible radiological consequences became real.

    Observing this from the outside was never, in my mind, an option. Staying on the sidelines and later reflecting on “lessons learned” may have been the more traditional – or expected – path for an international organization. But to me this would have been a dereliction of duty. So, we leaned into our core mission, crossed the front lines of war, and established a permanent presence of IAEA experts at all Ukraine’s nuclear power plants. That makes us the only international organization operating independently in occupied territory. We are informing the world of what’s going on and reducing the chance that a radiological incident enflames the conflict and causes even more devastation.

    We did the same by going to Kursk when a Russian nuclear reactor was at risk of coming into the line of fire. I am in constant communication with both sides.

    I have been meeting with President Zelenskyy, and President Putin regularly. Nuclear safety and security during this conflict must have the buy-in and continued involvement of both leaders. Talking to only one of them would not achieve this important goal. At the same time, I am keeping an open dialogue with leaders on all continents and briefing the UN Security Council. When it comes to nuclear safety in Ukraine it has been possible to build a level of agreement that is rare during the divisions of this conflict. Where there is agreement, there is hope for more agreement.

    Ukraine is not our only hotspot.

    In Iran, the IAEA’s job is to verify the exclusively peaceful nature of a growing nuclear programme. Iran has now enriched uranium to a level that is hard to justify. It has not yet answered the IAEA’s questions completely and it has made our work more difficult by taking away some of our cameras and blocking some of our most experienced safeguards inspectors from going into the country. This has caused concern and led to a pattern of mistrust and recriminations. In diplomacy, progress often requires prompting, catalyzing, and suggesting ways forward. This presents a role for an impartial, honest and effective broker. It is a role I, in my capacity as the IAEA’s Director General, have been playing. In fact, I returned from my latest visit to Tehran just a few weeks ago where I presented alternatives and ideas to reduce the growing tensions, and hopefully to retain Iran within the NPT and the non-proliferation norms.

    The danger of playing it safe

    When it comes to working on behalf of peace and security, playing it safe is dangerous.

    Silence and indifference can be deadly.

    Dag Hammerskjold, the second Secretary General of the United Nations, said: “It is when we all play safe that we create a world of utmost insecurity.”

    A new path

    This week, the Norwegian Nobel Committee looked beyond today’s conflicts. In its own way, it did not play it safe. Instead, it shined a light on the horrors of nuclear war and the people who have been warning us about them for many decades.

    In doing that, the Nobel Committee, Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha have illuminated the danger of the path we are now on.

    We have to make a new path.

    First, the leaders of the nuclear weapon states must recognize the need for a responsible management of their nuclear arsenals. Experiences from the past confirm that even at times of crisis and conflict it has been possible to recognize the unique terminal power of these weapons and the responsibility that comes with it. What Kennedy, Khrushchev, Reagan, Gorbachev, or Trump did by reaching out to a nuclear-armed adversary, sets a precedent, a useful one. Such contacts, either bilateral or at the P5 level could possibly be facilitated by a competent broker. These are the first steps to bringing down the tone so that nuclear sabre rattling recedes and the commitments to the unequivocal undertakings to move towards a nuclear free world can be fulfilled.

    Secondly, an iron-clad resolve to observe and strengthen the global non-proliferation regime needs to be adopted. Nuclear weapon and nuclear non-weapon states must work together to ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    We need to walk through perilous times by recognizing limitations and keeping our eyes on our common objectives.

    Nuclear disarmament cannot be imposed on the nuclear armed.

    Realism is not defeatism. Diplomacy is not weakness.

    Difficult times call for enlightened leadership, at the national level, and at the international level as well.

    Putting the international system back on track is within our reach. World leaders, including those at the top of the multilateral system, have a duty and an irrevocable responsibility to work towards this.  

    Personally, I am convinced. Perhaps, because the secret mandate I received that day in Hiroshima from a hibakusha burns in me, stronger than ever. Thank you.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Nobel Peace Prize Forum: our perilous path and how we change course

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)

    IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi’s keynote address at the Nobel Peace Prize Forum 2024.

    I want to start by congratulating Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha for their Nobel Peace Prize.

    As a young diplomat almost 40 years ago, I was fortunate to be part of a UN disarmament fellowship programme and to visit Hiroshima. There, fellows had an opportunity to meet the hibakusha and I had a conversation with an ailing victim. I have carried to every meeting, to every negotiation, and to every posting, the memory this woman’s silent testimony. When I asked her about that morning in 1945, she struggled to express the horror in words. She tried to articulate some words but stayed silent. Looking at me, right into my eyes. The look in her eyes has stayed with me ever since, like a powerful reminder, a secret mandate, to work so that her suffering is never repeated.

    For decades after the Second World War, the international community has been dealing with this unique dilemma: we built robust norms and passed nonproliferation and disarmament treaties. Instead of dozens of countries armed with nuclear weapons, as was the concern in the 1960s, there are less than ten. Stockpiles of nuclear weapons have shrunk from tens of thousands to thousands.

    But on its journey through the perils of the atomic age, the world has come to a crucial crossroads. Our deep psychological connection caused by collectively seeing the horror of the consequences of nuclear war seems to be evaporating, taking with it our joint resolve to do everything possible to prevent a repetition.

    Like a giant spotlight, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize has lit up our path ahead. It has done it, by reminding us of the past, and of the consequences of ignoring the perils of nuclear weapons use.

    Context of conflicts

    To understand the important challenges we face, we must look at the global context, at what is happening around the world.  

    War has returned to Europe, and it directly involves a nuclear weapon state. The conflict in Ukraine is also an indirect confrontation between the world’s biggest nuclear weapon states, the first since the end of the Cold War. But nuclear exercises and open references to the use of nuclear weapons in the theatre of this war are increasing the risks and can not be ignored.

    In the Middle East, the conflict of the past year has ignited smoldering tensions between Israel and Iran and led to the unprecedented step of direct exchanges and attacks between the two. Here there is also a nuclear weapons dimension. On one side, the assumed presence of nuclear weapons looms in the background. On the other, the very real potential of nuclear proliferation is raising the stakes.

    We find ourselves in a harmful loop: the erosion of the restraints around nuclear weapons is making these conflicts more dangerous. Meanwhile, these conflicts are contributing to the erosion of the restraints. The vicious circle dynamic is in motion.

    An unfortunate change of direction

    Doctrines regarding the use of nuclear weapons are being revised or reinterpreted. The quantity and quality of nuclear weapon stockpiles are being increased. 

    And in some non-nuclear weapon states – states that are important in their region – leaders are asking “why not us?”. And they are asking this openly!

    At the start of the nuclear arms race, J Robert Oppenheimer described the USSR and the US as “two scorpions in a bottle” each capable of killing the other, but only by risking their own life.

    Oppenheimer’s blunt statement would later be developed and elaborated under the roof of deterrence and the more sophisticated concept of “Mutual Assured Destruction,” or MAD.

    Today, independent of the vantage point of the observer, there is widespread concern that the risk of mutual destruction through nuclear war is higher than it has been for more than a generation.

    Lessons from history

    But it does not have to be this way. We can do better. History has shown that effective dialogue among superpowers has, more often than not, led to confidence and, as a result, also to arms limitation and even disarmament. At certain moments in history, world leaders took the right decisions, to tone down, or, to use today’s parlance, to de-escalate. Let’s see:

    The end of the Cuban Missile Crisis happened thanks to the direct engagement of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and US President John F Kennedy. Decades later, at the Geneva Summit of 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev and President Ronald Reagan agreed a crucial axiom: “Nuclear war cannot be won and should never be fought.” They met again the next year in Reykjavik and significant reductions in nuclear arsenals followed. Nuclear weapon reductions and the elimination of a whole category of weapon, through the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces, or INF, Treaty, were agreed. These steps towards rapprochement took leadership and courage. They often happened despite skepticism and voices against them.

    Diplomacy and dialogue (and the duty of nuclear weapon states)

    A return to diplomacy and dialogue is urgently needed, and this, not only in things nuclear. Shutting the other side out has never solved a problem and almost certainly aggravates it. Top leadership involvement is simply indispensable when nuclear weapons are involved. President Trump took the initiative and talked to Kim Jong Un. More of this is needed. Some have said these talks were ill prepared. I say, this is important. Nuclear weapon policy and limitations does not work bottom up. It is of course the other way around.

    We must be proactive in building the trust and protections that lower the risk of close calls and of brinkmanship, especially during today’s tensions. Not taking active steps means we rely on luck – or the assumption that the other side will show restraint – to save us from nuclear war. The longer you rely on luck, the more likely it is to run out.

    Conflict and tensions compel nations to arm themselves. Diplomacy and compromise create conditions in which they can disarm.

    The road to a nuclear weapon-free world is long and winding. The disarmament landscape is complex, and it’s worth acknowledging that. This does not diminish the responsibility nuclear weapons states have to make progress. After all, they committed themselves to this goal back in 1968, through the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    Steps can be taken to decrease the reliance on nuclear weapons, both in their production and the scenarios for their use.

    Nuclear weapon states, through their actions at home and on the world stage, have a responsibility to avoid a scenario in which more countries seek nuclear weapons. Pushing ahead with increases in arsenals leads to despair, cynicism, and a growing skepticism about the value of past commitments. Disengagement and unilateralism fuel sentiments of vulnerability in other countries, and with that, the notion nuclear weapons could be the ultimate protection against outside threats.

    Engagement among the five permanent members of the Security Council is indispensable. Such engagement can take many different shapes, starting with direct contact among themselves, bilaterally or as a group. This dialogue, which still exists, has been reduced to a very low level, virtually without real impact. Perhaps its revival could be assisted by an international organization, or facilitated with the support of a respected, impartial leader. Therefore, it’s essential that the United Nations, other international organizations, and their leaders work effectively to ensure their continued relevance amid the changing needs of their stakeholders.

    Do not make things worse (by falling for the siren call of proliferation)

    The IAEA has played its indispensable technical role during past attempts of nuclear proliferation, particularly in the Middle East. As the difficult experiences in Iraq, Libya and Syria remind us, the draw of nuclear weapons is real and so is the geopolitical and military response.

    Today’s tensions are prompting even leaders of important counties that, so far, are in good standing with the NPT to ask: “Why shouldn’t we have a nuclear weapon too?”

    To this, I would say, “Do not make things worse.” Acquiring a nuclear weapon will not increase national security, it will do the opposite. Other countries will follow. And this will contribute to the unravelling of a nonproliferation regime that has had its ups and downs – and it still has its limitations – but none-the-less it has served humanity extraordinarily well. The problem and challenge to the NPT regime may come from those nuclear armed but also those who, while not having nuclear weapons, may feel the NPT has failed as a catalyst to disarmament.

    Weakening the non-proliferation treaty under the argument that progress on nuclear disarmament has been slow and more drastic approaches are required, would be totally misguided and may make us throw away existing international measures committing nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states in this field.

    I come from a non-nuclear weapon state. I understand the frustration that some people feel about the “haves” and “have-nots” of nuclear weapons. But I have also seen the legacy of peace and prosperity left by leaders who resisted that siren call. In the 1980s, vision, resolve and dialogue meant Brazil and Argentina changed course and did not go down the path to nuclear arms. Today, Latin America is a nuclear weapon free zone.

    Multilateral leaders: step up by stepping in

    Many wonder whether there’s still a role for multilateralism in guiding us through this maze of conflicting interests. Yes, there is. During difficult times in the past, international organizations have had a big impact on peace and security. But it only happens when leaders of these organizations get off the side lines and use their mandate and their own good offices effectively.

    We prove our relevance in extraordinary times.   

    Each organization has different tools, a different mandate, a different membership, and each of their leaders will determine how to act. I can speak for the IAEA.  We have nuclear science at our core, and we are the world’s nuclear weapons watchdog. Let me give you an example:

    For almost three years, Ukraine, the world and the IAEA have been confronted with a completely unprecedented situation – never before has a military conflict involved the seizure of a nuclear power plant and been fought among the facilities of a major nuclear power programme.

    At the beginning of the war, Ukraine’s biggest nuclear power plant – the biggest nuclear power plant in Europe, with nearly 6 gigawatts of installed capacity – was taken by Russia. This established a hotspot in the middle of a combat zone. The chance of an incident – or accident – causing terrible radiological consequences became real.

    Observing this from the outside was never, in my mind, an option. Staying on the sidelines and later reflecting on “lessons learned” may have been the more traditional – or expected – path for an international organization. But to me this would have been a dereliction of duty. So, we leaned into our core mission, crossed the front lines of war, and established a permanent presence of IAEA experts at all Ukraine’s nuclear power plants. That makes us the only international organization operating independently in occupied territory. We are informing the world of what’s going on and reducing the chance that a radiological incident enflames the conflict and causes even more devastation.

    We did the same by going to Kursk when a Russian nuclear reactor was at risk of coming into the line of fire. I am in constant communication with both sides.

    I have been meeting with President Zelenskyy, and President Putin regularly. Nuclear safety and security during this conflict must have the buy-in and continued involvement of both leaders. Talking to only one of them would not achieve this important goal. At the same time, I am keeping an open dialogue with leaders on all continents and briefing the UN Security Council. When it comes to nuclear safety in Ukraine it has been possible to build a level of agreement that is rare during the divisions of this conflict. Where there is agreement, there is hope for more agreement.

    Ukraine is not our only hotspot.

    In Iran, the IAEA’s job is to verify the exclusively peaceful nature of a growing nuclear programme. Iran has now enriched uranium to a level that is hard to justify. It has not yet answered the IAEA’s questions completely and it has made our work more difficult by taking away some of our cameras and blocking some of our most experienced safeguards inspectors from going into the country. This has caused concern and led to a pattern of mistrust and recriminations. In diplomacy, progress often requires prompting, catalyzing, and suggesting ways forward. This presents a role for an impartial, honest and effective broker. It is a role I, in my capacity as the IAEA’s Director General, have been playing. In fact, I returned from my latest visit to Tehran just a few weeks ago where I presented alternatives and ideas to reduce the growing tensions, and hopefully to retain Iran within the NPT and the non-proliferation norms.

    The danger of playing it safe

    When it comes to working on behalf of peace and security, playing it safe is dangerous.

    Silence and indifference can be deadly.

    Dag Hammerskjold, the second Secretary General of the United Nations, said: “It is when we all play safe that we create a world of utmost insecurity.”

    A new path

    This week, the Norwegian Nobel Committee looked beyond today’s conflicts. In its own way, it did not play it safe. Instead, it shined a light on the horrors of nuclear war and the people who have been warning us about them for many decades.

    In doing that, the Nobel Committee, Nihon Hidankyō and the hibakusha have illuminated the danger of the path we are now on.

    We have to make a new path.

    First, the leaders of the nuclear weapon states must recognize the need for a responsible management of their nuclear arsenals. Experiences from the past confirm that even at times of crisis and conflict it has been possible to recognize the unique terminal power of these weapons and the responsibility that comes with it. What Kennedy, Khrushchev, Reagan, Gorbachev, or Trump did by reaching out to a nuclear-armed adversary, sets a precedent, a useful one. Such contacts, either bilateral or at the P5 level could possibly be facilitated by a competent broker. These are the first steps to bringing down the tone so that nuclear sabre rattling recedes and the commitments to the unequivocal undertakings to move towards a nuclear free world can be fulfilled.

    Secondly, an iron-clad resolve to observe and strengthen the global non-proliferation regime needs to be adopted. Nuclear weapon and nuclear non-weapon states must work together to ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    We need to walk through perilous times by recognizing limitations and keeping our eyes on our common objectives.

    Nuclear disarmament cannot be imposed on the nuclear armed.

    Realism is not defeatism. Diplomacy is not weakness.

    Difficult times call for enlightened leadership, at the national level, and at the international level as well.

    Putting the international system back on track is within our reach. World leaders, including those at the top of the multilateral system, have a duty and an irrevocable responsibility to work towards this.  

    Personally, I am convinced. Perhaps, because the secret mandate I received that day in Hiroshima from a hibakusha burns in me, stronger than ever. Thank you.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Ukraine Destroys Russian Ammunition Depots — SBU

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    KYIV, July 3 (Xinhua) — The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) struck Russian military ammunition depots in the village of Velyke Orekhovo near Khartsyzsk in Donetsk region on Wednesday evening, the SBU reported on its Telegram page on Thursday.

    It is specified that the operation was carried out with the help of drones. From 22:00 on Wednesday, explosions were heard at the arsenals, and then secondary detonation of shells began and a fire broke out.

    The SBU added that the main goal of the strike was to weaken the rear bases of the Russian army. In Khartsyzsk, located near Donetsk, the Russian Federation has placed its command posts, logistics centers and ammunition depots. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Speech by HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs upon acceptance Tipperary International Peace Award

    Source: Government of Qatar

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Esteemed Members of the Tipperary Peace Convention,

    Distinguished Guests,

    It is with deep humility and immense gratitude that I accept the Tipperary International Peace Award, not as a personal honor, but on behalf of the State of Qatar—its people, its principles, and its leadership. It is a recognition of what Qatar represents in the world today: a steady voice for peace, a defender of dialogue, and a nation that does not waver in the face of hardship.

     To stand here in Ireland—a country whose peace was earned through reconciliation and moral courage—is profoundly meaningful. Your journey affirms what we in Qatar have always believed: peace is not given, it is built.

    I am reminded of the late John Hume, who said: “The basis of peace and stability, in any society, has to be the fullest respect for the human rights of all its people.”

    However, today, I speak to you not about my story, but the story of the proud people of Qatar.

    I am often asked, What guides Qatar’s efforts, from Gaza to Afghanistan, from Lebanon to Ukraine, Some have claimed that Qatar does this for its own gain. This cannot be further from the truth.

    Our work is not transactional; it is transformational. It is not a tactic; it is a national identity shaped by culture, driven by faith, enshrined in the constitution, and inspired by leadership.

    His Highness the Amir is a model of leadership rare in today’s world. He does not simply govern—he feels, putting his heart and soul in every duty, from the needs of his citizens, to regional and international peace. He sees the people of the region, and innocent people around the world, as his own, grieves for every life lost, and envisions peace as his legacy.

    Words cannot express my pride in His Highness. I had the honor to serve my country under his leadership for over ten years, and will be honored to do so for as long as I am able to. It is his wisdom, passion, and determination that I personally draw from the inspiration to propel me forward.

    This award comes at a moment of great significance.

    Just a week ago, our country came under direct missile attack, a direct result of recklessness concerning the peace and stability of our region. But even as our air defences were falling, our diplomats were doing theirs, securing a ceasefire by dawn. Most importantly, dawn broke with no lives lost and no human cost. That realization led to the choice of restraint rather than retaliation. At that difficult moment, while we were discussing with the Emir options of what our next move will be, he decided that as long as thankfully no lives were lost in the attack, none shall be lost. The choice was restraint.
    And I must be clear: Qatar chose restraint from a position of strength, not weakness, because we prioritized regional stability and the well-being of all in our region, over rhetoric and pity show of force.

    And frankly speaking, we do not want to be among the countries who are in the club preaching something and doing something else. So we are trying to at least practice what we preach.

    We have long warned of the dangers of regional spillover and of how the reckless behavior of Israel risked widening the conflict beyond repair. The price of ignoring those warnings is being paid not only in Gaza but across the region.

    The ever-expanding conflicts in our world today have put to the test the ideals and principles that are supposed to secure international peace, the blatant violations of international law, and especially international humanitarian law that are ongoing, with very little accountability and complete impunity perpetrated by members of the United Nations are increasing every day. The erosion of trust in the international order and norms. Nowhere is it safe.

    Nowhere is that tragedy more visible than in Gaza. The images from there are unbearable. The loss is unspeakable. Yet in the face of devastation, His Highness the Amir has remained unwavering in his commitment to the people of Gaza, whether it be through continuous aid, actively working towards peace, or defending their dignity in the international arena.

    In the international arena, not only the people of Gaza, but we remain committed to freeing the remaining Israeli hostages despite the Israeli government’s apathy towards a peaceful outcome. A human life to us is sacred, regardless of political or any other identity.

    Their suffering weighs heavily on our conscience and strengthens our resolve.

    Even when provoked, even when attacked, we remain committed to peace—not as a slogan, but as a duty. Our armed forces protect our sovereignty with courage. Our diplomats build bridges in silence. And through it all, our people stand united.

    As our beloved Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said:

    “Shall I not tell you what is better than the rank of prayer, fasting, and charity? It is reconciling people.”

    To the next generation—those watching from afar: do not believe that peace is naïve. It is harder than war. But it is worth every effort. It is stronger than cynicism and louder than violence.

    On behalf of the people of Qatar, I thank the Tipperary Peace Convention for this recognition. And on their behalf, I accept it with humility and with renewed commitment—that Qatar will remain a voice of calm, a partner in peace, and a friend to all who believe that dialogue must triumph over destruction.

    May we remain faithful to that cause.

    Thank you.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Comics and graphic novels can empower refugees to tell their stories on their own terms

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dominic Davies, Reader in English, City St George’s, University of London

    There are more refugees in the world today than at any other point in history. The United Nations estimates that there are now more than 120 million people forcibly displaced from their homes. That is one in every 69 people on Earth. Some 73% of this population is hosted in lower or middle-income countries.

    From the legacies of European colonialism to global inequality, drone warfare and climate instability, politicians have failed to address the causes driving this mass displacement. Instead, far-right parties exploit the crisis by inflaming cultures of hatred and hostility towards migrants, particularly in high-income western countries.

    This is exacerbated by visual media, which makes refugees an easy target by denying them the means of telling their own stories on their own terms. Pictures of migrants on boats or climbing over border walls are everywhere in tabloid newspapers and on social media. But these images are rarely accompanied by any detailed account of the brutal experiences that force people into these situations.

    In our new book, Graphic Refuge: Visuality and Mobility in Refugee Comics, we show how a growing genre of “refugee comics” is challenging this visual culture through a range of storytelling strategies and innovations in illustration. Comprised of multiple images arranged into sequences and interspersed with speech bubbles and caption boxes, refugee comics disrupt a media landscape that tends to reduce migrants to either threats or victims.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


    Many different kinds of visual storytelling live under the umbrella of refugee comics. They include short strips and stories, such as A Perilous Journey (2016) with testimonies from people fleeing the civil war in Syria, and Cabramatta (2019), about growing up as a Vietnamese migrant in a Sydney suburb. They also include codex-bound graphic novels, such as The Best We Could Do by Thi Bui (2017), and interactive web-comics such as Exodus by Jasper Rietman (2018).

    They include documentaries made by journalists about the specific experiences of individual refugees. They also include fiction by artists who combine elements of several refugee testimonies into representative stories. Additionally, there are both fictional and non-fictional artworks made by migrants and refugees themselves.

    Refugee comics address different forced mass displacements over the 20th and 21st centuries. These include the 1948 Nakba in Palestine, the 1970s flight of refugees from Vietnam and the 2010s displacement of people from Syria and other countries across sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.

    These refugee comics challenge anti-migrant images in at least three ways. First, they often integrate the direct testimonies of refugees. This is enhanced by the combination of words and pictures that comprise the comics page, which allows refugees to frame the way we see and respond to images of displaced people.

    For example, in The Unwanted by Joe Sacco (2012), familiar images of migrants crossing the Mediterranean on small boats are narrated by a refugee called Jon. Jon’s testimony turns our attention to the fears and desires that drive people to attempt dangerous sea crossings.

    A second way comics challenge anti-migrant images is by allowing refugees to tell their stories without disclosing their identities. Because comics are drawn by hand and use abstract icons rather than photographs, refugees can tell their stories while also avoiding any unwanted scrutiny while also maintaining personal privacy. This reintroduces refugee agency into a visual culture that often seeks to reduce migrants to voiceless victims or security threats.

    For example, in Escaping Wars and Waves: Encounters with Syrian Refugees (2018) German comics journalist Olivier Kugler dedicates two pages to a man he calls “The Afghan” because he didn’t want his name or identity revealed. Kugler presents this man’s testimony of failed attempts to get to the UK, but he never draws his face or refers to him by name.

    The third way comics challenge anti-migrant images is by shifting our attention from refugees themselves to the hostile environments and border infrastructures that they are forced to travel through and inhabit. Refugee researchers describe this different way of seeing as a “places and spaces, not faces” approach.

    For instance, in Undocumented: The Architecture of Migrant Detention (2017), Tings Chak walks her readers through migrant detention centres from the perspective of those who are being processed and detained.

    Drawing displacement

    This emphasis on place and space is built into the structure of our own book, Graphic Refuge. We begin by focusing on graphic stories about ocean crossings, particularly on the Mediterranean sea. We then turn to comics concerned with the experience of refugee camps, and we also ask how interactive online comics bring viewers into virtual refugee spaces in a variety of ways.

    It is the obliteration of homes that forces people to become refugees in the first place. Later in the book, we explore how illustrated stories document the destruction of cityscapes across Syria and also in Gaza. Finally, we turn to graphic autobiographies by second-generation refugees, those who have grown up in places such as the US or Australia, but who must still negotiate the trauma of their parents’ displacement.

    Where most previous studies of refugee comics have focused on trauma and empathy, in Graphic Refuge we take a different approach. We set out to show how refugee comics represent migrant agency and desire, and how we are all implicated in the histories and systems that have created the very idea of the modern refugee.

    As critical refugee scholar Vinh Nguyen writes in our book’s foreword, while it is difficult to truly know what refugee lives are like, those of us who enjoy the privileges of citizenship can at least read these comics to better understand “what we – we who can sleep under warm covers at night – are capable of”.

    This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Comics and graphic novels can empower refugees to tell their stories on their own terms – https://theconversation.com/comics-and-graphic-novels-can-empower-refugees-to-tell-their-stories-on-their-own-terms-258943

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Russia/Azerbaijan: Authorities must investigate alleged abuses against detainees amid tit for tat policing operations  

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Reacting to reports of mass detentions, torture and other ill-treatment of dozens of members of the Azerbaijani diaspora in Russia and Russian nationals in Azerbaijan, which led to the deaths of two ethnic Azeris in Russia’s Yekaterinburg, Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, said:

    “The authorities in both Russia and Azerbaijan have shown complete disregard for human dignity and open contempt for their human rights obligations. Torture and other ill-treatment are absolutely prohibited under international law and there is no justification for it. This appears to be nothing more than tit for tat policing operations targeting people based on their ethnicity and nationality.”

    “Due process and respect for human rights of people in detention must prevail over political tensions between states. Russian and Azerbaijani authorities must promptly, thoroughly, independently and impartially investigate allegations of unlawful killings and torture and other ill-treatment and bring those responsible to justice.”

    The authorities in both Russia and Azerbaijan have shown complete disregard for human dignity and open contempt for their human rights obligations

    Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

    Background

    On 27 June, Russian law enforcement carried out mass detentions of around 50 ethnic Azeris in Yekaterinburg, among them Russian and Azerbaijani nationals, reportedly in connection with an investigation into a killing committed in 2001 and other past crimes. Six individuals were charged and placed in pre-trial detention, while others were released after questioning.

    According to one of the survivors, all those detained were beaten: slammed to the floor, hit with chairs and tortured with electric shocks for about an hour. Several people were hospitalized and two individuals, brothers Ziyaddin and Guseyn Safarov, died in custody. Azerbaijani authorities claim that the brothers, who both held Russian passports, died from torture and multiple injuries caused while in Russian custody. The Russian authorities have cited heart failure as the cause of death of one of the brothers and stated that they are clarifying the other’s cause of death. Heart failure is often given by authorities as the cause of death in Russian custody in cases where torture and other ill-treatment has been alleged.

    In what appears to be retaliatory action, the Azerbaijani authorities detained at least eight Russian nationals in Baku between 30 June and 1 July, under accusations ranging from espionage to drug trafficking to computer hacking. These include two journalists – Igor Kartavykh and Evgeny Belousov – detained during a raid on the office of Sputnik Azerbaijan, a state-run Russian media outlet which the Azerbaijani authorities had earlier deprived of accreditation. Others included IT specialists who had left Russia after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and at least one person who was reportedly visiting Azerbaijan as a tourist. Videos and photos of the arrests distributed by Azerbaijani law enforcement channels and photos taken in court during the remand hearing show Russian detainees with visible facial bruising and head injuries.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Huge aerial attacks on civilians and inflammatory remarks show us Moscow is not serious about peace: UK statement to the OSCE

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    Speech

    Huge aerial attacks on civilians and inflammatory remarks show us Moscow is not serious about peace: UK statement to the OSCE

    UK Chargé d’Affaires, Deputy Ambassador James Ford, condemns Russia’s intensification of attacks against civilians in Ukraine, including its largest aerial assault of the war. This and inflammatory comments that run counter to Russia’s international commitments are further evidence that Moscow is still not serious about peace.

    Thank you, Madam Chair. It is now nearly four months since Ukraine agreed to the US proposal for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. By contrast, Russia has not only refused to accept the proposal but has continued to intensify its attacks against Ukraine.

    In fact, since direct talks began on 16 May, Russia has launched its biggest aerial attacks of the war.  It broke its shameful records again at the start of this week, when it launched more than 500 aerial weapons at Ukraine.

    As well as being the most intense aerial attacks of the war, these recent assaults have also been among the most deadly for Ukraine’s innocent civilians. The attack on the Dnipro region on 24 June killed 20 civilians, left more than 270 others wounded and damaged schools and hospitals. And the horrific attack against Kyiv on 16-17 June, which destroyed a civilian residential building, killed 30 civilians and left a further 172 people injured. This was the second deadliest attack on Kyiv since the full-scale invasion began. So far in 2025, Russian attacks have killed more than 1000 civilians in Ukraine.

    These are not the actions of a government that is serious about peace. They are the actions of those who believe they can take advantage while the world is distracted by events elsewhere. It is our collective responsibility here to dispel this notion, to remind them that the world is watching and to ensure that Moscow understands that there will be a cost for frustrating peace and attacking innocent civilians.

    Madam Chair, when it comes to peace, we have learnt to assess Russia’s actions rather than Russian rhetoric. But if we needed further evidence that Moscow is not currently serious about compromise or ending the war, we can look at the recent comments made by the President of the Russian Federation, as our Ukrainian colleague also highlighted.

    On 18 June he said that, if Ukraine did not agree to Russia’s terms, “we will achieve our goals by military means.” On 20 June he said that “the Russian and Ukrainian peoples are essentially one people. In that sense, we see Ukraine as ours.” He also described as a long-standing principle that “wherever the foot of a Russian soldier steps is Russian land.”

    Clearly, such statements run directly counter to the Helsinki commitments to which we have all agreed. And, alongside the escalation in attacks against Ukrainian civilians, they underline Moscow’s lack of seriousness about peace talks.

    Madam Chair, as the UK – along with the vast majority of participating States here at the OSCE – we continue to call on Russia to agree to a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire to create the space for negotiations on a framework for a just and lasting peace. Regrettably, we see no evidence that Russia will engage meaningfully without further pressure to do so. We are therefore ready to act with partners to introduce new sanctions if Moscow continues to ignore these widespread calls for a ceasefire. Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Comics and graphic novels can empower refugees to tell their stories on their own terms

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dominic Davies, Reader in English, City St George’s, University of London

    There are more refugees in the world today than at any other point in history. The United Nations estimates that there are now more than 120 million people forcibly displaced from their homes. That is one in every 69 people on Earth. Some 73% of this population is hosted in lower or middle-income countries.

    From the legacies of European colonialism to global inequality, drone warfare and climate instability, politicians have failed to address the causes driving this mass displacement. Instead, far-right parties exploit the crisis by inflaming cultures of hatred and hostility towards migrants, particularly in high-income western countries.

    This is exacerbated by visual media, which makes refugees an easy target by denying them the means of telling their own stories on their own terms. Pictures of migrants on boats or climbing over border walls are everywhere in tabloid newspapers and on social media. But these images are rarely accompanied by any detailed account of the brutal experiences that force people into these situations.

    In our new book, Graphic Refuge: Visuality and Mobility in Refugee Comics, we show how a growing genre of “refugee comics” is challenging this visual culture through a range of storytelling strategies and innovations in illustration. Comprised of multiple images arranged into sequences and interspersed with speech bubbles and caption boxes, refugee comics disrupt a media landscape that tends to reduce migrants to either threats or victims.


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    Many different kinds of visual storytelling live under the umbrella of refugee comics. They include short strips and stories, such as A Perilous Journey (2016) with testimonies from people fleeing the civil war in Syria, and Cabramatta (2019), about growing up as a Vietnamese migrant in a Sydney suburb. They also include codex-bound graphic novels, such as The Best We Could Do by Thi Bui (2017), and interactive web-comics such as Exodus by Jasper Rietman (2018).

    They include documentaries made by journalists about the specific experiences of individual refugees. They also include fiction by artists who combine elements of several refugee testimonies into representative stories. Additionally, there are both fictional and non-fictional artworks made by migrants and refugees themselves.

    Refugee comics address different forced mass displacements over the 20th and 21st centuries. These include the 1948 Nakba in Palestine, the 1970s flight of refugees from Vietnam and the 2010s displacement of people from Syria and other countries across sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.

    These refugee comics challenge anti-migrant images in at least three ways. First, they often integrate the direct testimonies of refugees. This is enhanced by the combination of words and pictures that comprise the comics page, which allows refugees to frame the way we see and respond to images of displaced people.

    For example, in The Unwanted by Joe Sacco (2012), familiar images of migrants crossing the Mediterranean on small boats are narrated by a refugee called Jon. Jon’s testimony turns our attention to the fears and desires that drive people to attempt dangerous sea crossings.

    A second way comics challenge anti-migrant images is by allowing refugees to tell their stories without disclosing their identities. Because comics are drawn by hand and use abstract icons rather than photographs, refugees can tell their stories while also avoiding any unwanted scrutiny while also maintaining personal privacy. This reintroduces refugee agency into a visual culture that often seeks to reduce migrants to voiceless victims or security threats.

    For example, in Escaping Wars and Waves: Encounters with Syrian Refugees (2018) German comics journalist Olivier Kugler dedicates two pages to a man he calls “The Afghan” because he didn’t want his name or identity revealed. Kugler presents this man’s testimony of failed attempts to get to the UK, but he never draws his face or refers to him by name.

    The third way comics challenge anti-migrant images is by shifting our attention from refugees themselves to the hostile environments and border infrastructures that they are forced to travel through and inhabit. Refugee researchers describe this different way of seeing as a “places and spaces, not faces” approach.

    For instance, in Undocumented: The Architecture of Migrant Detention (2017), Tings Chak walks her readers through migrant detention centres from the perspective of those who are being processed and detained.

    Drawing displacement

    This emphasis on place and space is built into the structure of our own book, Graphic Refuge. We begin by focusing on graphic stories about ocean crossings, particularly on the Mediterranean sea. We then turn to comics concerned with the experience of refugee camps, and we also ask how interactive online comics bring viewers into virtual refugee spaces in a variety of ways.

    It is the obliteration of homes that forces people to become refugees in the first place. Later in the book, we explore how illustrated stories document the destruction of cityscapes across Syria and also in Gaza. Finally, we turn to graphic autobiographies by second-generation refugees, those who have grown up in places such as the US or Australia, but who must still negotiate the trauma of their parents’ displacement.

    Where most previous studies of refugee comics have focused on trauma and empathy, in Graphic Refuge we take a different approach. We set out to show how refugee comics represent migrant agency and desire, and how we are all implicated in the histories and systems that have created the very idea of the modern refugee.

    As critical refugee scholar Vinh Nguyen writes in our book’s foreword, while it is difficult to truly know what refugee lives are like, those of us who enjoy the privileges of citizenship can at least read these comics to better understand “what we – we who can sleep under warm covers at night – are capable of”.

    This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Comics and graphic novels can empower refugees to tell their stories on their own terms – https://theconversation.com/comics-and-graphic-novels-can-empower-refugees-to-tell-their-stories-on-their-own-terms-258943

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Banking: BSTDB Supports Inclusive and Sustainable Growth in Moldova

    Source: Black Sea Trade and Development Bank

    Press Release | 03-Jul-2025

    Loan to support micro and small enterprises, green investments, and women-led businesses

    In a move to boost inclusive and sustainable development across Moldova, the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB) has extended a EUR 3 million Combined MSME, Green and Gender Equality Credit Line to Prime Capital, BSTDB existing partner since 2021. The loan will further deepen the partnership, including by diversification of use of proceeds to facilitate access to finance for important economic purposes.  

    BSTDB financing will strengthen Prime Capital’s capacity to support micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs)—a backbone of the Moldovan economy and will also target green investments and women-led businesses, areas that are increasingly vital for long-term resilience and social equity.

    The funds will be channeled into Prime Capital’s dedicated programmes that focus on energy efficiency and women in business, helping scale up initiatives that are already making an impact at domestic level. By strengthening these targeted initiatives, the BSTDB contributes to the broader goals of climate resilience, social equity, and regional development.

    Commenting on the deal, Dr. Serhat Köksal, President, said: “This financing reflects our strong commitment to support micro, small and medium entrepreneurs, fostering greater opportunities for women-led businesses, and accelerating the green transition. By partnering with Prime Capital, we are helping ensure that capital reaches those who can drive inclusive and sustainable growth in Moldova and bolster economic resilience across the Black Sea Region.”

    “We are proud to strengthen our partnership with the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank through this expanded facility, which will help us deliver on our mission to empower Moldova’s entrepreneurs—especially women and those championing green innovation. This funding is not only timely but also strategic, as it enables us to extend credit to areas with the greatest transformative potential: MSMEs, sustainable energy, and gender-inclusive business growth. By aligning with BSTDB’s regional development goals, we are helping build a more resilient, inclusive, and future-ready Moldovan economy.” – said Carmina Vicol, CEO of Prime Capital.

     

    OCN Prime Capital SRL is one of the leading microfinance companies in Moldova. As of end-September 2024, Prime Capital reported total assets of USD 21.7 million and total equity of USD 14.3 million with capitalization ratio of 66%. Prime Capital is the 11th largest microfinance company in Moldova (out of 118 non-bank financial institutions). The Company’s head office and microlending office are based in Chisinau, two branches are located in the north and south of the country and it has 52 employees.

     

    The Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB) is an international financial institution established by Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Türkiye, and Ukraine. The BSTDB headquarters are in Thessaloniki, Greece. BSTDB supports economic development and regional cooperation by providing loans, credit lines, equity and guarantees for projects and trade financing in the public and private sectors in its member countries. The authorized capital of the Bank is EUR 3.45 billion. For information on BSTDB, visit www.bstdb.org.

     

    Contact: Haroula Christodoulou

    : @BSTDB

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Banking: BSTDB Supports Inclusive and Sustainable Growth in Moldova

    Source: Black Sea Trade and Development Bank

    Press Release | 03-Jul-2025

    Loan to support micro and small enterprises, green investments, and women-led businesses

    In a move to boost inclusive and sustainable development across Moldova, the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB) has extended a EUR 3 million Combined MSME, Green and Gender Equality Credit Line to Prime Capital, BSTDB existing partner since 2021. The loan will further deepen the partnership, including by diversification of use of proceeds to facilitate access to finance for important economic purposes.  

    BSTDB financing will strengthen Prime Capital’s capacity to support micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs)—a backbone of the Moldovan economy and will also target green investments and women-led businesses, areas that are increasingly vital for long-term resilience and social equity.

    The funds will be channeled into Prime Capital’s dedicated programmes that focus on energy efficiency and women in business, helping scale up initiatives that are already making an impact at domestic level. By strengthening these targeted initiatives, the BSTDB contributes to the broader goals of climate resilience, social equity, and regional development.

    Commenting on the deal, Dr. Serhat Köksal, President, said: “This financing reflects our strong commitment to support micro, small and medium entrepreneurs, fostering greater opportunities for women-led businesses, and accelerating the green transition. By partnering with Prime Capital, we are helping ensure that capital reaches those who can drive inclusive and sustainable growth in Moldova and bolster economic resilience across the Black Sea Region.”

    “We are proud to strengthen our partnership with the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank through this expanded facility, which will help us deliver on our mission to empower Moldova’s entrepreneurs—especially women and those championing green innovation. This funding is not only timely but also strategic, as it enables us to extend credit to areas with the greatest transformative potential: MSMEs, sustainable energy, and gender-inclusive business growth. By aligning with BSTDB’s regional development goals, we are helping build a more resilient, inclusive, and future-ready Moldovan economy.” – said Carmina Vicol, CEO of Prime Capital.

     

    OCN Prime Capital SRL is one of the leading microfinance companies in Moldova. As of end-September 2024, Prime Capital reported total assets of USD 21.7 million and total equity of USD 14.3 million with capitalization ratio of 66%. Prime Capital is the 11th largest microfinance company in Moldova (out of 118 non-bank financial institutions). The Company’s head office and microlending office are based in Chisinau, two branches are located in the north and south of the country and it has 52 employees.

     

    The Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB) is an international financial institution established by Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Türkiye, and Ukraine. The BSTDB headquarters are in Thessaloniki, Greece. BSTDB supports economic development and regional cooperation by providing loans, credit lines, equity and guarantees for projects and trade financing in the public and private sectors in its member countries. The authorized capital of the Bank is EUR 3.45 billion. For information on BSTDB, visit www.bstdb.org.

     

    Contact: Haroula Christodoulou

    : @BSTDB

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI China: China, EU hold 13th round of high-level strategic dialogue

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    At the 13th round of China-EU High-level Strategic Dialogue Wednesday, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas agreed to deepen mutual understanding and work together to get well-prepared for the upcoming leaders’ meeting for enhancing cooperation.

    Noting this year marks the 50th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic ties as well as the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations (UN), Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, said the upcoming China-EU leaders’ meeting is drawing broad attention.

    Looking back on the extraordinary journey of China-EU relations over the past five decades, Wang said, their relationship should be characterized as that of partners rather than rivals, with cooperation as the defining feature and ballast.

    The two sides need to properly handle their differences through dialogue within this framework, he said.

    China and Europe have no fundamental conflicts of interest but rather share extensive common interests, Wang said. Both sides support multilateralism and open cooperation, uphold the central role of the UN and the democratization of international relations, and are committed to resolving disputes peacefully through dialogue.

    Facing growing uncertainty and instability in the international landscape, Wang emphasized that China and the EU, as two major forces and economies, should enhance exchanges, mutual understanding and mutual trust, and advance cooperation, in a joint effort to safeguard the post-war international order and provide the world with much-needed certainty.

    Wang said that China is ready to work with the EU to ensure that the upcoming China-EU leaders’ meeting yields positive outcomes, charting the course for the future growth of China-EU relations.

    On issues of peace and security, he said, China has the best track record among major countries in today’s world. China is not the United States, and its path should not be mirrored against America’s historical trajectory.

    The differences between China and the EU in history, culture and values should not warrant rivalry, nor their disagreements necessitate confrontation, Wang said, noting that While Europe currently faces various challenges, they have never come — and will never come — from China, whether in the past, present or future.

    Wang called on both sides to respect each other, draw on each other’s experiences and pursue common development so as to make new contributions to human progress.

    The Chinese foreign minister expressed hope that the EU will develop a more objective and rational understanding of China and adopt a more positive and practical policy toward China.

    In their comprehensive strategic partnership, it is most important for China and the EU to respect each other and accommodate each other’s core interests, Wang said.

    China has consistently supported European integration and the EU’s efforts to strengthen its strategic autonomy and play a constructive role in international affairs, he said, expressing hope that the EU will likewise respect China’s core interests through concrete actions.

    The Taiwan question concerns China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, Wang said, voicing hope that the European side will strictly adhere to the one-China principle in both word and deed.

    Kallas said that the EU and China are partners, sharing common responsibilities and having significant influence on major issues such as upholding the central role of the UN and safeguarding international law and international order.

    The EU remains committed to the one-China policy and stands ready to work with China to prepare for the upcoming leaders’ meeting, Kallas said, expressing the EU’s willingness to strengthen mutual understanding through dialogue, build a more constructive EU-China relationship, and pursue more balanced and equitable economic and trade cooperation.

    The two sides also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis, the Palestine-Israel conflict and the Iranian nuclear issue.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: V.F. Stanis 100th anniversary medal: RUDN foreign alumni

    Source: Peoples’Friendship University of Russia –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The aaniversary medal to the 100th anniversary of V.F. Stanis is awarded to RUDN current and ex-employees and students for: significant contribution to the university development; long-standing commitment to maintaining ties with the university; fruitful cooperation of Russian and foreign organizations, scientists and public figures with the university.

    The aaniversary medal to the 100th anniversary of V.F. Stanis is awarded to RUDN current and ex-employees and students for:

    • significant contribution to the university development;
    • long-standing commitment to maintaining ties with the university;
    • fruitful cooperation of Russian and foreign organizations, scientists and public figures with the university.

    RUDN foreign alumni

    For their contribution to the promotion of RUDN abroad, for maintaining relations with the university and cooperation, 16 foreign graduates received the V.F. Stanis anniversary medal:

    1. Galina Abbas (Lebanon);
    2. Hamed Muhieddin Abou Zahr (Lebanon, Peru);
    3. Al-Twal Salam Fakhri (Jordan);
    4. Gupta Sudhir (India);
    5. Georges Aoun (Lebanon);
    6. Kalumbi Shangula (Namibia);
    7. Mizanur Rahman (Bangladesh);
    8. Mustafa Hammoud Al-Nawaise (Jordan);
    9. Navin Saxena (India);
    10. Najim Riad Yousef (Lebanon);
    11. Nilakshi Suryanarayan (India);
    12. Gagan Patwardhan (India);
    13. Rigoberto Santos Hilario (Dominican Republic);
    14. Ruben Dario Flores (Colombia);
    15. Auelbek Tokzhanov (Kazakhstan);
    16. Jose Hidalgo Salazar (Ecuador).

    Faculty of Economics and Law

    • Mizanur Rahman, graduate ‘81 — head of the Association of Alumni of Russian and Soviet Universities in Bangladesh.
    • Mustafa Hammoud Al-Nawaise, graduate ‘91 — international lawyer, former Secretary General of the Constitutional Court of Jordan.
    • Hamed Muhieddin Abou Zahr, graduate ‘92 — President of the Arab-Peruvian Chamber of Commerce, Vice-president of the Association of RUDN Alumni in Peru, Honorary Consul of Lebanon in Peru.

    Faculty of Science

    Graduate ‘78 of the Faculty of Science, majoring in Chemistry, Navin Saxena is the President of the international group of pharmaceutical companies: Rusan Pharma (India), Euro-Med (Russia), Pharmaker (Great Britain), Uzpharmaker (Uzbekistan), Pharmaker (Ukraine), Pharmaker (UAE) and owns the pharmaceutical companies Rusan Pharma and Pharmaker. In 2005, Rusan Pharma became a supplier of vital drugs under the Benefit-2005 program in the Russian Federation. It still remains one of the largest suppliers of drugs to the Russian Ministry of Health, the Russian Ministry of Defense and the Russian Ministry of Emergency Situations, as well as to the services of the Russian Army. Navin Saxena is the author of a large number of publications in Russian and foreign scientific journals, has drugs copyright certificates and patents.

    Faculty of History and Philology

    • Ruben Dario Flores, graduate ‘83 — Director of the Leo Tolstoy Institute of Culture in Bogota, Colombia.
    • Nilakshi Suryanarayan, graduate ‘80 — Head of the Department of Slavonic and Finno-Ugrian Studies at the University of Delhi, professor, teacher of Russian language and literature.
    • Galina Abbas, graduate ‘92 — President of RUDN University Alumni Association in Lebanon.

    All of them actively promote Russian education and the Russian language in their countries. Thus, Nilakshi Suryanarayan is the author of a popular manual among Indian students of philology, “Russian Verbs with Prefixes: Meaning and Usage”. Galina Abbas was awarded the Pushkin Medal, and Ruben Dario Flores is a translator of works by Russian poets A.Pushkin, B.Pasternak and A.Tarkovsky.

    Faculty of Medicine

    In 1978, Najim Riad Youssef graduated from the Faculty of Medicine. Najim Riad Youssef is the CEO of RamTEK LLC and Vice-Chairman of the Lebanese-Russian Friendship Society, popularizing Russian higher education and science abroad, which made him the Ambassador of Russian Education and Science.

    Kalumbi Shangula graduated from the Faculty of Medicine in 1983. He is the Minister of Health and Social Services of Namibia. He is member of the Medical Association of Namibia, the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene in Great Britain, and the New York Academy of Sciences.

    Faculty of Engineering

    The largest number of graduates awarded the medal to the 100th anniversary of V.F. Stanis graduated from the Engineering faculty: Jose Hidalgo Salazar in 1973, Patwardhan Gagan in 1975, Al-Twal Salam Fakhri in 1983, Rigoberto Hilario Santos and Georges Aoun in 1984.

    They continue to maintain contact with RUDN, creating new opportunities for the future students. Jose Hidalgo Salazar, CEO of IGGEKO LLC, became a laureate of the Order of Friendship. Al-Twal Salam Fakhri, a senior specialist in the regional office of the UN Development Program, member of the Jordan-Russia Friendship Society was awarded the Order of Friendship by the decree of the President of the Russian Federation. Rigoberto Hilario Santos, CEO of the engineering and construction company CONSUDOM SRL, member of the Presidium of the Dominican College of Architects and Geodesic Engineers, former Director of the Department of the Ministry of Public Works and Communications of the Dominican Republic, became the Ambassador of Russian Education and Science. Patwardhan Gagan, Head of Union Exports LLC, received the Order of Friendship for promoting the Russian language in Western India. Professor Georges Aoun, Head of the department of basic disciplines at the engineering faculty of the Lebanese University, organized summer schools with the Agrarian and Technological Institute, Engineering Academy and the Institute of the Russian language, as well as a double degree program with the Philological faculty of RUDN, author of a number of publication on teaching Russian as a foreign language.

    Faculty of Agriculture

    Auelbek Tokzhanov, a 1982 graduate of the Faculty of Agriculture, is currently the CEO of Skymax Technologies Group of Companies, AK Karal Diatomit Industry. He heads the UDN-RUDN Alumni and Friends Association in Kazakhstan and is a member of the expert group in the Innovative Economy direction of the Nur Otan party. Aulbek Tokzhanov is a co-founder of the Literary Alliance Public Foundation, which supports the work of Olzhas Suleimenov and young talents.

    Gupta Sudhir is a 1983 graduate of the Faculty of Agriculture and Chairman of the Board of Directors of Amtel Corporation. To support students, he has established 80 personal scholarships of 3,000 rubles per month. Gupta Sudhir was also awarded the Order of Friendship.

    V.F. Stanis anniversary medals were also awarded to 28 Russian graduates, employees and partners of RUDN University.

    Please note; this information is raw content received directly from the information source. It is an accurate account of what the source claims, and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Egyptian and Ukrainian leaders discuss Russian-Ukrainian conflict and regional developments in the Middle East

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    CAIRO, July 3 (Xinhua) — Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and his Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelensky held a telephone conversation on Wednesday to discuss the Russia-Ukraine conflict and regional developments in the Middle East, the Egyptian presidential office said in a statement.

    Speaking about the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, A.F. al-Sisi stressed the importance of achieving a diplomatic and political solution, emphasizing the need to “prioritize dialogue as a means of resolving the current crisis.”

    According to the statement, he reaffirmed Egypt’s “full support for all efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful settlement as soon as possible.”

    During the talks, the two leaders discussed the broader regional situation, especially the recent ceasefire agreement between Israel and Iran. The sides stressed “the need to maintain the ceasefire” and resume negotiations to achieve a peaceful settlement.

    The parties also discussed bilateral relations and ways to strengthen cooperation in the economic, trade and investment spheres.

    The phone call took place amid widespread calls for an end to the Russia-Ukraine conflict that began in February 2022. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • Ukraine voices concern as US halts some missile shipments

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    A decision by Washington to halt some shipments of critical weapons to Ukraine prompted warnings by Kyiv on Wednesday that the move would weaken its ability to defend against intensifying airstrikes and battlefield advances.

    Ukraine said it had called in the acting U.S. envoy to Kyiv to underline the importance of military aid from Washington continuing, and cautioned that any cut-off would embolden Russia in its war in Ukraine.

    The Pentagon’s decision – tied to concerns that U.S. military stockpiles are too low – began in recent days and includes 30 Patriot air defence missiles, which Ukraine relies on to destroy fast-moving ballistic missiles, four people familiar with the decision said on Wednesday.

    It also includes nearly 8,500 155mm artillery shells, more than 250 precision GMLRS (mobile rocket artillery) missiles and 142 Hellfire air-to-surface missiles, they said.

    “The Ukrainian side emphasised that any delay or procrastination in supporting Ukraine‘s defence capabilities will only encourage the aggressor to continue the war and terror, rather than seek peace,” Ukraine‘s foreign ministry said.

    The defence ministry said it had not been officially notified of any halt in U.S. shipments and was seeking clarity from its American counterparts.

    A Ukrainian source familiar with the situation said the decision was a “total shock.”

    Deputy White House press secretary Anna Kelly said the decision was made “to put America’s interests first” following a Department of Defense review of military support around the world.

    “The strength of the United States Armed Forces remains unquestioned — just ask Iran,” she said, referring to U.S. bombing of Iranian nuclear facilities last month.

    NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said the U.S. needed to take care of its stockpiles but told Fox News that “in the short term, Ukraine cannot do without all the support it can get” when it comes to ammunition and air defence systems.

    RUSSIAN AIRSTRIKES

    Dozens of people have been killed in recent airstrikes on Ukrainian cities and Russian forces, which control about a fifth of Ukraine, have been making gains in the east.

    Senator Jeanne Shaheen, the top Democrat on the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said the decision risks Ukrainian lives, undermines Washington’s credibility and will make it harder to end the war.

    “This sends a message to not just our allies, like Ukraine and our European allies, but it sends a message to our adversaries, to China, to North Korea, to Russia, that our allies can’t count on the United States,” she told WKBK radio in her home state New Hampshire.

    Since U.S. President Donald Trump took office in January, he has softened Washington’s position towards Russia, seeking a diplomatic solution to the war and raising doubts about future U.S. military support for Kyiv.

    Trump said last week he was considering selling more Patriot air defence missiles to Ukraine after meeting President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.

    Fedir Venislavskyi, a member of the Ukrainian parliament’s national security and defence committee, said the decision to halt shipments was “very unpleasant for us“.

    In an email, the Pentagon said it was providing Trump with options to continue military aid to Ukraine in line with the goal of ending the war.

    Elbridge Colby, undersecretary of defence for policy, said it was “rigorously examining and adapting its approach…while also preserving U.S. forces’ readiness.”

    All weapons aid was briefly stopped in February, with a second, longer halt in March. Washington resumed sending the last of the aid approved under the previous administration, of Democratic President Joe Biden, but no new aid to Ukraine has been announced.

    The Kremlin welcomed the news of a halt, saying the conflict would end sooner if fewer arms reached Ukraine.

    Kyiv residents expressed alarm at the Pentagon’s decision.

    “If we end up in a situation where there’s no air defence left, I will move (out of Kyiv), because my safety is my first concern,” said Oksana Kurochkina, a 35-year-old lawyer.

    On the battlefield, a halt in precision munitions would limit the capacity of Ukrainian troops to strike Russian positions farther behind the front line, said Jack Watling, a military analyst at the Royal United Services Institute.

    “In short, this decision will cost Ukrainian lives and territory,” he said.

    (Reuters)

  • MIL-OSI China: China, EU pledge to uphold multilateralism, enhance cooperation

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    European Council President Antonio Costa meets with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, in Brussels, Belgium, July 2, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    BRUSSELS, July 2 — Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and European Council President Antonio Costa met here on Wednesday, pledging to uphold multilateralism and strengthen cooperation.

    Noting that both the European Union (EU) and China are supporters of multilateralism, Costa said the EU is willing to work with China to uphold mutual respect, transcend differences, promote understanding, and jointly address global challenges.

    The EU stands ready to work with China to ensure the full success of the next EU-China leaders’ meeting, he said, adding that the EU will continue to firmly adhere to the one-China policy.

    Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, said that China regards Europe as an important pole in a multipolar world, and China has always supported European integration and is glad to see the EU enhance its strategic autonomy and play a greater role in the international arena.

    China is willing to strengthen communication and coordination with the EU and prepare for the China-EU leaders’ meeting, Wang said.

    The more serious and complex the international situation becomes, the more China and the EU need to strengthen solidarity and coordination, and act firmly as stabilizing forces in a turbulent world, Wang said, adding that the two sides should earnestly respect each other’s core interests, enhance understanding and mutual trust, and contribute to each other’s success.

    The two sides also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.

    European Council President Antonio Costa meets with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, in Brussels, Belgium, July 2, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Russia expects 3rd round of talks with Ukraine soon: Kremlin

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    The Kremlin expects the dates for a third round of Russia-Ukraine talks to be finalized “in the near future,” spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Wednesday.

    “We expect that it will be agreed upon soon,” Peskov said, reiterating Moscow’s stance that the scheduling of talks requires mutual consent.

    Peskov noted that no specific date has been set and emphasized that the negotiation framework is inherently collaborative.

    “This is a mutual process,” he said.

    MIL OSI China News