Easter may have come and gone but celebrations continued at South Australia Police’s (SAPOL) academy this afternoon for Course 79’s graduation.
Ranging in age from 22 to 35, 11 men and three women begin their policing careers after 9.5 months of thorough training.
The 14 new police officers bring a variety of former work experience, including from retail, grain testing, health and fitness, refrigeration, and as Police Security Officers.
Prior to joining SAPOL, Sam was working as a personal trainer and enjoyed hitting the jiu-jitsu mats.
“I’ve always wanted to be a police officer, but what started off as wanting to fight crime, became a desire to do something more with my life and partake in an exciting, challenging and rewarding career,” he said.
“Following my time at the academy, I’m a more self-assured, confident and capable individual.”
Fellow graduate Renae alternated seasonal jobs grain testing and cellar hand vintage work, with working as a refit merchandiser before becoming a police officer.
“This experience will benefit me in policing as no two working days were the same, and I have a variety of different skills,” she said.
“I am excited to see where my career will take me as there are endless opportunities in different areas of policing.”
Dylan was working as an RAA retail sales consultant before joining SAPOL and has played cricket since a young age.
“Policing appealed to me since I was young, and this is due to the difference police make in the community and even being able to help one person who is having their worst day,” he said.
“I have gained better conversational skills as well as dealing with people more confidently.”
Sam hopes to one day work in STAR Operations, while Renae is open to any SAPOL career path but particularly interested in Dog Operations Unit, and Dylan has ambitions to become a District Duty Inspector and would love to eventually work in the executive leadership team.
Sam encouraged anyone interested in a SAPOL career to “put the work in”.
“If you feel you will struggle with the fitness side of the training, train. If you feel it will be the academic portion, you’ll have a hard time with, study,” he said.
Renae said the past 9.5 months have been the toughest but most rewarding she had experienced.
“If you’re thinking about joining, now is the time,” she encouraged.
Dylan similarly urged people looking for a new career to “just go for it”.
“It is a great time to join, and you will make lifelong friends,” he added.
“Make sure you have some good study habits and fitness habits when you join.”
Course 79 members will be stationed to metropolitan and regional postings, including Whyalla, Port Pirie, and Port Augusta.
SAPOL is currently recruiting and is keen to hear from people interested in an inspiring career with unmatched experiences and rewards.
If you’re looking for job security, career progression pathways and a chance to make a real difference in local communities visit Achievemore – Join Us (police.sa.gov.au)
Sam, Renae, and Dylan are excited to embark on new policing careers after today graduating from Course 79.
“The Government has made it easier for overseas trained teachers to come to New Zealand to try to address the teaching shortage. It’s hard coming to an entirely new country with an entirely different curriculum and schooling system, so understandably these teachers require support. This support needs to come from experienced teachers, often the same teachers who are responsible for leading the implementation of the new curriculum and NCEA changes in their departments.”
A recent PPTA survey of establishing and overseas trained secondary teachers found that 90% of respondents agreed that mentoring had helped their development. Worryingly, almost 20% of respondents said they did not receive the right amount of mentoring during that time and almost 20% said they did not believe the mentoring they received was good quality.
“That’s why we are launching today a series of initiatives aimed at making the role of the mentor teacher better supported and recognised. These initiatives include the development of clear and detailed guidelines for mentors of teacher trainees, beginning teachers, overseas trained teachers and classroom specialist teachers.”
And in the upcoming collective agreement negotiations, PPTA Te Wehengarua will claim for:
Continued funding for the delivery of a highly successful professional development course in effective mentoring
An increase in the allowance received by teachers mentoring student teachers from $3 an hour to the minimum wage of $23 an hour
An increase to the unit and allowance payments which are paid to teachers in roles that include mentoring responsibilities.
“Secondary teaching is an amazing and hugely satisfying career. But it’s hard, and particularly teachers in their first five years of teaching need a firm foundation of support to keep them grounded.”
Chris Abercrombie said both academic and anecdotal research showed that effective mentoring and support could ‘make or break’ an establishing teacher. “The quality of mentoring that teachers receive, particularly in their first few years in the profession, can have a significant influence on whether they stay in or leave teaching after their first few years.
“Retaining the experienced teachers that we need in the workforce to pick up these mentoring responsibilities is incredibly important. The largest number of teachers leave after five to 10 years in the profession, exactly the time when we need them to start mentoring new teachers.
Chris Abercrombie said it was appropriate that the mentoring initiatives were being launched at the PPTA Te Wehengarua Network of Establishing Teachers conference, being held in Tāmaki Makaurua today and tomorrow. The network of establishing teachers is made up of secondary teachers with up to 10 years’ experience.
“It is these teachers who we really need to keep in our schools. Everything that can be done, needs to be done, to support their professional growth.”
Community consultation has concluded, results have been analysed, and decisions have been made on speed limits for 49 state highway corridors, with most locations set to return to their previous higher speed limits.
On 29 January 2025, the Minister of Transport confirmed that 38 sections of state highway were subject to speed limit auto-reversal under the Setting of Speed Limits Rule 2024, with a further 49 sections open to community consultation to confirm whether there was public support to retain current lower speed limits.
NZ Transport Agency Waka Kotahi (NZTA) carried out six weeks of public consultation on these 49 sections of state highway between 30 January and 13 March, and the NZTA Board considered the consultation results earlier this month.
Over 21,500 people had their say, and based on their feedback, 43 locations will return to their previous higher speed limits, with six remaining at their current lower speed limits.
The six locations that demonstrated majority public support, as required by the Setting of Speed Limits Rule 2024, to keep their current lower speed limit were:
SH30 Rotorua South
SH5 Waipā State Mill Road
SH5 Waiotapu,
SH3 Whanganui
SH3 Palmerston Northeast to Whakarongo
SH94 Homer Tunnel to Milford Sound.
Local road users and communities in these six locations made their support for the current lower speed limits clear through consultation feedback:
More than 50 per cent of respondents asked for the current lower speed limits to be retained for each of these locations. NZTA can now confirm that these lower speed limits will remain in place.
Public support levels for the other 43 sections of state highway did not reach a similar level of support, with less than 50 per cent of respondents wishing to retain lower speed limits.
NZTA will now add these 43 locations to its wider list of speed limit reversals and will begin notifying local communities in each of the locations about upcoming signage changes.
Implementation of the speed limit reversals will be rolled out in monthly tranches, with all reversals to be in effect by 1 July 2025, as required by the Setting of Speed Limits Rule 2024.
NZTA acknowledges there are a wide range of opinions on speed limits, and thanks everyone who took the time to share their views. A summary of feedback received through the consultation process is available here:
This feedback will be valuable in shaping future speed reviews. This includes concerns voiced by local schools and marae.
NZTA will now work with those schools and iwi, hapū, and marae to see what other safety interventions, such as Variable Speed Limits (VSLs), can be applied under the Rule to help them keep vulnerable users safe.
VSLs are required by the Rule to be implemented outside all schools by 1 July 2026.
Work is continuing separately on consultation on 16 of the 38 sections of state highways subject to auto-reversal requirements under the Rule, but where local communities have given strong feedback that they want to keep lower speeds.
For consultation on these 16 sections of state highway, NZTA is required to follow different process under the Rule. This involves undertaking a full speed review, which includes looking at technical, safety, cost and economic data, alongside consultation feedback, before being able to confirm final speed limit outcomes.
Consultation on these 16 sections of state highway is open for six weeks, between 2 April and 14 May, and the results of this phase of work will be known in June.
If the new speed reviews determine a lower speed should be confirmed, instead of the higher one set through the reversal process, this change will take place immediately after 1 July 2025.
More information about the sections of state highway currently under consultation can be found on the NZTA website:
The new Setting of Speed Limits Rule (the Rule) requires that a range of specified roads managed by NZTA and local council road controlling authorities (RCAs), where speed have been lowered since January 2020, must automatically reverse back to their previous higher speeds by 1 July 2025.
While NZTA has published a list of 89 road locations on state highways that are required to reverse, the Rule also allowed for the agency to consult on some state highways in two of the five categories (rural connectors and inter-regional connectors), before confirming its final list for implementation.
There are five categories of specified roads required to auto-reverse under the Section 11 Transitional provisions of the Rule. These categories are managed by both local government and NZTA. NZTA was the only road controlling authority (RCA) able to consult on retaining current lower speed limits on some state highways as part of these provisions in two of the five categories – rural connectors and interregionals.
All RCAs must confirm their lists to reverse to the Director of Land Transport in May 2025, for uploading to the National Speed Limits Register (NSLR). Implementation is required to take place by 1 July 2025.
An additional 16 locations included in NZTA’s list of specified roads are now going through full new speed reviews under different provisions of the rule. If the new speed reviews determine a lower speed should be confirmed instead of the higher one set through the reversal process, this change will take place immediately after 1 July 2025. The results of these speed reviews will be known in June 2025.
Consumers are being tricked into paying upfront fees for non-existent prizes –cybersecurity experts share how to spot and avoid these growing scams
More and more people are falling for fake prize scams, where scammers trick them into thinking they’ve won big in a lottery, sweepstakes, or contest they never entered. These fraudsters play on excitement, promising life-changing prizes – only to ask for upfront payments for supposed taxes or fees.
Once the money is sent, the scammers disappear, leaving victims empty-handed and out of pocket. It’s a growing problem, and experts warn us to stay alert to avoid becoming the next target.
“The scammers behind these fake prize schemes are sophisticated, often using personal information to make the scams appear more believable. The emotional effect of ‘winning’ a big prize only makes it harder for people to think critically,” says Adrianus Warmenhoven, a cybersecurity expert at NordVPN. (ref. https://nordvpn.com )
The hidden dangers of prize scams
While these scams might seem obvious, fraudsters are constantly evolving their tactics. Scam attempts can be extremely convincing, with phony calls, emails, and even fake websites designed to deceive victims into providing their personal information and making payments.
In 2024, prize scams were the most commonly reported fraud in the US, making up 38.27% of all scam reports, according to the National Consumers League. Also, the Federal Trade Commission reported that in 2023 alone, consumers lost $301 million to lottery and prize scams, with an average loss of $907 per person. These numbers highlight the ongoing impact of prize-related fraud.
“Scammers use a variety of tactics to make their scam seem real, including spoofing caller IDs, sending counterfeit documents, and creating fake websites that mimic legitimate lottery organizations. They know how to play on human emotions,” explains Warmenhoven.
Spotting the red flags of fake prize scams
To protect yourself from falling victim to prize scams, Warmenhoven urges everyone to watch out for these common warning signs:
Unexpected prize notices: If you didn’t enter a contest or lottery, it’s a scam.
Upfront payment requests: Legitimate organizations don’t ask for money upfront to claim a prize.
Pressure tactics: Scammers often create a sense of urgency, threatening that you’ll lose your “winnings” if you don’t act immediately.
Too good to be true: If it sounds too good to be true, it probably is.
Protecting yourself from prize scams
Adrianus Warmenhoven emphasizes the importance of staying vigilant and skeptical when receiving unsolicited communication about prize winnings. “Always verify the organization’s legitimacy and never share personal information, such as bank account details or Social Security numbers, over the phone or online unless you’re absolutely sure the source is trustworthy.”
It is recommended to remember that if you didn’t enter a lottery or sweepstakes, you didn’t win. The best defense against these scams is awareness. If you have any doubts, contact the supposed prize issuer directly through official channels, and never provide personal information unless you’re sure it’s real.
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Today’s announcement of the preferred corridor over the Brynderwyn Hills to Whangārei signals the unlocking of major gains for the Northland economy, and further enhances connectivity in New Zealand’s most important economic region.
“For those in Whangārei and further north, the four-lane connection between Auckland and Whangārei can’t come soon enough. When you add that announcement to yesterday’s decision on the SH 29 and 29A connections from Tauranga, there are big gains for the economy and housing infrastructure to follow,” says the EMA’s Head of Advocacy, Alan McDonald.
“When completed, the connection between Auckland and Whangārei is expected to benefit that corridor by more than $500 million annually, similar to the gains seen on the corridors south to Hamilton and eventually through to Piarere. In addition, the Tauriko four-laning and Takitimu North projects in Tauranga create significant gains for the movement of people, goods and freight.
“As well as unlocking thousands of jobs, the Tauriko project also opens up the construction of up to 30,000 new homes. Housing growth in Tauranga has been constrained by a lack of buildable sites in recent years.”
The EMA has long supported a four-lane connection to Whangārei as it allows the region to become a full participant in the economic engine of the Upper North Island’s ‘golden triangle’. More than 40% of New Zealand’s economy is generated in the corridors from Tauranga to Hamilton and Auckland, with Northland (Whangārei and beyond) increasingly becoming a part of this engine.
“Reliable connections from Whangārei to Auckland and beyond, through to Tauranga, are critical. Warkworth is already becoming a growth area for business and housing, following the completion of the four-lane highway that currently ends just north of the town. We’ll see similar growth in the next phase ending north of Wellsford at Te Hana.
“With major business and housing growth in areas south of Auckland at Glenbrook, Pukekohe, Papakura and Drury, as well as the ongoing developments at Ruakura and other areas south of Hamilton, the improved connections to Tauranga are also critical.
“The confirmation of these major corridor projects is good news for the region, especially in linking the major port hubs at Marsden, Auckland and Tauranga.”
Fire and Emergency New Zealand is changing the restrictions for outdoor fires throughout Marlborough at 8am on Thursday 24 April, until further notice.
The Marlborough South area will move from a prohibited to a restricted fire season, which means all outdoor fires need a permit approved by Fire and Emergency New Zealand.
The Marlborough North area will move from a restricted fire season to an open fire season, which means people can light outdoor fires without an approved permit.
All Department of Conservation land in Marlborough remains in a restricted fire season.
Nelson Marlborough Group Manager Chris Hayles says recent rainfall has lowered the fire danger in both areas, although the southern area is still drier after a hot summer.
“There has been new grass growth across Marlborough, but long dry grass can enable fire to move extremely fast in windy conditions,” he says.
“It’s still critically important that people lighting permitted fires comply with the conditions required.
“Even where no fire permit is required, the person lighting the fire has a responsibility to do this safely.
“Fires need to be kept to a manageable size and not allow smoke drift to become a hazard for motorists.
“If you’re not sure what the fire season is in your location, go tocheckitsalright.nzto find out, and follow the advice provided.”
At least 110,000- severely acutely malnourished children supported by Save the Children in 10 countries could be left without access to life-saving ready-to-use emergency food and nutrition programmes as aid cuts hit supplies in coming months, according to a Save the Children analysis.
Globally, one in five deaths among children aged under 5 are attributed to severe acute malnutrition, making it one of the top threats to child survival. Community-based programmes combining medical treatment and therapeutic foods, including a fortified peanut paste, have a 90% success rate.
Ready-to-Use Therapeutic Food (RUTF) is an energy-dense, micronutrient paste typically made using peanuts, sugar, milk powder, oil, vitamins and minerals that is packaged in foil pouches with a long shelf life and no need of refrigeration. Over the past 30 years this emergency therapeutic food has saved the lives of millions of children facing acute malnutrition [1] [2].
At a time when global hunger is skyrocketing [3], the current global supply of RUTF is already not even meeting 40% of global needs, Save the Children said, leaving millions of children without access to this life-saving intervention.
In 2024 there were large-scale breaks in the supply of RUTF as rising malnutrition rates drove up demand and due to disruptions in global supply chains and insufficient funding. This situation is expected to worsen in 2025. An analysis by Save the Children of the 10 countries forecast to have the biggest gaps in supplies found 110,000 malnourished children could miss out on this vital treatment by the end of the year. RUTF supplies are expected to run out in many locations from next month due to a lack of funding.
Globally at least18.2 million childrenwere born into hunger in 2024, or about 35 children a minute, with children in conflict zones from Gaza to Ukraine, to Haiti, Sudan to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), struggling daily to get enough to eat. Famine has been declared in several parts of Sudan where people are resorting to eating grass to stay alive.
Hannah Stephenson, Head of Hunger and Nutrition at Save the Children, said:
“Right now, funding shortfalls mean essential nutrition packs are not reaching the children who desperately need them. We know we have the expertise and the track record to reach children around the world but what we urgently need now is the funding to ensure children can receive life-saving treatment. We are running out of time, and t his will cost children’s lives.
“We also need to see long-term commitments to tackle the root causes of hunger and malnutrition, or else we will continue to see the reversal of progress made for children.”
In Kenya, one of the countries where Save the Children treats acute malnutrition cases, 18-month-old Ereng has just recovered from malnutrition with treatment from Community Health Promoter Charles, who was trained in basic healthcare by Save the Children.
Lomanat and Daniel, Ereng’s parents, walked for several kilometres to reach Charles’ clinic. The family are pastoralists, but recent droughts have killed their livestock, and the family now has no sustainable income and no reliable food source.
They know how important treatment is for children like Ereng, who gained 2.4 kgs (5.3 pounds) in two months once she started receiving nutrition treatment using the fortified peanut paste which has about 500 calories in each portion. Lomanat said:
“Our child was in a very bad shape, and the doctor helped by giving her peanut paste. I am very happy, because she is cured.”
In Somalia, where Save the Children also treats child with acute malnutrition, 7-month-Mukhtar- arrived at a health centre in Puntland after contracting flu which led to breathing difficulties and malnutrition.
His mother Shamso, 40, who has eight other children, feared her son would not survive with the family struggling after drought killed all but six of their herd of 30 goats. But after receiving medical care and treatment for malnutrition with peanut paste, Mukhtar recovered and returned home.
“His condition was serious when I brought him in and I didn’t expect him to reach the town alive ,” said Shamso. “My biggest worry is the children, whether my own, those of the relatives or those of my neighbours. When drought comes, it follows that hunger will strike.”
Children are always the most vulnerable in food crises and, without enough to eat and the right nutritional balance, they are at high risk of becoming acutely malnourished.
Malnutrition can cause stunting, impede mental and physical development, and increase the risk of contracting deadly diseases.
About 1.12 billion children globally – or almost half of the world’s children – areunable to afford a balanced diet now, according to data from Save the Children released last month.
In 2025, Save the Children aims to treat 260,000 children for severe acute malnutrition at outpatient sites in 10 countries that are now experiencing therapeutic food shortages.
Save the Children is urgently trying to raise $7 million to provide 110,000 severely malnourished children with life-saving RUTF and the critical services needed to treat malnutrition 1 including skilled health workers, community follow-up, immunizations, safe spaces for treatment, safe water, hygiene and sanitation support.
In the United States, actress and Save the Children ambassador Jennifer Garner launched her #67Strong4Kids campaign on her birthday last week. For #67Strong4Kids she is running a mile a day for 67 consecutive days to raise awareness about Ready-to-Use Therapeutic Food (RUTF). The amount $67 covers a six-week course of RUTF that treats a child suffering from severe acute malnutrition and potentially saves their life.
NOTES:
-Methodology: Save the Children used the target reach figures for all outpatient severe acute malnutrition treatment in 10 countries facing the largest disruption to the RUTF supply and compared with the current funding gaps for RUTF in those countries. Given the continued uncertainty in supply funding these figures are preliminary and up to date as of 26 March 2025. The 10 countries facing the largest disruptions are Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali, Myanmar, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, and Yemen.
Save the Children works in 120 countries across the world. The organisation responds to emergencies and works with children and their communities to ensure they survive, learn and are protected.
Save the Children NZ currently supports international programmes in Fiji, Cambodia, Bangladesh, Laos, Nepal, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea. Areas of work include child protection, education and literacy, disaster risk reduction and climate adaptation, and alleviating child poverty.
The death of Pope Francis this week marks the end of a historic papacy and the beginning of a significant transition for the Catholic Church. As the faithful around the world mourn his passing, attention now turns to the next phase: the election of a new pope.
This election will take place through a process known as the conclave. Typically held two to three weeks after a pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the College of Cardinals in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Here, through prayer, reflection and secret ballots, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the next Bishop of Rome.
While, in theory, any baptised Catholic man can be elected, for the past seven centuries the role has gone to a cardinal. That said, the outcome can still be unpredictable – sometimes even surprising the electors themselves.
Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio – who became Pope Francis – wasn’t among the front-runners in 2013. Nonetheless, after five rounds of voting, he emerged as the top candidate. Something similar could happen again.
This conclave will take place during a time of tension and change within the church. Francis sought to decentralise Vatican authority, emphasised caring for the poor and the planet, and tried to open dialogue on sensitive issues such as LGBTQIA+ inclusion and clerical abuse. The cardinals must now decide whether to continue in this direction, or steer towards a more traditional course.
There is historical precedent to consider. For centuries, Italians dominated the papacy. Of the 266 popes, 217 have been Italian.
However, this pattern has shifted in recent decades: Francis was from Argentina, John Paul II (1978–2005) from Poland, and Benedict XVI (2005–2013) from Germany.
The top papabili
As with any election, observers are speaking of their “favourites”. The term papabile, which in Italian means “pope-able”, or “capable of becoming pope”, is used to describe cardinals who are seen as serious contenders.
Among the leading papabili is Cardinal Pietro Parolin, aged 70, the current Secretary of State of Vatican City. Parolin has long been one of Francis’ closest collaborators and has led efforts to open dialogue with difficult regimes, including the Chinese Communist Party.
Parolin is seen as a centrist figure who could appeal to both reform-minded and more conservative cardinals. Yet some observers argue he lacks the charismatic and pastoral presence that helped define Francis’ papacy.
Another name to watch is Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. At 60, he is younger than many of his colleagues, but brings extensive experience in interfaith dialogue in the Middle East. His fluency in Hebrew and his long service in the Holy Land could prove appealing.
Then again, his relative youth may cause hesitation among those concerned about electing a pope who could serve for decades. As the papacy of John Paul II demonstrated, such long reigns can have a profound impact on the church.
Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle of the Philippines is also frequently mentioned. Now 67, Tagle is known for his deep commitment to social justice and the poor. He has spoken out against human rights abuses in his home country and has often echoed Francis’ pastoral tone. But some cardinals may worry that his outspoken political views could complicate the church’s diplomatic efforts.
Cardinal Peter Turkson of Ghana, now 76, was a prominent figure during the last conclave. A strong voice on environmental and economic justice, he has served under both Benedict XVI and Francis.
Turkson has largely upheld the church’s traditional teachings on matters such as male-only priesthood, marriage between a man and a woman, and sexuality. He is also a strong advocate for transparency, and has spoken out against corruption and in defence of human rights.
Though less widely known among the public, Cardinal Mykola Bychok of Melbourne may also be considered. His election would be as surprising (and perhaps as symbolically powerful) as that of John Paul II in 1978. A Ukrainian-Australian pope, chosen during the ongoing war in Ukraine, would send a strong message about the church’s concern for suffering peoples and global peace.
Other names that may come up are Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cardinal Jaime Spengler of Brazil – both of whom lead large and growing Catholic communities. Although news reports don’t always list them among the top contenders, their influence within their regions – and the need to recognise the church’s global demographic shifts – means their voices will matter.
On the more conservative side is American Cardinal Raymond Burke, who had been one of Francis’ most vocal critics. But his confrontational stance makes him an unlikely candidate.
More plausible would be Cardinal Péter Erdő of Hungary, aged 71. Erdő is a respected canon lawyer with a more traditional theological orientation. He was mentioned in 2013 and may reemerge as a promising candidate among conservative cardinals.
Cardinal Péter Erdő was ordained as a priest in 1975 and has a doctorate in theology. He will be a top pick among conservatives. Wikimedia, CC BY-SA
One tough act to follow
Although Francis appointed many of the cardinals who will vote in the conclave, that doesn’t mean all of them supported his agenda. Many come from communities with traditional values, and may be drawn to a candidate who emphasises older church teachings.
The conclave will also reflect broader questions of geography. The church’s growth has shifted away from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Latin America. A pope from one of these regions could symbolise this change, and speak more directly to the challenges faced by Catholic communities in the Global South.
Ultimately, predicting a conclave is impossible. Dynamics often change once the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel and begin voting. Alliances shift, new names emerge, and consensus may form around someone who was barely discussed beforehand.
What is certain is that the next pope will shape the church’s future: doctrinally, diplomatically and pastorally. Whether he chooses to build on Francis’ legacy of reform, or move in a new direction, he will need to balance ancient traditions with the urgent realities of the modern world.
Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Pundits and political scientists like to repeat that we live in an age of political polarisation. But if you sat through the second debate between Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition leader Peter Dutton last Wednesday night, you’d be forgiven for asking what polarisation people are talking about.
While the two candidates may have different values, as Albanese said, the policies they propose and the view of society they have put forward in this campaign don’t differ so much.
Why so similar?
On housing supply, Dutton promises to help local councils solve development bottlenecks. The PM says his government is already starting to do the same thing.
To tackle the cost-of-living crisis, one wants to reduce the government’s cut of petrol prices. The other is having the government pay for part of our energy bills.
What about the future of a multicultural Australia? One party says they’ll cap international student numbers to lower immigration. The other is trying to do precisely the same. (Even though the policy may be irrelevant to near-future immigration and have little impact on housing costs.)
Surely, you might think, many Australians must have more progressive ideas than those Albanese is proposing. And surely many Australians would like more conservative policies than those Dutton is coming up with.
If that’s the case, you’re probably wondering: why are the two leaders focusing their campaigns on such similar platforms?
Lining up the voters
More than 70 years ago, the same questions motivated the work of economists Duncan Black and Anthony Downs. In fact, social scientists had been fascinated by these questions since the Marquis de Condorcet, a philosopher and mathematician, first attempted a mathematical analysis of majority voting at the time of the French Revolution.
Black and Downs both arrived at a striking conclusion: when two candidates compete to win a majority of votes, they will converge their electoral campaign on (roughly) identical policies, even when the voters at large have very differing policy preferences.
Their argument, sometimes referred to as the Median Voter Theorem, goes as follows.
Imagine we could line up all 18,098,797 Australian enrolled voters from the most progressive at the extreme left to the most conservative at the extreme right. Then, a choice of electoral platform by a candidate may be imagined as the candidate placing himself somewhere on this ideal line up of voters.
Now imagine Albanese were to propose a strongly progressive platform and Dutton were to opt for a strongly conservative one. Naturally, those voters “closer” to Albanese’s platform will probably put Labor ahead of the Coalition in their ballot. Similarly, those closer to Dutton will put the Coalition ahead.
Let us imagine that in this situation Albanese would secure a majority of seats. What could Dutton do to win? The answer is: move a bit to the left.
In doing so, Dutton would win over some voters who were previously closer to Albanese than to himself. Meanwhile, all the voters to the right of Dutton will remain closer to him than to Albanese. The net result would be simply a swing in favour of Dutton.
The problem of where to set up shop
In 1957, Downs realised that the problem of choosing where to place your platform to attract more voters has the the same mathematical form as the problem firms face when choosing where to place their outlets to attract more customers. Harold Hotelling, a mathematical statistician and economist, had studied the firms’ problem in 1929. So Downs could simply apply Hotelling’s mathematical tool to his new political problem.
Downs showed that, as Dutton and Albanese compete for voters, they will end up converging to the same platform. One that does not allow for a further move that can swing voters. This platform will be what social choice scholars call a Condorcet winner, meaning more than half of voters would choose it over any other platform.
In fact, there is only one such platform: the policy preferred by a voter who is more conservative than exactly half of the voters and more progressive than exactly half of the voters. The voter exactly in the middle of our idealised line-up. The median voter.
A centrist equilibrium
When Albanese and Dutton are both proposing the median voter’s preferred platform, they both have about the same chances of winning the election: 50%. However, neither can do anything to improve their chances.
In this situation, if Dutton were to move a little more right, he would simply lose to Albanese some of the voters just to the right of the median voter. If Albanese were to move a little more left, he would lose to Dutton some of the voters just left of the median voter.
They are in what game theorists call a Nash equilibrium: a situation where neither of them can gain by changing their strategy.
Not literal, but still illuminating
Downs’ result should not be taken literally.
Politicians may have inherent motivations to promote certain policies, beyond just winning votes. And sometimes political leaders can offer new views of society, changing how voters think about what a just and prosperous future should look like.
However, at least with leaders like Albanese and Dutton, and in the presence of a (mostly) two-party system like in Australia, Downs’ model shows us what the democratic electoral process tends towards: parties that compete to appeal to the most median centrist voters.
Gabriele Gratton is the recipient of an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (FT210100176, “Resilient Democracy for the 21st Century”) and his research is supported under the Australian Research Council’s Discovery Projects funding scheme (Project DP240103257, “The Economics of (Mis)Information in the Age of Social Media”).
Source: Australian Ministers for Regional Development
The ACCC has instituted proceedings in the Federal Court against Ateco Automotive Pty Ltd, trading as LDV Automotive Australia, (LDV) for allegedly making misleading representations to consumers about the durability and suitability of particular models of LDV branded vehicles in breach of the Australian Consumer Law. The ACCC alleges that those vehicles had a propensity to rust or corrode within five years of being manufactured.
It is alleged that during various periods of time between approximately 23 April 2019 and 30 November 2024, LDV made misleading representations to consumers that models with T60 and G10 in their names (excluding the eT60) were durable and tough, and that they were suitable for use in, near, or on, a variety of environments and off-road terrains.
LDV made these alleged representations in advertisements published on various mediums including its website, television, radio, Facebook and Instagram, which often portrayed the vehicles on beaches; near lakes, rivers or other pooled water; or on unsealed roads, or in dirt or gravel terrain.
The ACCC alleges the relevant T60 and G10 vehicle models had a propensity to develop rust or corrosion within the first five years from the date of manufacture, and therefore the advertised LDV vehicles, including those in which rust or corrosion occurred, were not durable and tough.
It is also alleged that the propensity to rust, which increased if the vehicles were used in, near or on certain terrains, made the advertised vehicles, including the vehicles in which rust occurred, not suitable for use in, near, or on, the advertised terrains.
“A new car is a significant financial purchase, and consumers rightfully expect that the vehicle they purchase will live up to the quality and uses that it was advertised to include,” ACCC Chair Gina Cass-Gottlieb said.
The ACCC also alleges that in advertising a 10-year anti-corrosion warranty between 23 April 2019 and 31 August 2020, LDV made representations to consumers that the relevant T60 vehicle models did not have a material risk of developing rust or corrosion in the first 10 years of manufacture. The ACCC alleges that these representations were false or misleading due to the propensity for those vehicles to develop rust or corrosion.
In addition or instead, the ACCC alleges that, by April 2019, LDV was aware that rust or corrosion issues were prevalent in the T60 and G10 vehicle models within the first five years of being manufactured, and that the representations alleged in the case were false or misleading because LDV did not have a reasonable basis to make the representations.
Between approximately January 2018 and November 2024, LDV received more than 5,000 consumer complaints regarding rust or corrosion in its T60 and G10 vehicle models, usually via LDV dealerships.
“We allege that despite being aware of the propensity for the vehicles to rust, LDV continued to make representations for a number of years that the T60 and G10 vehicles were durable and suitable for use in a variety of terrains,” Ms Cass-Gottlieb said.
“As a result, we allege that LDV’s conduct is likely to have caused harm to affected consumers, including because the propensity for rust or corrosion lowered the value of their vehicles, and because consumers lost the opportunity to make an informed decision that may have involved purchasing an alternative vehicle that did not carry the same risks.”
The ACCC is seeking penalties, declarations, consumer redress, costs and other orders.
Examples of the allegedly misleading statements used in LDV’s advertisements
The T60 is up to any challenge you care to take on – work or play, on-road or off… It turns the toughest tracks into a walk in the park.
The T60 Ute has the tough build and all the robust features needed to take you anywhere, be it work or play.
Who needs roads when you’re driving a T60?
Why take a long walk on the beach when you could take a drive in the LDV T60 Ute?
G10s are built to stand up to the everyday and so much more.
Background
Ateco is an Australian vehicle importer that trades under various business names, including LDV Automotive Australia.
Ateco is headquartered in NSW and has imported cars to Australia and New Zealand since 1985. Ateco currently distributes LDV branded vehicles and other vehicles through dealerships in Australia.
Ateco is the exclusive importer of LDV branded vehicles in Australia. Its range of models includes both commercial and passenger vehicles, such as the T60 Max Ute, G10 Van and D90 SUV. LDV vehicles are generally priced between $36,000 to $65,000.
There are 102 LDV dealerships across Australia, with locations in every state and territory. The majority of LDV dealerships are located in New South Wales (31), Victoria (25) and Queensland (22).
Between the years 2018 to 2024 (inclusive), LDV’s dealerships sold more than 60,000 T60 and G10 vehicle models which generated more than $1.5 billion in revenue (excluding GST).
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 23, 2025.
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Only a third of Australians support increasing defence spending: new research Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Dunley, Senior Lecturer in History and Maritime Strategy, UNSW Sydney National security issues have been a constant feature of this federal election campaign. Both major parties have spruiked their national security credentials by promising additional defence spending. The Coalition has pledged to spend 3% of Australia’s
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Even experts disagree over whether social media is bad for kids. We examined why Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Knight, Associate Professor, Transdisciplinary School, University of Technology Sydney A low relief sculpture depicting Plato and Aristotle arguing adorning the external wall of Florence Cathedral. Krikkiat/Shutterstock Disagreement and uncertainty are common features of everyday life. They’re also common and expected features of scientific research. Despite this,
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Three experts have been appointed as independent reviewers, making it easier and more affordable for New Zealanders to operate in the aviation sector, Acting Transport Minister James Meager says.
Mr Meager today announced the appointment of Kevin Short, Rob MacGregor and Ashok Poduval as the three reviewers for the new independent review function for aviation decisions.
“All three appointees are highly skilled professionals, with decades of aviation and leadership experience between them across both the public sector and the private sector,” Mr Meager says.
“Kevin Short offers extensive leadership and experience in assessing and testing highly technical information. He is the former Chief of Defence Force and was previously a senior officer within the Royal New Zealand Air Force.
“Rob MacGregor brings 50 years of aviation experience within New Zealand and internationally, including former roles as Chief Executive of Texel Air and as an airworthiness inspector for the CAA New Zealand and Qatar.
“Ashok Poduval is a highly experienced aviation professional who has served as Chief Executive of the Massey University School of Aviation since 2005 and was most recently the President of the Aviation Industry Association.
The independent review function was established by the Civil Aviation Act which came into force on 5 April 2025. Independent reviewers have recommendatory powers, with the Director of Civil Aviation having final decision rights.
The reviewers have been appointed for three-year terms, expiring on 31 March 2028.
“The new function offers opportunities that will make it easier and more affordable for aviation sector participants in New Zealand to access fair outcomes and challenge decisions that have a significant impact on their livelihoods, such as cancelling or suspending a pilot’s licence,” Mr Meager says.
“The independent review function provides an alternative option for people wanting to appeal an aviation decision through the courts and is intended to enhance transparency and accountability within the aviation regulatory framework.
“Being able to have decisions reviewed independently will now mean those people won’t incur these costs and delays, and they’ll have the opportunity for a quick, cost-effective determination.”
“I look forward to seeing how this new independent review function will support people in their careers and in their involvement in aviation in our country.”
Faster, more frequent, and reliable public transport for Auckland’s growing northwest is a step closer, following a decision by the NZ Transport Agency (NZTA) Board to endorse the Northwest Rapid Transit investment case, says Transport Minister Chris Bishop. “The northwest of Auckland is home to 90,000 people and is one of the city’s largest planned growth areas. By 2051, an additional 100,000 people are expected to be living in the area, with 40,000 new homes, and 40,000 new jobs based there. Delivering faster, more frequent, and reliable public transport is essential and will ensure the transport network can accommodate this growth and ensure people can get where they need to go quickly and safely,” Mr Bishop says. “Currently, people in the northwest don’t have reliable public transport options, and 60 percent of residents commute out of the area. Most people travel to work by car, more than any other area in Auckland, and the Northwestern Motorway regularly suffers from congestion and delays. “Identified as a priority in the Government Policy Statement on Land Transport 2024 (GPS), delivering the Northwest Busway will be a game changer, and will build on the success of the Northern Busway, City Rail Link, Eastern Busway, and other public transport improvements across Auckland. “The Northwest Busway includes a park and ride station at Brigham Creek and stations at Westgate, Royal Road, Lincoln Road, Te Atatū, Point Chevalier and Western Springs. It will be able to move up to 9,000 passengers per hour in each direction – the equivalent of four motorway lanes. It will also provide a reliable 25-minute journey time from Brigham Creek to the city centre – all day, every day.” “The staged construction programme in the investment case prioritises benefits to West Aucklanders sooner and focuses on more people benefitting from faster and more reliable journeys, as quickly as possible, while building on the hugely popular WX1 service,” Mr Bishop says. “Work is already underway on a new station at Westgate, funded separately by the Government’s Infrastructure Reference Group, with the first stage, which will serve local bus services, expected to open in mid-2026. “Funding of around $116 million has also already been approved by the NZTA Board in late 2024 for early consenting work and strategic property acquisitions for Brigham Creek and Lincoln Road stations. Depending on further funding availability, construction of the Northwest Busway could begin from 2027. “Stage 1 will see new stations at Brigham Creek and Lincoln Road as part of a $330m – $380m package of work. Stage 2 will include the separated and bi-directional busway from Brigham Creek to Te Atatū, along with the stations at Royal Road and Te Atatū, the second stage of Westgate station, and the city centre connection at Newton at an estimated investment of $4,100m – $4,600m*. The Point Chevalier and Western Springs stations are to be delivered as a third stage. “NZTA will be engaging with stakeholders and landowners to discuss what the Northwest Busway means for them and next steps. Further design and investigation work will be carried out in the coming months, ahead of lodging Notices of Requirement. The project will now seek to obtain statutory approvals for the project, likely via the Fast Track Approvals Act. “This is a great example of delivering faster, more effective processes that keep key transport projects moving. We’re committed to cutting red tape and ensuring critical infrastructure is delivered sooner to support growth, improve safety and keep New Zealand people and businesses moving. “Built in stages, the Northwest Busway delivers a strong case for investment with Benefit Cost Ratios of 6.3 for Stage 1, and 2.2 for Stage 2. Incremental delivery is expected over multiple National Land Transport Programme (NLTP) periods, spreading the investment to enhance affordability, and provide a strong pipeline of work for the construction sector into the future. “This is a common-sense project that will be transformational for the Northwest of Auckland. We need to get on with it, because congestion will only continue to get worse, current public transport will become overcrowded, late and unreliable, and economic growth and productivity in the Northwest will go backwards if we don’t.” This project has also been welcomed by Auckland Mayor Wayne Brown, saying “this project will help growth in these areas, but it will also address the existing need for better and faster transport options out West, much like the efficiency of the Northern Busway.” “It’s what Aucklanders have been asking for, it’s what I’ve been advocating for on their behalf, and it’s a signal that Wellington is listening to Aucklanders’ needs,” Mr Brown says. Notes to Editor: Estimated project investment
Estimated investment Benefits
Stage 1 Brigham Creek station and Park & Ride Lincoln Road station WX1 improvements
$330m – $380m*
Benefit cost ratio 6.3:1 $6.30 of benefits for every dollar spent Serve around 4,500 passengers per day
Stage 2 City centre connection at Ian McKinnon Drive (Newton connection) Te Atatū station Royal Road station Busway from Brigham Creek to Te Atatū
$4,100m – $4,600m*
Benefit cost ratio 2.2:1 $2.20 of benefits for every dollar spent
* The estimated investment envelopes assume the project is delivered in the next 10 years and factor in 30% for escalation and administration.
Stage 3 Point Chevalier station Western Springs station Busway between Waterview and city centre
NZTA will seek statutory approvals for the project, likely via the Fast Track Approvals Act, but this stage is not expected to be delivered in the next 10 years.
PUERTO PRINCESA, Philippines – Following the successful completion of Marine Exercise 2025 in Mindanao, the Marine Rotational Force – Darwin (MRF-D) 25.3 Marine Air-Ground Task Force (MAGTF) seamlessly repositioned it’s ground combat element (GCE) forces from Mindanao to Palawan, Philippines, as a show of allied and partner commitment to regional security and building maritime domain awareness in support of Exercise Balikatan 25.
NORTHERN LUZON, Philippines — U.S. Marines with 3d Marine Littoral Regiment, 3d Marine Division, deployed to the Philippines in support of Exercise Balikatan 25, scheduled for April 21 to May 9, 2025. During this year’s iteration of the Integrated Air and Missile Defense event (IAMD), one of the 6 Combined Joint All-Domain Operations events scheduled during Balikatan 25, U.S. Marines with 3d Littoral Anti-Air Battalion’s Ground-Based Air Defense Battery (GBAD) will conduct live-fire training with the newly fielded Marine Air Defense Integrated System (MADIS).
CAMP IRANUM, Mindanao, Philippines – U.S. Marines with 2nd Battalion, 1st Marine Regiment, Marine Rotational Force – Darwin 25.3, concluded a two-week bilateral exercise alongside the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) during Marine Exercise (MAREX) 25, held from March 31 to April 11 in Mindanao.
FORT MAGSAYSAY, Philippines — Philippine Army soldiers from the 5th and 7th Infantry Divisions trained alongside U.S. Army troops assigned to the 25th Infantry Division during an Anti-Armor Subject Matter Expert Exchange (SMEE) as part of Exercise Salaknib 2025, strengthening tactical cooperation and combat readiness.
The death of Pope Francis this week marks the end of a historic papacy and the beginning of a significant transition for the Catholic Church. As the faithful around the world mourn his passing, attention now turns to the next phase: the election of a new pope.
This election will take place through a process known as the conclave. Typically held two to three weeks after a pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the College of Cardinals in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Here, through prayer, reflection and secret ballots, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the next Bishop of Rome.
While, in theory, any baptised Catholic man can be elected, for the past seven centuries the role has gone to a cardinal. That said, the outcome can still be unpredictable – sometimes even surprising the electors themselves.
Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio – who became Pope Francis – wasn’t among the front-runners in 2013. Nonetheless, after five rounds of voting, he emerged as the top candidate. Something similar could happen again.
This conclave will take place during a time of tension and change within the church. Francis sought to decentralise Vatican authority, emphasised caring for the poor and the planet, and tried to open dialogue on sensitive issues such as LGBTQIA+ inclusion and clerical abuse. The cardinals must now decide whether to continue in this direction, or steer towards a more traditional course.
There is historical precedent to consider. For centuries, Italians dominated the papacy. Of the 266 popes, 217 have been Italian.
However, this pattern has shifted in recent decades: Francis was from Argentina, John Paul II (1978–2005) from Poland, and Benedict XVI (2005–2013) from Germany.
The top papabili
As with any election, observers are speaking of their “favourites”. The term papabile, which in Italian means “pope-able”, or “capable of becoming pope”, is used to describe cardinals who are seen as serious contenders.
Among the leading papabili is Cardinal Pietro Parolin, aged 70, the current Secretary of State of Vatican City. Parolin has long been one of Francis’ closest collaborators and has led efforts to open dialogue with difficult regimes, including the Chinese Communist Party.
Parolin is seen as a centrist figure who could appeal to both reform-minded and more conservative cardinals. Yet some observers argue he lacks the charismatic and pastoral presence that helped define Francis’ papacy.
Another name to watch is Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. At 60, he is younger than many of his colleagues, but brings extensive experience in interfaith dialogue in the Middle East. His fluency in Hebrew and his long service in the Holy Land could prove appealing.
Then again, his relative youth may cause hesitation among those concerned about electing a pope who could serve for decades. As the papacy of John Paul II demonstrated, such long reigns can have a profound impact on the church.
Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle of the Philippines is also frequently mentioned. Now 67, Tagle is known for his deep commitment to social justice and the poor. He has spoken out against human rights abuses in his home country and has often echoed Francis’ pastoral tone. But some cardinals may worry that his outspoken political views could complicate the church’s diplomatic efforts.
Cardinal Peter Turkson of Ghana, now 76, was a prominent figure during the last conclave. A strong voice on environmental and economic justice, he has served under both Benedict XVI and Francis.
Turkson has largely upheld the church’s traditional teachings on matters such as male-only priesthood, marriage between a man and a woman, and sexuality. He is also a strong advocate for transparency, and has spoken out against corruption and in defence of human rights.
Though less widely known among the public, Cardinal Mykola Bychok of Melbourne may also be considered. His election would be as surprising (and perhaps as symbolically powerful) as that of John Paul II in 1978. A Ukrainian-Australian pope, chosen during the ongoing war in Ukraine, would send a strong message about the church’s concern for suffering peoples and global peace.
Other names that may come up are Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cardinal Jaime Spengler of Brazil – both of whom lead large and growing Catholic communities. Although news reports don’t always list them among the top contenders, their influence within their regions – and the need to recognise the church’s global demographic shifts – means their voices will matter.
On the more conservative side is American Cardinal Raymond Burke, who had been one of Francis’ most vocal critics. But his confrontational stance makes him an unlikely candidate.
More plausible would be Cardinal Péter Erdő of Hungary, aged 71. Erdő is a respected canon lawyer with a more traditional theological orientation. He was mentioned in 2013 and may reemerge as a promising candidate among conservative cardinals.
Cardinal Péter Erdő was ordained as a priest in 1975 and has a doctorate in theology. He will be a top pick among conservatives. Wikimedia, CC BY-SA
One tough act to follow
Although Francis appointed many of the cardinals who will vote in the conclave, that doesn’t mean all of them supported his agenda. Many come from communities with traditional values, and may be drawn to a candidate who emphasises older church teachings.
The conclave will also reflect broader questions of geography. The church’s growth has shifted away from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Latin America. A pope from one of these regions could symbolise this change, and speak more directly to the challenges faced by Catholic communities in the Global South.
Ultimately, predicting a conclave is impossible. Dynamics often change once the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel and begin voting. Alliances shift, new names emerge, and consensus may form around someone who was barely discussed beforehand.
What is certain is that the next pope will shape the church’s future: doctrinally, diplomatically and pastorally. Whether he chooses to build on Francis’ legacy of reform, or move in a new direction, he will need to balance ancient traditions with the urgent realities of the modern world.
Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The skink, Lampropholis guichenoti, is at significant risk due to prescribed burning.
Prescribed burning in the Mount Lofty Ranges to reduce bushfire risks may be threatening the survival and biodiversity of skinks and other reptiles.
That’s the finding from a new University of South Australia (UniSA) study that analysed the health of more than 1750 reptiles from eight species over a two-year period.
The study, published in Forest Ecology and Management, investigated how reptiles respond to fire in native stringybark forests of the Mount Lofty Ranges, one of South Australia’s key biodiversity hotspots.
According to lead author, UniSA PhD candidate Shawn Scott, the garden skink, Lampropholis guichenoti, had “significantly poorer body condition immediately following prescribed burns”.
“This suggests that in the short term for the garden skink, fire may be depleting food sources, exposing them to predators, or otherwise stressing these animals in ways we hadn’t fully appreciated,” Scott says.
In burnt areas, skinks showed the lowest body condition scores – a key indicator of animal health – in the first six months post-fire. While their condition improved over time, the initial decline raises concerns about long-term impacts, especially with increasingly frequent burns.
Interestingly, the study found that reptiles with injuries such as tail loss (a common escape tactic known as autotomy), missing digits, or scarring had significantly lower body condition in two species. This suggests that injury, whether from predators or territorial fights exacerbated by reduced shelter, may compound the impact of fires on their health.
Reptiles recaptured at study sites also told a compelling story. The skink L. guichenoti was most often recaptured in long-unburnt forests (more than 20 years since a fire), suggesting these habitats support higher survival or lower site emigration.
South Australia’s Mount Lofty Ranges have seen an increase in prescribed fire activity in recent years, with 5% of high-risk vegetation areas targeted annually. Yet this region also contains some of the state’s most fragmented and ecologically important woodlands.
“Prescribed burns are often advocated as beneficial for biodiversity,” says Scott, “but our research adds to growing evidence that one-size-fits-all approaches to fire may be harmful to small animals. More nuanced strategies, such as preserving long-unburnt refuges and monitoring fire effects on reptiles, are urgently needed.”
The researchers used a combination of a before-after control-impact (BACI) and fire-age chronosequence experimental design across 18 sites, ranging from recently burnt to more than 20 years post-fire.
Their detailed analyses incorporated body measurements, injury records, and recapture rates, providing one of the most comprehensive evaluations to date of reptile responses to fire in South Australian forests.
The authors stress that more research is needed into the post-fire ecology of reptiles, especially in the face of climate change and increasing fire severity.
“We had La Niña, mild, conditions,” says co-author and UniSA wildlife ecologist Assoc Prof S. “Topa” Petit. “The results could be more dramatic after a drought, for example.”
“Reptiles are critical for healthy ecosystems – they control insect populations and serve as prey for birds and mammals,” says Scott. “If fire regimes are compromising their health or numbers, it could have cascading effects on the whole ecosystem.”
“Effects of prescribed fire on body condition, injury, frequency, and recapture of reptiles in Mediterranean-type eucalypt forests is authored by researchers from the University of South Australia, Mid Torrens Catchment Group, and Kangaroo Island Research Station DOI: 10.1016/j.foreco.2025.122683
Election talk is inevitably focused on Labor and the Coalition because they are the parties that customarily form government.
But a minor party like the Greens is consequential, regardless of whether the election delivers a minority government. Certainly, the level of anti-Greens campaigning by third party groups, like Better Australia, suggests as much.
The Greens’ have declared that their electoral aim is to “Keep Dutton out and get Labor to act”. They know this would be best achieved in a minority government, where the crossbench would be powerful players.
But can the Greens build on their historic 2022 election result, which delivered four lower house seats and the balance of power in the Senate?
State of play
An aggregation of the main polls estimates the Greens’ nationwide primary vote has ticked up since 2022, now ranging from 12.4% to 14.1%.
They are expected to retain all six Senate seats up for election. When combined with their five other Senate seats, the party will be critical in the next parliament to the fate of legislation in the red chamber.
In the contest for the House, the Greens are defending a record four seats: Melbourne, Brisbane, Griffith and Ryan. Melbourne is held by party leader Adam Bandt, on a comfortable 8.5% margin. It is as safe as it gets for the Greens.
The balance of the party’s seats are all Brisbane-based, starting with Ryan, which is held by just 2.6% if the two-party preferred vote. Despite the slender margin, Ryan has better prospects than the neighbouring seat of Brisbane, which it holds by 3.6%. This is based on the party’s 2022 swing of almost 10%, which placed them second in Ryan on primary votes.
In contrast, the Greens finished in third position on primary votes in Brisbane on the back of a respectable, but much more modest swing of just under 5%. The electoral dynamics are also complicated because the seat is a genuine three-cornered contest.
On the other hand, Griffith is now classed as a safe seat for the Greens. The party attained the highest number of primary votes (34.6%) on the back of a 10.94% swing three years ago. The Greens should be able to defend Griffith.
Target seats
The Greens have declared five additional electorates as “priority target seats” – two in Victoria and one in each of New South Wales, South Australia and Western Australia.
Wills is the first of two Melbourne-based seats earmarked by the Greens. The party is betting on a redistribution in the Labor held seat, which independent analyst The Poll Bludger estimates will reduce the ALP’s primary vote by 2.6% and increase the Greens’ vote by 5%. The Greens are also fielding a high profile candidate, former state MP Samantha Ratnam.
In the case of Macnamara, the Greens finished in second position behind Labor in 2022. At the point of the Greens’ exclusion in the count they were on 32.84%, just marginally behind Labor on 33.48%
While the Greens’ prospects might be helped by a weakened Victorian Labor brand, victory could still prove elusive. In the case of Macnamara, the electorate takes in parts of the state seat of Prahran, which the party lost in a byelection in February. The by-election was precipitated by the resignation of the state Greens MP owing to allegations of inappropriate conduct with an intern.
Moreover, Liberal how-to-vote cards in both Wills and Macnamara are preferencing Labor over the Greens, which may be enough to push Labor over the line in both seats.
Chances elsewhere
The NSW seat of Richmond is a marginal Labor electorate that was once held by the Nationals. The Greens are calculating the seat is winnable based on their strong primary vote in 2022 and candidate continuity.
Richmond boasts one of the highest levels of rental stress in the nation, making it a perfect setting for Greens campaigning on housing affordability issues. Polling shows the Greens vote is up by 3% in NSW. If it’s accurate, and translates to Richmond, then the seat is potentially winnable.
Sturt in South Australia is the Liberal Party’s second most marginal seat (0.5%). However, the likelihood of a Greens victory is slim. At the 2022 election the Greens attracted only 16.39% of the primary vote, well behind both Labor and the Liberals.
The party’s final target seat is Perth, held by Labor on a very safe 14.4%, two party preferred. The seat’s demography explains why it’s a Greens priority. Perth is a relatively affluent inner metropolitan seat, with a high percentage of people who finished school, and a constituency that skews young.
But Perth is unlikely to turn to the Greens. In 2022 they finished in third position on primary votes (22.16%), well behind Labor (39.25%). The party’s Perth campaign may have also been damaged by plans, since abandoned, to hold a fundraising event on ANZAC Day.
Numbers game
Based only on the seats examined, the Greens will likely retain at least Melbourne and Griffith in the lower house, along with the 6 senate seats it is defending.
A more optimistic reading of the polling would also include Ryan, Brisbane and Wills. A best case scenario would also add Richmond and Macnamara to that list.
And then, of course, there are the unexpected victories that many of us simply don’t see coming. This is because party support and voter swings are never uniform at the seat level. There will be electorates that under-perform for all parties. And that includes the Greens.
Narelle Miragliotta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Even the Greens have got in on the act, pledging to “decouple” Australia from the US military.
Against this backdrop, of course, is the omnipresent figure of US President Donald Trump, with questions about the reliability of the US as an ally and the impact his policy decisions will have on Australian security. The possible deployment of Russian aircraft to Indonesia and the Chinese warships sailing around Australia have made these issues even more salient.
But what do Australians actually know about defence issues, and what are they comfortable spending on it?
According to our major new survey of 1,500 Australian adults, only a third of respondents thought the defence budget should be increased.
The survey was conducted from late February to early March as part of our work at the War Studies Research Group to measure public attitudes towards the Australian Defence Force (ADF).
Australians know little about the ADF’s role
More than two-thirds of our respondents said they had a positive opinion of the ADF, and only 8% held a negative opinion. There were significant differences by political affiliation, with 76% of those expecting to vote for the Liberal Party having positive views compared to 72% of Labor supporters. By contrast, only 53% of Greens supporters felt the same way.
However, when asked how much they actually knew about the ADF and its activities, only a quarter of respondents felt well-informed.
One reason for this is that only 22% of respondents served in the ADF themselves, or had an immediate family member who had. Similarly, only 35% of respondents knew a veteran.
But even public knowledge on issues that have received considerable media attention was limited.
Successive governments have emphasised the rapidly deteriorating strategic environment in the Indo-Pacific region. This has led to much debate over whether Australia should increase its defence spending – and by how much.
In this election, both sides have committed more resources to upgrade and expand Australia’s military capabilities.
However, despite efforts to turn defence spending into a major issue at this election (especially on the right of politics), it is far from clear this has cut through with the wider population.
Our survey reveals public support for a larger ADF is split. Just over half of respondents thought the ADF was appropriately sized, while 41% considered it too small and 7% thought it too large.
Notably, when asked whether they thought more money should be spent on defence, the support for growth shrinks further.
Liberal supporters were the most likely to favour increasing the defence budget. But only 44% of them did, suggesting a majority felt that current spending on the ADF was either appropriate or too large.
Only 28% of Labor voters supported an increase in the defence budget. And among Greens voters, those supporting cuts to the defence budget outnumbered those in favour of expansion.
Ever since the US presidential election in November, many Australians have also questioned the US alliance and the AUKUS agreement, specifically. Recent actions by Trump – most notably his public statements on the Ukraine war – have only reinforced these doubts.
Given the tone of the public debate, we expected to see lower levels of support in our survey for the US alliance as the bedrock of Australian security.
However, respondents strongly favoured (75%) the ADF continuing to prioritise working closely with allies and partners, especially the US. Only 2% opposed it. Notably, there was very little variation based on political allegiance.
However, the idea of deploying the ADF to support our allies and partners overseas, including in the event of a conflict, saw greater division among respondents.
Two-thirds favoured deploying troops to support our allies overall. Liberal voters largely supported this proposition (75%), while 64% of Labor supporters backed it. Only about half of Greens voters felt the same way.
Respondents were also asked whether Australia should focus primarily on the defence of our territory rather than supporting our allies and partners in maintaining wider regional security. Just under half (46%) of respondents agreed with this idea, while 38% expressed neutral opinions and only 17% opposed it.
Overall, the results of this survey suggest that while the Australian public generally holds the ADF in high regard, they don’t know very much about it, nor do they consider additional funding for defence and security to be a real priority.
Successive governments, intelligence agencies and military analysts have long warned of the growing threats to Australia’s national security. Our survey suggests, however, that this messaging is either not cutting through – or that other concerns, such as housing or cost-of-living pressures, are taking priority.
Either way, it does not look like this issue will be decisive in the coming election.
This piece is part of a series on the future of defence in Australia. Read the other stories here.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The centre of gravity of Australian politics has shifted. Millennials and Gen Z voters, now comprising 47% of the electorate, have taken over as the dominant voting bloc.
But this generational shift isn’t just about numerical dominance. It’s also about political unpredictability.
While the youth have progressive leanings, they aren’t neatly aligned with Labor. The Greens are gaining ground and there are signs of a subset of younger men drifting right.
This makes them both a decisive and volatile force. So how might they vote?
The climbing Greens vote
According to the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC), youth enrolment (18–24-year-olds) at the end of March 2025 stood at 90.4%. This surpasses the national youth enrolment rate target of 87%.
Further analysis of enrolment data shows electorates with the highest proportion of voters under 30 saw unprecedented support for the Greens in 2022, with the party topping the vote share in four of the youngest seats.
Elsewhere, electorates with a high youth vote became battlegrounds, with Labor facing its fiercest competition not from the Liberals, but from the Greens.
Take Canberra, for example. A historically safe Labor seat was a comfortable Labor retain, but Greens’ primary vote reached nearly 25%, pushing the Liberals out of the two party-preferred calculations entirely.
This year, the main contest for the youth vote will likely be between Labor and the Greens.
Capturing young hearts and minds
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese knows how important these voters are. In a bid to retain the youth vote, he is already sweetening the deal for them, dangling higher education reforms like election cookies.
If re-elected, Labor promises a 20% cut to student loan debt by June 1. The government also plans a higher income threshold before repayments begin, and an expansion of fee-free TAFE places to 100,000 per year from 2027.
This underscores the significance of youth issues in shaping their political behaviour. Young Australians are issue-based voters, with housing affordability, employment, and climate change topping their concerns, according to the 2024 Australian Youth Barometer.
They’re acutely aware of intergenerational inequality. They’re paying more tax than their parents did, while facing skyrocketing housing, education, and living costs. Financial anxiety runs deep, with 62% believing they’ll be worse off than their parents.
Yet, they see lack of sincere government action to address their struggles.
Not doing enough
Take housing affordability – a red-hot issue in the past three years. A bitter parliamentary standoff last year saw Labor and the Greens locked in negotiations over housing policy.
The Greens criticised the government’s Build to Rent and Help to Buy schemes, calling for tougher reforms. They wanted rent caps, the winding back negative gearing and phasing out $176 billion in tax breaks for property investors.
Such parliamentary gridlocks are unsavoury to voters, but the rent cap debate could have given the Greens an edge among young people, most of whom are renters.
Youth trust in the Albanese government has slipped since 2022, according to the first wave of the ANU 2025 Election Monitoring Survey. Perceptions of politicking over important issues like housing could be part of the reason why.
Divided by gender
Another fault line in the youth vote is the gender divide.
There are signs of a right-wing shift among young men, much like in Donald Trump’s America. According to The Australian Financial Review/Freshwater Strategy poll in November 2024, 37% of men aged 18–34 back opposition leader Dutton, compared to just 27% of women.
Pollsters point to young, non-university educated voters in the outer suburbs and regions as potential disruptors. They’re volatile, disillusioned and more likely to vote against a system they feel has failed them.
This trend is harder to spot in aggregate data, likely due to compulsory voting, but studies suggest a subset of men with economic grievances – particularly blue-collar workers – are drawn to anti-government rhetoric and the discourse of white male victimhood.
Many express nostalgia for traditional masculinity and feel alienated by progressive social shifts. Such a perception leads to a “backlash” against these changes.
This resentment plays out well online. Trump, for example, has mobilised young men by mastering direct communication through digital media and podcasts, and Dutton seems to be taking notes.
So a lot hinges on the online battleground. It’s about reaching all types of young voters with relatable, political messaging.
The days of one-size-fits-all political advertising are over. Younger voters consume media differently, making political messaging more about influencers than traditional advertising.
Major parties need to step up their game in digital-first platforms, moving beyond mere presence on social media to crafting compelling, digital-first content.
Grassroots and community-driven campaigning, both online and on the ground, can bridge the disconnect. The Greens’ success in Brisbane proved this, with young, personable candidates engaging directly.
Meanwhile, the establishment parties are lacking young, relatable leaders who can tell stories that resonate.
Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Recent royal commissions and inquiries into Crown and Star casino groups attracted much media attention. Most of this was focused on money laundering and other illegalities.
The Victorian royal commission found widespread evidence that Crown also took advantage of vulnerable people.
The regulatory framework that in large part allows this to occur is known as “responsible gambling”.
This is supposed to protect people from experiencing gambling harm. Crown and Star, like other gambling venues, are required to adopt such codes.
Royal Commissioner Ray Finkelstein, overseeing the Victorian Crown inquiry, was scathing in his assessment of Crown’s implementation:
Crown Melbourne had for years held itself out as having a world’s best approach to problem gambling. Nothing can be further from the truth.
Unfortunately, Finkelstein’ comments about Crown could readily be made about most other gambling operators.
How it all began
The responsible gambling framework was developed by gambling operators as a way of deflecting attention from the serious harm of gambling.
The document that arguably consolidated this was prepared in 2004 by a group of gambling researchers gathered, naturally, in Reno, Nevada (close to Las Vegas, the spiritual home of gambling excesses).
This document argued the choice to gamble should be left to people and no external organisation should interfere with this.
Now, responsible gambling is cemented in law, regulation, and practice. It is the overwhelming frame for gambling operators, governments and regulators to conceal gambling’s downside.
Stacking the odds
Responsible gambling depicts gambling harm as an issue for a small minority of people: so-called problem gamblers.
So from this perspective, any issues with gambling are issues with people.
But little if any attention is devoted to the environment in which gambling is available. Often, even less is devoted to examining the nature of gambling products.
Codes of conduct, for example, argue it is possible to intervene at a venue when a gambler shows signs of distress, or has a gambling disorder. While this is theoretically possible, the problem is to do so would rob venue operators of their most lucrative customers.
Another major element is self-exclusion: an opportunity for people (or in some states their relatives) to ban themselves from gambling at particular venues.
This is, again, fine in theory. But it has generally been poorly enforced at “bricks and mortar” venues.
There are two fundamental issues with this approach:
those who self-exclude are very much in the minority of those with gambling problems
self-exclusion is generally undertaken only by those who are at rock-bottom. It is not a preventive approach.
The other major intervention in the responsible gambling coda is treatment.
Gambling treatment services are available and free via Gamblers Help but fewer than 10% of those who might benefit from treatment actually seek it.
Unfortunately, attrition rates for counselling are high, so both the lack of help-seeking and the attrition rates when help is sought are at least partially attributable to another side effect of the responsible gambling mantra: shame and stigma, which are commonly reported by those struggling with gambling disorders.
The blame game
Responsible gambling effectively blames people for getting into trouble.
It argues problem gamblers are far outnumbered by “responsible gamblers”, and deflects attention away from the highly addictive nature of many gambling products.
It largely absolves operators of responsibility, while maintaining their revenues and stigmatising those who bear the consequences.
As it does all this, it also provides a smokescreen of concern, a suggestion that gambling operators and governments care about gambling harm.
Ideas for the future
The best way to curb gambling harm is to view it as a public health problem.
Public health is generally focused on prevention (think vaccines and clean water). At this stage, the most likely effective preventive intervention is what is known as pre-commitment, which uses technology to allow people to determine the amount of money they want to gamble.
High-intensity gambling products rely on people becoming highly immersed in the product. Gamblers call this “the zone” – which limits or negates a person’s ability to make rational decisions.
But pre-commitment systems allow this choice to be made outside of “the zone”.
Pre-commitment and cashless systems are now required for casinos in NSW and Victoria, and shortly in Queensland, as recommended by the Crown and Star inquiries.
These are welcome steps but much more is needed.
A long overdue change
Responsible gambling has allowed gambling operators to self-regulate and blame people for harmful gambling practices.
It has made gambling businesses – casinos, wagering companies, pokie pubs and clubs – extraordinary profitable. But this has come at considerable cost to hundreds of thousands of Australians, and their families and friends.
Ditching the responsible gambling mantra is long overdue. Along with effective interventions to prevent harm, doing so will dramatically reduce the damage that gambling does.
Charles Livingstone has received funding from the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, the (former) Victorian Gambling Research Panel, and the South Australian Independent Gambling Authority (the funds for which were derived from hypothecation of gambling tax revenue to research purposes), from the Australian and New Zealand School of Government and the Foundation for Alcohol Research and Education, and from non-government organisations for research into multiple aspects of poker machine gambling, including regulatory reform, existing harm minimisation practices, and technical characteristics of gambling forms. He has received travel and co-operation grants from the Alberta Problem Gambling Research Institute, the Finnish Institute for Public Health, the Finnish Alcohol Research Foundation, the Ontario Problem Gambling Research Committee, the Turkish Red Crescent Society, and the Problem Gambling Foundation of New Zealand. He was a Chief Investigator on an Australian Research Council funded project researching mechanisms of influence on government by the tobacco, alcohol and gambling industries. He has undertaken consultancy research for local governments and non-government organisations in Australia and the UK seeking to restrict or reduce the concentration of poker machines and gambling impacts, and was a member of the Australian government’s Ministerial Expert Advisory Group on Gambling in 2010-11. He is a member of the Lancet Public Health Commission into gambling, and of the World Health Organisation expert group on gambling and gambling harm. He made a submission to and appeared before the HoR Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs inquiry into online gambling and its impacts on those experiencing gambling harm.
Source: United States Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)
Padilla, Schiff, Reed Call on Trump Administration to Reverse Plans to Defund Libraries and Museums
Senators: “The consequences of eliminating IMLS will be devastating for states, local communities, and the millions of Americans who rely on these institutions every day”
WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senators Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Jack Reed (D-R.I.), and 23 lawmakers expressed serious concerns regarding President Trump’s call to eliminate the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS), which was created by a Republican-led Congress in 1996 and is the only federal agency dedicated to supporting the nation’s libraries and museums. In the letter, the lawmakers called on the Administration to ensure there is continued funding in accordance with federal law for libraries and museums and to reverse any actions that jeopardize their provision of critical services on which many communities rely on.
“The consequences of eliminating IMLS will be devastating for states, local communities, and the millions of Americans who rely on these institutions every day. These institutions are critical pillars of educational opportunity, cultural preservation, civic engagement, and economic development in our communities,” wrote the lawmakers.
“We urge you to uphold the law, immediately disburse all LSTA grant funding to our states, including California, Connecticut and Washington, and reverse any actions that jeopardize the future of the libraries and museums our communities rely on,” concluded the lawmakers.
Libraries serve as essential lifelines for families, students, and workers throughout California providing literacy programs, access to technology, job training, small business support, and more.
In addition to Senators Padilla, Schiff, and Reed, the letter is also signed by U.S. Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), and Peter Welch (D-Vt.). In the U.S. House of Representatives, this letter is signed by Representatives Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.-14), Julia Brownley (D-Calif.-26), Scott Peters (D-Calif.-50), Jim Costa (D-Calif.-21), Raul Ruiz (D-Calif.-25), Juan Vargas (D-Calif.-52), Mark Takano (D-Calif.-39), George Whitesides (D-Calif.-27), Mike Thompson (D-Calif.-04), Norma Torres (D-Calif.-35), Jimmy Gomez (D-Calif.-34), Lou Correa (D-Calif.-46), Salud Carbajal (D-Calif.-24), Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.-44), and Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.-18).
Full text of the letter is available here and below:
Dear Mr. Sonderling,
We write to express our serious concerns regarding President Trump’s call to eliminate the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS), the only federal agency dedicated to supporting the nation’s libraries and museums. On March 14, 2025 President Trump issued the Executive Order “Continuing the Reduction of the Federal Bureaucracy” which includes IMLS to be eliminated “to the maximum extent consistent with applicable law” and for IMLS to submit a report to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to confirm compliance. We are reminding the Administration of its obligation to fully execute the law as authorized by Congress under the Museum and Library Services Act (MLSA) of 2018 (PL 115-40), as signed by President Trump. Beginning on April 3, 2025, several grantees — including the states of California, Connecticut and Washington — received written notice from IMLS that their federal Fiscal Year 2024–25 grants under the Library Services and Technology Act (LSTA) had been terminated. We strongly urge the Administration to reverse these terminations and ensure continued funding in accordance with federal law.
For Fiscal Year 2024, Congress appropriated $294.8 million for IMLS, specifying funding should be allotted across the programs in the following manner:
Library Services Technology Act
Grants to States $180,000,000
Native American Library Services $5,763,000
National Leadership: Libraries $15,287,000
Laura Bush 21st Century Librarian $10,000,000
Museum Services Act
Museums for America $30,330,000
Native American/Native Hawaiian Museum Services $3,772,000
National Leadership: Museums $9,348,000
African American History and Culture Act $6,000,000
National Museum of the American Latino Act $6,000,000
Research, Analysis, and Data Collection $5,650,000
Program Administration $22,650,000
We expect the Administration to fully implement the Full-Year Continuing Appropriations and Extensions Act of 2025 consistent with the Fiscal Year 2024 allocations. We also urge the Administration to allow IMLS to continue to engage with and support libraries and museums as Congress intended and as authorized in the MLSA, including maintaining the expertise of the IMLS staff to carry out the functions of the agency.
Libraries and museums are deeply embedded in local communities across the country and millions of Americans rely on their services and programs, particularly the most rural and underserved areas. In 2024, IMLS funding reached 140,000 libraries and museums across all 50 states and U.S. territories. Public, school, academic, and specialty libraries provide a wide range of local services such as summer reading programs for youth, high-speed internet, workforce training, and support for small businesses. Libraries are especially vital for low-income families, students, and workers who depend on them for free access to technology, educational resources, and job search support. In California, local libraries serve as critical lifelines for families experiencing homelessness and those displaced by natural disasters, offering space for community gathering and access to emergency information. Every year, more than 1.2 billion people visit libraries in-person—and they are deeply valued by the American public.
Museums serve as crucial sources of information for history, art, science, and culture and have broad public support. In fact, 96 percent of surveyed Americans believe lawmakers should support museums. Museums support more than 726,000 American jobs and contribute $50 billion to the U.S. economy every year. Beyond their cultural significance, museums play a vital role in education, offering hands-on learning opportunities for students of all ages and providing resources that supplement school curricula, especially in underserved communities. For states like California, Connecticut, and Washington, museums are essential pillars of local identity, tourism, and community development.
The consequences of eliminating IMLS will be devastating for states, local communities, and the millions of Americans who rely on these institutions every day. These institutions are critical pillars of educational opportunity, cultural preservation, civic engagement, and economic development in our communities.
As such, please provide us with a written response to the questions below no later than May 1, 2025.
How many IMLS employees have been fired, put on administrative leave, accepted the deferred resignation program offer, or accepted the Voluntary Early Retirement Authority or Voluntary Separation Incentive Payment offer since January 20, 2025? Please provide the number of employees in each category.
How many individuals are currently employed at the agency? Please provide their titles and duties.
How many of these employees were responsible for, or assisted in, administering grants?
Which officials at IMLS were involved in the staffing reduction decisions and what planning, if any, was undertaken prior to these reductions?
What factors are being used to determine the cancellation of grants, including the Grants to States funding?
Please provide a full list of cancelled grants, including the date of cancellation, type of grant, and dollar amount.
Please share what the agency’s “updated priorities” are and how grants are being assessed for alignment and plans for grant competitions in Fiscal Year 25.
Which officials at IMLS are involved in developing the report to the Director of OMB?
What are such officials’ expertise in IMLS administration and the Museum and Library Services Act statute?
Please share with Congress the report detailing the functions of IMLS and what is statutorily required and to what extent.
Museums and libraries are the cornerstone of our society that serve as protected spaces for people to learn, engage with their community, and build curiosity. We urge you to uphold the law, immediately disburse all awarded LSTA grant funding to our states, including California, Connecticut and Washington, and reverse any actions that jeopardize the future of the libraries and museums our communities rely on.
The PSA has settled litigation over the planned restructure of two key teams at Health NZ with an agreement to significantly amend planned cuts to roles and structures.
The settlement relates to proposed restructures of the Data and Digital and Pacific Health teams at Health New Zealand Te Whatu Ora which were subject to litigation before the Employment Relations Authority set down for 22 April 2025.
“We’re pleased the PSA’s legal action has resulted in a reversal of the some of the planned deep and damaging cuts, but we remain concerned that the cuts across the health system have already gone too far and too wide,” said Fleur Fitzsimons, National Secretary for the Public Service Association for Te Pūkenga Here Tikanga Mahi.
“This is ultimately all about patient care. Both teams play critical roles in ensuring the health system delivers for patients and communities and supports clinicians to do their job, so it was important changes were made.
“But it shouldn’t have taken legal action for Health NZ Te Whatu Ora to listen to what health workers were telling it about the risks to patient care and community health.”
Data and Digital staff ensure clinicians can access patient records 24/7, maintain ageing legacy systems, and are integrating new nationwide IT systems. Health NZ had been planning to almost halve the workforce including not filling hundreds of vacant roles.
“Our legal action has resulted in 175 roles being added back into these teams and for contractor roles to be available to employees and could mean that no staff are forced to be made redundant. This is positive as these people have skills our health system desperately needs.
“We reached a settlement because Health NZ was shedding too many highly skilled IT workers through early exit allowed under the restructure. We had to stop the bleed as these workers were critical to ensuring patient care was not put at risk from IT systems failing.
“While the settlement is welcome, the PSA is disappointed the Privacy Commissioner has refused to investigate cuts to Data and Digital given the risks to sensitive patient information and our concerns remain.”
For Pacific Health, a smaller reduction in the full-time workforce has been agreed with a net 22 roles going compared to 50 in the original proposal though many of the people affected will have priority for similar roles within Heath New Zealand. This is not ideal, but the unions feedback was taken on board including retaining regional partnerships and protecting some crucial administration roles. In addition, some workers, previously facing redundancy, will be redeployed elsewhere in the health system so they can carry on their important work.
“Today’s settlement underscores the value of a union taking on an employer which is following the Government’s direction to cut the health system regardless of the consequences.
“There are still other teams that are subject to restructuring – Health NZ is still under instruction from the Government to cut spending and the PSA is seeking legal advice about filing litigation against these proposals too.
“These constant cuts are not a recipe for a health system that properly delivers the timely and effective health care New Zealanders expect and the PSA will be strongly resisting all further cuts.”
Background on litigation
The PSA filed legal proceedings in the Employment Relations Authority in February because several proposed restructures breached the Code of Good Faith for the public health sector, the Employment Relations Act 2000, collective agreements and Te Mauri o Rongo – NZ Health Charter.
Last month the PSA agreed a settlement with Health NZ stopping the restructuring of the National Public Health Service and two directorates in the Planning Funding and Outcomes business unit – Data and Analytics and Community Mental Health Funding and Investment
Litigation remains in place for two other business units of Planning Funding and Outcomes – Procurement and Supply Chain and Systems Improvement and Innovation.
CAMP H.M. SMITH, Hawaii — The United States Army Pacific (USARPAC) and the Army Futures Command executed Project Convergence Capstone 5 (PC-C5) in April 2025. This world-class, iterative experimentation exercise was designed to fully integrate the future capabilities of joint and multinational Allies and partners while assessing advanced warfighting concepts across all domains – space, cyber, air, land, and sea. PC-C5 represents a pivotal step in shaping the future of Multi-Domain Operations (MDO).
The US District Court for the District of Columbia has granted a preliminary injunction in Widakuswara v Lake, affirming the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) was unlawfully shuttered by the Trump administration, Acting Director Victor Morales and Special Adviser Kari Lake.
The decision enshrines that USAGM must fulfill its legally required functions and protects the editorial independence of Voice of America (VOA) journalists and other federal media professionals within the agency and newsrooms that receive grants from the agency, such as Radio Free Asia and others with implications for independent media in the Asia-Pacific region.
Journalists, federal workers, and unions celebrate this important step in defending this critical agency, First Amendment rights, resisting unlawful political interference in public broadcasting, and ensuring USAGM workers can continue to fulfill their congressionally mandated function, reports the News Guild-CWA press union.
“Today’s ruling is a victory for the rule of law, for press freedom and journalistic integrity, and for democracy worldwide,” said the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) national president Everett Kelley.
“The Trump administration’s illegal attempt to shutter Voice of America and other outlets under the US Agency for Global Media was a transparent effort to silence the voices of patriotic journalists and professionals who have dedicated their careers to spreading the truth and fighting propaganda from lawless authoritarian regimes.
“This preliminary injunction will allow these employees to get back to work as we continue the fight to preserve their jobs and critical mission.”
President Lee Saunders of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees AFSCME), the largest trade union of public employees in the United States, said: “Today’s ruling is a major win for AFSCME members and Voice of America workers who have dedicated their careers to reporting the truth and spreading freedom to millions across the world.
Judge’s message clear “The judge’s message is clear — this administration has no right to unilaterally dismantle essential agencies simply because they do not agree with their purpose.
“We celebrate this decision and will continue to work with our partners to ensure that the Voice of America is restored.”
“Journalists hold power to account and that includes the Trump administration,” said NewsGuild-CWA president Jon Schleuss. “This injunction orders the administration to reverse course and restore the Congressionally-mandated news broadcasts of Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and other newsrooms broadcasting to people who hope for freedom in countries where that is denied.”
“We are gratified by today’s ruling. This is another step in the process to restore VOA to full operation.” said government accountability project senior counsel David Seide.
“VOA is more than just an iconic brand with deep roots in American and global history; it is a vital, living force that provides truth and hope to those living under oppressive regimes.” Image: Getty/The Conversation
“Today’s ruling marks a significant victory for press freedom and for the dedicated women and men who bring it to life — our clients, the journalists, executives, and staff of Voice of America,” said Andrew G. Celli, Jr., founding partner at Emery Celli Brinckerhoff Abady Ward & Maazel LLP and counsel for the plaintiffs.
“VOA is more than just an iconic brand with deep roots in American and global history; it is a vital, living force that provides truth and hope to those living under oppressive regimes.
“We are thrilled that its voice — a voice for the voiceless — will once again be heard loud and clear around the world.
Powerful affirmation of rule of law “This decision is a powerful affirmation of the rule of law and the vital role that independent journalism plays in our democracy. The court’s action protects independent journalism and federal media professionals at Voice of America as we continue this case, and reaffirms that no administration can silence the truth without accountability,” said Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, co-counsel for the plaintiffs.
“We are proud to be with workers, unions and journalists in resisting political interference against independent journalism and will continue to fight for transparency and our democratic values.”
“Today’s decision is another necessary step in restoring the rule of law and correcting the injustices faced by the workers, reporters, and listeners of Voice of America and US Agency for Global Media,” said former Ambassador Norm Eisen, co-founder and executive chair of the State Democracy Defenders Fund.
“By granting this preliminary injunction, the court has reaffirmed the legal protections afforded to these civil servants and halted an attempt to undermine a free and independent press. We are proud to represent this resilient coalition and support the cause of a free and fair press.”
“This decision is a powerful affirmation of the role that independent journalism plays in advancing democracy and countering disinformation. From Voice of America to Radio Free Asia and across the US Agency for Global Media, these networks are essential tools of American soft power — trusted sources of truth in places where it is often scarce,” said Tom Yazdgerdi, president of the American Foreign Service Association.
“By upholding editorial independence, the court has protected the credibility of USAGM journalists and the global mission they serve.”
A critical victory “We’re very pleased that Judge Lamberth has recognised that the Trump administration acted improperly in shuttering Voice of America,” said Clayton Weimers, executive director of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) USA.
“The USAGM must act immediately to implement this ruling and put over 1300 VOA employees back to work to deliver reliable information to their audience of millions around the world.”
While only the beginning of what may be a long, hard-fought battle, the court’s decision to grant a preliminary injunction marks a critical victory — not just for VOA journalists, but also for federal workers and the unions that represent them.
It affirms that the rule of law still protects those who speak truth to power.
This photo shows a charging station powered by the solar array at an industrial park in Liyang, a county-level city under Changzhou in east China’s Jiangsu Province, April 17, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua] Along a nearly-500-meter asphalt road shaded by a glimmering canopy of photovoltaic panels, new energy vehicles travel back and forth. Some pull over at the roadside charging station powered by the solar array. This eco-friendly scene, especially fitting on Tuesday, the 56th Earth Day, is part of a broader zero-carbon initiative at a 100-hectare industrial park in Liyang, a county-level city under Changzhou in east China’s Jiangsu Province. Since beginning operations in June last year, the park has installed around 77,000 square meters of photovoltaic panels, generating 5.2 million kilowatt-hours of green electricity annually. To achieve net-zero carbon emissions, the park is diversifying its clean energy sources to include wind and hydro power, according to Li Jie, general manager of State Grid Liyang Electric Vehicle Service Company, one of the park’s key developers. Carbon-free industrial parks aim to achieve zero carbon emissions by integrating clean energy, green architecture, smart management systems and circular economy practices. China’s Central Economic Work Conference, which outlined the national priorities for 2025, called for ramped-up efforts to promote a green transition across all sectors, including the establishment of a group of zero-carbon industrial parks. According to Wu Wei, an associate professor at the China Institute for Studies in Energy Policy at Xiamen University, such parks not only drive low-carbon development but also enhance enterprises’ innovation capability, energy efficiency and informatization level, serving as a key engine for China’s high-quality economic growth. Zero-carbon practices power ahead According to the city’s action plan, Changzhou aims to build more than 10 near-zero-carbon parks and more than 15 near-zero-carbon factories from 2024 to 2026. Among the pioneers in this plan is Nari-Relays Electric (NR Electric), a local power electronics company. By leveraging AI and cloud computing to monitor and optimize energy use in real time — from water and electricity consumption to photovoltaic output and environmental conditions — the company has cut over 21,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions and saved nearly 7,300 tonnes of standard coal since 2023. Thanks to these efforts, the cost reduction and efficiency improvement have saved NR Electric nearly 20 million yuan (about 2.77 million U.S. dollars), according to the company. As microgrids are a cornerstone of zero-carbon parks’ operation, Changzhou has completed 39 microgrid projects with a total investment of 1.18 billion yuan and plans to construct more such projects in the coming years. Beyond Changzhou, moves to go carbon-free are gaining momentum across China. In 2022, Shanghai released an action plan for a zero-carbon demonstration park in its Minhang District. In 2024, a plan was unveiled to build a zero-carbon park in Beijing’s Daxing District. Provinces and regions like Guangxi, Yunnan and Fujian have included zero-carbon park construction in their 2025 government work reports. China has pledged to peak carbon emissions by 2030 and reach carbon neutrality by 2060. With the advancement of the dual carbon goals, it is expected to see a surge in zero-carbon parks in 2025, said Ding Hong, vice president of Jiangsu’s provincial society of the urban economy. “Advances in distributed solar photovoltaics, energy storage and smart energy management platforms will significantly lower costs of zero-carbon parks’ construction and operation, and profoundly change China’s energy utilization mode,” Ding said. Low-carbon innovations go global In Jiangsu’s Suzhou Industrial Park, a joint China-Singapore zero-energy building fitted with rooftop photovoltaic panels, small wind turbines and an AI-controlled lighting and climate system showcases the possibilities of future urban architecture. Built using sustainable materials, the structure is part of the China-Singapore Green Digital Hub, a 6.7-billion-yuan project launched last November to boost green industries and emerging services. According to Li Wenjie, deputy director of the institute of urban development at Suzhou Industrial Park, the zero-energy building has been certified by standards organizations in both the United States and Singapore. “This highlights that China’s carbon reduction technologies have gained worldwide recognition,” he noted. China’s green technologies are now reaching global markets. NR Electric, for example, has provided energy storage solutions to over 30 countries, including Britain, Japan and Saudi Arabia. At Britain’s Richborough Energy Park, its technology has helped reduce carbon emissions by over 10,000 tonnes — the greatest reduction among all battery energy-storage projects in the country in 2024. Currently, China is collaborating on green energy projects with over 100 countries and regions. According to the International Renewable Energy Agency, the average global cost per megawatt-hour for wind power has plummeted over the last decade by over 60 percent, and by 80 percent for solar power. China has made remarkable progress in its green transition and technologies, said Erik Berglof, chief economist at the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, during this year’s Boao Forum for Asia held in late March. He noted that its journey offers a blueprint for sustainable development that other countries can follow.
